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A Story of the Part Played by the American 
Indian in the History of Pennsylvania, 
Based Primarily on the Pennsylvania 
Archives and Colonial Records, and Built 
Around the Outstanding Chiefs 


of the Pittsburgh and Butler Bars, Member of the History 

ical Society of Pennsylvania, Historical Society of 

Western Pennsylvania; Author of "Mount 

Vernon and the Washington 

Family", and "A History 

of Butler County". 

With Introduction by 

Former Secretary of the Pennsylvania Historical Commission and; 
State Librarian; Collaborator of the "Handbook of American 
Indians", and Author of "Pennsylvania — A History". * 





Copyrighted 1927 


C. Hale Sipe 
Printed in the United States of America. 

If not obtainable from your dealer, this book will be sent postpaid 


To the Memory of his Sainted Mother, 

from Whom he Inherited a Love 

for the History of Pennsylvania, 

this Book is Reverently 

Dedicated by 

The Author 


By Dr. George P. Donehoo, 
Former State Librarian of Pennsylvania 

The early Indian history of Pennsylvania is, in many respects, 
of more interest and importance in the development of Anglo- 
Saxon civilization and settlement on the continent, than that of 
any other section of the United States. 

The real importance of this period in the history of Pennsyl- 
vania is little realized by students of history, because it has been 
given but scant attention by historical writers who have dealt 
with the larger field of the United States. 

To a very large extent, the entire Indian "problem" of the 
Colonies was worked out within the boundaries of Pennsylvania, 
or by Pennsylvanians outside of these boundaries. The Indian 
Councils held in New York, Maryland, Virginia, and later in Ohio, 
were, to a marked degree, dominated by Pennsylvania influence. 
The most influential Indian diplomats and chiefs, such as Canas- 
satego, Tanacharison, Scarouady, Shikellamy and Peter Chartier, 
were directly connected with the policy of the Provincial Council, 
and the influence of such men as William Penn, Richard Peters, 
Conrad Weiser, George Croghan in the field of Indian Affairs, was 
almost unbounded. It may be safely said that the entire "Indian 
problem" of the Colonies, at the most critical period in American 
history, had to be solved by Pennsylvanians. With the exception 
of Sir William Johnson, of New York, all of the men who were 
prominent during this period were Pennsylvanians. It would be 
possible to carry this influence far beyond the limits of this period 
in the work and influence of such men as Daniel Boone, Sam 
Huston, George R. Clark and many others. 

From the outbreak of the French and Indian War, in 1755, 
during the long years of Border Wars and the American Revolu- 
tion, to the Treaty of Greenville, made by General Anthony 
Wayne, the "Indian problem" was practically in the hands of 
Pennsylvanians. The physical reason for this was because Penn- 
sylvania was the Gateway to Ohio, Indiana and the West, as well 
as to Kentucky and the South. The Ohio river, having its head- 
waters in Pennsylvania, was the great trail to the Mississippi and 
to the French possessions in Louisiana. The vast territory through 


which this great stream flowed was more easily reached from Penn- 
sylvania than from any of the other Colonies, and, notwithstand- 
ing the claims of New England historians, this great stream became 
the highway over which the Pennsylvania influence and not that of 
New England, reached to the uttermost limits of the Continent, 
founding new settlements and then moulding the institutions 
wherever it went. 

A knowledge of this early Indian period in the history of 
Pennsylvania is essential to a right understanding of the history of 
Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky, Texas, as well as to a comprehensive 
understanding of the history of the Nation. Nearly all of the early 
expeditions into the Indian country beyond the Ohio, as well as 
nearly all of the first companies of settlers in Ohio, Indiana and far 
distant Texas, were made up of Pennsylvanians. The expeditions 
of Colonel William Crawford, General Arthur St. Clair, General 
George R. Clark, General Anthony Wayne and many others of 
lesser fame were made up chiefly, if not entirely, of Pennsyl- 

The migration of the Lenape, or Delaware, from the Atlantic 
to the Susquehanna and then to the Ohio, taking with it the warlike 
and powerful Shawnee, had a far reaching influence in the develop- 
ment of civilization of the Continent. These two dominant tribes 
carried after them the great train of Indian traders from Pennsyl- 
vania, who roamed as far northward as Detroit and as far west- 
ward as the Mississippi. The presence of these traders in the 
territory claimed by France was the underlying cause of the French 
and Indian War, which was the first in the series of events resulting 
in the birth of the United States. With all of these events which 
were taking place, the migration of the Indians, the Indian trade, 
the rivalry between France and Great Britain, the building of the 
French forts, and then the long fight for possession of the Conti- 
nent, Pennsylvania was directly related. 

The period of Border Wars in Pennsylvania is one of the most 
thrilling and bloody chapters in American history. Pennsylvania 
suffered more than did any of the other Colonies during this long 
period stretching from 1755 to 1795. The massacre at Penn's 
Creek, 1755, marks its actual commencement and the Treaty at 
Greenville, in 1795, marks its ending. During this period of forty 
years, Pennsylvania was engaged in an unbroken war with the 
Indians, and during that time the soil of the Province and then of 
the State was literally drenched with blood. Years after a new 
Nation had been born, and after peace had come to the settlements 


east of the Alleghenies, the settlers on the Ohio were still fighting 
to hold what they possessed, and it was not until General Anthony 
Wayne finally conquered the Indians, that peace came to the har- 
ried frontiers of Pennsylvania. 

The author of this introductory note has long been a student 
of this vital and romantic period of Pennsylvania history. For 
many years he has made the period of Indian occupation and the 
conflict of the Indian with the white man a special field of investi- 
gation. He feels that the work, so well done by Mr. Sipe, is a 
most valuable contribution to the written history of this period. 
When Mr. Sipe had written a part of his history of "The Indian 
Chiefs of Pennsylvania", he wrote to the author of this introduc- 
tion saying that if its publication in book form would in any way 
interfere with anything which he had in mind, he would stop 
work. The author replied to this very gracious letter, urging Mr. 
Sipe to go on with his work and to publish it. After having read 
the entire manuscript which Mr. Sipe has prepared with infinite 
care, the writer is glad that he has such a worthy fellow-worker in 
the field of Indian history of Pennsylvania. His methods have 
been truly scientific and scholarly, and, as a result the book is 
accurate and reveals an immense amount of careful research for all 
of the material used. 

The book is a real contribution to the vitally important and 
thrillingly romantic period of the history of Pennsylvania. 

George P. Donehoo. 

Principal Sources Utilized in the 
Preparation of this Work 

Archives of Pennsylvania. 
Colonial Records of Pennsylvania. 
Egle's History of Pennsylvania. 

Gordon's History of Pennsylvania. 

Day's Historical Collections. 

Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania. 

Pennvpacker's Pennsylvania, the Key- 

Loudon's Indian Narratives. 

Rupp's County Histories. 

Magazines of the Historical Society of 

Egle's Notes and Queries. 

Miner's History of Wyoming. 

Jenkin's Pennsylvania, Colonial and Fed- 

Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution. 

On the Frontier with Colonel Antes. 

Meginness' Otzinachson. 

Linn's Annals of Buffalo Valley. 

Hassler's Old Westmoreland. 

Fisher's Making of Pennsylvania. 

McCIure's Old Time Notes. 

Parkman's Works. 

Jones' Juniata Valley. 

H anna's Wilderness Trail. 

March's History of Pennsylvania. 

Smith's History of Armstrong County. 

Veech's Monongahela of Old. 

Mc Knight's Pioneer History of North- 
western Pennsylvania. 

Conover's Journal of the Military Ex- 
pedition of Major-General Sullivan 
against the Six Nations of New York 
in 1779. 

Craig's The Olden Time. 

Darlington's Fort Pitt and Letters from 
the Frontier. 

Darlington's Christopher Gist's Journals. 

Hodge's Handbook of American Indians. 

Hulhert's Historic Highways of America. 

Rupp's Early History of Western Penn- 
sylvania and the West. 

Thvvaites' Early Western Travels. 

Thwaites' Documentary History of Lord 
Dunmore's War. 

Walton's Conrad Weiser and the Indian 
Policy of Colonial Pennsylvania. 

Withers' Chronicles of Border Warfare. 

Craig's History of Pittsburgh. 

Cort's Henry Bouquet. 

Keith's Chronicles of Pennsylvania. 

Boucher's History of Westmoreland 

Albert's History of Westmoreland Coun- 
Donehoo's Pennsylvania — A History. 
DeSchweinitz's Life of David Zeisberger. 
Espenshade's Pennsylvania Place Names. 
Heckewelder's Works. 

Mann's Life of Henry Melchior Muhlen- 

Father Lambing's Works. 

Butterfield's Washington-Irvine Corres- 

Washington's Journal. 

Celeron's Journal. 

Colden's History of the Five Nations. 

Volwiler's George Croghan. 

Johnson's Swedish Settlements on the 

Laskiel's History of the Mission of the 
United Brethren Among the Indians 
of North America. 

Patterson's History of the Backwoods. 

Doddridge's Settlement and Indian Wars 
of Virginia and Pennsylvania. 

Godcharles' Daily Stories of Pennsyl- 

Sawvel's Logan, the Mingo. 

And Others. 



Chapter I — A View of the Indian Tribes Inhabiting Penn- 
sylvania 1 3 

Chapter II — A View of the Indian Tribes Inhabiting Penn- 
sylvania (Continued) 21 

Chapter III — Mattahorn and Naaman 46 

Chapter IV — Tamanend 57 

Chapter V — Opessah and His Son, Loyparcowah 64 

Chapter VI — Oretyagh, Ocowellos, and Captain Civility 74 

Chapter VII — Sassoonan, or Allumapees 88 

Chapter VIII — Kakowatcheky, Peter Chartier, Kishacoquillas 

and Neucheconneh 102 

Chapter IX— Shikellamy 122 

Chapter X — Shikellamy (Continued) 134 

Chapter XI — Shikellamy (Continued) 151 

Chapter XII — Nutimus and Manawkyhickon 165 

Chapter XIII — Tanacharison, the Half King 179 

Chapter XIV — Tanacharison, the Half King, (Continued) 198 

Chapter XV— Scarouady 213 

Chapter XVI — Scarouady (Continued) 232 

Chapter XVII — Queen Allaquippa, Canachquasy, Paxinosa 255 

Chapter XVII I— Captain Jacobs 269 

Chapter XIX — Shingas, King Beaver, and Pisquetomen 287 

Chapter XX — Madam Montour and her son, Andrew Mon- 

* tour 310 

Chapter XXI — Teedyuscung 326 

Chapter XXII — Teeduscung (Continued) 34b 

Chapter XXII 1 — Guyasuta 371 

Chapter XXI V— Guyasuta (Continued) 392 

Chapter XXV— New Comer, White Eyes, and Killbuck 409 

Chapter XXVI — Captain Pipe and Glikkikan 420 

Chapter XXVI I— Cornstalk 433 

Chapter XXVIII— Logan, Chief of the Mingoes 437 

Chapter XXIX— Bald Eagle 449 

Chapter XXX— Cornplanter 458 

Chapter XXXI — Indian Events in Pennsylvania During the 

Revolutionary War 473 

Chapter XXXII — Indian Events in Pennsylvania During the 

Revolutionary War (Continued) 495 

Chapter XXXI II — Last of Indian Outrages in Pennsylvania.... 524 

Chapter XXXIV — Wayne's Victory and Final Peace 546 

Chronological Table .551 

Index 561 


A View of the Indian Tribes 
Inhabiting Pennsylvania 

HEN the historic curtain first rises on the region embraced 
within the bounds of Pennsylvania, we find its remote 
and awful solitudes inhabited by a number of Indian 
tribes which it is the purpose of the first two chapters of 
this book briefly to describe. Here, along the streams and in the 
mountain valleys of our state, they had lived for generations lives 
full of romance, of love, of rivalry, of hatred, of tragedy. They 
roamed the hills and vales; they pursued the deer amid the forests; 
they paddled their bark canoes along the streams; they built their 
council-fires on the shore; they warred; they worshipped the 
Master of Life, and from their dusky bosoms went up many* a 
pure prayer to the Great Spirit. Thus, in the vast solitudes of 
nature, they had lived from remote ages, never dreaming that 
from afar would come a stronger race which would plant amid the 
wilderness the hamlet and the town, and cause cities to rise where 
the forest waved over the Red Man's home. 

Go where we may, in Pennsylvania, we are put in remem- 
brance of the great race that roamed the hills and vales of our 
state. Their council-fires have long since gone out on the shores 
of our rivers; they themselves have gone to the "Happy Hunting 
Ground"; but their names will linger on the mountains and 
streams of Pennsylvania to the end of time. 

"Ye say they have all pass'd away, 

That noble race and brave, — 
That their light canoes have vanish' d 

From off the crested wave; 
That 'mid the forest where they roam'd 

There rings no hunter's shout: 
But their name is on your waters; 

Ye may not wash it out. 

14 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

"Ye say their cone-like cabins, 

That cluster 'd o'er the vale, 
Have disappear 'd as ivither'd leaves 

Before the autumn gale; 
But their memory liveth on your hills, 

Their baptism on your shore, 
Your everlasting rivers speak 

Their dialect of yore." 


At the dawn of the historic period of Pennsylvania, we find 
the basin of the Delaware River inhabited by an Indian tribe 
called the Delawares, or Lenape. The English called them Dela- 
wares from the fact that, upon their arrival in this region, they 
found the council-fires of this tribe on the banks of the Delaware 
River. The French called them Loups, "wolves", a term probably 
first applied to the Mohicans, a kindred tribe, on the Hudson 
River in New York. However, in their own language, they were 
called Lenape, or Lenni-Lenape, meaning "real men", or "original 

The Lenape belonged to the great Algonquin family — by far 
the greatest Indian family in North America, measured by the 
extent of territory occupied. This family surrounded on all sides 
the Iroquoian family, of which we shall hereafter speak, and 
extended from Labrador westward through Canada to the Rocky 
Mountains and southward to South Carolina. It also extended 
westward through the Mississippi Valley to the Rocky Mountains. 
The most important tribes of this family were the Mohican, 
Massachuset, Miami, Sac and Fox, Ojibwa, Blackfoot, Illinois, 
Shawnee, and Lenape; and among the great personages of the 
Algonquins were King Philip, Pocahontas, Pontiac, Tecumseh, and 
Tamenend, the last of whom made the historic treaty with William 
Penn described in Chapter V. 

Traditional History of the Lenape 

The early traditional history of the Lenape is contained in 
their national legend, the Walum Olum. According to this sacred 
tribal history, the Lenape, in long ages past, lived in the vast 
region west of the Mississippi. For some reason not known, they 
left their western home, and, after many years of wandering east- 

A View of the Indian Tribes 15 

ward, reached the Namaesi Sipu, or Mississippi, where they fell 
in with the Mengwe, or Iroquois, who had likewise emigrated from 
the distant West in search of a new home, and had arrived at this 
river at a point somewhat higher up. The spies sent forward by 
the Lenape for the purpose of reconnoitering, had discovered, be- 
fore the arrival of the main body, that the region east of the 
Mississippi was inhabited by a powerful nation called the 
Talligewi, or Alligewi, whose domain reached eastward to the 
Allegheny Mountains, which together with the beautiful Allegheny 
River, are named for this ancient race. The Alligewi had many 
large towns on the rivers of the Mississippi and Ohio valleys, and 
had built innumerable mounds, fortifications and intrenchments, 
hundreds of which still remain, and are called the works of the 
"Mound Builders". Says Schoolcraft: "The banks of the Alle- 
gheny were, in ancient times, occupied by an important tribe, now 
unknown, who preceded the Delawares and Iroquois. They were 
called Alleghans (Alligewi) by Colden." It is related that the 
Alligewi were tall and stout, and that there were giants among 

When the Lenape arrived at the Mississippi, they sent a mes- 
sage to the Alligewi requesting that they be permitted to settle 
among them. This request was refused, but the Lenape obtained 
permission to pass through the territory of the Alligewi and seek 
a settlement farther to the eastward. They accordingly began to 
cross the Mississippi; but the Alligewi, seeing that their numbers 
were vastly greater than they had supposed, made a furious attack 
upon those who had crossed, and threatened the whole tribe with 
destruction, if they dared to persist in crossing to the eastern side 
of the river. 

Angered by the treachery of the Alligewi and not being pre- 
pared for conflict, the Lenape consulted together as to whether 
they should make a trial of strength, and were convinced that the 
enemy were too powerful for them. Then the Mengwe, who had 
hitherto been spectators from a distance, offered to join the Lenape, 
on condition that, after conquering the Alligewi, they should be 
entitled to share in the fruits of the conquest. 

Having united their forces, the Lenape and the Mengwe de- 
clared war against the Alligewi, and started on their onward 
march eastward across the continent, gradually driving out the 
Alligewi, who fled down the Mississippi Valley never to return. 
This conquest lasted many years, during which the Lenape lost 
great numbers of their best warriors, while the Mengwe would 

16 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

always lag back in the rear leaving them to bear the brunt of 
battle. At the end, the conquerors divided the possessions of the 
defeated race; the Mengwe taking the country in the vicinity of 
the Great Lakes and their tributary streams, and the Lenape taking 
the land to the south. There has been much conjecture as to who 
the ancient Alligewi were, some historians believing them to have 
been the "Mound Builders," but most modern authorities believe 
them to have been identical with the Cherokees. 

For a long period, possibly many centuries, according to the 
Walum Olum, the Mengwe and Lenape resided peacefully in this 
country, and increased rapidly in population. Some of their 
hunters and warriors crossed the Allegheny Mountains, and, arriv- 
ing at the streams flowing eastward, followed them to the Susque- 
hanna River, and this stream to the ocean. Other enterprising 
pathfinders penetrated the wilderness to the Delaware River, and 
exploring still eastward, arrived at the Hudson. Some of these 
explorers returned to their nation and reported the discoveries they 
had made, describing the country as abounding in game and the 
streams as having an abundance of water-fowl and fish, with no 
enemy to be dreaded. 

The Lenape considered these discoveries as fortunate for them, 
and believed the newly found region to be the country destined for 
them by the Great Spirit as their permanent abode. Consequently 
they began to migrate thither, settling on the four great rivers, — the 
Susquehanna, the Potomac, the Delaware, and the Hudson. The 
Walum Olum states, however, that not all of the Lenape reached 
the eastern part of the United States, many of them having re- 
mained behind to assist a great body of their people who had not 
crossed the Mississippi, but had retreated into the interior of the 
country on the other side, on being informed of the treacherous 
attack of the Alligewi upon those who had attempted to cross this 
stream. It is further stated that another part of the Lenape re- 
mained near the eastern bank of the Mississippi. 

According to this traditional history, therefore, the Lenape 
nation finally became divided into three separate bodies; the part 
that had not crossed the Mississippi; the part that remained near 
the eastern bank of the Mississippi; and the part that settled on 
the four great eastern rivers above named. 

That branch of the Delawares which settled in the eastern part 
of the country divided into three divisions, or clans, — the Munsee, 
(later corrupted to Monsey), the Unami, and the Unalachtigo. 
These were called the Wolf, the Turtle, and the Turkey clans re- 

A View of the Indian Tribes 17 

spectively, from their respective animal types of totems. With 
these creatures which they had adopted as their symbols, they be- 
lieved themselves connected by a mystic and powerful tie. 

The Munsee (Wolf Clan), at the dawn of the historic period, 
were living in the mountain country, from about the mouth of the 
Lehigh River northward into New York and New Jersey, em- 
bracing the territory between the Blue or Kittatinny Mountains 
and the sources of the Susquehanna and Delaware rivers. A part 
of the tribe, also, dwelt on the Susquehanna, and still another part 
had a village and peach orchard near Nazareth in Northampton 
County, in the triangle between the Delaware and Lehigh. How- 
ever, their chief village was Minisink, in Sussex County, New 
Jersey. The Munsee were the most warlike of the Delawares; 
they took a prominent part in the Indian wars of Colonial Pennsyl- 
vania. Being defrauded out of their lands by the notorious 
"Walking Purchase" of 1737, which obliged them to move, first to 
the Susquehanna and then to the Ohio, they became the bitter 
enemies of the white man, and drenched the frontier settlements 
with the blood of the pioneers. The Munsee have frequently 
been considered a separate tribe, inasmuch as they differed greatly 
from the other clans of the Lenape, and spoke a different dialect. 

The Unami (Turtle Clan), "down river people", at the open- 
ing of the historic period dwelt on both sides of the Delaware from 
the mouth of the Lehigh to the line dividing the states of Pennsyl- 
vania and Delaware. Their chief village was Shackamaxon, which 
was probably the capital of the Lenape nation, and it stood on 
about the site of Germantown, a suburb of Philadelphia. The 
principal chief of the Unami was the "King" of the united Lenape 
nation, by immemorial custom presiding at all the councils of the 

The L'nalachtigo (Turkey Clan) "people living near the sea," 
at the opening of the historic period, occupied the land on the lower 
reach of the Delaware River and Delaware Bay. Their villages 
were on both sides of the river; and their chief village, or capital of 
the clan, was Chikoki, on the site of Burlington, New Jersey. 

From these three clans, or tribes, comprising the great body of 
the Delawares, have sprung many others, who, for their own 
convenience, chose distant parts in which to settle. Among 
these were the Mahicans, or Mohicans, who by intermarriage be- 
came a detached body, and crossing the Hudson River, dwelt in 
eastern New York and western Connecticut; and the Nanticokes, 
who had proceeded to the South, and settled in Maryland and Vir- 

18 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

It is to be noted, too, that the Delawares, by reason of priority 
of political rank and of occupying the central home territory from 
which the kindred tribes had diverged, were assigned special dig- 
nity and authority. It is said that forty tribes looked up to them 
with respect, and that, in the great councils of the Algonquins, 
they took first place as "grandfathers" of the race, while others 
were called by them "children", "grandchildren", and "nephews". 
It is not certain that this precedence of the Delawares had any 
importance within the period of white settlement, but it no doubt 
had in the far dim past. And it seems true that the Algonquin 
tribes refrained from war with one another. 


It will be remembered that, when the Lenape, or Delawares, 
and the Mengwe, or Iroquois, divided the country of the Alligewi 
between them, the Mengwe took the part in the vicinity of the 
Great Lakes and their tributary streams, north of the part taken 
by the Lenape. The Mengwe later proceeded farther and settled 
below the Great Lakes and along the St. Lawrence River, so that 
when the Lenape had moved to the eastern part of the United 
States, the Mengwe became their northern neighbors. The 
Mengwe now became jealous of the growing power of the Lenape, 
and finally assumed dominion over them. 

To the Moravian Missionary, Rev. John Heckewelder, who 
had lived among the Delawares for more than thirty years, they 
related how this dominion came about. The great chiefs of the 
Delawares stated to Heckewelder that the Mengwe clandestinely 
sought to start quarrels between the Lenape and distant tribes, 
hoping thus to break the might of the Lenape. Each nation had 
a particular mark on its war clubs, different from that of any 
other nation. So the Mengwe, having stolen into the Cherokee 
country and secretly murdered a Cherokee and left beside the 
victim a war club, such as the Lenape used, the Cherokees natur- 
ally concluded that the Lenape committed the murder, and fell 
suddenly upon them, and a long and bloody war ensued between 
the two nations. The treachery of the Mengwe having been at 
length discovered, the Lenape resolved upon the extermination of 
this deceitful tribe. War was declared against the Mengwe, and 
carried on with vigor, when the Mengwe, finding that they were 
no match for the powerful Lenape and their kindred tribes, resolv- 

A View of the Indian Tribes 19 

ed upon uniting their clans into a confederacy. Up until this 
time, each tribe of the Mengwe had acted independently of the 
others, and they had not been inclined to come under any supreme 
authority. Accordingly, about the year 1570, the Mengwe formed 
the great confederacy of their five kindred tribes, the Mohawks, 
the Oneidas, the Onondagas, the Cayugas, and the Senecas, known 
as the Five (later Six) Nations. 

Thus the Delawares claimed that the Iroquois Confederacy 
was formed for the purpose of preventing the extermination of the 
Mengwe by the Lenape. Other authorities say that the purpose 
was to end inter-tribal feud and war among the Mengwe, them- 
selves; to enable the allied tribes to make mutual offense and de- 
fense, and to advance their general welfare. Thannawage, it is 
claimed, was the aged Mohawk chief who first proposed the alli- 
ance. Other authorities say that Dekanawida, the Iroquois 
statesman, prophet and lawgiver, planned and formed the historic 
confederation; and that he was assisted in this work by his disciple 
and co-adjutor, Hiawatha, whose name has been immortalized by 
the poet, Longfellow, in his charming poem. It is to be noted, how- 
ever, that, while in "Hiawatha", Longfellow gave the English 
language one of its finest poems; yet, due to his adopting the error 
of Schoolcraft in applying to Hiawatha the myths and legends 
relating to the Chippewa deity, Manabozho, this poem does not 
contain a single fact or fiction relating to the great chieftain of the 

The following chiefs, also, assisted in forming the confederacy: 
Toganawita, representing the Onondagas; Togahayon, represent- 
ing the Cayugas; and Ganiatario and Satagaruyes, representing 
the Senecas. This confederacy is known in history as the Five 
Nations, until the Tuscaroras, a tribe having been expelled from 
North Carolina and Virginia in 1712 or 1713, and having sought an 
asylum among the Iroquois of Pennsylvania and New York, were 
formally admitted to the alliance in 1722, after which time the con- 
federacy is known as the Six Nations. The French gave the 
Indians of the confederacy the name of Iroquois, while the Dela- 
wares continued to call them Mengwe, later corrupted to Mingo. 
The Mohicans and the Dutch called them Maquas, while Powhatan 
called them Massawomekes. 

But, to resume the story which the Delawares told Hecke- 
welder. They said that, after the forming of the confederacy, 
very bloody wars were carried on between the Iroquois and them- 
selves in which they were generally successful, and while these wars 

20 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

were in progress, the French landed in Canada and combined 
against the Iroquois, inasmuch as the Five Nations were not will- 
ing that these Europeans should establish themselves in that 
country. At last the Mengwe, or Iroquois, seeing themselves be- 
tween two fires, and not seeing any prospect of conquering the 
Lenape by arms, resorted to a stratagem to secure dominion over 

The plan was to persuade the Lenape to abstain from the use 
of arms, and to assume the station of mediators and umpires 
among their warlike neighbors. In the language of the Indians, 
the Lenape were to be made "women". As explaining the signifi- 
cance of this expression, the Delawares said that wars among the 
Indians in those days were never brought to an end, but by the 
interference of the weaker sex. It was not considered becoming 
for a warrior to ask for peace. He must fight to the end. "With 
these dispositions, war would never have ceased among Indians, 
until the extermination of one or the other party, if the tender and 
compassionate sex had not come forward, and by their moving 
speeches, persuaded the enraged combatants to bury their hatchets, 
and make peace. On these occasions they were very eloquent . . . 
They would describe the sorrows of widowed wives, and, above all, 
of bereaved mothers. The pangs of child-birth, they had willingly 
suffered. They had carefully reared their sons to manhood. Then 
how cruel it was to see these promising youths fall victims to the 
rage of war, — to see them slaughtered on the field, or burned at the 
stake. The thought of such scenes made them curse their own 
existence and shudder at the thought of bearing children." 
Speeches like these generally had the desired effect, and the women, 
by the honorable function of peace-makers, held a very dignified 
position. Therefore, it would be a magnanimous and honorable 
act for a powerful nation like the Lenape to assume that station 
by which they would be the means of saving the Indian race from 

Such, according to Heckewelder, were the arguments used by 
the artful Iroquois to ensnare the Lenape. Unfortunately the 
Delawares listened to the voice of their enemies, and consented to 
become the "woman nation" among the Indians. With elaborate 
ceremonies, they were installed in their new function. Eloquent 
speeches were made, accompanied with belts of wampum. The 
place of the ceremony of "taking the hatchet out of the hand of the 
Lenape" and of placing them in the situation of "the woman" was 
at Nordman's Kill, about four miles south of Albany, New York. 

A View of the Indian Tribes 21 

The year of the alleged occurrence is unknown, but it is said to 
have been somewhere between 1609 and 1620. Both the Delawares 
and the Mohicans told Heckewelder that the Dutch were present 
at this ceremony and had no inconsiderable part in the intrigue, 
the Mohicans explaining that it was fear that caused the Dutch of 
New York to conspire with the Mengwe against the Lenape. It 
appears that, at the place where the Dutch were then making their 
settlement, great bodies of warriors would pass and repass, inter- 
rupting their undertakings; so that they thought it well to have an 
alliance with the Iroquois. Furthermore, the Delawares told 
Heckewelder that, when the English took New York from the 
Dutch, they stepped into the same alliance with the Iroquois that 
their predecessors had made. 

The Iroquois denied that such an intrigue as related above 
ever took place. They alleged, on the other hand, that they had 
conquered the Lenape in battle and had thus compelled them to 
become "women", — to submit to the greatest humiliation a spirited 
and warlike nation can suffer. Many historians believe that the 
Delawares imposed upon the venerable Rev. Heckewelder by in- 
venting a cunning tale in explanation of the humiliation under 
which they were smarting. Also, President William Henry Harri- 
son, in his "Aborigines of the Ohio Valley", gives the story of the 
Delawares little credence. He says that the Delawares were too 
sagacious a race to fall into such a snare as they allege the Iroquois 
laid for them. Rev. Heckewelder, the staunch friend of the Dela- 
wares, calls attention to the fact that, while the Iroquois claim they 
conquered the Delawares by force of arms and not by stratagem, 
yet the Iroquois have no tradition among them of the particulars 
of the conquest. 

So much for the story which the Delawares told Heckewelder. 
Many authorities state, however, that the time of the subjugation 
of the Delawares was much later than the date given Heckewelder. 
Some have stated that the Delawares were not made tributaries of 
the Iroquois until after the coming of William Penn; but the cele- 
brated Delaware chief, King Beaver, told Conrad Weiser at Augh- 
wick on September 4, 1754, that the subjugation took place before 
Penn's arrival. At the first extended conference between the Penn- 
sylvania Authorities and the Indians, of which a record has been 
preserved, held at Philadelphia on July 6, 1694, the Delaware 
chief, Hithquoquean, or Idquoquequoan, advised the Colonial 
Authorities that he and his associate chiefs had shortly before this 
time received a message from the Onondagas and Senecas contain- 

22 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

ing the following statement: "You Delaware Indians do nothing 
but stay at home and boil your pots, and are like women; while we 
Onondagas and Senecas go ahead and fight the enemy." We, 
therefore, conclude that it cannot be stated with exactness, just 
when the subjugation of the Delawares took place; and, inasmuch 
as there is no record of any conquest after the time of Penn's 
arrival, it may be that the subjugation took place through fear and 
intimidation rather than by war. 

Whatever may be the facts as to how the Iroquois reduced the 
Delawares to a state of vassalage — whether by artifice, intimida- 
tion, or warfare — the fact remains that about the year 1720, this 
powerful northern confederacy assumed active dominion over 
them, forbidding them to make war or sales of lands, — a condition 
that existed until the time of the French and Indian War. During 
the summer of 1755, the Delawares declared that they were no 
longer subjects of the Six Nations, and, at Tioga, in the year 1756, 
their great chieftain, Teedyuscung, extorted from the chiefs of the 
Iroquois an acknowledgment of Delaware independence. How- 
ever, from time to time, after 1756, the Iroquois persisted in claim- 
ing the Delawares were their vassals, until shortly before the treaty 
of Greenville, Darke County, Ohio, in August, 1795, when they 
formally declared the Delaware nation to be no longer "women", 
but MEN. This was the famous treaty between the United States 
Government, represented by General Anthony Wayne, who had 
defeated the western tribes at the battle of the Fallen Timbers, on 
August 20 of the preceding year, and the Shawnees, Delawares, 
Wyandots, Ottawas, Potawattomies, Miamis and smaller tribes, 
by the terms of which treaty about two-thirds of the present state 
of Ohio was ceded to the United States. As will be seen later, the 
subjection of the Delawares to the Six Nations greatly complicated 
negotiations on the part of the colony of Pennsylvania for the 
purchase of the lands of the Delawares, inasmuch as the Iroquois' 
seat of government was in the colony of New York. 


As early as 1724, Delawares of the Turtle and Turkey clans 
began, by permission of the Six Nations, to migrate from the 
region near the Forks of the Susquehanna to the valleys of the 
Allegheny and Ohio, coming chiefly from the country to the east 
and southeast of Shamokin (Sunbury). They proceeded up the 
east side of the West Branch of the Susquehanna as far as Lock 

A View of the Indian Tribes 15 

Haven, where they crossed this stream, and ascended the valley of 
Bald Eagle Creek to a point near where Milesburg, Center County, 
now stands. From there, they went in a westerly direction along 
Marsh Creek, over or near Indian Grave Hill, near Snowshoe and 
Moshanon, Center County, crossing Moshanon Creek; and from 
there through Morris, Graham, Bradford, and Lawrence town- 
ships, Clearfield County, reaching the West Branch of the Susque- 
hanna again at Chinklaclamoose, on the site of the present town of 
Clearfield, Clearfield County. From this point, they ascended the 
West Branch of the Susquehanna for a few miles; thence up 
Anderson's Creek, crossing the divide between this stream and the 
Mahoning, in Brady Township, Clearfield County; thence down 
the Mahoning Valley through Punxsutawney, Jefferson County, 
to a point on the Allegheny River, about ten miles below the 
mouth of the Mahoning, where they built their first town in the 
course of their westward migration, which they called Kittanning, 
— a town famous in the Indian annals of Pennsylvania. Other 
Delaware towns were soon established in the Allegheny Valley and 
other places in the western part of the state to which the migration 
continued until the outbreak of the French and Indian War. The 
"Walking Purchase" of 1737 caused the westward migration of the 
Delawares of the Wolf clan. Thus it is seen that the Delawares 
retraced their steps across Pennsylvania. 


When the historic period of Pennsylvania begins, we find the 
domain of the Five Nations extending from the borders of Ver- 
mont to Lake Erie, and from Lake Ontario to the headwaters of 
the Delaware, Susquehanna, and Allegheny. This territory they 
called their "long house". The Senecas, who lived on the head- 
waters of the Allegheny, and many of whose settlements were in 
Pennsylvania, guarded the western door of the house, the Mo- 
hawks, the eastern, and the Cayugas, the southern, or that which 
opened on the Susquehanna. 

The principal village and capital of these "Romans of Ameri- 
ca", as DeWitt Clinton called them, was called Onondaga, later 
Onondaga Castle, and was situated from before 1654 to 1681, on 
Indian Hill, in the present town of Pompey, near Onondaga Lake, 
in central New York. In 1677 it contained 140 cabins. After- 
ward it was removed to Butternut Creek, where the castle was 
burned in 1696, in the war between the Five Nations and the 

24 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

French. In 1720, it was again removed to Onondaga Creek, a few 
miles south of Lake Onondaga. 

The Smithsonian Institution, in its "Handbook of American 
Indians", says the following of the Iroquois: "Around the Great 
Council Fire of the League of the Iroquois at Onondaga, with 
punctilious observance of the parliamentary proprieties recognized 
in Indian diplomacyand statescraft, and with a decorum that would 
add grace to many legislative assemblies of the white man, the 
federal senators of the Iroquois tribes devised plans, formulated 
policies, and defined principles of government and political action, 
which not only strengthened their state and promoted their com- 
mon welfare, but also deeply affected the contemporary history of 
the whites in North America. To this body of half-clad federal 
chieftains were repeatedly made overtures of peace and friend- 
ship by two of the most powerful kingdoms of Europe, whose 
statesmen often awaited with apprehension the decisions of this 
senate of North American Savages." And Colden in his "History 
of the Five Nations", says: "The Five Nations are a poor and, 
generally called barbarious people; and yet a bright and noble 
genius shines through these black clouds. None of the greatest 
Roman heroes discovered a greater love to their country, or a 
greater contempt of death, than these people called barbarians have 
done, when liberty came in competition .... They carried their 
arms as far southward as Carolina, to the northward of New Eng- 
land, and as far west as the River Mississippi, over a vast country, 
which extends twelve hundred miles in length, and about six hun- 
dred miles in breadth; where they entirely destroyed many na- 
tions, of whom there are now no accounts remaining among the 

So great was the scourge of the Iroquois that, during the 
closing decades of the seventeenth century and the first two decades 
of the eighteenth century, the region south of Lake Erie on both 
sides of the upper Ohio and Allegheny contained practically no 
Indian population; and the Iroquois looked upon this vast terri- 
tory as their great hunting ground. 

Speaking of the warfare of the Iroquois, DeWitt Clinton said: 

"They reduced war to a science, and all their movements were 
directed by system and policy. They never attacked a hostile 
country until they had sent out spies to explore and designate its 
vulnerable points, and when they encamped, they observed the 
greatest circumspection to guard against spies. Whatever super- 
iority of force they might have, they never neglected the use of 
stratagem, employing all the crafty wiles of the Carthagenians." 

A View of the Indian Tribes 25 

The unwritten law of this great confederation had a power 
unequaled by any statutes ever recorded in the statute books of the 
white man. Professor W. W. Clayton, in his excellent work, "The 
History of Onondaga County, New York," in which county the 
central seat of the Five Nations was located, gives an instance of 
the power of this unwritten law. Says Professor Clayton: 

"A young man of the Cayugas came to the Onondagas and 
claimed their hospitality. He lived among them two years, 
attaching himself to a Mr. Webster who lived for many years 
among the Onondagas and had a woman of that tribe for a wife. 
He appeared contented and happy, always foremost in the chase, 
most active in the dance, and loudest in the song. Mantinoah was 
his name. One morning he said to his friend, '1 have a vow to per- 
form. My nation and my friends know that Mantinoah will be 
true. My friend, 1 wish you to go with me.' Webster consented. 
After a pleasant journey of a few days, enlivened with fishing and 
hunting, they came in the afternoon to a place that Mantinoah 
said was near his village, and where he wished to invoke the Great 
Spirit. After a repast and after a pipe had been smoked, Manti- 
noah said: 'Two winters have gone since, in my village, in the 
fury of anger, 1 slew my bosom friend and adopted brother. The 
chief declared me guilty of my brother's blood, and I must die. 
My execution was deferred for two full years, during which time 
I was condemned to banishment. I vowed to return. It was 
then I sought your nation (the Onondagas); it was thus I won 
your friendship; the nearest in blood to him I slew, according to 
our customs, is the avenger. The time expires when the sun sinks 
behind the topmost boughs of the trees. I am ready. My friend, 
we have had may a cheerful sport together; our joys have been 
many; our griefs have been few; look not sad now. When you 
return to the Onondagas, tell them that Mantinoah died like a true 
brave of the Cayugas; tell them that he trembled not at the 
approach of death, like the coward pale face, nor shed tears like a 
woman. My friend, take my belt, my knife, my hunting pouch, 
my horn, my rifle, as tokens of my friendship. Soon the avenger 
will come; the Great Spirit calls; Mantinoah fears not death; 
farewell. Vainly Mr. Webster urged him to escape. A short 
period of silence, and a yell is heard. Mantinoah responds. The 
avenger appears and takes the hand of his former friend, now his 
victim. Mutual salutations follow, with expressions of regret 
made by the executioner, but none by the doomed. The tomahawk 
gleams in the air, not a muscle moves nor does the cheek of 

26 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Mantinoah blanch; folding his arms on his breast he received the 
blow. As if by magic, a host appears; the song of death is sung, 
and the solemn dance or death march is performed. Webster is 
invited to the village, where he is hospitably entertained, and when 
ready to return, is accompanied by a party of Cayugas to his home. 
Thus powerful was the unwritten law of the Iroquois." 

The government of the Iroquois gave to the orator, who by his 
eloquence could sway his hearers, a vast influence; and we find that 
many men of note appeared among them since they came in con- 
tact with the whites, who were well qualified to conduct their nego- 
tiations and reflected as much renown on their nation as their 
bravest warriors. DeWitt Clinton says of the speech of the great 
Iroquois chief, Garangula, to the French General, De la Barre: 
"I believe it impossible to find in all the affusions of English or 
modern oratory a speech more appropriate or convincing. Under 
the veil of respectful profession, it conveys the most biting irony, 
and while it abounds with rich and splendid imagery, it contains 
the most solid reasoning. I place it in the same rank with the 
celebrated speech of Logan." 

In concluding this sketch of the Iroquois Confederation, we 
add that, for many years after the historic curtain first rises on the 
domain of Pennsylvania, the Iroquois carried on a relentless war- 
fare with the Catawbas of the South. The Susquehanna River 
was the highway followed by their war parties on their way to and 
return from the territory of the Catawbas. 


A View of the Indian Tribes 
Inhabiting Pennsylvania 



HE Susquehannas is the general term applied to the 
Indians living on both sides of the Susquehanna River 
and its tributaries, in Pennsylvania, at the beginning of 
the historic period. Racially and linguistically, they 
were of Iroquoian stock, but were never taken into the league of 
the Iroquois, except as subjects. These related tribes were known 
by various names. Captain John Smith, the Virginia pioneer, who 
met them while exploring Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries in 
1608, called them the "Susquehannocks." The French called 
them the Andastes, while the Dutch and Swedes called them 
Minquas. In the latter days of their history as a tribe, they were 
called the Conestogas. 

To Captain John Smith belongs the distinction of being the 
first white man to see the Indians of Pennsylvania, though he never 
set foot on Pennsylvania soil; and the Indians, meeting him and 
his companions, beheld for the first time the race that was coming 
to drive them from their streams and hunting grounds. These 
Indians were the Susquehannas. Smith's meeting with them came 
about in the following manner: 

On the 24th day of July, 1608, Smith left Jamestown, Virginia, 
on a voyage of discovery. He sailed in an open barge of only 
several tons burden, and had with him only twelve companions. 
His party entered Chesapeake Bay and the Susquehanna River 
almost to the Pennsylvania line, returning to Jamestown on the 7th 
day of September. He states that, in crossing the bay, his party 
encountered seven or eight canoes full of Iroquois, whom he called 
Massawomeks, and that, after a parley, they presented the Vir- 
ginians with venison, bears' flesh, and some bows and arrows, and 
informed them that they had just been at war with the Tockwoghs, 

28 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

who lived nearby. They exhibited "greene wounds", which they 
explained to Smith they had received in battle with the Tockwoghs. 
They left Smith's party in the evening, promising to return in the 
morning, but never reappeared. 

Smith then determined to visit the Tockwoghs, which he did, 
finding them living near the head of the bay, on the Tockwogh or 
Sassafras River, in Maryland. He says that he found the Tock- 
woghs possessed of many hatchets, knives and pieces of brass, 
which, they explained, they had received from the Susquehannas, 
a mighty people living farther to the north on the Susquehanna 
River, and mortal enemies of the Massawomeks, or Iroquois. 
Smith prevailed with his interpreter to take with him another 
interpreter from the Tockwoghs, to visit the towns of the Susque- 
hannas, and to persuade them to pay Smith's party a visit. The 
two interpreters then conveyed Smith's invitation to the Susque- 
hannas, finding their chiefs in one of their principal towns, in 
what is now Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. 

Smith's party remained with the friendly Tockwoghs on the 
shores of the Sassafras for three or four days, awaiting the return 
of the two messengers, whom he had sent to the Susquehannas. 
At the end of that time, in response to Smith's invitation, sixty of 
the Susquehannas came, and presented themselves before his party. 
Smith gives the following interesting description of these Indians: 

"Such great and well proportioned men are seldom seen, for 
they seemed like giants to the English, yea, and to their neighbors, 
yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition. They were with 
much ado restrained from adoring us as gods. These are the 
strangest people of all these countries, both in language and attire; 
for their language it may well become their proportions, sounding 
from them as a voice in the vault. Their attire is the skins of 
bears and wolves; some have cossacks made of bears' heads and 
skins, that a man's head goes through the skin's neck, and the ears 
of the bear fastened to his shoulders, the nose and teeth hanging 
down his breast, another bear's face split behind him, and at the 
end of the nose hung a paw, the half sleeves coming to the elbows 
were the necks of bears, and the arms through the mouth with paws 
hanging at their noses. One had the head of a wolfe hanging in a 
chain for a jewel, his tobacco pipe three quarters of a yard long, 
prettily carved with a bird, a deer, or some such device at the great 
end, sufficient to beat out one's brans; with bows, arrows, and 
clubs, suitable to their greatness. Five of their chief Werowances 
came aboard us and crossed the bay in the barge. The picture of 

A View of the Indian Tribes 29 

the greatest of them is signified in the map. The calf of whose leg 
was three-quarters of a yard about, and all the rest of his limbs so 
answerable to that proportion that he seemed the goodliest man we 
ever beheld. His hair, the one side was long, the other shorn close 
with a ridge over his crown like a cock's comb. His arrows were 
five quarters long, headed with the splinters of a white christall- 
like stone, in form of a heart, an inch broad, an inch and a half 
or more long. These he wore in a wolf's skin at his back for his 
quiver, his bow in the one hand and his club in the other, as is 

Smith goes on to say that these Susquehannas were scarce 
known to Powhatan, the great Virginia chief, but that they were a 
powerful tribe living in palisaded towns to defend them from the 
Massawomeks, or Iroquois, and having six hundred warriors. 
During the ceremonies connected with the visit of this band of 
Susquehannas, Smith says that they first sang "a most fearful 
song," and then, "with a most strange, furious action and a hellish 
voice began an oration." When the oration was ended, they deco- 
rated Smith with a chain of large white beads, and laid presents 
of skins and arrows at his feet, meanwhile stroking their hands 
about his neck. They told him about their enemies, the Iroquois, 
who, they said, lived beyond the mountains far to the north and 
received their hatchets and other weapons from the French in 
Canada. They implored Smith to remain with them as their 
protector, which, of course, he could not do. "We left them at 
Tockwogh," he says, "sorrowing for our departure." 

Smith's account of the large stature of the Susquehannas has 
been corroborated by subsequent discoveries, when burying 
grounds of this tribe, in Lancaster County, were opened and very 
large human skeletons found. 

The Susquehannas, in the latter part of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, carried on war with the "River Indians", as the Delawares, 
or Lenape then living along the Delaware River, were called. The 
Susquehannas were friendly with both the Swedes and the Dutch, 
and shortly after the Swedes arrived on the Delaware in 1638, they 
sold part of their lands to them. The Swedes equipped these 
Indians with guns, and trained their warriors in European tactics. 
When the Hurons were being worsted by the Iroquois in 1647, the 
Susquehannas offered the friendly Hurons military assistance, 
"backed by 1300 warriors in a single palisaded town, who had been 
trained by Swedish soldiers." They were also friendly with the 
colony of Maryland in the early days of its history, selling part of 

30 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

their lands to the Marylanders, and receiving military supplies 
from them. 

The French explorer, Champlain, says that, in 1615, the Car- 
antouannais, as he calls the Susquehannas, had many villages on 
the upper part of the Susquehanna, and that their town, Caran- 
touan, alone, could muster more than eight hundred warriors. The 
exact location of Carantouan has been a matter of much conjec- 
ture, but the weight of authority places it on or near the top of 
Spanish Hill, in Athens Township, Bradford County, Pennsyl- 
vania, and within sight of the town of Waverly, New York. 

Carantouan has a firm place in the history of Pennsylvania 
on account of its connection with the Frenchman, Estienne Brule, 
the first white man, so far as is. known, to set foot on Pennsylvania 
soil, and to behold its Indians on their native heath. The student 
of history will recall that, in 1615, the French explorer, Champlain, 
in order to learn more about the region embraced in what is now 
New York State, joined a war party of Hurons against the Iro- 
quois; and, in August of that year, he and the Hurons proposed to 
attack a strong town of the Onondaga tribe of the Five Nations, 
located most likely near the town of Fenner, in Madison County, 
not far from Lake Oneida, New York. When Champlain was at 
the village of Cahiague, near the lower end of Lake Simcoe, making 
preparations for his advance against the Iroquois town, he learned 
from the Hurons that there was a certain nation of their allies 
dwelling three days journey beyond the Onondagas, who desired to 
assist the Hurons in this expedition with five hundred of their 
warriors. These allies were none other than that portion of the 
Susquehannas, living along the Susquehanna River, near the 
boundary between the states of Pennsylvania and New York. Ac- 
cordingly, Champlain sent his interpreter, Estienne Brule, with 
twelve Huron companions, to visit Carantouan, the chief town of 
the Susquehannas in that region, for the purpose of hastening the 
coming of the five hundred warriors. 

Brule and his five hundred allies from Carantouan arrived be- 
fore the Onondaga fortress too late to be of any assistance to 
Champlain, who had already made two attacks upon the town, 
had been wounded twice by the Onondagas, and, despairing of the 
arrival of the promised assistance of five hundred warriors, had 
already retreated toward Canada several days before the arrival of 
Brule and his Indians. Brule then returned with his five hundred 
warriors to the town of Carantouan. 

Brule spent the autumn and winter of 1615 and 1616 in a 

A View of the Indian Tribes 31 

tour of exploration into the very heart of Pennsylvania, visiting 
the various clans of the Susquehannas and, some authorities say, 
the Eries. He followed the Susquehanna River to its mouth, and 
returned to Carantouan. This intrepid Frenchman thus gained, 
by actual observation, a knowledge of a large section of the state 
and of its primitive inhabitants almost one hundred years before 
any other white man set foot within the same region. 

Another town of the Susquehannas was the one, later called 
Gahontoto, at the mouth of Wyalusing Creek, Bradford County. 
The Moravian missionaries, Bishop Commerhoff and David Zeis- 
berger, visited the site of this town in the summer of 1750. Says 
Bishop Cammerhoff: 

"On proceeding, we came to a place called Gahontoto by the 
Indians. It is said to be the site of an ancient Indian city, where 
a peculiar nation lived. The inhabitants were neither Delawares 
nor Aquanoschioni, (Iroquois) but had a language of their own, 
and were called Te-ho-ti-tach-se. We could still notice a few 
traces of this place in the old ruined corn-fields near. The Five 
Nations went to war against them, and finally completely extir- 
pated them. The Cayugas for a time held a number captive, but 
the nation and the language are now exterminated and extinct. 
The Cayuga told us that these things had taken place before the 
Indians had any guns, and still went to war with bows and arrows." 

Another of the towns of the Susquehannas is believed to have 
been at the mouth of Sugar Creek, in Bradford County, above the 
present town of Towanda. Still another of their towns, this one 
fortified, was near the mouth of Octorara Creek, on the east side of 
the Susquehanna River, in Maryland, about ten miles south of the 
line between Pennsylvania and Maryland. One of their forts was 
in Manor Township, Lancaster County, near the Susquehanna 
River, between Turkey Hill and Blue Rock. Another was on 
Wolf Run, near Muncy, Lycoming County. The location of their 
principal fort was long a matter of dispute, and, at one time, 
actual warfare, between the heirs of Lord Baltimore and the heirs 
of William Penn, for the reason that the southern boundary of 
Penn's colony was supposed to be marked by it. The weight of 
authority seems to place its location on the west side of the Susque- 
hanna River, in York County, Pennsylvania, opposite Washington 

The Iroquois, the mortal enemies of the Susquehannas, 
attacked them at one of their principal towns, in either York or 
Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, in 1663, sending down the Sus- 

32 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

quehanna River, in April of that year, an expedition of eight hun- 
dred Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senacas. On their arrival, they 
found the town defended on one side by the river and on the other 
by tree trunks; it was flanked by two bastions, constructed after 
the European method, and had also several pieces of artillery. 
The Iroquois decided not to make an assault, but to attempt to 
outwit the Susquehannas by a ruse. Twenty-five Iroquois were 
admitted into the fort, but these were seized, placed on high scaf- 
folds, and burned to death in sight of their comrades. The humili- 
ated Iroquois now returned to their home in New York. 

After this defeat of the Iroquois, the war was carried on by 
small parties, and now and then a Susquehanna was captured and 
carried to the villages of the Iroquois, and tortured to death. In 
1669, the Susquehannas defeated the Cayugas, and offered peace; 
but their ambassador was put to death, and the war went on. At 
this time, the Susquehannas had a great chief named Hochitqgete, 
or Barefoot; and the medicine men of the Iroquois assured the war- 
riors of the confederacy that, if they would make another attack 
on the Susquehannas, their efforts would be rewarded by the cap- 
ture of Barefoot and his execution at the stake. So, in the summer 
of 1672, a band of forty Cayugas descended the Susquehanna in 
canoes, and twenty Senecas marched overland to attack the enemy 
in the fields; but a band of sixty Susquehanna boys, none over six- 
teen, routed the Senecas, killing one and capturing another. The 
band of youthful warriors then pressed on against the Cayugas, 
and defeated them, killing eight and wounding fifteen or sixteen 
more, but losing half of their own gallant band. At this time, it 
is said, the Susquehannas were so reduced by war and pestilence 
that their fighting force consisted of only three hundred warriors. 

Finally in 1675, according to the Jesuit Relation and Colden 
in his "History of the Five Nations", the Susquehannas fell before 
the arms of the Iroquois; but the details of the defeat are sadly 
lacking. It seems that the Iroquois, about this time, had driven 
them down upon the tribes of the South who were then allies of 
the English, and that this involved them in war with Maryland 
and Virginia. Finding themselves surrounded by enemies on all 
sides, a portion of the Susquehannas left the land of their fore- 
fathers and the beautiful river bearing their name, and took up 
their abode in the western part of Maryland, near the Piscataways. 

In the summer of 1675, a white man was murdered by some 
Indians, most probably Senecas, on the Virginia side of the 
Potomac; whereupon, a party of Virginia militia killed fourteen of 

A View of the Indian Tribes 33 

the Susquehannocks and Doeg Indians in retaliation. Shortly 
afterwards several other whites were murdered on both sides of 
the Potomac. The colony of Virginia then organized several com- 
panies, led by Colonel John Washington, great-grandfather of 
George Washington, to co-operate with a Maryland force of two 
hundred and fifty troops, led by Major Thomas Truman. The 
Susquehannocks claimed that they were entirely innocent of any of 
these murders and sent four of their chiefs as an embassy to Major 
Truman, who were knocked on the head by his soldiers. This so 
enraged the Susquehannocks that a long border warfare ensued 
which was kept up until they became lost to history. 

Another portion of the Susquehannocks remained near their 
old home at Conestoga, Lancaster County, where they were later 
joined by a third portion which had been taken by the Iroquois to 
the Oneida country in New York, and there retained until they lost 
their language, when they were permitted to join their brethren at 
Conestoga. Here William Penn and his son, William, visited the 
Conestogas during his last stay in his province in 1701. Here, 
also, the Conestogas lived until the descendants of this remnant of 
a once powerful tribe were killed in December, 1763, by a band of 
Scotch-Irish settlers from Donegal and Paxtang, — the last melan- 
choly chapter in the history of the Susquehannas, or Conestogas. 
Conestoga, for generations the central seat of this tribe in the lower 
Susquehanna region, was about four miles southwest of Millers- 
ville, Lancaster County. A monument marks the site of this his- 
toric Indian town. It was erected in 1924 by the Lancaster County 
Historical Society and the Pennsylvania Historical Commission. 


The Shawnees, loo, occupied parts of Pennsylvania during 
the historic period. The name means "Southerners". They were 
a branch of the Algonquin family, and are believed to have lived 
in the Ohio Valley in remote ages, and to have built many of the 
mounds and earthworks found there. Some have attempted to 
identify them with the Eries of the early Jesuits, the Massawo- 
mecks of Smith, and the Andaste, but without success. The tra- 
ditional history of the Lenape, the Walum Olum, connects them, 
the Lenape, and Nanticokes as one people, the separation having 
taken place after the Alligewi, (Cherokees) were driven from the 
Ohio Valley by the Lenape and the Mengwe (Iroquois) on their 
onward march eastward across the continent. Then the Shaw- 

34 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

nees went south. Their real history begins in 1669-70, when they 
were living in two bodies a great distance apart, — one body being 
in South Carolina and the other in the Cumberland basin in Ten- 
nessee. Between these two bodies were the then friendly Chero- 
kees, who claimed the land vacated by the Shawnees when the 
latter subsequently migrated to the North. The Shawnees living 
in South Carolina were called Savannahs by the early settlers. 

On account, probably, of dissatisfaction with the early settlers, 
the Shawnees of South Carolina began a general movement to the 
north in 1690, and continued it at intervals for thirty years. The 
first reference to this tribe to be found in the Provincial records of 
Pennsylvania is probably a deposition made before the Provincial 
Council, December 19, 1693, by Polycarpus Rose. In this deposi- 
tion there is a reference to "strange Indians" called "Shallna- 
rooners". These strange Indians appear to have made a tempor- 
ary stop in Chester County in migrating possibly from Maryland 
to the Forks of the Delaware or to Pequea Creek. Many authori- 
ties believe these "strange Indians" mentioned in the affidavit of 
Polycarpus Rose to have been Shawnees. This is conjecture. 

But, leaving the realm of conjecture and entering the realm 
of historical truth, we find that the first Shawnees to enter Penn- 
sylvania were a party who settled on the Delaware at Pechoquealin 
near the Water Gap, in the summer of 1694, or shortly thereafter. 
These came from the Shawnee villages on the lower Ohio. Arnold 
Viele, a Dutch trader, from Albany, New York, spent the winter 
of 1692-1693 with the Shawnees on the lower Ohio, returning in 
the summer of 1694, and bringing with him a number of this tribe 
who settled at Pechoquealin. Pechoquealin was a regional name 
whose center seems to have been the mouth of Shawnee Run in 
Lower Smithfield Township, Monroe County, and which included 
the surrounding territory on both sides of the Delaware, above the 
Delaware Water Gap. Viele was probably the first white man to 
explore the region between the valleys of the Susquehanna and the 

About four years later, or in 1697 or 1698, about seventy 
families of Shawnees came from Cecil County, Maryland, and 
settled on the Susquehanna River, near the Conestoga Indians, in 
Lancaster County. Probably at about the same time others 
migrated to the Ohio Valley. At the mouth of Pequea Creek, 
Lancaster County, the seventy families come from Maryland, built 
their village, also called Pequea. Their chief was Wapatha, or 
Opessah. They secured permission from the Colonial Govern- 

A View of the Indian Tribes 35 

ment to reside near the Conestogas, and the latter became security 
for their good behavior, under the authority of the Iroquois Con- 
federation. By invitation of the Delawares, a party of seven hun- 
dred Shawnees came soon after and settled with the Munsee Clan 
on the Delaware River, the main body taking up their abode at 
the mouth of the Lehigh, near Easton, while others went as far 
south as the mouth of the Schuylkill. Those who had settled on 
the Delaware afterwards removed to the Wyoming Valley near the 
present town of Plymouth, Luzerne County, on a broad plain still 
called Shawnee Flats. This band under Kakowatcheky removed 
from Pechoquealin to the Wyoming Valley in 1728; and it is prob- 
able that they were joined there by those who had settled at Pequea, 
which was abandoned about 1730. 

The Shawnees also had a village on the flats at the mouth of 
Fishing Creek, near Bloomsburg, and another at Catawissa, — both 
being in Columbia County. They had other villages in the eastern 
part of the state on the Swatara, Paxtang, Susquehanna, and Dela- 
ware. Several villages were scattered along the west side of the 
Susquehanna, between the mouth of Yellow Breeches Creek and 
the Conodoguinet, in Cumberland County. Another of their 
villages, called Chenastry, was at the mouth of Chillisquaque 
Creek on the east side of the West Branch of the Susquehanna, in 
Northumberland County. 

The Shawnees from Tennessee migrated to the Ohio Valley, 
finally collecting along the north bank of the Ohio in Pennsylvania 
as far north as the mouth of the Monongahela, about the year 1730. 
Sauconk and Logstown were villages on the Ohio which they es- 
tablished possibly as early as that time. The former was at the 
mouth of the Beaver, and the latter on the north bank of the Ohio, 
about eighteen miles below Pittsburgh. 

Another clan of Shawnees, called the Sewickleys, Asswikales, 
Shaweygila, and Hathawekela, came from South Carolina prior to 
1730 by way of Old Town, Maryland and Bedford, Pa., and 
settled in different parts of Southwestern Pennsylvania. Their 
principal village called Sewickley Town was at the junction of 
this creek and the Youghiogheny River, in Westmoreland County. 
They were probably the first Shawnees to settle in Western Penn- 

The Shawnees of the eastern part of Pennsylvania eventually 
went to the Ohio and Allegheny Valleys. In the report of the 
Albany congress of 1754, it is found that some of the tribe had 
moved from the eastern part of the state to the Ohio about thirty 

36 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

years previously; and, in 1734, another Shawnee band consisting 
of about forty families and described as living on the Allegheny, 
refused to return to the Susquehanna at the solicitation of the 
Delawares and Iroquois. During their westward migration, they 
established villages on the Juniata and Conemaugh. About the 
year 1755 or 1756, practically all the Shawnees abandoned the 
Susquehanna and other parts of eastern Pennsylvania, and joined 
their brethren on the Ohio, where they became allies of the French 
in the French and Indian War. It should be remembered that, 
in the early records, the term "Ohio Valley" means both the Ohio 
and Allegheny valleys. In those times, the present Allegheny 
River was considered as simply a continuation of the Ohio River. 

Wanderings of the Shawnees 

There is something mysterious in the wanderings of the Shaw- 
nees. As we have seen, their home, in remote times, was in the 
Ohio Valley; then we later hear of them in the South; and still 
later they came to Pennsylvania. There is good evidence, how- 
ever, tending to show that that body of the Shawnees which entered 
Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, in 1697 or 1698, came originally 
from as far west as the region of Fort St. Louis, near the town of 
Utica, LaSalle County, Illinois, leaving that place in 1683 and be- 
ing accompanied in their wanderings to Maryland by Martin 
Chartier, a French Canadian, who had spent some eight or nine 
years among them. At any rate, this band reached Maryland 
near the mouth of the Susquehanna in 1692, and such is the story 
they told. They gradually moved up the Susquehanna to Lan- 
caster County, as we have seen, where Chartier became a trader at 
their village of Pequea, on the east side of the Susquehanna near 
the mouth of Pequea Creek, and only a few miles from Conestoga, 
which was on the north side of Conestoga Creek. 

The Shawnees who settled at Paxtang, on or near the site of 
Harrisburg, most likely came from Pequea. Before 1727, many of 
this tribe from Paxtang and Pequea had settled on the west side of 
the Susquehanna River at what is now New Cumberland, near the 
the mouth of Yellow Breeches Creek and as far north as the mouth 
of the Conodoguinet. These dwellers on the west side of the Sus- 
quehanna, about the year 1727, crossed the mountains to the val- 
leys of the Ohio and Allegheny. Some, however, had gone to Big 
Island (Lock Haven) before going to the Ohio region. 

Opessah, the chief of the Shawnees on the lower Susquehanna, 

A View of the Indian Tribes 37 

did not remove to the Ohio or Allegheny Valley. He remained at 
Pequea until 1711, when he abandoned both his chieftainship and 
his tribe, and sought a home among the Delawares of Sassoonan's 
clan. It is not clear why he abandoned his people. There is a 
traditionary account that he left because he became enamoured of a 
Delaware squaw, who refused to leave her own people. Later, in 
1722, he removed to what was called Opessah's town on the Poto- 
mac, now Old Town, Maryland. 

Neither the Pennsylvania Archives nor the Colonial Records 
show the name of the chief of those Shawnees who settled at 
Pechoquealin until 1728, when their head man was Kakowatchey. 
Some of Kakowatchey's clan removed directly to the Ohio before 
1732, but a majority seem to have gone only as far as the Wyom- 
ing Valley in Luzerne County, where, as we have seen, they took 
up their abode on the west side of the North Branch of the Susque- 
hanna at a place subsequently known as Shawnee Flats, just below 
the site of the present town of Plymouth. Their town at this place 
was called Skehandowana (Iroquois for "Great Flats"), and it re- 
mained a town of considerable importance until 1743. Some time 
after April of that year, Kakowatchey himself, with a number of 
his followers removed from Skehandowana and settled at Logs- 
town on the Ohio. 

After Kakowatchey left Wyoming, Paxinosa became chief 
of the Shawnees who still remained at that place. He said that he 
was born "at Ohio", and possibly he was one of the company of 
Shawnees who accompanied Arnold Viele to the Pechoquealin terri- 

A number of the Shawnees at Chenastry, on the West Branch 
of the Susquehanna, near the mouth of Chillisquaque Creek, went 
to the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny prior to the autumn of 
1727 to hunt, and no doubt some of them made their permanent 
homes or took up their abode in this western region, during or prior 
to the summer of 1727. 

But some of the Shawnees went directly from Maryland to the 
Ohio and Allegheny. Two chiefs of the Potomac Shawnees, 
Opaketchwa and Opakeita, by name, came from the Ohio Valley 
to Philadelphia in September, 1732, after they had abandoned their 
town on the north branch of the Potomac. Governor Gordon 
asked them why they had gone "so far back into the woods as 
Allegheny", and they replied that "formerly they had lived at 
'Patawmack' [Potomac], where their king died; that, having lost 
him, they knew not what to do; that they then took their wives and 
children and went over the mountains (to Allegheny) to live." 

38 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 


Another Indian tribe inhabiting portions of Pennsylvania 
within the historic period was the Tuscaroras. They were of the 
Iroquoian linguistic group. It will be recalled that this tribe, after 
being expelled from North Carolina and Virginia, sought an 
asylum with the Five Nations, and was later, in 1722, admitted 
formally as an addition to the Iroquois Confederacy, making the 
Six Nations. The Tuscaroras had suffered greatly in wars with 
the people of North Carolina and Virginia, before they were ex- 
pelled in 1712. Their women were debauched by the whites, and 
both men and women were kidnapped and sold into slavery. 
Some were brought as far north as Pennsylvania, and sold as 
slaves. Moreover, the colonists of North Carolina, like the Puri- 
tans of New England, did not recognize in the Indian any right to 
the soil; and so the lands of the Tuscaroras were appropriated 
without any thought of purchase. They had suffered these and 
similar wrongs for many years, and, as early as 1710, sent a peti- 
tion to the Government of Pennsylvania reciting their wrongs and 
stating that they desired to remove to a more just and friendly 
government. Governor Charles Gookin and the Provincial Coun- 
cil of Pennsylvania dispatched two commissioners to meet the em- 
bassy which brought the petition, at Conestoga, Lancaster County, 
on June 8, 1710, where they found not only the Tuscarora embassy, 
but Civility and four other Conestoga chiefs, as well as Opessah, 
head chief of the Shawnees. 

In the presence of these officials, the Tuscarora ambassadors 
delivered their proposals, which were attested by eight belts of 
wampum. This petition was a very lucid and condensed statement 
of the wrongs suffered by the Tuscaroras in their southern home. 
By the first belt, the aged women and mothers of the tribe besought 
the friendship of the Christian people and the Indians and Gov- 
ernment of Pennsylvania, so that they might bring wood and water 
without danger. By the second, the children, born and unborn, 
implored that they might be permitted to play without danger of 
slavery. By the third, the young men sought the privilege of 
leaving their towns to pursue the game in the forest for the sus- 
tenance of the aged, without fear of death or slavery. By the 
fourth, the old men sought the privilege of spending their declining 
days in peace. By the fifth, the entire Tuscarora nation sought a 
firm and lasting peace with all the blessings attached thereto. By 
the sixth, the chiefs and sachems sought the establishment of last- 

A View of the Indian Tribes 39 

ing peace with the Government and Indians of Pennsylvania, so 
that they would be relieved from "those fearful apprehensions 
which they have these several years felt." By the seventh, the 
Tuscaroras implored a "cessation from murdering and taking 
them", so that they might not be in terror upon every rustling of 
the leaves of the forest by the winds. By the eighth, the entire 
Tuscarora tribe, being hitherto strangers to the colony of Pennsyl- 
vania, implored that the sons of "Brother Onas" might take them 
by the hand and lead them, so that they might lift up their heads 
in the wilderness without fear of slavery or death. 

This petition, it is seen, was couched in the metaphorical lan- 
guage of the Indian; but its plain meaning proves it to be a state- 
ment of a tribe at bay, who, on account of the large numbers of 
their people killed, kidnapped, or sold into slavery by the settlers 
of North Carolina, were endeavoring to defend their offspring, 
friends, and kindred, and were seeking a more friendly dwelling 
place in the North, within the domain of the just government of 
Penn, the apostle. 

The Provincial Council of Pennsylvania advised the Tuscar- 
ora ambassadors that, before they could consent to the Tuscaroras 
taking up their abode within the bounds of Penn's Province, they 
should first be required to produce a certificate from the colonial 
authorities of North Carolina as to their good behavior in that 
colony. This, of course, the Tuscaroras were unable to do. Then, 
the Conestoga chiefs, by the advice of their council, determined to 
send the wampum belts, or petition, of the Tuscaroras to the Five 
Nations of New York. This was done, and it was the reception of 
these belts, setting forth the pitiful message of the Tuscaroras, that 
moved the Five Nations to take steps to shield and protect the 
Tuscaroras, and eventually receive them, in 1722, as an additional 
member of the Iroquois Confederation. 

In their migration northward, the Tuscaroras did not all leave 
their ancient southern homes at once. Some sought an asylum 
among other southern tribes, and lost their identity. However, 
the major portion came north, and many of them resided for a 
number of years in Pennsylvania, before going to New York, the 
seat of the Five Nations. In fact, the Tuscaroras were ninety years 
in making their exodus from their North Carolina home to more 
friendly dwelling places in the North. 

One body of the Tuscaroras, on their way north, tarried in 
the Juniata Valley in Juniata County, Pennsylvania, for many 
years, giving their name to the Tuscarora Mountain. There is 

40 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

evidence of their having been there as late as 1755. Another 
band settled about two miles west of Tamaqua, in Schuylkill 
County, where they planted an orchard and lived for a number of 
years. Also, in May, 1766, a band of Tuscaroras halted at the 
Moravian mission at Friedensheutten, on the Susquehanna in 
Wyoming County, and remained there several weeks. Some re- 
mained at the mission, and these had planted their crops in 1766, 
at the mouth of Tuscarora Creek, Wyoming County. 

In a word, the residence places of the Tuscaroras in Pennsyl- 
vania during their migration to New York, were those localities 
where their name has been preserved ever since, such as: Tuscar- 
ora Mountain dividing Franklin and Perry counties from Hunt- 
ingdon and Juniata; Tuscarora Path Valley (now Path Valley) in 
the western part of Franklin County at the eastern base of Tuscar- 
ora Mountain; Tuscarora Creek running through the valley be- 
tween Tuscarora and Shade mountains, which valley forms the 
greater part of Juniata County; and also the stream called Tuscar- 
ora Creek running down through the southeastern part of Bradford 
County and joining the North Branch of the Susquehanna in the 
northwestern part of Wyoming County. The Tuscarora Path 
marks the route followed by the Tuscaroras during their migration 
to New York and of their subsequent journeyings to and fro be- 
tween New York and Pennsylvania on the north and Virginia and 
North Carolina on the south. 


The Conoy, also called the Ganawese and the Piscataway, 
inhabited parts of Pennsylvania during the historic period. They 
were an Algonquin tribe, closely related to the Delawares, whom 
they called "grandfathers", and from whose ancestral stem they no 
doubt sprang. Heckewelder, an authority on the history of the 
Delawares and kindred tribes, believed them to be identical with 
the Kanawha, for whom the chief river of West Virginia is named; 
and it seems that the names, Conoy and Ganawese, are simply 
different forms of the name Kanawha, though it is difficult to ex- 
plain the application of the same name to the Piscataway tribe of 
Maryland, except on the theory that this tribe once lived on the 

As stated formerly, the Conestogas, when defeated by the 
Iroquois in 1675, invaded the territory of the Piscataways in west- 
ern Maryland. This, it is believed, caused the northward migra- 

A View of the Indian Tribes 41 

tion of the Piscataways. At any rate, they shortly thereafter re- 
tired slowly up the Potomac, some entering Pennsylvania about 
1698 or 1699, and the rest a few years later. The Iroquois assign- 
ed them lands at Conejoholo, also called Connejaghera and Deka- 
noagah, on the east side of the Susquehanna at the present town of 
Washington Borough, Lancaster County. Later they removed 
higher up the Susquehanna to what was called Conoy Town, at the 
mouth of Conoy Creek, in Lancaster County. Still later they 
gradually made their way up the Susquehanna, stopping at Harris- 
burg, Shamokin (Sunbury), Catawissa, and Wyoming; and in 
1765, were living in southern New York. After their arrival in 
Pennsylvania, they were generally called Conoy. During their 
residence in Pennsylvania, their villages, especially those on the 
the lower Susquehanna, were stopping places for war parties of the 
Iroquois on their way to and return from attacks upon the 
Catawbas in the South; and this fact made considerable trouble for 
the Colonial Authorities as well as the Conoy. 


The Nanticokes, also, dwelt within the bounds of Pennsyl- 
vania during the historic period. These were an Algonquin tribe, 
formerly living on the Nanticoke River on the eastern shore of 
Maryland, where Captain John Smith, in 1608, located their prin- 
cipal village called Nanticoke. They were of the same parent 
stem as the Delawares. The tenth verse of the fifth song of the 
Walum Olum, the sacred tribaf history of the Lenape, contains the 
statement that "the Nanticokes and the Shawnees went to the 
Southlands." It is not clear, however, where the separation of the 
Nanticokes from the Lenape took place, but Heckewelder states 
that they separated from the Lenape after these had reached the 
eastern part of the United States, and that the Nanticokes then 
went southward in search of hunting and trapping grounds, they 
being great hunters and trappers. 

A short time after the settlement of Maryland, they had diffi- 
culties with the settlers of that colony. They were formally de- 
clared enemies in 1642, and the strife was not ended until a treaty 
entered into in 1678. A renewal of hostilities was threatened in 
1687, but happily prevented, and peace was once more reaffirmed. 
In 1698, and from that time forward as long as they remained 
within the bounds of Lord Baltimore's colony, reservations were 
set aside for them. At this early day they began a gradual migra- 

42 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

tion northward, though a small part remained in Maryland. The 
migration to the North covered many years. On their way they 
stopped for a time on the Susquehanna as guests of the Conoy; 
later at the mouth of the Juniata; and still later, in 1748, the 
greater part of this tribe went up the Susquehanna, halting at vari- 
ous points and finally settling, during the French and Indian War, 
under the protection of the Iroquois, at Chenango, Chugnut, and 
Owego, on the east branch of the Susquehanna in southern New 
York. For a number of years, their principal seat in Pennsylvania 
was on the east bank of the Susquehanna below the mouth of the 
Lackawanna, not far from Pittston, Luzerne County. 

Many marvelous stories were told concerning this tribe. One 
was that they were said to have been the inventors of a poisonous 
substance by which they could destroy a whole settlement at once. 
They were also accused of being skilled in the art of witchcraft, 
and, on this account they were greatly feared by the neighboring 
tribes. Heckewelder states that he knew Indians who firmly be- 
lieved that the Nanticokes had men among them who, if they 
wished, could destroy a whole army by merely blowing their 
breath toward them. 

They had the singular custom of removing the bones of their 
dead from place to place during their migrations, and this they 
would do even in cases where the dead had not been buried long 
enough to be reduced to a skeleton. In cases where the dead had 
not been buried long, they would scrape the flesh from the bones, 
reinter it, and then take the skeleton with them. Heckewelder re- 
lates that between the years 1750 and 1760 he saw several bands of 
Nanticokes go through the Moravian town of Bethlehem, Pennsyl- 
vania, on their migration northward, loaded with the bones of their 
relatives and friends. 


The Tutelo were a Siouan tribe, related to the Sioux, of 
Dakota of the far Northwest. For some time before their entering 
Pennsylvania soon after 1722, they had been living in North 
Carolina and Virginia. They were first mentioned by Captain 
John Smith, of Virginia, in 1609, as occupying the upper waters of 
the James and Rappahannock, and were described by him as being 
very barbarous. Their first seat in Pennsylvania was at Shamokin 
(Sunbury) where they resided under Iroquois protection. At this 
place, the Rev. David Brainerd found them in 1745. Later they 
moved up the Susquehanna to Skogari. In 1771, the Tutelo were 

A View of the Indian Tribes 43 

settled on the east side of Cayuga inlet about three miles from the 
south end of the lake of that name in New York. How this tribe 
became so widely separated from the western Sioux still remains 

The Conoy, the Nanticoke, and the Tutelo were not large 
tribes. In 1763, according to Sir William Johnson, the three tribes 
numbered about one thousand souls. 

As has been stated, the Shawnees, the Conoy, and the Nanti- 
cokes, belonged to the Algonquin parent stem; the Tutelo to the 
Siouan; and the Tuscarora to the Iroquoian. These three groups 
were widely separated. It is thus seen that, at the time when the 
English, the Germans, and the Scotch-Irish, and other European 
races were coming to Pennsylvania, as widely separated races of 
North American Indians were coming from the South to make 
their homes in its wilderness and along its streams. Of these in- 
coming tribes, the one to figure most prominently in the history 
of Pennsylvania was the Shawnee. Following Braddock's defeat, 
July 9th, 1755, Pennsylvania suffered the bloodiest Indian invasion 
in American history, — the invasion of the Shawnees and Delawares, 
brought about in part, by the fact that the Shawnees yielded to 
French influence. 


The Eries, also known as the Erieehronons, were populous 
sedentary tribe of Iroquoian stock, which, in the seventeenth cen- 
tury, inhabited that part of Pennsylvania extending from Lake 
Erie to the Allegheny River, possibly as far south as the Ohio 
River, and eastward to the lands of the Susquehannas. They 
are also known as the Cat Nation, from the abundance of wild 
cats and panthers in their territory. Recorded history gives only 
glimpses of them; but it appears that they had many towns and 
villages, and that their town, Rique, had, in 1654, between 3,000 
and 4,000 combatants, exclusive of women and children. 

In the Jesuit Relation of 1653, it is stated that the Eries were 
forced to proceed farther inland in order to escape their enemies 
dwelling west of them. Who these enemies were is not positively 
known. Finally, about 1655 or 1656, they were conquered by the 
Iroquois. The conquerors entered their palisaded town of Rique, 
and there "wrought such carnage among the women and children 
that the blood was knee-deep in places." However, this victory 

44 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

at Rique was dearly bought by the Iroquois, who were compelled 
to remain in the country of the Eries two months to care for the 
wounded and bury the dead. The Erie power now being broken, 
the people were either destroyed, dispersed, or led into captivity. 
Six hundred Eries, who had surrendered at one time, were taken 
to the Iroquois country and adopted. There is a tradition that, 
some years after the defeat of the Eries, a band of their descend- 
ants cames from the West, ascended the Allegheny River, and 
attacked the Senecas, and were slain to a man. 

The Wenro, a tribe of Iroquoin stock, also known as the 
Ahouenrochrhonons, are mentioned in the Jesuit Relation as hav- 
ing dwelt some time prior to 1639, "beyond the Erie", or Cat 
Nation; and it is probable that their habitat was on the upper 
territory of the Allegheny, and, part of it at least, within the 
bounds of the State of Pennsylvania. This tribe, too, fell before 
the arms of the Iroquois. A notation on Captain John Smith's 
map of his explorations, says that they traded with the whites on 
the Delaware River. 

They seem to have been allied with the Black Minquaas, 
which later, according to Herrmann's map of 1670, are placed in 
the region west of the Allegheny Mountains, and on the Ohio, or 
"Black Minquaas River". The Jesuit Relation states that both 
the Wenro and the Black Minquaas traded with the people on the 
upper Delaware, some going by way of the West Branch of the 
Susquehanna, down to Sunbury (Shamokin), up to Wyoming, and 
then across to the Delaware River, near the Water Gap; and others 
reaching the Delaware by way of the Conemaugh, Juniata, and 
Susquehanna. The Black Minquaas were so called because "they 
carried a black badge on their breast." About all that is known 
of the fate of this tribe is the legend on Herrmann's map, which 
reads: "A very great river called Black Minquaas River — where 
formerly those Black Minquaas came over the Susquehanna, as 
far as the Delaware to trade; but the Sasquhana and the Sinnicus 
Indians went over and destroyed that very great nation." 

A Siouan tribe, the Akansea, in remote times, occupied the 
upper Ohio Valley, according to many historians, and were driven 
out by the Iroquois. This stream was called the "River of the 
Akansea", because this tribe lived upon its shores. When or how 
long this river valley was their habitat, is not known. 

No other rivers in Pennsylvania, or on the continent, have 
seen more changes in the races of Indians living in their valleys 
than have the Ohio and the Allegheny, — the dwelling place of the 

A View of the Indian Tribes 45 

Alligewi; the Delawares, or Lenape, in the course of their migra- 
tion eastward; the Akansea; the Shawnees; the Black Minquaas; 
the Wenro; the Senecas; then once more the Shawnees and Dela- 
wares in their march toward the setting sun before the great tide 
of white immigration. What battles and conquests, all untold, 
took place in the valleys of these historic streams before the white 
man set foot upon their shores! Who would not seek to draw 
aside the curtain, which, it seems, must forever hide this unrecord- 
ed history from our view? 

We have seen that the French explorer, Brule, and the Dutch 
explorer, Viele, entered Pennsylvania at the very dawn of the his- 
toric period. Perhaps to these should be ?dded the French ex- 
plorer, LaSalle. It is a moot question, however, among his- 
torians whether this gallant Frenchman ever entered the limits of 
Pennsylvania, though Parkman lends the weight of his great name 
to the contention that he explored the Allegheny Valley. 

Having given this survey of the Indian tribes who inhabited 
Pennsylvania, we shall now take up the biographies of their out- 
standing chiefs.* In the course of our narrative will appear many 
things that reflect no honor on the whites — the anointed children 
of education and civilization. But it is our duty to record the 
wrongs committed upon the untutored Red Man, as well as the 
wrongs committed by him. History must not hide the truth. 
Furthermore, the author has no prejudice against any of the 
European races who came in contact with the Indians of Pennsyl- 
vania. His ancestors came to the Province in 1693, and the blood 
of nearly all these races flows in his veins — English, German, Irish, 
Scotch, Scotch-Irish, and French. 

* See the chapter, "The Red Neighbours" in Charles P. Keith's •"Chronicles of 
Pennsylvania" for a concise and well written account of the aborigines of Pennsylvania. 


Mattahorn and Naaman 

I HIS chapter is devoted to the two outstanding Delaware 
chiefs before the arrival of William Penn. Playing a 
part in the history of the lower Delaware, during its 
occupancy by the Swedes and the Dutch, the few recorded facts 
concerning these worthy representatives of the aborigines of Penn- 
sylvania, are as a voice from the distant past. 


Mattahorn claims our remembrance as one of the few Dela- 
ware chiefs distinguishable by name before the arrival of William 
Penn. We first meet him in April, 1633, when he and several 
other chiefs sold the land on which Philadelphia stands to Arent 
Corssen, the Dutch agent, commander of Fort Nassau, on the east 
bank of the Delaware River, near Gloucester, New Jersey. At 
that time the Dutch of Manhattan were endeavoring to establish 
an Indian trade on the South, or Delaware River. 

We next meet Mattahorn when the Swedes came to the Dela- 
ware. Late in the autumn of 1637, two ships left Sweden carrying 
a small band of resolute emigrants purposing to establish a 
Swedish colony in the New World under the patronage of Queen 
Christina, the daughter of Sweden's most famous king, Gustavus 
Adolphus, the "Lion of the North". These ships, commanded by 
Peter Minuit, who had been the Dutch Company's director at Man- 
hattan from 1626 to 1632, arrived on the west bank of the Dela- 
ware River in the middle of March, 1638. Charmed by the beauty 
of the region, the Swedes gave the name of Paradisudden (Paradise 
Point) to a particularly beautiful spot where they landed tem- 
porarily. Passing on up the river, their ships arrived at the 
Minquas Kill of the Dutch (White Clay and Christina creeks), 
which enters the Delaware from the west. The ships then sailed 
up the Minquas Kill some distance, and cast anchor at a place 
where some Indians had pitched their wigwams. 

Peter Minuit then fired a salute of two guns and went ashore 
with some of his men to reconnoiter and establish connection with 
the Indians. They also went some distance into the country. 

Mattahorn and Naaman 47 

Minuit then returned to his ship. The roar of his cannon had 
the desired effect; several Indian chiefs made their appearance, and 
Minuit at once arranged a conference with them for the sale of 
land. The leader of these chiefs was Mattahorn. Possibly 
Minuit from his acquaintance with the Dutch trade on the Dela- 
ware River during his administration at Manhattan, had some pre- 
vious knowledge of this chieftain. Minuit and the chiefs had no 
difficulty in coming to an agreement. He explained to the Indians 
that he wanted ground on which to build a "house", and other 
ground on which to plant. For the former he offered a "kettle 
and other articles", and for the latter, half of the tobacco raised 
upon it. On the same, or following day, Mattahorn and five other 
chiefs went aboard one of the ships of the Swedes and sold as much 
"of the land on all parts and places of the river, up the river, and 
on both sides, as Minuit requested." 

The merchandise specified in the deeds being given to them, 
the chiefs traced their totem marks on the documents, and Peter 
Minuit, Mans Kling, and others signed their names below. The 
extent of this purchase embraced the territory lying below the % 
Minquas Kill to Duck Creek, a distance of forty miles and up the 
river to the Schuylkill, a distance of twenty-seven miles along the 
bank of the Delaware, in both cases stretching an indefinite dis- 
tance to the westward. The purchase being concluded, Minuit 
with his officers and soldiers went ashore. A pole was then erected 
with the Coat of Arms of Sweden upon it; "and with the report of 
cannon, followed by other solemn ceremonies, the land was called 
New Sweden." This was the first Swedish colony in America. 

Mattahorn's next appearance on the stage of history is in 
1641 when a third nation, the English, becomes definitely connect- 
ed with the history of the Delaware. English merchants and 
planters of New Haven, finding that their colony was poorly situ- 
ated for trade with the Indians, looked for other places where they 
could settle and establish trading posts; and some of the principal 
merchants who had sent ships to the Delaware for some years, and 
had observed that this territory was sparsely settled and that the 
Swedish and Dutch forts and trading stations did not control the 
river, determined, in the autumn of 1640, to extend their activities 
systematically to the Delaware region. Accordingly, the "Dela- 
ware Company" was formed for the purpose of colonizing and 
trading on the Delaware; and two agents, Lamberton and Turner, 
with a number of assistants, were sent "to view and purchase part 
of the Delaware", in the spring of 1641. They were instructed to 

48 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

buy lands from the Indians not yet occupied by any Christian 
nation. Turner and Lamberton sailed up the Delaware River in 
April, 1641, held several conferences with Mattahorn on its shores, 
and on April 19th, purchased from this chieftain certain lands on 
the Schuylkill, possibly within the limits of Philadelphia. 

Mattahorn's name appears, in 1645, in the annals of the 
Swedes on the Delaware, the only year in which Indian troubles 
threatened the Swedish colony. The cause of this trouble was the 
fact that the Dutch at Manhattan adopted a course of "extermina- 
tion" of the Indians on the lower reaches of the Hudson, and dur- 
ing the years 1644 and 1645, had killed sixteen hundred of the 
natives at Manhattan and in its neighborhood. They slaughtered 
all ages and both sexes; and the word of these shocking and unpar- 
donable cruelties spread along the Atlantic Ocean, causing the 
Indians of the Delaware to feel bitter towards all newcomers, in 
the spring of 1644, a Swedish woman and her husband, an English- 
man, were killed not far from the site of Chester, Pennsylvania, — 
the first white blood shed in Pennsylvania by the Indians. Gov- 
ernor John Printz of the Swedish colony then assembled his people 
for the defense of Chester; but the Indian chiefs of that region 
came to him disowning the act and desiring peace. He then made 
a treaty of peace with them, distributing presents and restoring 
friendly relations. During this year there was a great Indian 
council held, which has been described by Rev. John Campanius, 
over which Mattahorn presided and in which the destruction of 
the Swedes was considered. Mattahorn is said to have presented 
the question for the consideration of the council; but the decision 
was that the Swedes should not be molested. The warriors said 
that the Swedes should be considered "good friends", and that the 
Indians had "no complaint to make of them." 

Once more, this time in April, 1648, we meet Mattahorn, when 
he and the Delaware chief, Sinquees, declared to the Dutch at Fort 
Nassau that they and others had sold to Corssen, the Dutch agent, 
in 1633, "the Schuylkill and adjoining lands." 

The last time we meet Mattahorn in recorded history is when 
he appeared, on July 9th, 1651, before a commission presided over 
by the Dutch Director-General, Peter Stuyvesant, who was then 
at the mouth of the Schuylkill. Mattahorn was then questioned 
as to the purchase of lands by the Swedes from him in 1638, and 
made the following reply: "That when Minuit came to the 
country with a ship, he lay before the Minquaas Kill, where he, 
the Sachem, then had a house and lived; that Minuit then pre- 

Mattahorn and Naaman 49 

sented him with a kettle and other trifles, requesting of him as 
much land as Minuit could set a house on, and a plantation includ- 
ed between 6 trees, which he, the Sachem, sold him, and Minuit 
promised him half the tobacco that would grow on the plantation, 
although it was never given to him. He declared further that 
neither the Swedes nor any other nation had bought the lands of 
them as right owners except the patch on which Fort Christina 
stood, and that all the other houses of the Swedes, built at Tinne- 
congh, Hingeesingh on the Schuylkill, and at other places were set 
up there against the will and consent of the Indians, and that 
neither they, nor any other natives had received anything therefor." 
On this day, (July 9. 1651), Mattahorn, Pemicka, Ackehon and 
Sinquees conveyed to Peter Stuyvesant a certain tract named 
Tamenconch, lying on the west shore of the Delaware, beginning 
at the west point of the Minquas Kill, extending unto Carasse, 
"and as far landward as our right extends, to-wit: to the bounds 
and limits of the Minquas [Susquehanna country]." 

It is thus seen that this conveyance to the Dutch included a 
part, at least, of the lands which the Indians had conveyed to the 
Swedes in the spring of 1638; but it must be understood that the 
Indian ownership of the land was very vague and undefined. It was 
seldom that definite limits were established, and often several 
chiefs would lay claim to the same land, claiming jurisdiction 
over any region where they had established their hunting ground 
by force or otherwise. Mattahorn assured Stuyvesant that he and 
his fellow sachems "were great chiefs and proprietors of the land.?, 
both by ownership and consent and appointment of Minquas 
[Susquehanna] and River Indians." As has already been ?een, the 
term "River Indians" was applied to the Delawares on the river 
of that name. This conveyance was signed by four Minquas or 
Susquehanna chiefs as witnesses thereto. It would thus seem th'at 
the Delawares on the lower part of the Delaware River were at 
that time subject to the authority of the Susquehannas. About 
twenty-five years after this conveyance was made, the Susque- 
hannas were defeated by the Iroquois and the power of their nation 
forever destroyed. Consequently their sovereignty over t h e 
Indians on the Delaware River passed to the Five Nations. 

Mattahorn being, in 1633, a chief of such importance as to sell 
lands of his tribe, was no doubt an elderly man when he made his 
exit from the stage of history, in 1651. 

50 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 


Another outstanding Delaware chief, who figured in the his- 
tory of the lower Delaware before the arrival of William Penn, 
was Naaman, whose name is preserved in Naaman's Creek, near 
the Delaware line. About all that is known of him is the fact 
that he was present on June 17th, 1654, at a great council of the 
Delawares at Printz Hall, at Tinicum, held for the purpose of re- 
newing the ancient bond of friendship that existed between the 
Delawares and the Swedes. At this council Naaman praised the 
virtues of the Swedes. Campanius Holm thus describes this oc- 

"The 17th June, 1654, was gathered together at Printz Hall at 
Tinicum, ten of the sachemans of the Indian chiefs, and there at 
that time was spoken to them in the behalf of the great Queen of 
Sweedland for to renew the old league of friendship that was be- 
twixt them, and that the Sweeds had bought and purchased land 
of them. They complained that the Sweeds they should have 
brought in with them much evil, because so many of them since 
are dead and expired. Then there was given unto them consider- 
able presents and parted amongst them. When they had received 
■the presents they went out, and had a conference amongst them a 
pretty while, and came in again, and then spoke one of the chiefs, 
by name Noaman [Naaman], rebuked the rest, and that they had 
spoken evil of the Sweeds and done them harm, and that they 
should do so no more, for they were good people. Look, said he, 
pointing upon the presents, what they have brought us, and they 
desire our friendship, and then he stroked himself three times 
down his arm, which was an especial token of friendship. After- 
wards he thanked for the presents they had received, which he did 
in all their behalfs, and said that there should hereafter be observed 
and kept a more strict friendship amongst them than there hath 
been hitherto. That, as they had been in Governoeur Printz his 
'time, one body and one heart, (beating and knocking upon his 
bieast), they should henceforward be as one head. For a token 
"waving with both his hands, and made as if he would tye a 
strong knot; and then he made this comparison, that as the calli- 
bash is of growth round without any crack, also they from hence- 
forth hereafter as one body without any separation, and if they 
heard or understood that any one would do them or any of theirs 
any harm, we should give them timely notice thereof, and like- 
wise if they heard any mischief plotting against the Christians, 

Mattahorn and Naaman 51 

they would give them notice thereof, if it was at midnight. And 
then answer was made unto them, that that would be a true and 
lasting friendship, if every one would consent to it. Then the 
great guns were fired, which pleased them exceedingly well, saying, 
'Pu-hu-hu! mo ki-rick pickon.' That is, 'Hear! now believe! 
The great guns are fired.' And then they were treated with wine 
and brandy. Then stood up another of the Indians and spoke, 
and admonished all in general that they should keep the league 
and friendship with the Christians that was made, and in no man- 
ner or way violate the same, and do them no manner of injury, not 
to their hogs or their cattle, and if any one should be found guilty 
thereof, they should be severely punished, others to an example. 
They advised that we should settle some Sweeds upon Passaiunck, 
where then there lived a power of Indians for to observe if they 
did any mischief, they should be confirmed, the copies of the 
agreements were then punctually read unto them. But the origin- 
als were at Stockholm, and when their names (were read) that had 
signed, they seemed when they heard it rejoiced, but when any- 
one's name was read that was dead, they hung their heads down 
and seemed to be sorrowful. And then there was set upon the 
floor in the great hall two great kettles, and a great many other 
vessels with sappan, that is, mush, made of Indian corn or Indian 
wheat, as groweth there in abundance. But the sachemans they 
sate by themselves, but the common sort of Indians they fed heart- 
ily, and were satisfied. The above mentioned treaty and friend- 
ship that then was made betwixt the Sweeds and the Indians, hath 
been ever since kept and observed, and that the Sweeds have not 
been by them molested." 

In closing this sketch of the two outstanding Delaware chiefs 
before the arrival of Penn, we call attention to the fact that one 
of the most notable features in the history of the Swedes on the 
Delaware, with whom both Mattahorn and Naaman came into 
intimate contact, is the fact that the Swedes had no war either with 
the Lenape or Delawares, or their more dangerous neighbors, the 
Minquas, or Susquehannas. The Swedes even assisted the Sus- 
quehannas in their struggle against the might of the Iroquois, fur- 
nishing them arms for their warriors after the manner of European 
soldiers. They were on especially friendly terms with the Dela- 
wares, and sought to convert them to the Christian faith. 

The principles upon which New Sweden was founded and its 
benevolent intentions towards the Indians are thus set forth in the 
letter granting the privileges to the colonists, signed by Chancellor 

52 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Axel Oxenstierna of Sweden, dated January 24th, 1640, and 
directed to the Commandant and inhabitants of Fort Christina, in 
New Sweden : 

"As regards religion, we are willing to permit that, besides 
the Augsburg Confession, the exercise of the pretended reformed 
religion may be established and observed in that country, in such 
manner, however, that those who profess the one or the other re- 
ligion live in peace, abstaining from every useless dispute, from 
all scandal and all abuse. The patrons of this colony shall be 
obliged to support, at all times, as many ministers and school- 
masters as the number of inhabitants shall seem to require, and to 
choose, moreover, for this purpose, persons who have at heart the 
conversion of the pagan inhabitants to Christianity." 

Carrying out these principles, we find Reverend John 
Campanius, the Swedish Lutheran clergyman, who accompanied 
Governor John Printz to New Sweden in 1643, active as a mission- 
ary among the Delawares and translating Martin Luther's Cate- 
chism into the Delaware tongue, — the first book to be translated 
into the language of the North American Indians. The petition, 
"Give us this day our daily bread," Campanius translated, "Give 
us this day a plentiful supply of venison and corn." Reverend 
Campanius was the first missionary of the Christian religion to 
labor among the Indians of Pennsylvania; and the Swedish Luth- 
eran church at Tinicum, which he dedicated on September 4, 1646, 
and of which he was pastor, "was the first regularly dedicated 
church building within the limits of Pennsylvania." 

If we examine the history of New Sweden from its founding, 
in 1638, to its overthrow by the Dutch, in 1655, we find many ex- 
cellencies that stand out in strong contrast with the early history 
of her neighboring colonies. She had an instructed citizenship. 
With her, liberty of conscience was a historical fact, and not a 
mockery, or a myth, as with the "Pilgrim Fathers" of New Eng- 
land. She laid down the principles of liberty of conscience and 
education of the people, as the foundation of her political structure, 
before William Penn was born; and she steadfastly adhered to 
these principles to the end of her separate and independent exist- 
ence, giving them an impetus that contributed very largely to their 
adoption as the most cherished and sacred principles in the struc- 
ture of our American Commonwealth. These "Pilgrim Fathers", 
who landed on the shores of the Delaware and made the first settle- 
ments in Pennsylvania, had far more to do with molding American 
history than the Pilgrims of New England. "America," says 
Woodrow Wilson, "did not come out of New England." 

Mattahorn and Naaman 53 

Throughout New Sweden's entire history, that other out- 
standing fact, which has been alluded to, appears, — the preserva- 
tion of friendly relations with the Indians, in contrast with the 
bloody pages in the history of other colonies. Indeed, the just and 
kindly treatment of the Delawares by the Swedish colonists had 
much to do in causing the friendly reception which these children 
of the forest gave William Penn at a later day when, with open 
heart and open hand, they welcomed him to the shores of this 
Western World. 

A Picture of the Delawares in the Day of 
Mattahorn and Naaman 

On July 28th, 1639, Adriaen van der Donck and others signed 
a document describing the Delawares and their manners and cus- 
toms as they were in the days of Mattahorn and Naaman and when 
they first met the Europeans on the Delaware River. This descrip- 
tion gives one of the most complete pictures of the Pennsylvania 
Indians of this early period, and is as follows: 

"The natives are generally well limbed, slender around the 
waist, broad shouldered; all having black hair and brown eyes; 
they are very nible and swift of pace, well adapted to travel on 
foot and to carry heavy burdens; they are dirty and slovenly in 
their habits; make light of all sorts of hardships, being by nature 
and from youth upwards accustomed thereto. They resemble the 
Brazilians in color, or are as tawny as those called Gipsies. Gen- 
erally, the men have very little or no beard, some even pluck it 
out; they use very few words, which they previously well consider. 
Naturally they are quite modest, without guile, and inexperienced, 
but in their way haughty enough, ready and quick witted to com- 
prehend or learn, be it good or bad, whatever they are most inclin- 
ed to. As soldiers they are far from being honorable, but perfid- 
ious and accomplish all their designs by treachery; they also use 
many stratagems to deceive their enemies and execute by night 
almost all their plans that are in any way hazardous. The thirst 
for revenge seems innate in them; they are very pertinacious in 
self defence, when they cannot escape, which, under other circum- 
stances, they like to do; they make little of death, when it is inevit- 
able, and despise all tortures that can be inflicted on them at the 
stake, exhibiting no faintheartedness, but generally singing until 
they are dead. 

"They also know right well how to cure wounds and hurts, or 

54 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

inveterate sores and injuries, by means of herbs and roots indigen- 
ous to the country, and which are known to them. The clothing 
as well of men as of women consists of a piece of duffels, or of deer- 
skin, leather, or elk hide around the body, to cover their nakedness. 
Some have a bearskin of which they make doublets; others again, 
coats of the skins of raccoons, wild cats, wolves, dogs, squirrels, 
beavers and the like; and they even have made themselves some 
of turkey's feathers; now they make use for the most part of duffels 
cloth which they obtain in trade from the Christians; they make 
their stockings and shoes of deerskins or elk hides, some even have 
shoes of corn husks whereof they also make sacks. Their money 
consists of white and black wampum which they themselves manu- 
facture; their measure and value is the hand of fathom, and if it 
be corn that is to be measured, 'tis done by the denotas which are 
bags of their own making. Their ornaments consist of scoring 
their bodies, or painting them of various colors, sometimes entirely 
black, when they are in mourning; but mostly the face. They 
twine both white and black wampum around their heads; formerly 
they were not wont to cover these, but now they are beginning to 
wear bonnets or caps, which they purchase from the Christians; 
they wear wampum in the ears, around the neck and around the 
waist, and thus in their way are mighty fine. They have also long 
deers-hair which is dyed red, whereof they make ringlets to encircle 
the head; and other fine hair of the same color, which hangs around 
the neck in braids, whereof they are very vain. They frequently 
smear their skin and hair with all sorts of grease. Almost all of 
them can swim; they themselves construct the boats they use, 
which are of two sorts; some of entire trees excavated with fire, 
axes and adzes; the Christians call these canoes; others, again, 
called also canoes, are made of bark, and in these they can move 
very rapidly. 

"Traces, and nothing more, of the institution of marriage can 
be perceived among them. The man and woman unite together 
without any special ceremony, except that the former, by agree- 
ment previously made with the latter, presents her with some wam- 
pum or cloth, which he frequently takes back on separating, if this 
occur any ways soon. Both men and women are excessively un- 
chaste and lacivious, without the least particle of shame; and that 
is the reason that the men so frequently change their wives and the 
women their husbands. They have, usually, but one wife; some- 
times even two or three, but this mostly obtains among the chiefs. 
They have also among them different ranks of people, such as 

Mattahorn and Naaman 55 

noble and ignoble. The men are generally lazy and will not work 
until they become old and of no consideration; then they make 
spoons, and wooden bowls, traps, nets, and various other such 
trifles; in other respects, they do nothing but hunt, fish and go to 

"The women must perform the remainder of the labor, such 
as planting corn, cutting and hauling fire wood, cooking, attending 
to the children, and whatever else has to be done. Their dwellings 
are constructed of hickory poles set in the ground and bent bow 
fashion, like arches, and then covered with bark which they peel 
in quantities for that purpose. Some, but principally the chiefs; 
houses, have, inside, portraits and pictures somewhat rudely 
carved. When fishing or hunting, they lie under the blue sky, or 
little better. They do not remain long in one place, but remove 
several times a year and repair, according to the season, to 
wherever food appears to them, beforehand, best and easiest to be 

"They are divided into various tribes and languages. Each 
tribe usually dwells together, and there is one among them who is 
chief; but he does not possess much power or distinction except in 
their dances and in time of war. Some have scarcely any knowl- 
edge of God; others very little. Nevertheless they relate very 
strange fables of the Deity. In general they have a great dread of 
the Devil, who gives them wonderful trouble; some converse freely 
on the subject and allow themselves to be strangely imposed upon 
by him; but their devils they say, will not have anything to do 
with the Dutch. Scarcely a word is heard here of any ghost or 
such like. Offerings are sometimes made to them, but with little 
ceremony. They believe also, in an Immortality of the soul; have 
likewise, some knowledge of the Sun, Moon, and Stars, many of 
which they even know how to name; they are passable judges of 
the weather. There is scarcely any law or justice among them, 
except sometimes in war matters, and then very little. The next 
of kin is the avenger; the youngest are the most daring, who 
mostly do as they like. Their weapons used to be a war club and 
the bow and arrow, which they know how to use with wonderful 
skill. Now, those residing near, or trading considerably with the 
Christians, make use of firelocks and hatchets, which they obtain 
in barter. They are excessively fond of guns; spare no expense on 
them, and are so expert with them that, in this respect they excel 
many Christians. 

"Their fare, or food, is poor and gross, for they drink water, 

56 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

having no other beverage; they eat the flesh of all sorts of game 
that the country supplies, even badgers, dogs, eagles, and similar 
trash, which Christians in no way regard; these they cook and use 
uncleaned and undressed. Moreover, all sorts of fish likewise, 
snakes, frogs, and such like, which they usually cook with the 
offals and entrails. They know, also, how to preserve fish and 
meat for the winter in order then to cook them with Indian meal. 
They make their bread, but of very indifferent quality, of maize, 
which they also cook whole, or broken in wooden mortars. The 
women likewise perform this labor and make a pap or porridge, 
called by some Sapsis, by others, Duundare, which is their daily 
food. They mix this, also, thoroughly with little beans, of differ- 
ent colors, raised by themselves; this is esteemed by them rather as 
a dainty, than as a daily dish." 



(AMANEND, (Tammany, etc.) was the head chief of the 
Unami or Turtle Clan of Delawares from before 1683 
until 1697 and, perhaps later. He is referred to in the 
Colonial Records of Pennsylvania as "King" of the Dela- 
wares. As was seen in Chapter I , the head chief of the Turtle 
Clan always presided at the councils of the three clans composing 
the Delaware Nation. Tamanend lived and hunted along the 
Neshaminy Creek in what is now Bucks County. His name signi- 
fies "the affable". The town of Tamanend, in Schuylkill County, 
is named for this noted chieftain. 

Tamanend is thus described by the Moravian missionary, Rev. 
John Heckewelder, who, as was stated in the first chapter of this 
book, was the staunch friend of the Delawares, and had lived 
among them in all the intimacy of friends and companions for 
more than thirty years: 

"The name of Tamanend is held in the highest veneration by 
all the Indians. Of all the chiefs and great men which the Lenape 
nation ever had, he stands foremost on the list. But, although 
many fabulous stories are circulated about him among the whites, 
but little of his real history is known. The misfortunes which 
have befallen some of the most beloved and esteemed personages 
among the Indians since the Europeans came among them, prevent 
the survivors from indulging in the pleasure of recalling to mind 
the memory of their virtues. No white man who regards their 
feeling, will introduce such subjects in conversation with them. 
All we know, therefore, of Tamanend is that he was an ancient 
Delaware chief who never had an equal. He was, in the highest 
degree, endowed with wisdom, virtue, prudence, charity, affability, 
meekness, hospitality; in short with every good and noble qualifi- 
cation that a human being may possess. He was supposed to have 
had intercourse with the great and good Spirit; for he was a 
stranger to everything that is bad. The fame of this great man 
extended even among the whites, who fabricated numerous legends 
concerning him, which I never heard, however, from the mouth of 
an Indian, and, therefore, believe to be fabulous. In the Revolu- 

58 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

tionary War, his enthusiastic admirers dubbed him a saint and he 
was established under the name of Saint Tammany, the Patron 
Saint of America. His name was inserted in some calendars and 
his festival celebrated on the first day of May in every year." 

Heckewelder then describes the celebrations in honor of Saint 
Tammany. They were conducted along Indian lines, and in- 
cluded the smoking of the calumet and Indian dances in the open 
air. "Tammany Societies" in the early part of our history as a 
nation, were organized in several American cities. 

William Penn Purchases Land From Tamanend 

William Penn did not set foot upon the soil of his Province 
until the 29th day of October, 1682; but, after maturing his plans 
for the new colony during the summer of 1681, he appointed his 
cousin, William Markham, to be his deputy governor. Markham 
left England in the spring of 1682, and arrived at New York about 
the middle of June of that year. He then proceeded to Upland, or 
Chester, Pennsylvania, and, no doubt, presented his credentials to 
the justices and announced to them and the settlers that once more 
a change of government had been decreed. 

William Penn decided to follow the advice of the Bishop of 
London and the example of the Swedes, and purchase from the 
Indians inhabiting his Province whatever lands, within the bounds 
of the same, might from time to time, become occupied by his 
colonists. The first Indian deed of record was a purchase of lands 
in Bucks County, made by Deputy Governor Markham for William 
Penn, dated the 15th day of July, 1682; and though Tamanend 
was not of the grantors therein, we mention it in this connection on 
account of its historical importance. The native grantors were 
fourteen Delaware chiefs or "sachemakers", bearing the following 
names: Idquahon, Ieanottowe, Idquoquequon, Sahoppe for him- 
self and Okonikon, Merkekowon, Orecton for Nannacussey, Shaur- 
wawghon, Swanpisse, Nahoosey, Tomakhickon, Westkekitt and 

Markham paid the Indians for this purchase: 350 fathoms 
of wampum, 20 fathoms of "stroudwaters", 20 white blankets, 20 
guns, 20 coats, 40 shirts, 40 pairs of stockings, 40 hose, 40 axes, 2 
barrels of powder, 60 fathoms of "duffields", 20 kettles, 200 bars 
of lead, 200 knives, 200 small glasses, 12 pairs of shoes, 40 copper 
boxes, 40 tobacco tongs, 2 small barrels of pipes; 40 pairs of scis- 
sors, 40 combs, 20 pounds of red lead, 100 awls, two handfuls of 

Tamanend 59 

fish hooks, two handfuls of needles, 40 pounds of shot, 10 bundles 
of beads, 10 small saws, 12 drawing knives, 2 ankers of tobacco, 
2 ankers of rum, 2 ankers of cider, 2 ankers of beer, and 300 
guilders in money,— a formidable list, indeed, and all very accept- 
able to the Indians. 

However, on June 23rd, 1683, William Fenn, at a meeting with 
Tamanend and a number of other Delaware chiefs at Shakamaxon, 
within the limits of Philadelphia, purchased four different tracts of 
land from the Indians.The first deed was from Tamanend, who 
made "his mark" to the same, being a snake coiled. This deed 
conveyed all of Tamanend's lands "lying betwixt the Pemmapecka 
[Pennypack] and Nessaminehs [Neshaminy] Creeks, and all along 
Nessaminehs Creek." The consideration was "so many guns, 
shoes, stockings, looking glasses, blankets, and other goods as the 
said William Penn shall please to give." 

On the same date, (June 23, 1683), William Penn purchased 
a second tract of land from Tamanend, the deed being signed by 
Tamanend and Metamequan. It conveyed all the grantors' lands 
"lying betwixt and about Pemmapecka and Nessaminehs Creeks, 
and all along Nessaminehs Creek." The consideration was "so 
much wampum and other goods as he, the said William Penn, 
shall be pleased to give unto us." However, there is a receipt 
attached to this deed for the following articles: 5 pairs of stock- 
ings, 20 bars of lead, 10 tobacco boxes, 6 coats, 2 guns, 8 shirts, 2 
kettles, 12 awls, 5 hats, 25 pounds of powder, 1 peck of pipes, 38 
yards of "duffields", 16 knives, 100 needles, 10 glasses, 5 caps, 15 
combs, 5 hoes, 9 gimlets, 20 fish hooks, 10 tobacco tongs, 10 pairs 
of scissors, 7 half-gills, 6 axes, 2 blankets, 4 handfuls of bells, 4 
yards of "stroudswaters" and 20 handfuls of wampum. 

Also, on the 5th day of July, 1697, "King Taminy [Taman- 
end], and Weheeland, my Brother and Weheequeckhon alias 
Andrew, who is to be king after my death, Yaqueekhon alias 
Nicholas, and Quenameckquid alias Charles, my Sons", granted to 
William Penn, who was then in England, all the lands "between 
the Creek called Pemmapeck [Pennypack] and the Creek called 
Neshaminy, in the said province extending in length from the 
River Delaware so far as a horse can travel in two summer dayes, 
and to carry its breadth according as the several courses of the said 
two Creeks will admit, and when the said Creeks do so branch that 
the main branches or bodies thereof cannot be discovered, then 
the Tract of Land hereby granted, shall stretch forth upon a direct 
course on each side and so carry on the full breadth to the extent 
of the lensth thereof." 

60 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

It is to be noted that in the list of articles which Penn gave in 
exchange for the various tracts of land purchased from Tamanend 
and his associate chiefs, no brandy or other strong liquor appeared. 
It will be recalled that in Markham's purchase in Bucks County 
on the 15th of July, 1682, he gave the contracting sachems, rum, 
cider and beer as part of the purchase price. Penn, however, was 
more scrupulous than his deputy governor, doubtless having real- 
ized more strongly than Markham, the injury done the Indians by 
liquor. Indeed, in the "Great Law" which Penn drew up shortly 
after his arrival, there was a provision for punishing any person 
by fine of five pounds who should "presume to sell or exchange any 
rum or brandy or any strong liquors at any time to any Indian, 
within this province." Later the Indians found their appetite for 
strong liquor to be so strong that they agreed, if the colonists would 
sell them liquor, to submit to punishment by the civil magistrates 
"the same as white persons." 

Penn's Treaty with Tamanend 

Penn's memorable treaty with Tamanend and other Delaware 
chiefs, under the great elm at Shakamaxon, within the limits of 
Philadelphia, is full of romantic interest. Unarmed, clad in his 
sombre Quaker garb, he addressed the Indians assembled there, 
uttering the following words, which will be admired throughout the 
ages: "We meet on the broad pathway of good faith and good- 
will; no advantage shall be taken on either side, but all shall be 
openness and love. We are the same as if one man's body was 
to be divided into two parts; we are of one flesh and one blood." 
The reply of Tamanend, is equally noble: "We will live in love 
with William Penn and his children as long as the creeks and 
rivers run, and while the sun, moon, and stars endure." 

No authentic record has been preserved of the "Great Treaty", 
made familiar by Benjamin West's painting and Voltaire's allusion 
to it "as the only treaty never sworn to and never broken;" and 
there has been a lack of agreement among historians as to the time 
when it took place. Many authorities claim that the time was in 
the November days, shortly after Penn arrived in his Province. 
"Under the shelter of the forest," says Bancroft, "now leafless by 
the frosts of autumn, Penn proclaimed to the men of the Algonquin 
race, from both banks of the Delaware, from the borders of the 
Schuylkill, and, it may have been, even from the Susquehanna, the 
same simple message of peace and love which George Fox had pro- 

Tamanend 61 

fessed before Cromwell, and Mary Fisher had borne to the Grand 

Other authorities, in recent times, fix the time of the treaty 
as on the 23rd day of June, 1683, when Penn, as has been seen, 
purchased the four tracts of land from Tamanend and his associ- 
ates; in other words, that the purchase of land and the "Great 
Treaty" took place at the same time and at the same place. More- 
over, a study of West's painting of the treaty scene shows the trees 
to be in full foliage, thus not suggesting a late autumn or winter 
day, as contended by Bancroft, but rather a day in the leafy month 
of June. Even if we should not grant the purchase of the four 
tracts of land from Tamanend and others on the 23rd of June, 
1683, the distinction of being the "Great Treaty", it was most cer- 
tainly a treaty of great importance and entitled to a prominent 
place in the Indian history of Pennsylvania and the Nation. 

Says Jenkins, in his "Pennsylvania, Colonial and Federal": 
"In the years following 1683, far down into the next century, the 
Indians preserved the tradition of an agreement of peace made with 
Penn, and it was many times recalled in the meetings held with 
him and his successors. Some of these allusions are very definite. 
In 1715, for example, an important delegation of the Lenape 
chiefs came to Philadelphia to visit the Governor. Sassoonan — 
afterward called Allummapees, and for many years the principal 
chief of his people — was at the head, and Opessah, a Shawnee 
chief, accompanied him. There was 'great ceremony', says the 
Council record, over the 'opening of the calumet'. Rattles were 
shaken, and songs were chanted. Then Sassoonan spoke, offering 
the calumet to Governor Gookin, who in his speech spoke of 'that 
firm Peace that was settled between William Penn, the founder and 
chief governor of this country, at his first coming into it', to which 
Sassoonan replied that they had come 'to renew the former bond 
of friendship; that William Penn had at his first coming made a 
clear and open road all the way to the Indians, and they desired 
the same might be kept open and that all obstructions might be re- 
moved', etc. In 1720, Governor Keith, writing to the Iroquois 
chiefs of New York, said: 'When Governor Penn first settled this 
country he made it his first care to cultivate a strict alliance and 
friendship with all the Indians, and condescended so far as to pur- 
chase his lands from them.' And in March, 1722, the Colonial 
Authorities, sending a message to the Senecas, said: 'William 
Penn made a firm peace and league with the Indians in these parts 
near forty years ago, which league has often been repeated and 

62 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

never broken.' ' In fact, the "Great Treaty" was never broken 
until the Penn's Creek Massacre of October 16, 1755. 

Unhappily, then, historians are not able to agree in stating the 
exact date of the "Great Treaty" under the historic elm on the 
banks of the Delaware, — a treaty that occupies a high and glorious 
place in the Indian history and traditions of Pennsylvania and the 
Nation. Though the historian labors in vain to establish the date, 
the fact of the treaty remains as inspiring to us of the present day 
as it was to the historians, painters, and poets of the past. 

On August 16th, 1683, William Penn wrote a long letter to the 
Free Society of Traders, in which he describes a council that he 
had with the Indians, — possibly the "Great Treaty": 

"I have had occasion to be in council with them (the Indians) 
upon treaties for land, and to adjust the terms of trade. Their 
order is thus: The King sits in the middle of an half moon, and 
hath his council, the old and wise, on each hand; behind them or 
at a little distance, sit the younger fry in the same figure. . . . 
When the purchase was agreed, great promises passed between us 
of kindness and good neighborhood, and that the Indians and Eng- 
lish must live in love as long as the sun and moon give light; 
which done, another made a speech to the Indians in the name of 
all the Sachamakers or Kings, first to tell them what was done; 
next to charge and command them to love the Christians, and par- 
ticularly live in peace with me, and the people under my Govern- 
ment; that many Governors had been on the River, but that no 
Governor had come himself to live and stay here before; and hav- 
ing now such an one that treated them well, they should never do 
him or his any wrong. At every sentence of which they shouted 
and said Amen in their way." 

Last Days of Tamanend 

Tamanend's last appearance in recorded history was when he, 
his brother and sons, conveyed the lands to William Penn on July 
5th, 1697. But three years prior thereto, or on July 6th, 1694, he 
appeared at a council at Philadelphia, a number of other Delaware 
chiefs accompanying the venerable sachem. At this council, he 
thus expressed his friendly feelings for the colonists, in a speech 
addressed to Lieutenant-Governor Markham: "We and the 
Christians of this river [Delaware] have always had a free road- 
way to one another, and although sometimes a tree has fallen 
across the road, yet we have still removed it again, and kept the 



path clean; and we design to continue the old friendship that has 
been between us and you." 

Tamanend died before July, 1701, but the date of his death is 
not known. All that is mortal of this great and good chieftain 
reposes in the soil of the beautiful valley of the Neshaminy, — the 
region which he and his associate chiefs conveyed to "Miquon", or 
"Brother Onas", as the Indians affectionately called William Penn. 
His grave is believed to be in "Tammany Burial Ground", near 
Chalfonte, Bucks County. 




Opessah and His Son, Loyparcowah 


jS we have seen, in Chapter II, Opessah, or Wopaththa, was 

the chief of the band of Shawnees, consisting of seventy 

families, who came from Cecil County, Maryland, and 

settled at Pequea, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, 

about the year 1697 or 1698. No doubt his name was pronounced 

"Opeththa", as the Shawnee language did not contain the sibilant. 

William Penn's Treaty with Opessah and Other 
Indians of the Susquehanna Region 

William Penn returned to Pennsylvania in December, 1699, 
after an absence of fifteen years; and he remained in his Province 
until the autumn of 1701, when he left finally, arriving in England 
about the middle of December of that year. During his second 
sojourn in Pennsylvania, he made his home in his commodious 
Manor House, at Pennsbury, in Falls Township, Bucks County, 
about twenty miles from Philadelphia. The erection of the man- 
sion had been started during his absence and was completed by 
him after his return. Here he received many visits from different 
Indian chiefs, a room in the mansion having been set apart for 
Indian conferences. 

During Penn's second sojourn in his Province, he endeavored 
to obtain additional legislation placing restrictions on the inter- 
course with the Indians, in order to protect them from the arts of 
the whites and the ravages of the rum traffic. He also endeavored 
to have the natives instructed in the doctrines of Christianity, In 
order to improve the temporal condition of the natives, he held 
frequent conferences at his manor house with various sachems; 
and frequently visited them in their forest homes, participating in 
their festivals. When they visited him at Pennsbury, it is said 
that he joined with them in their sports and games, ate hominy, 
venison, and roasted acorns with them, and matched them in 
strength and agility. It is recorded that nineteen Indian treaties 
were concluded and conferences held at Pennsbury. 

Opessah and His Son, Loyparcowah 65 

After the close of King William's war, the governor of New 
York made a treaty of peace with the Five Nations; and at 
William Penn's suggestion it was extended to the other English 
colonies. On April 23rd, 1701, Penn entered into "Articles of Agree- 
ment", or a treaty, at Philadelphia, with the Susquehannas, Min- 
quas, or Conestogas, the Shawnees, the Ganawese, Conoys, or Pis- 
cataways, the latter then dwelling on the northern bank of the 
Potomac, and the Five Nations. In this treaty the Susquehannas 
were represented by Connodaghtoh, their "king", and three chiefs 
of the same; the Shawnees were represented by Opessah, or 
Wopaththa, their "King", and two other chiefs; the Conoys, Gana- 
wese, or Piscataways, were represented by four of their chiefs; and 
the Five Nations were represented by Ahoakassongh, "brother to 
the emperor or great king of the Onondagas." 

We are now ready to state the provisions of the treaty. After 
first reciting the good understanding that had prevailed between 
William Penn and his lieutenants, on the one hand, and the vari- 
ous Indian nations inhabiting his Province, on the other hand, 
since his first arrival in Pennsylvania, and expressing that there 
should be forever a firm and lasting peace between Penn and his 
successors and the various Indian chiefs of his Province, the treaty 
provided as follows: 

First. That the said "kings and chiefs" and the various In- 
dians under their authority should, at no time, hurt, injure or de- 
fraud any inhabitants of the Colony of Penn; and that Penn and 
his successors should not suffer any injury to be done the Indians 
by any of his colonists. 

Second. That the Indians should, at all times, behave them- 
selves in a sober manner according to the laws of the Colony where 
they lived near or among the Christian Inhabitants thereof; and 
that they should have the full and free privileges and immunities 
of the laws of the Colony of Penn in the same manner as the 
whites, and acknowledge the authority of the crown of England in 
the Province. 

Third. That none of the Indians should, at any time, aid, 
assist or abet any other nation, whether of Indians or others, that 
would at any time not be in amity with the king of England. 

Fourth. That, if at any time, the Indians should hear from 
evil-minded persons or sowers of sedition any unkind reports of 
the English, representing that the English had evil designs against 

66 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the Indians, in such case the Indians should send notice thereof to 
Penn or his successors, and not give credence to such reports until 
fully satisfied concerning the truth of the same. Penn agreed that 
he and his successors should at all times act in the same manner 
toward the Indians. 

Fifth. That the Indians should not suffer any strange nations 
of Indians to settle on the farther side of the Susquehanna or about 
the Potomac, except those that were already seated there, nor bring 
any other Indians into any part of the Province without the per- 
mission of Penn or his successors. 

Sixth. Penn, for the purpose of correcting abuses that were 
too frequently connected with the fur trade with the Indians, 
agreed on the part of himself and his successors, that no one should 
be permitted to trade with the Indians without first securing a 
license under the Governor's hand and seal; and the Indians 
agreed, on their part, not to permit any person whatsoever to buy 
or sell, or have any trade with them, without first having a license 
so to do. 

Seventh. The Indians agreed not to sell or dispose of any of 
their skins or furs to any person whatsoever outside of the Pro- 
vince; and Penn bound himself and his successors to furnish the 
Indians with all kinds of necessary goods for their use, at reason- 
able rates. 

Eighth. The Conoys, Ganawese, or Piscataways, should have 
leave of Penn and his successors to settle on any part of the Poto- 
mac River within the bounds of Penn's Province. (At this time, 
the vexed question as to the boundary line between Pennsylvania 
and Maryland was unsettled). 

Ninth. The Susquehannas, or Conestogas, as a part of these 
articles of agreement, absolutely ratified and confirmed the sale of 
lands lying near and about the Susquehanna, formerly conveyed to 
William Penn, by deed of Governor Dongan of New York, and 
later confirmed by the deed of the Conestogas, dated the 13th day 
of September, in the year 1700, to both of which conveyances ref- 
erence will be made in Chapter VI. The Susquehannas also 
agreed to be, at all times, ready further to confirm and make good 
the said sale, according to the tenor of the same, and that they 
would be answerable to Penn and his successors for the good be- 
havior of the Conoys or Ganawese, and for their performing of 
their several agreements which were a part of this treaty. 

Opessah and His Son, Loyparcowah 67 

Tenth. In the last item of the agreement, Penn promised, for 
himself and his successors, that they would, at all times, show 
themselves true friends and brothers to all of the Indians by assist- 
ing them with the best of their "advices, directions and counsel", 
and would, in all things just and reasonable, befriend them; and 
the chiefs promised, for themselves and their successors, to behave 
themselves according to the tenor of the agreement, and to sub- 
mit to the laws of the Province in the same manner as "the Eng- 
lish and other Chrstians therein do." The agreement was then 
concluded by the exchange of skins and furs, on the part of the 
Indians, and goods and merchandise, on the part of Penn. 

At about the time of making this historic treaty of peace with 
the Indians on the Susquehanna, William Penn had journied into 
the interior of his Province, and conferred with the Conestogas at 
Conestoga, their principal town, in Lancaster County, the Cones- 
togas being responsible for the good behavior of the Shawnees in 
their vicinity, as was pointed out in Chapter II. Penn wrote to 
James Logan, in June, 1701, of his visit to the Conestoga region, 
as follows: "We were entertained right nobly at the Indian King's 
palace at Conestoga." At that time, Penn intended the founding 
of a "great city" in the Conestoga region, on the Susquehanna. 

At the time of this treaty, most of the Conoy were living on 
the north bank of the Potomac, though some had already entered 
Pennsylvania as early as 1698 or 1699, as stated in Chapter II. 
Some years after the treaty, or in the summer of 1705, the Dela- 
ware chief, Manangy, living on the Schuylkill, interviewed Gov- 
ernor John Evans, at Philadelphia, explaining that the Conoy, 
"settled in this Province near the head of the Potomac, being now 
reduced by sickness to a small number, and desirous to quit their 
present habitation where they settled about five years ago with the 
Proprietor's consent, the Conestoga Indians then becoming guar- 
antees of a treaty of friendship, made between them, and showing 
a belt of wampum they had sent to the Schuylkill Indians to en- 
gage their friendship and consent that they might settle amongst 
them near Tulpehocken, request of the Governor that they may be 
permitted to settle in the said place." The Governor then permitted 
the Conoy to settle in the valley of the Tulpehocken, Manangy and 
his band on the Schuylkill guaranteeing their good behavior. 

Governor Evans Holds Councils with Opessah 

On the sixth and seventh of June, 1706, a council was held at 
Philadelphia between Governor John Evans and "the chiefs of the 
Conestogas, Shawnees, and Ganawese, or Conoys", concerning pub- 

68 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

lie affairs relating to these tribes. Indian Harry, of the Cones- 
togas, was the interpreter. In the minutes of the council, the 
Colonial Records do not specifically state that Opessah was present, 
but, being the head of the Shawnees at Pequea, there is no doubt 
that he attended the council. This council opened with Secretary 
James Logan's account of his journey to the Conestogas and Conoy 
during the preceding October and the treaty which was then held 
with the Conoy at their town (Connejaghera, Conejoholo, Dekan- 
oagah) near the site of Washington Borough, Lancaster County, 
by the terms of which treaty, the Conoy were assured that they 
would be safe in Penn's Province. The Conoy explained to James 
Logan, at the time of his visit, that they had had much trouble 
with the Virginians, and, considering it not safe to dwell in their 
old abode on the Potomac, had come within the bounds of Penn- 
sylvania, where they hoped to dwell in peace. 

During this council at Philadelphia, Andaggy-Junguagh, chief 
of the Conestogas, laid before Governor Evans a very large belt of 
wampum, which he said was a pledge of peace formerly delivered 
by the Onondagas to the Nanticokes when the Onondagas had sub- 
jugated this tribe. He explained that the Nanticokes, being lately 
under some apprehension of danger from the Five Nations, some 
of them had, in the spring of 1706, come to the region of the Cones- 
togas, and had brought this belt with them, as well as another belt, 
which, the chief explained, he left at his village in Lancaster 
County. He further advised the Governor that the Five Nations, 
of whom the Onondagas, as has been seen, were a member, were 
presently expected to send deputies to receive the tribute of the Nan- 
ticokes; that he had brought this belt to Philadelphia in order that 
the Colonial Authorities might be able to show it to any of the 
Five Nations, who might come to Philadelphia, as evidence to 
them that peace had been made. The Provincial Council, after 
considering the matter, concluded to keep the belt according to the 
proposal of the Conestogas; and the Conestogas promised to re- 
tain the other belt at their chief town, to be shown to the Five 
Nations, if any of their deputies should come to Conestoga. 

The remaining time of the council was taken up by explaining 
to the chiefs of these three nations the laws which had been re- 
cently enacted regulating the intercourse between the Province and 
these Indians. Evans explained to the chiefs that a law had re- 
cently been enacted providing that no person should trade with 
them but such as should first have a license from the Governor 
under his hand and seal. The chiefs requested the Governor that 

Opessah and His Son, Loyparcowah 69 

only two traders be licensed, but Evans explained that the fewer 
the number of traders the more likely it would be that the Indians 
would be imposed upon. They then desired of the Governor 
that he would not permit the traders to go beyond their towns and 
meet the Indians returning from hunting, explaining that it had 
been the traders' custom to meet the Indians returning from their 
hunt, when they were loaded with furs and peltries, make them 
drunk, and get all of the fruits of their hunt before they returned 
to their wives and families. The Governor agreed to this proposal 
and told the chiefs that their people should have no dealings with 
the traders, except at their own villages, and that he would in- 
struct the traders not to go any farther into the Susquehanna 
region than the principal Indian towns, and to do no trading 
whatever, except in those places. Liberal presents were then given 
the chiefs, and the council adjourned. 

At a meeting of the Provincial Council on the 31st of August, 
1706, it was decided that Governor Evans should visit Conestoga 
and the region round about it, for the purpose of further strength- 
ening the bond of friendship between the Indians and the Colony. 
The Governor accordingly journeyed to this region early in Sep- 
tember, where he was well received by the Conestogas, Shawnees 
and Conoys; but his visit was the cause of much scandal on ac- 
count of his actions while there. 

The French, as early as 1707, had their emissaries among the 
Conestogas under the guise of traders, miners or colonists, in an 
effort to draw them away from their allegiance to the English. 
Likewise, the colony of Maryland was pushing her pioneers over 
the boundary, in an effort to forestall the claims of William Penn 
by actual settlement. 

In the month of June, 1707, Governor Evans, accompanied 
by Colonel John French, William Tonge, and several other Friends, 
and four servants, made a journey among the Susquehanna In- 
dians, upon receiving a message from the Conestogas that the 
Nanticokes, who now had been tributaries of the Five Nations for 
twenty-seven years, intended journeying to the Onondagas in New 
York. He visited the following places: Pequea, Dekonoagah, 
Conestoga, and Paxtang, near Harrisburg. 

At Pequea, the Governor and his party were received by the 
Shawnees with a discharge of firearms, and a conference was held, 
on June 30th, with Opessah, in which the chief told the Governor 
that he and his people were "happy to live in a country at peace, 
and not as in those parts where we formerly lived, for, then, upon 

70 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

returning from hunting, we found our town surprised, and our 
women and children taken prisoners by our enemies." While the 
Governor was at Pequea, several Shawnees from the South came 
to settle there, and were permitted to do so by Opessah, with the 
Governor's consent. 

At Dekonoagah, the Governor was present at a meeting of the 
Shawnees, Conoys, and Nanticokes from seven of the surrounding 
towns. After having satisfied himself that the Nanticokes were a 
well meaning people, the Governor guaranteed them the protec- 
tion of the Colony of Pennsylvania. 

The Governor, having received information at Pequea that a 
Frenchman, named Nicole, was holding forth among the Indians 
at Paxtang, about whom he had received many complaints, and 
having advised the chief at Paxtang of his intention to seize this 
French trader, captured Nicole, after much difficulty, and, having 
mounted him on a horse with his legs tied, conveyed him through 
Tulpehocken and Manatawney, to Philadelphia, and lodged him in 

In Chapter II, a detailed account was given of the conference 
at Conestoga, on June 8th, 1710, between the two commissioners of 
Governor Evans (John French and Henry Worley) and Opessah, 
Civility, and the Tuscarora commissioners, to which conference 
reference is made at this point. 

Opessah continued as chief of the Shawnees on the lower Sus- 
quehanna, with his principal seat at Pequea, until 1711. Then he 
voluntarily abandoned both his chieftainship and his tribe, and 
made his home among the Delawares to the northward, whose 
chief was Sassoonan, or Allummappees. Three principal chiefs of 
the Conestogas appeared before Governor Charles Gookin and the 
Provincial Council, at Philadelphia, on October first, 1714, and 
advised them that Opessah, "the late King of their neighbors and 
friends, the Shawnees," had left his people about three years pre- 
viously, and, though often urged to return, refused to do so. The 
Shawnees at Pequea then elected a new king, named Cakunda- 
wanna, who accompanied the delegation of Conestoga chiefs and 
was presented to the Council. On June 14, 1715, Opessah, with 
Sassoonan, chief of the Delawares, attended the conference with 
Governor Gookin, mentioned in Chapter IV. 

It is probable that Opessah sought an asylum among the Dela- 
wares through fear that the Five Nations or the English would 
hold him responsible for the murder of Francis de la Tore and sev- 
eral other white bond-servants of the trader, John Hans Steelman, 

Opessah and His Son, Loyparcowah 71 

by some young Shawnees, in 1710. Another account, this one 
traditionary, ascribes his desertion to the fact that he fell in love 
with a Delaware squaw who refused to leave her people.' 

A few years later, (1722) Opessah settled at Old (Shawnee) 
Town, on the Potomac, in Maryland, a town frequently called 
Opessah's Town by the Marylanders, as late as 1725. It is prob- 
able that he was the chief referred to by the Potomac Shawnee 
chiefs from the Ohio, Opakethwa and Opakeita, when they told 
Governor Gordon, upon their visit to Philadelphia, in September, 
1732, that "formerly they lived at Patowmack, where their king 
died; that, having lost him, they knew not what to do; that they 
took their wives and children and went over the mountains, [to the 
Ohio and Allegheny valleys] to live." 


Loyparcowah was a son of Opessah. His name appears sev- 
eral places in the Colonial Records in the following form: "Loy- 
parcowah, Opessah's Son." The Shawnee chief, Neucheconneh, 
"Deputy King", seems to have acted as vice-regent during the 
young manhood of this heir of the famous Shawnee chief, who 
came with his people to Pequea, Lancaster County, in 1697, or 

Loyparcowah was one of the Shawnees who left the Susque- 
hanna Valley and crossed the mountains to the valley of the 
Allegheny. The year in which he did this is not known, but it is 
likely that he was among those of his tribe who went west from 
Paxtang and New Cumberland about 1727 — the first Shawnees to 
follow the Delawares to the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny. 

Loyparcowah Opposes Rum Traffic 

Reference has been made to the fact that the Shawnees were 
highly displeased on account of the constant supply of rum 
brought to them by the traders in violation of the laws of the 
Colony. Their wise men recognized that it was the curse of the 
Red Man, causing his physical, mental, and moral deterioration. 
Protests were made by the leaders of this tribe time and again to 
the effect that the Colony failed to enforce the laws against the 
rum traffic. In fact, one of the main reasons why the Shawnees 
migrated to the western part of Pennsylvania was their desire to 
escape the ruinous effects of strong liquor. But the trader with 
his rum followed them into the forests of their western homes. 

72 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Then the Shawnee on the Conemaugh, Kiskiminetas, and Alle- 
gheny took steps, in 1738, to restrain this pernicious traffic. On 
March 20th of that year, three of their chiefs in this region, name- 
ly: "Loyporcowah (Opessah's Son), Newcheconneh (Deputy 
King), and Coycacolenne, or Coracolenne (Chief Counsellor)", 
wrote a letter to Thomas Penn and James Logan, Secretary of the 
Provincial Council, in which they acknowledged the receipt of a 
present from Penn and Logan of powder, lead, and tobacco, deliv- 
ered to them by the trader, George Miranda; in which they say 
they have a good understanding with the French, the Five Nations, 
the Ottawas, and all the French Indians; that the tract of land 
reserved for them by the Proprietory Government on the west side 
of the Susquehanna does not suit them at present; and that they 
desire to remain in the region of the Allegheny and Kiskiminetas, 
make a strong town there, and keep their warriors from making 
war upon other nations at a distance. They then add: 

"After we heard your letter read, and all our people being 
gathered together, we held a council together, to leave off drinking 
for the space of four years. . . . There was not many of our 
traders at home at the time of our council, but our friends, Peter 
Chartier and George Miranda; but the proposal of stopping the 
rum and all strong liquors was made to the rest in the winter, and 
they were all willing. As soon as it was concluded of, all the rum 
that was in the towns was staved and spilled, belonging both to 
Indians and white people, which in quantity consisted of about 
forty gallons, that was thrown in the street; and we have appointed 
four men to stave all the rum or strong liquors that is brought to 
the towns hereafter, either by Indians or white men, during the 
four years." A pledge signed by ninety-eight Shawnees and the 
two traders above named accompanied this letter, agreeing that all 
rum should be destroyed, and four men appointed in every town 
to see that no strong liquor should be brought into the Shawnee 
towns for the term of four years. 

Previous to this action on the part of Loyparcowah and other 
chiefs of the Shawnees, the Delawares at Kittanning made com- 
plaints concerning the rum traffic. In 1732, the trader, Edmund 
Cartlidge, wrote the Governor from Kittanning that the chiefs 
there made reflections on the Government for permitting such large 
quantities of rum to be carried to the Allegheny and sold to the 
Indians at that place, contrary to law. Also, in 1733, the Shawnee 
chiefs in the Allegheny region wrote the Governor requesting that 
he send them an order permitting them "to break in pieces all kegs 

Opessah and His Son, Loyparcowah 73 

of rum so brought yearly and monthly by some new upstart of a 
trader without a license, who comes amongst us and brings noth- 
ing but rum, no powder, nor lead, nor clothing, but takes away 
with him those skins which the old licensed traders, who bring us 
everything necessary, ought to have in return for their goods sold 
us some years since." Also in 1734, the Shawnee chiefs at Alle- 
gheny wrote the Governor and requested that none of the licensed 
traders be allowed to bring them more than thirty gallons of rum 
twice in a year, except Peter Chartier, who "trades further than ye 

Loyparcowah later descended the Allegheny and Ohio, prob- 
ably remaining for some time at Chartier's Old Town, on or near 
the site of Tarentum, Allegheny County, and at Logstown, near 
the site of Economy, in the same county. In 1752, we find him at 
the Lower Shawnee Town, at mouth of the Scioto. On February 
8th, of this year, he joined with three other Shawnee chiefs of the 
Lower Shawnee Town, in a letter to Governor James Hamilton of 
Pennsylvania, informing the Governor that "all the nations settled 
on this River Ohio and on this side of the Lakes are in friendship 
and live as one people; but the French trouble us much; they 
threaten to cut us off, and have killed thirty of our brothers, the 
Twightwees (Miamis); and we now acquaint you that we intend to 
strike the French." 


Oretyagh, Ocowellos and 
Captain Civility 


RETYAGH claims our remembrance as one of the chiefs 
of the Conestogas to come into touch with William 
Penn. He attended the council at Philadelphia, on 
July 6th, 1694, mentioned at the close of Chapter IV. 
This is his first appearance in recorded history. 

Oretyagh Sells Susquehanna Land to William Penn 

Oretyagh next appears as one of the grantors of lands on the 
Susquehanna to William Penn, the history of which transaction is 
as follows : 

By deed, dated September 10th, 1683. the Conestoga chief, 
Kekelappan, granted to Penn "that half of all my lands betwixt 
Susquehanna and Delaware, which lieth on ye Susquehanna side." 
In this same deed he promises to sell Penn in the following spring, 
upon his return from hunting, the other half of his lands. Also, 
on October 18th, 1683, the Conestoga chieftain, Machaloha, who 
claimed to exercise authority over the Indians "on the Delaware 
River, Chesepeake Bay and up to ye falls of ye Susquehanna 
River", conveyed to Penn his right in his land. 

With reference to the deeds of Kekelappan and Machaloha, 
Penn seems to have thought it advisable to get the consent of the 
Five Nations to his possession of the lands in the interior of the 
country in the region of the Susquehanna. He had no doubt 
learned of the defeat of the Susquehannas at their fort, in either 
Lancaster or York County, at the hands of the Five Nations, or 
Irquois, in 1675. Accordingly, he sent two agents to confer with 
the Irquois chiefs in New York, in the summer of 1683, with refer- 
ence to these lands; and in July of that year, he wrote acting Gov- 
ernor Brockholls of New York, commending to his favor these 
agents sent to treat with the Iroquois "about some Susquehanna 
land on ye back of us, where I intend a colony forthwith." 

Oretyagh, Ocowellos and Captain Civility 75 

On August 25th, 1683, a new Governor, Thomas Dongan, reach- 
ed New York, displacing Brockholls. He remained Governor of 
the colony until August, 1688. Immediately upon his arrival, he 
heard of the negotiations of Penn's agents; and both he and the 
Albany justices feared that Penn would plant a strong settlement 
on the Susquehanna, and thus get the profitable fur trade of the 
Five Nations of New York. The Susquehanna River afforded a 
splendid highway from the central part of the Five Nations' terri- 
tory right to the settlement which Dongan feared Penn would 
found on the lower part of that river. Dongan called "an extra- 
ordinary meeting" of the justices on September 7th. When they 
assembled, they had with them several chiefs of the Iroquois, 
among them being two Cayugas and "a Susquehanna." The 
justices closely questioned the chiefs concerning the "situation of 
the Susquehanna River" as to its geographical and trade relations 
with the settlements of the colony of New York, especially that of 
Albany. The chiefs replied that it was "one day's journey" from 
the Mohawk castles to the lake where the Susquehanna rises; that 
it was one and one-half days' journey overland from Oneida "to 
the kill which falls into the Susquehanna River", and one day 
from there to the river itself; that it was but a half day's journey 
overland and one day by water from Onondaga to the Susque- 
hanna River; that it was but one and one-half days' journey by 
land and water from Cayuga to the Susquehanna River; and that 
it was three days' journey overland and two by water from the 
"four castles" of the Senecas to the Susquehanna River, and then 
only five days' journey by water to the Susquehanna castles. The 
chiefs explained that all this journey was "very easy, they con- 
veying their packs in canoes." 

It was but natural that the chiefs should inquire as to the 
reason for such detailed questioning. They inquired why the 
justices wanted all this information and pointedly asked whether 
the white men were coming to the Susquehanna. The justices 
asked them in turn how that would suit them, and the chiefs 
frankly replied "very well"; that it would be much easier and 
nearer for trade than Albany offered, "insomuch as they must 
bring everything thither on their backs." This candid statement 
of the chiefs was very alarming to the justices, and they immedi- 
ately wrote Dongan urging that he find "an expedient for prevent- 
ing" Penn's acquisition of a Susquehanna Indian title. On Sep- 
tember 18th, Dongan advised the justices that he considered it 
"very convenient and necessary to putt a stopp to all proceedings 

76 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

in Mr. Penn's affairs with the Indians until his bounds and limits 
be adjusted"; and he instructed them "to suffer no manner of pro- 
ceedings in that business" until they should receive further advice 
from him. 

The justices, therefore, prevailed with the chiefs to advise the 
agents of Penn that they had no right to sell the Susquehanna 
lands, having promised them to "Corlaer" — the generic name for 
the New York governors — on some previous occasion, and to de- 
cline to proceed with the negotiations. Then Dongan, in order to 
get the matter in his own hands, procured from some of the 
sachems a deed of the lands to himself. Then he wrote Penn, on 
the 10th of October, advising him of the purchase, and again, on 
the 22nd of October, saying that it had been further confirmed by 
the Iroquois, but that he and Penn would not "fall out" over the 

Thus the matter stood until the 13th day of January, 1696, on 
which date Dongan executed a lease and release to William Penn 
of "all that tract of land lying upon, on both sides, the river com- 
monly called or known by the name of Susquehanna River, and 
the lands adjacent, beginning at the mountains or head of the said 
river, and running as far as and into the bay of Chesapeake." 
The territory conveyed is further described as being the same 
"which the said Thomas Dongan lately purchased of or had given 
him by the Sinneca Susquehanna Indians." 

This deed gave Penn whatever title to the Susquehanna 
Dongan had procured in 1683 from the Iroquois as over lords of 
the Susquehanna clans. But, in order to get indisputable title to 
these Susquehanna lands, Penn, after he returned to his Province 
early in December, 1699, from his fifteen years absence in England, 
made and concluded, on the 13th day of September, 1700, a treaty 
with Oretyagh, or Widaagh, and Andaggy-Junkquagh, "Kings or 
Sachems of the Susquehannagh Indians, and of the river under that 
name, and lands lying on both sides thereof", by the terms of 
which these chiefs granted to him all the rights they possessed on 
the Susquehanna, and ratified and confirmed unto him "ye bargain 
and sale of ye said lands, made unto Col. Thomas Dongan, now 
Earl Limerick, and formerly Governor of New York." This sale 
was further confirmed in the "Articles of Agreement" which Penn 
concluded with the Susquehanna or Conestoga Indians, at Phila- 
delphia, on April 23, 1701, which agreement was related in Chap- 
ter V. 

Oretyagh, Ocowellos and Captain Civility 77 

Oretyagh Bids Farewell to William Penn 

Shortly before embarking for England, in the autumn of 1701, 
William Penn assembled a large company of the Delawares at his 
manor house at Pennsbury to review and confirm the covenants of 
peace and good will, which he had formerly made with them. The 
meeting was held in the great hall of the manor house. The 
sachems assured him that they had never broken a covenant "made 
with their hearts and not with their heads." After the business of 
the conference had been transacted, Penn made them many pres- 
ents of coats and other articles, and then the Indians retired into 
the courtyard of the mansion to complete their ceremonies. 

Likewise, Oretyagh, with a number of the sachems of the 
Conestogas and Shawnees, came to Philadelphia shortly before 
Penn's final departure for England, to take leave of their beloved 
"Brother Onas." At this conference, which was held on October 
7th, 1701, Penn informed the chiefs that it was likely the last inter- 
view that he would ever have with them; that he had ever loved 
and been kind to them and ever would continue so to be, not 
through political designs or for a selfish interest, but out of real 
affection. He desired them, in his absence to cultivate friendship 
with those whom he would leave in authority, so that the bond of 
friendship already formed might grow the stronger throughout the 
passing years. He also informed them that the Assembly was at 
that time enacting a law, according to their desire, to prevent their 
being abused by the selling of rum among them, with which 
Oretyagh, in the name of the rest, expressed great satisfaction, and 
desired that the law might speedily and effectually be put into 
execution. Oretyagh said that his people had long suffered from 
the ravages of the rum traffic, and that he now hoped for redress, 
believing that they would have no reason for complaint of this 
matter in the future. 

Penn early saw the degradation which the Indians' unquench- 
able thirst for strong drink wrought among them, and he did all in 
his power to remedy this matter. He said that it made his heart 
sick to note the deterioration of character and the degradation 
which the strong liquor and vices of the white man wrought among 
the Indians during his short stay in the Province. 

Finally, at this leavetaking, Penn requested the Indians that, 
if any of his colonists should ever transgress the law and agree- 
ment, which he and his governor had entered into with them, they 
should at once inform the government of his Province, so that the 

78 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

offenders might be prosecuted. This they promised to observe 
faithfully, and that, if any rum were brought among them, they 
would not buy it, but send the person who brought it back with it 
again. Then, informing the chiefs that he had charged the mem- 
bers of his Council that they should, in all respects, be kind and 
just to the Indians in every manner as he had been, and making 
them presents, he bade them adieu never to meet them again. 

Well would it have been for the Colony of Pennsylvania, if 
Penn's successors had always emulated his example in dealing 
with the Indians — if his successors had been imbued with his kind- 
ly spirit, and had treated the natives with justice. He died on 
the 30th of July, 1718, at Ruscombe, near Tywford, in Bucking- 
hamshire, England, at the age of seventy-four; and when his great 
heart was cold and still in death, the Red Man of the Pennsylvania 
forests lost his truest friend. During Penn's life there were no 
serious troubles between his colony and the Indian, and no actual 
warfare, as we shall see, for some years thereafter; but, less than 
a generation after this great apostle of the rights of man was 
gathered to his fathers, the Delawares, who had welcomed him so 
kindly, and the Shawnees, rose in revolt, after a long series of 
wrongs, and spread terror, devastation, and death throughout the 
Pennsylvania settlements. 

Says Dr. George P. Donehoo: "The memory of William Penn 
lingered in the wigwams of the Susquehanna and the Ohio until 
the last red man of this generation had passed away; and then the 
tradition of him was handed down to the generations which fol- 
lowed until today, when it still lingers, like a peaceful benediction, 
among the Delaware and Shawnee on the sweeping plains of Okla- 

Oretyagh made a later protest against the abuses of the rum 
traffic by the Pennsylvania traders. In May, 1704, according to 
the Colonial Records: "Oretyagh, the chief now of Conestoga, 
requested him [Nicole Godin, a trader] to complain to the Gover- 
nor [John Evans] of the great quantities of rum continually 
brought to their town, insomuch that they (the Conestogas) are 
ruined by it, having nothing left, but have laid out all, even their 
clothes for rum, and may now, when threatened with war, be sur- 
prised by their enemies, when besides themselves with drink, and 
so utterly be destroyed." With this protest against the detestable 
traffic, which, even at this early day, was bringing ruin upon the 
Pennsylvania Indians, we close this sketch of Oretyagh, the friend 
of William Penn. 

Oretyagh, Ocowellos and Captain Civility 79 


Perhaps the first reference to the Shawnee chief, Ocowellos, is 
in the account of the conference which Governor William Keith of 
Pennsylvania held with the Shawnees, Conestogas, Conoy, and 
other Indians at Conestoga, in July, 1717, at which time and place 
he asked them to explain their connection with an attack made by 
the Senecas upon the Catawbas, then under the protection of Vir- 
ginia. The Shawnee chief advised the Governor that six Shaw- 
nees had accompanied the war party of Senecas who made the 
attack, but that these six were from a Shawnee settlement much 
higher up the Susquehanna. At any rate, Ocowellos is referred to 
as "King of the Upper Shawnees" in the minutes of a council held 
at Philadelphia, May 20th, 1723, when an address from him to the 
Provincial Council was read in which he mentioned past visits to 
the Governor of Canada, and another which he then contemplated 
making. Most authorities believe that his seat was then near the 
mouth of Chillisquaque Creek, on the east bank of the West 
Branch of the Susquehanna, in Northumberland County. 

Ocowellos removed from the Susquehanna to the valley of the 
Conemaugh prior to 1731, possibly several years earlier. On 
October 29th, 1731, Jonas Davenport, an Indian trader, made an 
affidavit for the Provincial Council, in which he said: "On Con- 
numach [Conemaugh] Creek, there are three Shawnee towns; 45 
families; 200 men; Chief Okowela [Ocowellos], suspected to be a 
favorer of the French interest." 

The three Conemaugh towns, over which Ocowellos ruled in 
1731 and later, can not be definitely located. They were probably 
the following: Keckenpaulin's Old Town, at the mouth of the 
Loyalhanna, in Westmoreland County; Black Legs Town, at the 
mouth of Black Legs Creek, in Indiana County; and Conemaugh 
Old Town on the site of Johnstown, Cambria County. 

From the few glimpses of Ocowellos that we get in the Colonial 
Records, it is seen that he was one of the Shawnee chiefs who 
early yielded to French influence. 


Captain Civility, or Civility, was a chief of the Conestogas, 
descendants of the ancient Susquehannas. As "Chief of the 
Conestogas", he is mentioned in the Colonial Records from 1710 to 
1736. He was present at the conference at Conestoga, June 8th, 
1710, between the Pennsylvania commissioners, John French and 
Henry Worley, and the deputies of the Tuscaroras, when this tribe 

80 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

sought permission to settle within the bounds of Penn's Colon}', an 
account of which conference was given in Chapter II. 

He seems to have had varying degrees of authority. For 
instance, in the minutes of the conference at Conestoga, above re- 
ferred to, he is mentioned as "the Senneques' [Conestogas' | King", 
and on July 23rd, 1712, as a "War Captain and Chief"; in June. 
1713, he is mentioned as "the young Indian called Civility, now 
one of their [the Conestogas] chiefs; in June, 1715, he and Satay- 
oght, or Satayriote, are called "the chiefs of the Conestogas"; 
while, July 30th, 1716, Satayriote is called chief, and Civility the 
"Captain", of the Conestogas. In June, 1718, he attended a con- 
ference at Philadelphia, in the minutes of which he is called "the 
present chief or captain of the Conestogas." 

In this conference, Civility informed Governor Keith that the 
Conestogas had chosen, Oneshanayan, to be their new king. He 
also attended a conference at Philadelphia, in July, 1720, and soon 
thereafter seems to have become the ruling chief of the Cones- 
togas; though in the minutes of a conference held at Conestoga, 
May 26th, 1728, between Governor Gordon and the Conestogas, 
Shawnees, and Conoy, (which will be described in Chapter VIII) 
he, Tawenna, Ganyataronga, and Tanniatchiaro are mentioned as 
"chiefs of the Conestogoe Indians." In October, 1728, he wrote 
Governor Gordon acquainting him with the fact that several of 
the Delawares, Shawnees, and Conoy had come to Conestoga and 
brought many skins with them as a present for the Governor; 
"that they purposed to fulfill their promise of coming to Philadel- 
phia this fall, but that the death of his, Civility's, child had so 
much afflicted him that he could not come with them, and there- 
fore they had all resolved to defer their visit until spring, at which 
time they would surely come to the Governor of Philadelphia." 

In 1729, he wrote Governor Gordon concerning the killing and 
capture of nine Shawnees near the Potomac by the "Southern In- 
dians" [Catawbas] ; and, on May 26th of that year, he was the 
chief speaker of the Conestogas at a conference held at Philadel- 
phia between Governor Gordon and the Conestogas, Shawnees, and 
Conoy, in which he complained very bitterly of the baneful effects 
of the carrying of so much rum to the Indians. The last mention 
of Civility, in the Colonial Records, is in the minutes of a confer- 
ence held at Philadelphia, on October 14th, 1736, between Thomas 
Penn and eighteen Iroquois chiefs, whose speaker informed Penn 
and the Provincial Council; "That if Civility at Connestogoe 
should attempt to make a sale of any lands to us, or any of our 

Oretyagh, Ocowellos and Captain Civility 81 

neighbors, they must let us know that he hath no power to do so, 
and if he does any thing of the kind, they, the Indians, will utterly 
disown him." 

Troubles Between the Northern and 
the Southern Indians 

But Civility claims our remembrance chiefly on account of his 
conferences with the Colonial Authorities during the troubles be- 
tween the Northern and the Southern Indians in the years follow- 
ing the migration of the Tuscaroras from Carolina and Virginia 
to the territory of the Five Nations in New York. As was pointed 
out in Chapter II, they began this migration in 1712 or 1713, and 
were formally admitted, in 1722, as a constituent part of the Iro- 
quois Confederation. However, while the Tuscaroras were still 
living in their southern home, they were the bitter enemies of the 
Catawbas, and their hatred did not abate upon their removing to 
New York. 

Almost every summer after 1713, roving bands of the Tuscar- 
oras and other members of the Five Nations, followed the moun- 
tain valleys through Pennsylvania to the South, on their way to 
attack the Catawbas and Cherokees; and many Conestogas joined 
these war parties. Some destruction was done by these bands 
within the Province of Pennsylvania, but presently the Colonial 
Authorities adopted the method of having the farmers, whose crops 
were injured, place their bill in the hands of the nearest justice of 
the peace, who would, in turn, forward it to the Provincial Coun- 
cil; and, at the next conference with the Indians, the Council 
would deduct the amount of the bill from the present given to the 
Indians at that conference. This method made Pennsylvania 
practically free from ravages wrought by these bands. The colony 
of Virginia, however, did not fare so well, and both lives and 
property were destroyed by these bands of warriors from the 

These war parties of the Iroquois frequently made Conestoga 
their stopping place on their way to and return from the territory 
of the Catawbas and Cherokees, and many a captive Catawba and 
Cherokee was tortured to death at Conestoga. Finally a treaty 
of peace was made between the Conestogas and Catawbas, on 
August 31st, 1715, but this did not put a stop to the expeditions of 
the Iroquois against the Southern Indians. 

In June, 1717, Governor William Keith received a message 
from Civility and several other chiefs of the Conestoga region, de- 
siring him to visit them without delay to consult about affairs of 

82 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

great importance. The Governor, accordingly, journeyed to 
Conestoga, in July, where he met the chiefs of the Conestogas, 
Delavvares, Shawnees, and Conoys, and inquired of them the cause 
of their alarm. He ascertained that about two months previously 
a young Delaware, son of a chief, had been killed on one of the 
branches of the Potomac by a party of Virginians accompanied by 
some Indians. These latter were no doubt Catawbas, who, at that 
time, were at peace with Virginia. At this meeting at Conestoga, 
Governor Keith brought to the attention of the Indians that many 
complaints had been made by the inhabitants of Virginia concern- 
ing the destruction caused by the war parties of the Iroquois 
against the Catawbas; and he reminded them of the fact that, 
although divided into different colonies, the English were one peo- 
ple; that to injure or make war upon one body of them was to 
make war upon all, and that the Indians, therefore, must never 
molest or trouble any of the English colonists, nor make war upon 
any Indians who were in friendship with, or under the protection 
of, the English. 

At this conference, Keith stressed the fact that recently a 
band of Senecas had attacked some Catawbas near Fort Christian, 
in the colony of Virginia, killing six and capturing a woman; and 
he called upon the Indians of the Conestoga region to explain 
their connection with this insult to Virginia. The Shawnee chief 
told the Governor that six young men of this tribe had accom- 
panied the party of Senecas who made the attack upon the Cataw- 
bas, but explained that none of the six were present at the time and 
place of this conference, "their settlements being much higher up 
the Susquehanna River." The chief further stated that the six 
Shawnees declared, upon their return, that they had nothing to do 
with the attack upon the Catawbas. 

Governor Keith closed the conference with the following stipu- 
lations, quoted from the minutes of the conference: 

"1st. That he expected their strict observance of all former 
contracts of friendship made between them and the Government of 

"2dly. That they must never molest or disturb any of the 
English Governments, nor make war upon any Indians whatsoever 
who are in friendship with and under the protection of the Eng- 

"3dly. That, in all cases of suspicion or danger, they must 
advise and consult with this Government before they undertook or 
determined anv thins. 

Oretyagh, Ocowellos and Captain Civility 83 

"4thly. That, if through accident any mischief of any sort 
should happen to be done by the Indians to the English, or by the 
English to them, then both parties should meet with hearty inten- 
tion of good will to obtain an acknowledgment of the mistake, as 
well as to give or receive reasonable satisfaction. 

"5thly. That, upon these terms and conditions, the Governor 
did, in the name of their great and good friend, William Penn, 
take them and their people under the same protection, and in the 
same friendship with this Government, as William Penn himself 
had formerly done, or could do now if he was here present. 

"And the Governor hereupon did promise, on his part, to 
encourage them in peace, and to nourish and support them like a 
true friend and brother. 

"To all which the several chiefs and their great men presently 
assented, it being agreed, that, in testimony thereof, they should 
rise up and take the Governor by the hand, which accordingly they 
did with all possible marks of friendship in their countenance and 

But the trouble between them did not end with the foregoing 
conference at Conestoga. In 1719, great difficulties arose con- 
cerning the hunting grounds of the Northern and the Southern 
Indians. The Iroquois sent out many war parties, which stopped 
at Conestoga on their way south, and were joined by many of the 
Conestogas. These raids into the Shenandoah Valley brought 
many white settlers of Virginia and the Carolinas into hostility to 
the Iroquois; for these Colonies were then on friendly terms with 
the Catawbas and Cherokees, against whom the raids were direct- 
ed. In fact, a general uprising of the settlers of Virginia and the 
Carolinas was imminent. The Iroquois conducted their warfare 
on the Southern Indians with great brutality, torturing many cap- 
tives to death at Conestoga and villages on the Susquehanna. 

On receiving a letter from Civility and other chiefs at Cones- 
toga advising that some of their Indians had been killed by the 
Southern Indians, Governor Keith sent Colonel John French to 
Conestoga, where a council was held on June 28th, 1719, with 
Civility and Queen Canatowa of the Conestogas, "Wightomina, 
King of the Delawares, Sevana, King of the Shawnees", who suc- 
ceeded Opessah at Pequea, and "Winninchack, King of the Cana- 
wages" [Conoys]. In the name of Governor Keith, Colonel 
French made the following demands of Civility and the other 
chiefs: That they should not receive the war parties of the 
Tuscaroras, or any other tribes of the Five Nations, if coming to 

84 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

their towns on their way to or return from the South; and that 
they would have to answer to the Colonial Authorities, if any 
prisoner were tortured by them. It appeared, however, that the 
warriors of the Five Nations, on their way southward, practically 
forced the young men of the Conestogas, Shawnees, and Conoy to 
accompany them. As the conquerors of these tribes, the Iroquois 
demanded their allegiance and help. The chiefs promised faith- 
fully to obey the commands of Governor Keith, but the war went 

James Logan, Secretary of the Provincial Council, on June 27, 
1720, held a conference at Conestoga with Civility and chiefs of 
the Shawnees, Delawares, and Conoy, in an attempt to persuade 
these Indians from making raids into Virginia. Not long before, 
ten Iroquois and two Shawnees had been killed by the Southern 
Indians about one hundred and sixty miles from Conestoga. At 
this conference, Logan learned that the Pequea Shawnees could 
not be restrained from assisting the Iroquois, inasmuch as since the 
departure of Opessah, no one could control them. True, the 
Conestogas were answerable for the behavior of these Shawnees, 
but Civility advised Logan that he "had only the name without 
any authority, and could do nothing." Moreover, it was difficult 
for Logan to impress upon the minds of these Indians the fact that 
the English of Virginia and Maryland were not at war with the 
English of Pennsylvania. They could not see why the Indians in 
friendship with Pennsylvania should not go to war against the 
Virginians, just as the Iroquois went to war against the Indians of 
Virginia and the Carolinas. 

At the close of the conference, Captain Civility told Logan 
privately that the Five Nations, especially the Cayugas, were much 
dissatisfied because of the large settlements the English were mak- 
ing on the Susquehanna, and that the Iroquois claimed a property 
right in those lands. As to the Iroquois' claim to a property right 
in the Susquehanna lands, Logan told Civility that the Indians 
well knew that the Iroquois had long before conveyed those lands 
to the Governor of New York, and that William Penn had 
purchased this right, as was pointed out in Chapter VI. Civility 
acknowledged this fact. 

Realizing the awful consequences of a general war between the 
Iroquois and their allies, on the one side, and the Southern Indians 
on the other, involving the settlers of the South, Governor Keith, 
in the spring of 1721, visited Governor Spotswood of Virginia with 
whom he framed an agreement, by the terms of which the tribu- 

Oretyagh, Ocowellos and Captain Civility 85 

tary Indians of Virginia would not, in the future, pass the Potomac 
nor "the high ridge of mountains extending along the back of 
Virginia; provided that the Indians to the northward of the Poto- 
mac and to the westward of those mountains" would observe the 
same limits. 

Governor Keith, accompanied by seventy armed horsemen, 
visited Conestoga on July 5th, 1721, where he conferred, at 
Civility's lodge, not only with the Conestogas but also with four 
deputies of the Five Nations, who had recently arrived there, tell- 
ing the spokesman of the Five Nations, Ghesoant, that, "whereas 
the English from a very small beginning had now become a great 
people in the Western World, far exceeding the number of all the 
Indians, which increase was the fruit of peace among themselves, 
the Indians continued to make war upon one another and were de- 
stroying one another, as if it was their purpose that none of them 
should be left alive." He called attention to the suffering that 
their wars caused to the women and children at home, and, in vari- 
ous ways, tried to mollify their warlike passions, but stated that, 
if they were determined to continue warfare, they must, in journey- 
ing to and from the South, take another path lying farther to the 
west, and not pass through the settled parts of the Province. The 
result of the conference was the ratifying by the Conestogas and 
Five Nations of the agreement arranged by Governor Keith and 
Governor Spotswood as to the limits of the hunting grounds of the 
Virginia and the Pennsylvania Indians. Keith closed the confer- 
ence by giving Ghesoant a gold coronation medal of George, the 
First, which he asked him to take as a token of friendship to the 
greatest chief of the Five Nations, Kannygoodk. Thus, happily, 
the immediate danger of a general Indian uprising was averted. 

This was the most important Indian treaty ever held at 
Conestoga. Later, troubles came on apace between the Iroquois 
and the Southern Indians, but the Iroquois abandoned the Susque- 
hanna route to the South, taking the Warrior's Path, which crossed 
the Potomac at Old Town (Opessah's Town), and, still later, when 
white settlers occupied the valley along Warrior Ridge, a trail 
farther westward, crossing the counties of Westmoreland and Fay- 

While there was now a lull in the trouble between the North- 
ern and the Southern Indians, the fears of the Province were fur- 
ther awakened by a quarrel between two brothers, John and 
Edmund Cartilidge, and a Seneca Indian, near Conestoga, in 
which the latter was cruelly murdered early in 1721. The Colon- 

86 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

ial Authorities well knew the Indians' love for revenge, and they 
apprehended severe retaliation. A rigid inquiry was made into 
the matter, and an inquest was ordered to be held on the body, 
though the same had been buried for more than two months. The 
Cartilidge brothers were seized and put in jail in Philadelphia, 
awaiting trial under the laws of the Colony. Messengers were 
sent by the Colonial Authorities to the Five Nations, advising 
them that the Provincial Council deplored the incident, and, in 
order to prevent a repetition of such unfortunate occurrences, had 
prohibited the sale of rum and other strong drink to the Indians 
by re-enacting the former law on this matter, with additional pen- 

Treaty at Albany 

In this sketch of Civility, we call attention to the Albany 
Treaty of 1722, definitely ending, for a time, the troubles between 
the Iroquois and the Catawbas, in which troubles he had a promi- 
nent part. The Iroquois, in the summer of 1722, invited Governor 
Keith to meet them with the Governors of Virginia, New York, 
and New England, in a great council at Albany, New York, in 
which all matters between the Indians and these colonies could be 
taken up. In extending the investigation, they explained that 
their king was an old man, and could not make a journey to Phila- 
delphia. The council was accordingly held at Albany, on the 
10th day of September, 1722, in which the Five Nations acknowl- 
edged that Penn's Governors had always observed the treaties 
that Penn had entered into with the Indians, surrendered all claim 
to their lands on the Susquehanna concerning which the Cayugas 
had made claim, and with great magnanimity pardoned the offense 
of the Cartilidge brothers in having murdered the Seneca Indian. 
Governor Keith had explained to them that the brothers were now 
out on bail awaiting trial. The reply of the great "king" of the 
Five Nations, pardoning the Cartilidge brothers, shows the better 
qualities of the Indians' nature. It is thus recorded in Volume 
III of the Colonial Records of Pennsylvania: "The great King of 
the Five Nations is sorry for the death of the Indian that was 
killed, for he was of his own flesh and blood; he believes the 
Governor [Keith] is also sorry; but, now that it is done, there is 
no help for it, and he desires that Cartilidge may not be put to 
death, nor that the Governor should be angry and spare him for 
some time, and put him to death afterwards; one life is enough to 
be lost; there should not two die." 

Oretyagh, Ocowellos and Captain Civility 87 

At this treaty, Governor Spotswood, or Virginia, secured the 
assent of the Tuscaroras and other members of the Five Nations 
to a proposed boundary within the limits of which the Indians of 
Virginia should be safe, as follows: That the various tribes tribu- 
tary to the colony of Virginia should not, without having a pass- 
port from the Governor, on any pretense whatsoever, cross to the 
northern side of the Potomac or to the west side of the Allegheny 
Mountains; in case they should do so without such passport, it 
should be lawful for the Indians to the northward to put such 
Southern Indians to death. Also that the Five Nations and the 
Shawnees, should not, without having a passport, cross to the 
southern side of the Potomac River or to the eastward of the Alle- 
gheny Mountains; that, in case any of these Northern Indians 
should pass beyond these boundaries, they should be put to death 
or sold into slavery. 

At the close of the treaty, "the speaker of the Five Nations 
holding up the Coronet, they [the Iroquois] gave six shouts, five 
for the Five Nations, and one for a Castle of the Tuscaroras, lately 
seated between Oneyde [Oneida] and Onondage [Onondaga]", 
indicating that the Tuscaroras were, at that time, an integral part 
of the Confederation of the Iroquois, thus making the Six Nations. 

First Reference to the Ohio and Allegheny 

In closing this sketch of Civility, we call attention to the fact 
that he attended a council held in Philadelphia on July 3rd to 5th, 
1727, at which the Indians requested that "none of the traders be 
allowed to carry any rum to the remoter parts where James LeTorte 
trades, (that is Allegheny on the branches of the Ohio)." This is 
the first mention in the Colonial Records of Pennsylvania of the 
region on the Ohio and Allegheny, and shows that, at this early 
date, the Indian traders from Conestoga had established trading 
posts in the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny. In the minutes of 
this conference, also, we find reference to "a fort" (no doubt trading 
house) which the French had already built in the valley of the 
Allegheny. He also attended the conference held at Conestoga 
May 26th, 1728, between Governor Gordon and the chiefs of the 
Conestogas, Shawnees, Conoy, and Delawares, with reference to 
the Indian troubles of that year, as related in the chapter on Kako- 
watcheky (Chapter VIII). 


Sassoonan or Allumapees 

The Line of Succession From Tamanend 

ASSOONAN, or Allumapees, was head chief of the Turtle 
Clan of Delawares from a date prior to June 14th, 1715, 
until his death in the autumn of 1747. By some very 
high authorities, it is claimed that he was a son of the 
great Tamanend and, as a little boy, was with his father at the 
"Great Treaty". These authorities make Sassoonan identical with 
"Weheequeckhon, alias Andrew", who as stated in Chapter IV, 
joined with his father, Tamanend, his two brothers, and his uncle, 
in conveying to William Penn, on the fifth day of July, 1697, cer- 
tain lands between the Pennypack and Neshaminy creeks, and 
whom Tamanend describes in the deed, as, "my son who is to be 
king after my death." 

As stated in Chapter IV, Tamanend died probably before 
1701 ; for, at council held at Philadelphia on July 26th of that year, 
his name is not mentioned in the list of Delaware chiefs at that 
time. Who succeeded Tamanend in the kingship of the Turtle 
Clan of Delawares is not known, though some authorities think 
that Owechela was his successor, and identify him with Weheelan, 
Tamanend's brother, one of the grantors in the deed of July 5th, 
1697, suggesting that he may have acted as vice-regent during the 
minority of Weheequeckhon, alias Andrew. Plausibility is given 
to the claim that Owechela succeeded Tamanend by the fact that 
a chief named Owhala, or Ochale, (a name very similar to Owe- 
chela, if he was not actually this same chief) is called "King of the 
Delawares" in the Maryland Council Records of 1698 and 1700. 
Says Charles A. Hanna: 

"Whether or not Owechela was the ruling chief of the Dela- 
wares from 1701 to 1709, the name of a new chief appears on the 
records of the latter year. This was Skalitchy, who with Owe- 
chela, Passakassy, and Sassoonan, attended the conference at Phila- 
delphia in July, 1709." 

The conference to which Mr. Hanna refers was held on the 
26th of July, and, in the minutes thereof, Sassoonan's place of resi- 
dence is set forth as being "at Peshtang [Paxtang] above Cones- 

Sassoonan or Allumapees 89 

toga." But Skalitchy also attended a conference between the 
Indians and Governor Charles Gookin and the Provincial Council, 
held on May 19th, 1712, at the house of Edward Farmar, at White 
Marsh, in what is now Montgomery County, in which he took the 
most prominent part. Sassoonan, too, was present at the confer- 

We pause in the narration of the successors to Tamanend's 
kingship to call attention to the fact that the conference at the 
house of Edward Farmar deserves our attention on account of the 
light it throws on the subjugation of the Delawares by the Five 
Nations. Governor Gookin and the Provincial Council had been 
summoned to Farmar's house to meet Skalitchy, Sassoonan and 
twelve other Delaware chiefs, who desired to confer with the Gov- 
ernor and Council before setting out on a journey to the Five 
Nations. At the conference, Skalitchy addressed the Governor as 
follows: "Many years ago, being made tributaries to the 
Mingoes, or Five Nations, and being now about to visit them, they 
[the Delaware chiefs] thought fit first to wait on the Governor and 
Council; to lay before them the collection they had made of their 
tribute to offer; and to have a conference with the Governor upon 

They then spread out on the floor thirty-two belts of wampum 
having figures and designs wrought therein by their women, and a 
long pipe having a stone head and a cane shaft with feathers 
attached and arranged to resemble wings. They called this pipe 
the Calumet, and said that it had been given to them by the Five 
Nations at the time of their subjugation, to be kept and shown to 
other nations, among whom they might go, as a token of their sub- 
jection to the Iroquois. One of the wampum belts, they said, "was 
sent by one, who at the time of their agreement or submission, was 
an infant and orphan, the son of a considerable man amongst 
them." Skalitchy explained that twenty-four of these wampum 
belts were sent by women, because "the paying of tribute becomes 
none but women and children." Hanna suggests that the receipt 
by the Council of the Five Nations of so many tribute wampum 
belts from the women of the Delawares at this time and, no doubt, 
at times earlier and later, probably "did much to confirm the tra- 
dition among the Five Nations that the Delaware Indians were but 
a nation of women." 

Skalitchy's name does not appear again in the Colonial Records 
until the conference held at Philadelphia on June 14th, 1715, which 
was the conference with Governor Gookin and the Provincial 

90 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Council mentioned in Chapter IV, in the minutes of which Sas- 
soonan is reported as saying, among other things, "that their 
[the Delawares'] late king, Skalitchy, desired of them that they 
would take care to keep a perfect peace with ye English." Sas- 
soonan was the head of the Delaware delegation at this conference, 
and his statement, just quoted, fixes the date af Skalitchy's death 
and Sassoonan's succession to the kingship of the Delawares as 
between the conference of May 19th, 1712, and the conference of 
June 14th, 1715. 

As we have seen, there had been many conferences between the 
Colonial Authorities, on the one hand, and the Delawares, Shaw- 
nees, Conestogas, and Conoy on the other, during the intervening 
years; but the conference of June 14th, 1715, is entitled to more 
than passing notice, for the reason that Sassoonan referred particu- 
larly to the "Great Treaty", which Penn made with the Delawares 
in the early days of the history of the Province. The conference 
was simply for the purpose of renewing the ancient bond of 
friendship. In the minutes of this conference, we read the follow- 

"Then Sassoonan rose and spoke to the Governor and said 
that the calumet, the bond of peace, which they had carried to all 
the nations round, they had now brought hither; that it was a sure 
bond and seal of peace amongst them and between them and us, 
and desired, by holding up their hands, that the God of Heaven 
might be witness to it, and that there might be a firm peace be- 
tween them and us forever That they desired the peace 

that had been made should be so firm, that they and we should 
join hand in hand so firmly that nothing, even the greatest tree, 
should be able to divide them asunder." 

The minutes of this council contain the statement that, "We 
[the Governor and Council] doubted not but they [the Indians] 
think themselves and their children, from generation to genera- 
tion, obliged to keep inviolably those firm treaties of peace which 
had been made." 

Sassoonan's Deed of Release 

In the autumn of 1718, Sassoonan and several other chiefs of 
the Delawares came to Philadelphia, claiming that they had not 
been paid for their lands. Then, James Logan, secretary of the 
Provincial Council, produced to them, in the presence of the Coun- 
cil, a number of deeds, and convinced Sassoonan and his brother 

Sassoonan or Allumapees 91 

chiefs that they were mistaken in their contention. Accordingly, 
Sassoonan and six other chiefs executed a release on the 17th day 
of September, 1718, by the terms of which they acknowledged that 
their ancestors had conveyed to William Penn, in fee, all the land 
and had been paid for the same. By the same instrument these 
Indians released all the land "between the Delaware and the Sus- 
quehanna from Duck Creek [in Delaware] to the mountains [the 
South Mountain] on this side of Lechay [by the Lehigh River]." 
At the time of executing this deed of release, Sassoonan was 
still living at Paxtang, and adjacent parts; but it is probable that 
shortly thereafter he took up his abode at Shamokin (Sunbury), 
which became his home for the remainder of his life. The Dela- 
wares, who, as pointed out in Chapter I, migrated from the vicinity 
of Shamokin to the Allegheny in 1724, were of Sassoonan's clan. 

Sassoonan Clears Members of Turtle Clan From 
Blame for Murder of Thomas Wright 

At a meeting of the Provincial Council, on September 27th, 
1727, Secretary James Logan, advised the Council that, on the day 
before, he received a letter from John Wright, justice of the peace, 
giving an account of the murder of one, Thomas Wright, who was 
killed, on the eleventh day of that month, by some Indians at 
Snaketown, forty miles above Conestoga, possibly above the 
mouth of Swatara Creek, in Dauphin County. Enclosed with the 
letter were the depositions of John Wilkins, Esther Burt, and Mary 
Wright, and the inquisition held on the dead body. 

The affair took place at the trading house of John Burt, an 
Indian trader at Snaketown. The unfortunate Thomas Wright 
and some Indians were drinking with Burt near the house, when a 
dispute arose between one of the Indians and Wright; whereupon, 
Burt urged Wright to knock the Indian down. Wright then laid 
hold of the Indian, and Burt struck him (the Indian) several blows 
with his fist. Wright and Burt then retired into the trading 
house, and the Indians followed. Wright endeavored to pacify 
them, but Burt called for his gun, and continued to provoke them 
more and more in a way too revolting and disgusting to be told in 
the language of decency. Wright fled to the hen-house to hide 
himself, whither the Indians pursued him, and the next morning 
he was found there dead. The inquisition on his body set forth 
that he came to his death by several blows on his head, neck, and 

92 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

The Colonial Authorities were much disturbed by this, the 
first murder of a white man by the Indians after William 
Penn first arrived in his Province, forty-five years before. They 
were of the opinion that John Burt was to blame for the unhappy 
incident, on account of his provoking the Indians to such a high 
degree. The record of the incident, as set forth in Volume III 
of the Colonial Records, states that although Burt was a licensed 
trader, yet "it was scarce possible to find a man in the whole Gov- 
ernment more unfit for it." A warrant was issued for his arrest, 
but he escaped, and was next heard of at the Forks of the Ohio. 

The Indians were Delawares of the Munsee or Wolf Clan as 
was ascertained in June, 1728, when Sassoonan, his nephew, 
Opekasset, and a number of other chiefs, including the great Shikel- 
lamy, the vice-gerent of the Six Nations, who had recently been 
sent to Shamokin (Sunbury) by the Six Nations to rule over the 
Shawnees and Delawares on the Susquehanna, met Governor 
Patrick Gordon at Philadelphia, where a great council was held on 
the 4th and 5th of that month. Sassoonan being asked by Gov- 
ernor Gordon about the death of Thomas Wright, replied: "That 
it [the murder] was not done by any of their people; that it was 
done by some of the Menysinck [Minisink] Indians; that the 
Menysincks live at the Forks of the Susquehannah, above Meehay- 
omy [Wyoming], and that their king's name is Kindassowa." 
The "Forks of the Sasquehannah" may refer to the forks of the 
Tioga, or Chemung, and the Susquehanna near Athens, Bradford 
County; or it may refer to the junction of the Lackawanna and 
the Susquehanna in Luzerne County. At any rate, wherever the 
Indians lived that killed Thomas Wright, they never were brought 
to account. 

Sassoonan and the Tulpyhocken Lands 

At this same conference, (June 4th and 5th, 1728,) Sassoonan 
complained that the Palatines (immigrants from Germany) were 
settling on the lands in the valley of the Tulpyhocken, in Berks 
and Lebanon counties, which, as he claimed, had not been pur- 
chased from the Indians. These particular Palatines had first 
settled in the Schoharie Valley in New York, where they endured 
much suffering. When Governor William Keith, of Pennsylvania, 
attended the Albany conference in September, 1727, the hardships 
of these Palatines were related to him; whereupon his interest and 
sympathy were aroused, and he offered them a home in Pennsyl- 
vania. Then, in the autumn of 1727, about fifty families of these 

Sassoonan or Allumapees 93 

Germans, under the leadership of the father of the famous Conrad 
Weiser, the Indian interpreter of the Colony of Pennsylvania, cut 
a road from the Schoharie Valley through the wilderness to the 
headwaters of the Susquehanna. They then descended this river 
to the mouth of Swatara Creek, in Dauphin County. Ascending 
this stream and crossing the divide between the Susquehanna and 
the Schuylkill, they entered the fertile and charming valley of the 
Tulpyhocken. They had scarcely erected their rude cabins and 
commenced to plant their little patches of corn in the clearings in 
the wilderness, when the Indians of the neighborhood informed 
them that this land had never been purchased by the Pennsyl- 
vania Government. The Indians were much surprised that these 
settlers should be permitted to take up their abode on unpurchased 
land. "Surely," said they, "if Brother Onos were living, such 
things would never happen." 

At this conference, Sassoonan said that he could not have be- 
lieved that these lands were settled upon, if he had not gone there 
and seen the settlements with his own eyes. In the minutes of the 
conference, we read: "He (Sassoonan) said he was grown old 
and was troubled to see the Christians settle on lands that the 
Indians had never been paid for; they had settled on his lands for 
which he had never received anything. That he is now an old 
man, and must soon die; that his children may wonder to see all 
their father's lands gone from them without his receiving anything 
for them; that the Christians now make their settlements very 
near them (the Indians); and they shall have no place of their 
own left to live on; that this may occasion a difference between 
their children and us, and he would willingly prevent any mis- 
understanding that may happen." 

Governor Gordon suggested to Sassoonan that possibly the 
lands in dispute had been included in some of the other pur- 
chases; but Sassoonan and his brother chiefs replied that no lands 
had ever been sold northwest of the Blue Ridge, then called the 
Lehigh Hills. This conference did not succeed in settling the 
matter of these settlements in the Tulpyhocken Valley. The 
matter dragged along until 1732, when Sassoonan, Elalapis, 
Ohopamen, Pesqueetamen, Mayemoe, Partridge, and Tepakoasset, 
on behalf of themselves and all other Indians having a right in the 
lands, in consideration of 20 brass kettles, 20 fine guns, 50 toma- 
hawks, 60 pairs of scissors, 24 looking glasses, 20 gallons of rum, 
and various other articles so acceptable to the Indians, conveyed 
unto John Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard Penn, proprietors of 

94 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the Province, all those lands "situate, lying and being on the River 
Schuylkill and the branches thereof, between the mountains called 
Lechaig (Lehigh) to the south, and the hills or mountains, called 
Keekachtanemin, on the north, and between the branches of the 
Delaware River on the east, and the waters falling into the Sus- 
quehanna River on the west," — a grant which embraced the valley 
of the Tulpyhocken. 

Sassoonan attended another conference at Philadelphia in the 
year 1728. This was a conference with Governor Gordon and the 
Provincial Council, on October 10th of that year, in which the old 
chief expressed his pleasure on the settlement of the troubles in 
that year with Kakowatcheky's Clan of Shawnees at Pechoquealin, 
an account of which is given in Chapter VIII. In the minutes of 
the conference of October 10th, are found these sentiments of Sas- 
soonan: "He tells the Governor that he hopes all the differences 
between them and us will be buried deep and covered from sight; 
that, when our and their children, in after times, observe the great 
friendship that has been between us, it may rejoice and gladden 
their hearts. And he now hopes .... that their children may 
afterwards say: 'This is the place where our fathers and our 
brethren (meaning the Christians) ended and composed all their 
differences.' " 

A Threatened Uprising 

Sassoonan's name appears another time in the Colonial 
Records for the year 1728. In April of that year, James LeTort, 
a trader, who was then living in the Indian town of Chenastry, 
located on the West Branch of the Susquehanna, at the mouth of 
Chillisquaque Creek, not far above the present town of Sunbury, 
informed Governor Gordon that he had intended, in the autumn 
of 1727, taking a journey as far as the Miami Indians, who were 
then living on the Wabash River, to trade with them; but, on con- 
sulting with Madam Montour, then living at Chenastry, but who 
had lived among the Miamis and had a sister married to one of 
that nation, and also with Manawkyhickon, a celebrated chief of 
the Munsee Clan of Delawares in the region of Chenastry, he 
learned from these persons that the Delawares who were hunting 
on the Allegheny and Ohio, had been called home. Upon further 
inquiry he learned that Manawkyhickon was a near relative of 
Wequela, who had been hanged in New Jersey in 1727, and that 
Manawkyhickon, resenting the death of his relative had "sent a 
black belt to the Five Nations, and that the Five Nations sent the 

Sassoonan or Allumapees 95 

same to the Miamis with a message desiring to know if they would 
lift up their axes and join with them against the Christians; to 
which they agreed." LeTort advised that he inquired of Sas- 
soonan whether he knew anything concerning the matters which 
had been brought to LeTort's attention by Madam Montour, and 
found Sassoonan entirely ignorant of them. The information 
which LeTort brought to the Colonial Authorities caused consid- 
erable uneasiness, and the Council ordered that presents be sent 
to Sassoonan, Madam Montour, and Manawkyhickon, and that 
messages be sent to them desiring them to report any new develop- 
ments in regard to this rumor, which proved to be unfounded. 

Governor Gordon Writes Sassoonan as to 
Robbing of Traders 

Anthony Sadowsky, John Maddox, and John Fisher, traders 
on the Allegheny, made a complaint to Governor Gordon, on 
August 8th, 1730, stating that, in June, 1729, they had been robbed 
of one hundred pounds worth of goods, by the Indians on the 
Allegheny; and they asked that a demand for satisfaction be sent 
through "Allumappees [Sassoonan] at Shackachtan [Shamokin, 
now Sunbury] and Great Hill, at Allegheny." The Governor then 
wrote a letter concerning the matter to Sassoonan and Opekasset, 
at Shamokin, and Mechouquatchough, or Great Hill, at Kittan- 
ning. However, Maddox stated two years later that he was still 
without satisfaction for his stolen goods. 

Sassoonan Kills Shackatawlin 

At a meeting of the Provincial Council held in August, 1731, 
the frequent complaints made by the Indians on account of the 
large quantities of rum being carried to them by the traders, were 
taken up. The Council's attention was called to the fact that the 
pernicious liquor traffic had recently caused a very unhappy inci- 
dent in the family of Sassoonan. In a fit of drunkenness, he had 
killed his nephew, (some authorities say his cousin) Shackatawlin, 
at their dwelling place at Shamokin, now Sunbury. Sassoonan's 
grief over the unhappy incident was »o great that it almost cost 
him his life. 

Asked at this conference whether he desired an entire stop put 
to the sending of rum to the Indians, Sassoonan replied, on August 
13th, as follows: 

"That the Indians do not desire that rum should be entirely 

96 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

stopped and that none at all should be brought to them; they 
would have some but not much, and desire none may be brought 
but by sober good men, who will take a dram with them to refresh 
them and not so much as to hurt them. The Governor knows 
there are ill people amongst the Christians as well as amongst 
them; that what mischief is done he believes is mostly owing to 
rum, and it should be prevented. 

"He desires that no Christian should carry any rum to Sha- 
mokin where he lives, to sell; when they want any, they will send 
for it themselves; they would not be wholly deprived of it, but 
they would not have it brought by the Christians. 

"He desires four men may be allowed to carry some rum to 
Allegheny, to refresh the Indians when they return from hunting, 
and that none else be permitted to carry any. They also desire 
that some rum may be lodged at Tulpyhockin and Pextan, to be 
sold to them, that their women may not have too long a way to 
fetch it." 

Sassoonan Requests Shawnees to Return 
to the Susquehanna Valley 

Reference has been made in former chapters to the fact that 
the Shawnees began a migration from the Susquehanna Valley to 
the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny as early as 1727. A few 
years later, the Colonial Authorities of Pennsylvania took measures 
to induce the Allegheny Shawnees to return to a point nearer the 
Pennsylvania settlements, fearing that they would be drawn into 
an allegiance with the French, who, at that time, had their emis- 
saries in the Allegheny Valley. These efforts on the part of Penn- 
sylvania will be more fully discussed in the chapters on Shikel- 
lamy. But in order to show the part Sassoonan took in the efforts 
to induce the Shawnees to return, we point out that, at a confer- 
ence held at Philadelphia, on October 15th, 1734, the Senaca chief, 
Hetaquantagechty, who accompanied Shikellamy and Conrad 
Weiser to this meeting, advised Governor Gordon and the Pro- 
vincial Council : "That he has understood that when the Shaw- 
nees were desired to leave Allegheny, they sent a belt of wampum 
to the Delaware Indians, with a message intimating to them that, 
as they, the Shawnees, were to seek out a new country for them- 
selves, they should be glad to have the Delawares with them. That 
Sassoonan, the Delaware chief, had forbid any of his people to go 
with the Shawnees, and had desired that these last mentioned 
Indians should rather return to Susquehannah." Hetaquan- 

Sassoonan or Allumapees 97 

tagechty said that he was afraid that, if the Shawnees went to the 
"French Country", the Delawares would follow them. Later de- 
velopments proved the correctness of the Seneca chief's opinion. 

A Friendly Visit 

Sassoonan appeared at Philadelphia at a conference held with 
the Provincial Council on August 20th, 1736. Several other 
Delaware chiefs, a Cayuga chief and a Tuscarora chief, accom- 
panied him. Sassoonan stated that "they were not come on any 
particular business, or to treat of anything of importance, but only 
to pay a friendly visit to their brethren, whose welfare they think 
themselves obliged to inquire after, as they and the Indians are 
one people. That when they came from home, they expected to 
have seen here their good friends, the Proprietor, the Governor, 
and the Council all together, but when they had come so far on 
their journey as George Boone's, they learned that one of their 
good friends, the Governor [Governor Patrick Gordon, who died 
in August, 1736,] was dead; this news made them sorrowful, but 
they are comforted in meeting their other friends, who, they hope, 
will still continue in their regards towards the Indians and their 
care and concern for preserving the same friendship that has 
hitherto subsisted between us and them." 

Sassoonan was then asked whether or not the deputies of the 
Six Nations were on their way to Philadelphia to attend the treaty 
of September, 1736, an account of which treaty will be given in the 
chapter on Shikellamy (Chapter X). Sassoonan answered that 
"he knew nothing particularly of them, that he has been in expec- 
tation of seeing them for each of these three years past, but he 
understands they have been detained by nations that come to treat 
with them." These deputies finally arrived at Philadelphia on 
August 27th, 1736. 

Nearing End of Old Regime 

After William Penn returned to England, it was the custom 
for the old men of the Delawares to visit Philadelphia each autumn 
to "brighten the chain of friendship" by presenting the Governor 
and Provincial Council with skins and furs, and receiving presents 
in return. On such a mission Sassoonan, "with divers of their 
ancient men", conferred with Governor George Thomas and the 
Provincial Council, on October 3rd, 1738. Governor Thomas had 
arrived in the Province only a few months before. In the minutes 

98 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

of this conference, we find that Sassoonan said: "That, when he 
was at home at his own house, he heard his brother, the Governor, 
was arrived in this country, and thereupon he resolved to come to 
Philadelphia to visit him, and now he was glad to see him; that 
his brother, the Proprietor, told him he should come once a year to 
visit him." And, further, we read: "Then laying down four 
strings more of wampum, he [Sassoonan] said that there had al- 
ways subsisted a perfect friendship and good understanding be- 
tween the Indians and this Government, and it is his desire and 
hope that it will ever continue, and grow stronger and stronger, 
and that it will never be in the power of any to interrupt or break 

it Then presenting three small bundles of deer skins in the 

hair, he said he had brought a few skins to the Governor; they 
were but a trifle and of little value, but he had no more, and de- 
sired the Governor's acceptance of them to make him gloves." 

Still further we read in the minutes of this conference: "It is 
considered that the Old man (Sassoonan) being now become very 
weak, and the other Old people with him, as well as himself, poor 
and necessitous, the value of thirty pounds should be returned to 
them in Goods proper for them, which it was agreed should con- 
sist of Six Strowd Matchcoats, Twelve Dussells, Twelve Blankets, 
six hatts, Four shirts, Fifty Pounds of Powder and as much lead, 
a Dozen of knives, a Gross of Pipes with Tobacco, and also that 
they should be supplied with some necessary Provisions for their 
Journey home." 

J. S. Walton, in his "Conrad Weiser and the Indian Policy of 
Colonial Pennsylvania", gives the following comment on this visit 
of the aged Sassoonan : "This was almost the last of the old 
regime in Indian affairs. A younger set of men were coming into 
power among the Delawares, and they were susceptible to the influ- 
ence of the Shawnees." 

Final Conferences of Sassoonan 

On August 1st to 6th, 1740, Conrad Weiser served as inter- 
preter at a conference held in the Friends' Meeting House, Phila- 
delphia, between Governor Thomas and a party of eastern and 
western Delawares and a group of Iroquois. At this conference, 
Sassoonan represented the Delawares and Shikellamy the Iro- 
quois. The Delawares from the Allegheny, under Captain Hill 
from Kittanning and Shannopin from Shannopin's Town, (on the 
east bank of the Allegheny within the present limits of Pittsburgh) 

Sassoonan or Allumapees 99 

fresh from French overtures, complained that the traders were 
charging them too much for goods, and that the whites were killing 
and driving away their game. "Your young men," said they, 
"have killed so many deer, beavers, bears, and game of all sorts 
that we can hardly find any for ourselves." They also desired that 
their guns and axes should be mended free. They were given 
presents to the value of one hundred fifty pounds, a more valuable 
gift than usually besowed upon the Delawares, and it is very likely 
that the giving of it aroused jealousy among the eastern Delawares. 
They were told that the Colony could not fix the price of traders' 
goods. As for the killing of game by the whites, they were told 
that this was done by unlicensed traders, and that, if the Indians 
would not patronize such, it would prevent their coming among 
the Indians and killing their game. 

At this conference, Captain Hill and Shannopin told the 
Governor that about six years prior to that time, two children of 
the Delawares were taken prisoner and carried away by the 
Catawbas, and that they were advised that these children were 
still living among the Catawbas. These chiefs then asked the 
Governor to make inquiry of the Governor of Virginia concerning 
the captives; whereupon Governor Thomas promised to write the 
Governor of Virginia in the matter. 

Sassoonan also attended the great conference or treaty with 
the Six Nations, at Philadelphia, in July, 1742, though he took 
little part in the proceedings. This treaty will be described in the 
Chapter on Shikellamy (Chapter X). 

On February 4th, 1743, Sassoonan attended an important con- 
ference at Shamokin between Conrad Weiser and Shikellamy, as 
well as other chiefs of the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawnees. 
Fresh troubles had recently broken out between the Catawbas and 
other Indians of Virginia, on the one hand, and the Iroquois and 
their tributary tribes on the other, which threatened the peace, not 
only of Pennsylvania and Virginia, but of all the English Colonies. 
The Iroquois were determined to chastize the Catawbas for recent 
injuries, and it was feared that they would involve Pennsylvania 
by demanding that the Colony should furnish provisions for their 
warriors passing through the Colony on their way to the country 
of the Catawbas. 

Upon hearing of the fresh trouble between the Northern and 
the Southern Indians, Weiser was sent by Governor Thomas to 
meet the chiefs at Shamokin. It is not too much to say that the 
fate of the future nation was at stake when Weiser started for this 

100 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

conference. The Governor, upon receiving his report, sent him 
again to Shamokin, where, on April 9th, he held another confer- 
ence with Shikeallamy, Sassoonan, and others, relative to the same 
matters taken up in the conference of February 4th At the con- 
ference of April 9th, Sassoonan sent a message to Governor 
Thomas upholding him in his efforts to make peace between the 
Northern and the Southern Indians. He (Sassoonan) said that, as 
he "lives in the midway between the one and the other, and as both 
pass through the place of his residence, a state of war would be 
very disagreeable to him." 

When the Governor and the Provincial Council received 
Weiser's report of his conference on a second trip to Shamokin, 
they resolved that he should at once go to the great council of the 
Six Nations at Onondaga, to deliver a generous present sent by 
Virginia, and arrange for the time and place of making a treaty. 
Weiser, then, in July, 1743, went to Onondaga accompanied by 
Shikellamy, and delivered the present of Virginia. After several 
days of ceremony and speech making, Weiser arranged for a treaty 
to take place at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, the following year be- 
tween the Six Nations, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. 
Weiser thus prevented a war between Virginia and the Six Na- 
tions, which would eventually have involved the other colonies. 

Last Days of Sassoonan 

Sassoonan was now nearing the end of his earthly career. He 
was visited at his home at Shamokin (Sunbury) by the Moravian 
Bishop Spangenberg, in May, 1745, as the Bishop and Conrad 
Weiser were on their way to the Great Council of the Six Nations, 
at Onondaga. Of this visit, Bishop Spangenberg wrote: "We 
also visited Allumapees, the hereditary king of the [Delaware] 
Indians. His sister's sons are either dead or worthless; hence it is 
not known on whom the kingdom will descend. He is very old, 
almost blind, and very poor; but withal has still power over and is 
beloved by his people; and he is a friend of the English." The 
sister's sons to whom Bishop Spangenberg refers were possibly 
Nettawatwees, or New Comer, who, among others, joined with 
Sassoonan, in 1718, in the deed of release to William Penn, and 
Kelappana, both of whom removed to Ohio, and were living at 
New Comer's Town at the time of the expedition of Colonel 
Bouquet, in 1764. 

Sassoonan or Allumapees 101 

Again, on June 20th, 1747, Conrad Weiser wrote from his 
home near Womelsdorf, Berks County: 

"Olumpies [Sassoonan] would have resigned his crown before 
now; but as he had the keeping of the public treasure (that is to 
say, the Council Bag), consisting of belts of wampum, for which 
he buys liquor, and has been drunk for these two or three years, 
almost constantly, and it is thought he won't die as long as there 
is a single wampum left in the bag, Sapapitten is the most fittest 
person to be his successor." Rum, the curse of the Red Man, was 
wearing the old chief's life away. About two months later, 
Weiser again wrote: "I understand Olumpies is dead, but 1 can 
not say I am sure of it." Finally, on October 15th, Weiser wrote: 
"Olumpies is dead. Lapaghpitton is allowed to be the fittest to 
succeed him, but he declines." 

Thus, at Shamokin, on the banks of the beautiful Susque- 
hanna, in the autumnal days of 1747, this aged chief, who had 
done so much to preserve the friendship that William Penn estab- 
lished with the Indians, yielded up his soul to the Great Spirit. 
Great changes in the relations between the Delawares and the 
Colony had taken place during the span of his life, and still greater 
changes were destined to come. In life's morning and noontide, 
he beheld the Delawares contented and happy in the bond of effec- 
tion between them and "Onas"; yet, before the night had come, his 
dim eyes saw on the horizon the gathering clouds of the storm 
that, in the autumn of 1755, broke with fury upon the land of his 

We close this sketch of Sassoonan with the statement that, 
upon his death most of the Delawares moved to the Allegheny and 
the Ohio, living at Kittanning, Logstown, Sauconk, and Kuskus- 
kies. As we have already seen, the town of Kittanning had been 
established by the Delawares possibly as early as 1724; and Logs- 
town and Sauconk by the Shawnees possibly as early as 1730, the 
latter town being at the mouth of the Beaver. Kuskuskies, or 
Kuskuskie, was a regional name for a territory whose center was 
at or near the present site of New Castle, Lawrence County. Some 
authorities claim that the region extended westward into Butler 
county. This was a very important Indian settlement consisting 
of three or four towns of the Mingoes, or Iroquois, located along 
the Beaver, Mahoning, and Shenango Rivers, and Neshannock and 
Slippery Rock Creeks, and established some time prior to 1742. 


Kakowatcheky, Peter Chartier 
Kishacoquillas and Neucheconneh 


AKOWATCHEKY, chief of the Shawnees at Pechoquealin, 
near the Delaware Water Gap, is believed to have been 
the leader of the band of this tribe that accompanied 
Arnold Viele to Pechoquealin from the Shawnee villages 
on the lower Ohio, in 1794. At any rate, he was chief of the Pecho- 
quealin as early as 1709; for, in the minutes of a meeting of the 
Provincial Council of New Jersey, on May 30th of this year, he is 
referred to as one of the sachems of the Shawhena (Shawnee) In- 
dians then with the Maninsincks (Munsee, or Wolf Clan of Dela- 
wares) . 

Kakowatcheky's name does not appear in the Colonial Records 
of Pennsylvania until 1728, in connection with the following In- 
dian troubles: 

On May 6, 1728, Governor Gordon advised the Provincial 
Council that he had recently received a letter from John Wright, 
a trader, at Conestoga, stating that two Conestogas had been mur- 
dered by several of the Shawnees in that neighborhood, and that 
the Conestogas seemed to be preparing to declare war on the Shaw- 
nees, in retaliation. The Governor also advised the Council, at 
this time, that he had received a petition signed by a great number 
of the settlers in the back parts of Lancaster County, setting forth 
that they were under great apprehension of being attacked by the 
Indians, and that many families had left their homes through fear 
of an Indian uprising. Wright further informed the Governor, in 
his letter, that the Shawnees had brought the Shawnee murderers 
as far as Peter Charter's house, at which place the party engaged 
in much drinking, and, through the connivance of Chartier, the 
two Shawnee murderers escaped. It is not surprising that Chartier 
let the murderers escape, as he himself was a half blood Shawnee. 
He was at that time trading at Pequea Creek. His action so 
incensed the Conestogas that they threatened to destroy all the 
Shawnees in that region. 

Almost at the same time that the murder of the Conestogas 

Kakowatcheky, Chartier, and Other Shawnees 103 

occurred, the settlers along the valley of the Schuylkill became 
much alarmed for their safety from another quarter. Kako- 
watcheky, who was the head of the Shawnees living at Pecho- 
quealin, in what is now lower Smithfield Township, Monroe 
County, claimed that he had learned that the Flatheads, or 
Catawbas, from North Carolina, had entered Pennsylvania with 
the intention of striking the Indians along the Susquehanna; and 
he, accordingly, led eleven warriors to ascertain the truth of this 
rumor, who, when they came into the neighborhood of the Durham 
Iron Works, near Manatawny, in the northern part of Bucks 
County, their provisions failed, and they forced the settlers to give 
them food and drink. The settlers did not know these Indians, 
and believing the chief of the band to be a Spanish Indian, they 
were in great terror; families fled from their plantations and wo- 
men and children suffered greatly from exposure, as the weather 
was raw and cold. There seems to be little doubt that 
Kakowatcheky was leading this band to Paxtang to assist the 
Shawnees of that place, who had been threatened by the Cones- 
togas on account of the above mentioned murder of the two Cones- 

A band of about twenty settlers took up arms and approached 
the invaders, sending two of their number to treat with the chief, 
who, instead of receiving them civilly, brandished his sword, and 
commanded his men to fire, which they did, and wounded two of 
the settlers. The settlers thereupon returned the fire, upon which 
the chief fell, but afterwards got up and ran into the woods, leaving 
his gun behind him. The identity of this Indian band was not 
known until May 20th, when two traders from Pechoquealin, John 
Smith and Nicholas Schonhoven, came to Governor Gordon and 
delivered to him a message from Kakowatcheky, explaining the 
unfortunate affair, sending his regrets, and asking the Governor 
for the return of the gun which he dropped when wounded. The 
Governor, then, accompanied by many citizens of Philadelphia, 
went to the troubled district, and personally pleaded with those 
settlers who had left their plantations to return. He found them 
so excited that they seemed ready to kill Indians of both sexes, but 
finally succeeded in pacifying them. 

The Governor was about ready to return home when he 
received the melancholy news from Samuel Nut that an Indian 
man and two women were cruelly murdered, on May 20th, at 
Cucussea, then in Chester County, by John and Walter Winters, 
without any provocation whatever, and two Indian girls 

104 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

badly wounded; upon which a hue was immediately issued in an 
effort to apprehend the murderers. It appeared from investiga- 
tion that, on the day of this murder, an Indian man, two women, 
and two girls, appeared at John Roberts' house, and that their 
neighbors noticing this, rallied to their defense, shot the man and 
one of the women, beat out the brains of the other woman, and 
wounded the girls, their excuse being that the Indian had put an 
arrow into his bow, and that they, having heard reports that some 
settlers had been killed by Indians, believed that the settlers might 
lawfully kill any Indian they could find. 

The murderers were apprehended and placed in jail at Chester, 
for trial. A message was then sent to Sassoonan, Opekasset, and 
Manawkyhickon, acquainting them with the unhappy affair and 
requesting them to come to Conestoga, where a treaty would be 
held with Chief Civility and the other Indians at that place. The 
Provincial Council being apprehensive that this barbarous murder 
would stir up the Indians to take revenge on the settlers, a com- 
mission was appointed to get the inhabitants together and put them 
in a state to defend themselves. This commission consisted of 
John Pawling, Marcus Hulings, and Mordecai Lincoln, an ancestor 
of Abraham Lincoln, whose home was about ten miles south of the 
present town of Reading. Having sent Kakowatcheky the gun 
he had dropped, as well as the tomahawks dropped by his eleven 
warriors when they fled from the band of twenty settlers, as related 
above, together with a request that he warn the Indians under his 
authority to be more careful in the future, the Governor, accom- 
panied by thirty residents of Philadelphia, met the Indians at a 
council at Conestoga on the 26th of May, where he conferred with 
Civility and other Conestoga, Shawnee, Conoy, and Delaware 
chiefs, made them many presents, and promised to punish the two 
murderers, if found guilty. John and Walter Winters were sub- 
sequently tried, found guilty, and hanged for the murder of the 
Indian man and two women. 

Kakowatcheky Leaves Pechoquealin 

As said in Chapter II, some of Kakowatcheky's clan left 
Pechoquealin before 1732, and went to the valley of the Ohio. 
Kakowatcheky himself, with the majority of his clan left Pecho- 
quealin in the latter part of 1728, and went to the Wyoming 
Valley, settling on the Susquehanna, just below the town of Ply- 
mouth, Luzerne Countv. Here he was living in 1732, when some 

Kakowatcheky, Chartier, and Other Shawnees 105 

chiefs of the Six Nations on their way to attend a conference at 
Philadelphia, in August of that year, told him "that he should not 
look to Ohio, but turn his face to us." Evidently at that time, he 
contemplated joining his brethren on the Ohio and Allegheny. 

Kakowatcheky at Treaty of 1739 

The Colonial Authorities of Pennsylvania, realizing that the 
Shawnees were rapidly being won over by the French, induced 
Kakowatcheky, of Wyoming, Kishacoquillas of the Juniata, and 
Neucheconneh and Tamenebuck, of the Allegheny, and other Shaw- 
nee chiefs, whose settlements were scattered from Wyoming and 
Great Island (Lock Haven) to the Allegheny, to come to a confer- 
ence, or treaty, at Philadelphia on July 27th to August 1st, 1739. 
At this conference the Conestoga and Shawnee agreement with 
William Penn, dated April 23rd, 1701, was brought to the atten- 
tion of the chiefs; and they were told that the Colonial Authorities 
thought it proper to remind them of this solemn engagement which 
their ancestors had entered into with Penn, inasmuch as the said 
Authorities knew that the emissaries of the French were endeavor- 
ing to prevail upon the Shawnees to renounce their agreement with 
the Colony. In other words, the Governor and Provincial Council 
put the plain question of the Shawnees' loyalty to past agreements 
with Pennsylvania. The chiefs desired that their reply be post- 
poned until the following day, explaining that "it was their custom 
to speak or transact business of importance only whilst the sun was 
rising, and not when it was declining." "In the morning, they 
showed that all past agreements had been kept by them quite as 
faithfully as by the white men. And since Pennsylvania had, 
about a year previously, promised to issue an order forbidding the 
sale of any more rum among them, they had sent one of their 
young men to the French, as an agent to induce them 'for all time, 
to put a stop to the sale of rum, brandy, and wine'." The result 
of the conference was that the Shawnees, with the full under- 
standing that the rum traffic was to be stopped, promised not to 
join any other nation, and confirmed the old Conestoga and 
Shawnee agreement or treaty of April 23rd, 1701. 

At this treaty, the Shawnee chief, Neucheconneh, repudiated 
the letter of March 20, 1738, which he, Loyparcowah, and Coy- 
cacolenne had sent the Governor advising him, among other things, 
that the Shawnees on the Kiskiminetas, Allegheny and Ohio had 
"a good understanding with the French." No doubt it was on 

106 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

account of this particular statement that Neucheconneh now 
repudiated the letter. He explained that it was written by "two 
white men", evidently the half-breed, Peter Chartier, and George 
Miranda, when all "were merry over a cup of good liquor." 

Kakowatcheky Removes to the Ohio 

Kakowatcheky did not obey the command that the represen- 
tatives of the Six Nations gave him in August, 1732, "that he 
should not look to Ohio." He, with most of his clan, removed 
from Wyoming, in 1743, to Logstown, on the right bank of the 
Ohio, about eighteen miles below Pittsburgh. Possibly he founded 
Logstown, though some authorities claim, as pointed out in Chap- 
ter II, that this town was founded by Shawnees from Tennessee, 
possibly as early as 1730. Here he was living in the summer of 
1744, when many Shawnees, under Peter Chartier, deserted to the 
French, which desertion will be described later in this chapter. 
However, Kakowatcheky remained true to the English, and was 
commended by the Colonial Authorities. On April 20th, 1747, he 
joined with Scarouady, Neucheconneh, Tanacharison and others, 
in writing a letter from "Aleggainey" to the Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania, in behalf of the Twightwees or Miamis of the Ohio Valley. 

He was living at Logstown in the summer of 1748, when he, 
Neucheconneh, Tanacharison, Scarouady, and several other chiefs 
met in council and sent a message through the Delawares and Six 
Nations to the Colony of Pennsylvania, apologizing for the deser- 
tion of Peter Chartier and his band. Here, also, this aged sachem 
was met by George Croghan when the latter held a council with 
the Indians of Logstown on April 28th, 1748. Croghan had been 
sent by the Colony of Pennsylvania to advise the Ohio and Alle- 
gheny Indians that Conrad Weiser would come later in that year 
to make a treaty with them in behalf of the Colony, and to dis- 
tribute generous presents. Weiser arrived at Logstown in Sep- 
tember of that year as the head of what is generally called the first 
embassy ever sent by the Colony of Pennsylvania to the Indians 
of the Ohio and Allegheny, although it would be more nearly 
correct to say that Croghan's mission in the preceding April was 
the first. Weiser met Kakowatcheky at his conference in Septem- 
ber, and his journal, under date of September 10th, contains the 
following reference to the sachem: 

"This day I made a present to the old Shawnee chief, 
Kakowatcheky, of a strand, a blanket, a match-coat, a shirt, a pair 

Kakowatcheky, Chartier, and Other Shawn ees 107 

of stockings, and a large twist of tobacco, and told him that the 
President and Council of Philadelphia remembered their love to 
him as to their old and true friend, and would clothe his body once 
more, and wished he might wear them out, so as to give them an 
opportunity to clothe him again. There was a great many Indians 
present, two of which were the Big Hominy and the Pride, those 
that went off with Chartier, but protested his proceedings against 
our traders. Kakowatcheky returned thanks, and some of the Six 
Nations did the same, and expressed their satisfaction to see a true 
man taken notice of, although he was now grown childish." 

Kakowatcheky took no other part in Weiser's conferences at 
Logstown than that just mentioned. In passing, we call attention 
to the fact that this embassy to the Shawnees, Senecas, and other 
Indians on the Ohio was eminently successful. It left Pennsyl- 
vania in possession of the Indian trade from Logstown to the 
Mississippi and from the Ohio to the Great Lakes. Moreover, its 
success was most gratifying to all the frontier settlers. Not only 
Pennsylvania, but Maryland and Virginia were active in following 
up the advantage thus gained. A number of Maryland and Vir- 
ginia traders pushed into the Ohio region, and presently the Ohio 
Land Company, formed by leading men of Virginia and Maryland, 
among whom were George Washington's half-brothers, Lawrence 
and Augustine, sought to secure the Forks of the Ohio. 

Last Days of Kakowatcheky 

Once more, at Logstown on the Ohio, we meet this venerable 
chieftain, who, no doubt, was born in the valley of the beautiful 
river where he now is spending his latter years. On May 18th, 1751, 
George Croghan, the "King of the Traders", and Andrew Montour, 
visited Logstown bringing the Colony's present to the Ohio Indians, 
which they had promised on their former visit to this town in 
November, 1750. Croghan and Montour were welcomed by a 
great number of Delawares and Shawnees "in a very complacent 
manner in their way, by firing guns and hoisting the English 
colors." Among the sachems who welcomed them were the Seneca 
chief, Canayachrera, or Broken Kettle, who came to Logstown 
with a delegation from the Kuskuskies region, whose center was on 
or near the site of New Castle, Lawrence County. 

On May 21st, Croghan visited the aged Kakowatcheky, writ- 
ing in his journal under this date: 

"I paid Kakowatcheky, the old Shawnee King, a visit, as he 
was rendered incapable of attending the Council by his great age, 

108 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

and let him know that his brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania, 
was glad to hear that he was still alive and retained his senses, and 
had ordered me to clothe him and to acquaint him that he had not 
forgot his strict attachment to the English interest. I gave him a 
strowd shirt, a match-coat, and a pair of stockings, for which he 
gave the Governor a great many thanks." 

At this time, the English and the French were each doing 
everything possible to win the friendship and allegiance of the 
Indians of the Ohio and Allegheny. Each claimed the territory 
drained by these streams, the French basing their claim on the dis- 
coveries and explorations of La Salle and the heroic Jesuit mission- 
aries, — true Knights of the Cross, to whom anyone who correctly 
writes the early history of the region between the Allegheny Moun- 
tains and the Mississippi must needs pay a high tribute of esteem. 
And at this conference at Logstown, Croghan met Joncaire, the 
French Indian agent, but succeeded in outwitting him in diplo- 
macy, and the chiefs ordered the French from their lands, and re- 
asserted their friendship for the English — a friendship which was 
broken four years later. The speaker of the Six Nations thus 
addressed Joncaire: 

"How comes it that you have broken the general peace? Is 
it not three years since you, as well as our brother, the English, 
told us that there was a peace between the English and French, 
and how comes it that you have taken our brothers as your pris- 
oners on our lands? Is it not our land (stamping on the ground, 
and putting his finger to Joncaire's nose) ? What right has 
Onontio (the Governor of Canada) to our lands? I desire that 
you may go home directly off our lands, and tell Onontio to send 
us word immediately what was his reason for using our brothers 
so, or what he means by such proceedings that we may know what 
to do, for I can assure Onontio that we, the Six Nations, will not 
take such usage. You hear what I say, and that is the sentiments 
of all our Six Nations; tell it to Onontio that that is what the Six 

Nations said to you Our brothers [the English] are the 

people we will trade with and not you." 

While there is no doubt about the loyalty of the Ohio Indians 
to the Pennsylvania Government at the time of Croghan's visit to 
Logstown (May, 1751) ; yet it is fair to assume that he exaggerated 
his translation of the speech which the Iroquois chief delivered to 
Joncaire, in that he alleged that the speaker told Joncaire that the 
Council of the Six Nations had determined to trade only with the 
English. The Onondaga Council had made no such decision. 

Kakowatcheky, Chartier, and Other Shawnees 109 

For years it had endeavored to play an even game with the French 
and the English, preferring to be courted by both France and Eng- 

While at Logstown, on the occasion just described, Croghan 
learned from Tanacharison and Scarouady that the Great Council 
of the Six Nations had agreed, since Celeron's expedition down the 
Allegheny and Ohio in the summer of 1749, that the English be 
permitted to build a trading house at the Forks of the Ohio; and, 
in open Council with Croghan, the chiefs at Logstown "requested 
that the Governor of Pennsylvania would immediately build a 

strong house [fort] for the protection of themselves and 

the English traders", where Pittsburgh now stands. 

In June, 1752, Virginia and the Ohio Land Company made a 
treaty at Logstown with the Delawares, Shawnees, and Senecas of 
the Ohio Valley, by the terms of which Virginia secured permission 
to erect a few forts and make a few settlements west of the Alle- 
gheny Mountains. Colonel James Patton, one of the Virginia 
Commissioners at this treaty, makes the following reference to 
Kakowatcheky in his journal, under date of June 1 1th: 

"The Commissioners, addressing themselves to the Shawnees, 
acquainted them that they understood that their chief, Kako- 
watcheky, who had been a good friend to the English, was lying 
bed-rid, and that, to show the regard they had for his past services, 
they took this opportunity to acknowledge it by presenting him 
with a suit of Indian clothing." 

The year of Kakowatcheky's death is not known, but it was 
probably in 1755, as that is the last year in which his name appears 
in the Colonial Records. If he was the chief who led the Shawnees 
from the lower Ohio Valley to Pechoquealin, in 1694, his chief- 
tainship must have extended over a period of sixty years. 


Peter Chartier was the only son of Martin Chartier, who 
accompanied the Shawnees, under Opessah, to Pequea, Lancaster 
County, in 1697 or 1698, and his mother was a Shawnee squaw. 
The father was a Frenchman, who had lived among this band of 
Shawnees for many years prior to their entering Pennsylvania, and 
accompanied them in their wanderings. He set up a trading house 
at Pequea a few years after the Shawnees took up their abode there. 
At least, he traded at Pequea as early as 1707. Some years later, 
he removed his trading post to Dekanoagah, which we have seen 

110 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

was located on or near the present site of Washington Borough, 
Lancaster County. Here he died in 1718. 

Peter Chartier is said to have followed his father's example 
by marrying a Shawnee squaw. In 1718, he secured a warrant for 
three hundred acres of land "where his father is settled, on Sus- 
quehanna river." For some years he traded with the Shawnees 
who had left Pequea and settled near the site of Washington 
Borough and at Paxtang. Later he traded with those members of 
this tribe who had settled on the west side of the Susquehanna, at 
the mouth of Shawnee (now Yellow Breeches) Creek, on the site of 
the present town of New Cumberland, Cumberland County. We 
have already seen how he, in 1728, aided in the escape of the Shaw- 
nees who had murdered the two Conestogas. Still later, he is said 
to have removed to the valley of the Conococheague. About 1730, 
he commenced trading with the Shawnees on the Conemaugh, and 
Kiskiminetas, and a little later, on the Allegheny. 

Manor of Conodoguinet 

On November 19th, 1731, Peter Chartier was informed by 
John Wright, Tobias Hendricks, and Samuel Blunston of the sur- 
vey of the tract called the "Manor of Conodoguinet", a tract of 
land on the west side of the Susquehanna between Conodoguinet 
and Yellow Breeches creeks, set aside for the Shawnees, in an 
effort to induce those of that tribe who had gone to the Ohio and 
Allegheny, to return to the Susquehanna. Chartier conveyed this 
information to the Shawnees on the Ohio and Allegheny, but they 
refused to return. 

Neucheconneh's Letter 

Chartier was a witness to a letter which Neucheconneh and 
several other Shawnee chiefs on the Allegheny wrote Governor 
Gordon, in June, 1732, in response to a message which the Gover- 
nor sent them in December of the preceding year. In their letter 
they explained why the Shawnees had removed from the Susque- 
hanna. Said they: 

"About nine years ago, the Five Nations told us at Shallys- 
chohking, [Chillisquaque, a Shawnee town at the mouth of the 
creek of the same name in Northumberland County] we did not 
do well to settle there; for there was a great noise in the Great 
House [at Onondaga], and that in three years' time all should 
know what they [the Five Nations] had to say as far as there was 
any settlements or the sun set. 

Kakowatcheky, Chartier, and Other Shawnees 1 1 1 

"About ye expiration of three years aforesaid, the Five Na- 
tions came and said, 'Our land is going to be taken from us. 
Come, brothers, assist us. Let us fall upon and fight with the 
English.' We answered them, 'No; we came here for peace* and 
have leave to settle here; and we are in league with them, and can- 
not break it.' 

"About a year after, they, ye Five Nations, told the Delawares 
and us, 'Since you have not hearkened to us nor regarded what 
we have said, now we will put petticoats on you, and look upon 
you as women for the future, and not as men. Therefore, you 
Shawanese, look back toward Ohio, the place from whence you 
came; and return thitherward; for now we shall take pity on the 
English, and let them have all this land.' 

"And further said, 'Now, since you are become women, I'll 
take Peahohquelloman [Pechoquealin], and put it on Meheahom- 
ing [Wyoming] ; and I'll take Meheahoming and put it on Ohioh; 
and Ohioh I'll put on Woabach; [Wabash] and that shall be the 
warriors' road for the future. 

"One reason of our leaving our former settlements and coming 
here is, several negro slaves used to run away and come amongst 
us; and we thought ye English would blame us for it. 

"The Delaware Indians some time ago bid us depart, for they 
was dry, and wanted to drink ye land away. Whereupon, we told 
them, 'Since some of you are gone to Ohioh, we will go there also. 
We hope you will not drink that away, too." 

At about the time of the above letter, the Shawnees in the 
Allegheny had received a report from John Kelly, a trader, that the 
Six Nations were ready to destroy them and drive out the French, 
if the English Governor would say the word. This report greatly 
agitated the Western Shawnees, and they would have declared 
war on the English traders at once, if Peter Chartier and some 
French agents had not persuaded them that the information was 

Chartier Acts as Interpreter 

On September 30th and October 5th, 1732, Opakethwa and 
Opakeita, two Shawnee chiefs from the Allegheny attended a con- 
ference at Philadelphia, with Thomas Penn, Governor Gordon and 
the Provincial Council, Peter Chartier, Edmund Cartilidge and 
John Wray being the interpreters. This is the conference, refer- 
red to in Chapter V, in which they explained that they had form- 
erly lived on the Potomac, but their "king" having died, they 

112 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

knew not what to do, and "went over the mountains [meaning to 
the Allegheny] to live." The Proprietor urged them to return to 
lands which the Colony had set apart for them on the west side of 
the Susquehanna near Paxtang (Harrisburg), and they replied 
"that their young men had gone over the mountains to hunt where 
they might have more game, that when that was over they would 
return and see the land." They were also told that the traders 
might cease carrying goods as far as the Allegheny, and that the 
French could not supply them with as valuable goods, or at as 
cheap a price as the English traders could; "to which they answer- 
ed that they were sensible of this, but they had horses of their 
own, and could bring their skins to the trader, or to this town 
(Philadelphia), if there were occasion." It was clear that the 
Shawnees who had gone to the Allegheny had no intention of re- 
turning nearer the English settlements. 

With Chartier and the two chiefs, was Quassenung, son of the 
old Shawnee King, Kakowatcheky. On October 7th, Quassenung 
was taken ill with small-pox, and was nursed by Opakethwa, 
speaker for the Shawnees at the conference. In the minutes of the 
conference, we read: "Quassenung recovered from the small-pox, 
but Opakethwa, who tended him, was taken most violently with the 
same distemper, and dying on the 26th, was next day handsomely 
buried. Quassenung was seized with violent pains, and languished 
until the sixteenth of January. He then died, and was likewise the 
next day buried in a handsome manner." 

Chartier's principal seat on the Allegheny was a town which 
he, and, no doubt, the Shawnee chief, Neucheconneh, founded about 
1734, called Chartier's Town, or Chartier's Old Town, also Neuch- 
econneh's Town, and located near the site of Tarentum, Allegheny 
County. Here he lived until his desertion to the French, in 1744. 
Other Shawnee villages west of the Alleghenies, at this time, be- 
sides those on the Juniata, Conemaugh, Kiskiminetas, and Alle- 
gheny, were Logstown and Sauconk on the Ohio, the latter being at 
the mouth of the Beaver; Asswikales, or "Sewickley Town", on the 
Youghiogheny, at the mouth of Big Sewickley Creek, in Westmore- 
land County; and "James Le Tort's Town", where Shelocta. Indi- 
ana County, now stands, the present town of Shelocta bearing the 
name of a Shawnee chief. The Shawnees at Asswikales are des- 
cribed in a letter of James Le Tort to Governor Gordon, October 
29, 1731, as "about fifty families laterly from South Carolina to 
Potowmack, and from thence thither." 

Kakowatcheky, Chartier, and Other Shawnees 1 13 

Murder of Sagohandechty 

The Asswikales Shawnees, also called the Hathawekela, before 
coming to Pennsylvania, were known to the early settlers of South 
Carolina, as the Savannas. On September 10th, 1735, Hetquan- 
tagechty, a Seneca chief, and Shikellamy, the vice-gerent of the 
Six Nations, attended a meeting of the Provincial Council at Phila- 
delphia, and gave the Council a report concerning the mission 
which the Six Nations had sent to the Ohio and Allegheny in a vain 
attempt to have the Shawnees of that place return to the Susque- 
hanna. At this conference Hetaquantagechty informed the Council 
that a great chief of the Iroquois, named Sagohandechty, who lived 
on the Allegheny, probably at Kittanning, went with the other 
chiefs of the Six Nations in 1734 to prevail upon the Shawnees to 
return. Sagohandechty pressed the Shawnees so closely to return 
that they took a great dislike to him, and some months after the 
other chiefs had returned, the Shawnees cruelly murdered him. 
Hetquantagetchty said that this murder had been committed by 
the Asswikales, who then fled southward, and as he supposed had 
returned "to the place from whence they first came, which is below 
Carolina." Hetaquantagechty described them as "one tribe of 
those Shawnees who had never behaved themselves as they ought." 
The Asswikales were probably the first Shawnees to settle in 
Western Pennsylvania within historic times, coming by way of 
Old Town, Maryland, to Bedford, and then westward. Sewickley 
Creek, in Westmoreland County, Sewickley Town, at the mouth of 
that creek, and another placed called Sewickley Old Town, which 
some authorities locate on the Allegheny River some miles below 
Chartier's Old Town, were named for them. 

Peter Chartier Deserts to the French 

At a meeting of the Provincial Council held April 25, 1745, 
Governor Thomas laid before the Council a deposition made by 
James Cunningham, a servant of Peter Chartier, to the effect that 
Chartier had accepted a military commission under the French, 
and was going to Canada. Later, at a meeting of the Pennsyl- 
vania Assembly, held July 23, 1745, a petition from James Dinnen 
(Dunning) and Peter Tostee, two Indian traders from the Alle- 
gheny Valley, was presented and read, setting forth that, as 
Dunning and Tostee were returning up the Allegheny River, in 
canoes, on the 18th of April, 1745, from a trading trip, with a 
considerable quantity of furs and skins, "Peter Chartier, late an 

114 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Indian trader, with about 400 Shawne Indians, armed with guns, 
pistols, and cutlasses, suddenly took them prisoners, having, as he 
said, a captain's commission from the King of France; and plund- 
ered them of all their effects, to the value of sixteen hundred 
pounds; by which they are become entirely ruined, and utterly 
uncapable to pay their debts, or carry on any further trade." 

The actual date of Charter's desertion is unknown, but it was 
likely some time during the summer of 1744. 

Chartier and Chief Neucheconneh headed this band of Shaw- 
nees. They had fled from Chartier's Old Town, and started down 
the Allegheny and Ohio, when they met and robbed Dunning and 
Tostee. At Logstown, they made an unsuccessful attempt to have 
Kakowatcheky join them. They proceeded on down the Ohio to 
the mouth of the Scioto, at which place another Shawnee settle- 
ment had been made possibly a decade before, and known for many 
years afterwards as the Lower Shawnee Town. From the Lower 
Shawnee Town, Chartier and his Shawnees proceeded southward 
along the Catawba Trail, and established a town about twelve 
miles east of the site of the present town of Winchester, Kentucky. 
Their object was to be nearer the French settlements on the Mis- 

Shortly after Chartier led his Shawnees from the Allegheny, 
there were many rumors that the Shawnees intended making raids 
upon the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. At 
a meeting of the Provincial Council at Philadelphia on December 
17th, 1745, Governor Thomas laid before the board a letter he had 
just received from the Governor of New York advising him that 
Major Swartwoutz, a dweller in the Minisink region, had recently 
written the Governor that he (Swartwoutz) had received intelli- 
gence from two Indians at different times within a month to the 
effect that "the French and French Indians living at a town or fort 
on a branch of the River Mississippi have made a large house full 
of snow shoes, in order so soon as the snow shall fall, to attack 
Albany, Sopus, and the back parts of Jersey and Pennsylvania." 
Governor Thomas said that, although he was not apt to give credit 
to rumors of this kind, since they were often found false, yet, con- 
sidering the fact that the French had recently plundered the in- 
habitants near Saratoga, New York, carrying off seventy as 
prisoners and burning their houses, barns and mills, and consider- 
ing the further fact that Peter Chartier was now with the French, 
it was not improbable that something would be attempted upon 
the inhabitants of the back parts of Pennsylvania likewise. Hence 

Kakowatcheky, Chartier, and Other Shawnees 115 

the Governor dispatched a messenger with circular letters to the 
officers of the militia in Lancaster County, directing them to be on 
their guard and to make the best preparations they could for de- 
fense, at the same time cautioning them not to "do any injury to 
the Indians in amity with us, or to molest them in their hunting." 
He likewise sent directions to Conrad Weiser "to employ some of 
the Delaware Indians at Shamokin (Sunbury) as scouts to watch 
the enemy's motions, and to engage the whole body of Indians 
there to harrass them in their march, in case they should attempt 
anything against us, and afterwards to join our remote inhabitants 
for their mutual defense." However, Chartier and his Shawnees 
did no mischief in Pennsylvania, except the plundering of the 
traders, Dunning and Tostee. 

Chartier's Shawnees Ask to Be Forgiven 

Some time after the desertion of Peter Chartier, a number of 
his Shawnees returned, among whom were Neucheconneh and his 
band. In 1747, the Onondaga Council placed the Oneida chief, 
Scarouady, in charge of Shawnee affairs, with his central seat at 
Logstown. Shortly thereafter, Neucheconneh, with Kakowatcheky, 
at that time king of the Shawnees at Logstown, who had withstood 
the solicitations of Chartier, and whom the reader has followed in 
his migration from the eastern part of Pennsylvania to the Ohio 
Valley, applied submissively to Scarouady then living on the Ohio, 
to intercede for them with the Colonial Authorities of Pennsyl- 
vania. At a meeting on July 21st, 1748, at Lancaster, Pennsyl- 
vania, with the commissioners appointed by the Colony to hold a 
conference with the Six Nations, Twightwees, and other Indians, 
Conrad Weiser, having received the following apology of the 
Shawnees from Scarouady, who was too badly injured from a fall 
to attend the conference, delivered it to the commissioners, as 

"We, the Shawnees, have been misled, and have carried on a 
private correspondence with the French without letting you [the 
Delawares and Six Nations] or our brethren, the English, know of 
it. We traveled secretly through the bushes to Canada, and the 
French promised us great things, but we find ourselves deceived. 
We are sorry we had anything to do with them. We now find that 
we could not see, although the sun did shine. We earnestly desire 
that you would intercede with our brethren, the English, for us 
who are left at Ohio, that we may be permitted to be restored to 

116 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the chain of friendship, and be looked upon as heretofore the same 
flesh with them." Scarouady reported to Weiser that the forego- 
ing apology had first been addressed to the Six Nations and Dela- 
wares dwelling on the Ohio and Allegheny, by Neucheconneh, 
Kakowatcheky, Sonatziowannah, and Sequeheton, after these 
Shawnee chieftains had met in council. 

Conrad Weiser was consulted as to the sincerity of the apology 
of the Shawnees. It does not appear what Weiser said on this 
occasion, but it is well known that he was always outspoken in his 
contempt for the Shawnees, and doubtless his influence shaped the 
course of the commissioners at Lancaster, who severely reprimand- 
ed the Shawnees for their conduct. Addressing the Six Nations, 
from the Ohio, the commissioners said through Weiser, the inter- 

"Your intercession for the Shawnees puts us under difficulties. 
It is at least two years since the Governor of Pennsylvania wrote 
Kakowatcheky a letter, wherein he condescended out of regard to 
him and a few other Shawnees who preserved their fidelity, to 
offer those who broke the chain, a pardon, on their submission, on 
their return to the towns they had deserted, and on their coming 
down to Philadelphia to evidence in person the sincerity of their 
repentence. They should have immediately complied with, and 
they would have readily been admitted into favor, but as they did 
not, what can be said of them? .... Take this string of wampum 
and therewith chastize Neucheconneh and his party in such terms 
as will be a proper severity with them Then tell the de- 
linquent Shawnees that we will forget what is past, and expect a 
more punctual regard to their engagements hereafter. Tis but 
justice to distinguish the good from the bad; Kakowatcheky and 
his friends, who had virtue enough to resist the many fine promises 
made by the emissaries of the French, will ever be remembered 
with gratitude, and challenge our best services." 

Then Taming Buck (Tamenebuck), one of the Shawnee chiefs, 
who had been in Chartier's band, and later returned, replied to the 
above reprimand as follows: "We, the Shawnees, sensible of our 
ungrateful returns for the many favors we have been all along 
receiving from our brethren, the English, ever since we first made 
the chain of friendship, came along the road with our eyes looking 
down to the earth, and have not taken them from thence until this 
morning, when you were pleased to chasitze us and then pardon us. 
We have been a foolish people, and acted wrong, though the sun 
shone bright, and showed us very clearly what was our duty. We 

Kakowatcheky, Chartier, and Other Shawnees 1 17 

are sorry for what we have done, and promise better behavior for 
the future. We produce to you a certificate of the renewal of our 
friendship in the year 1739, by the Proprietor and Governor. Be 
pleased to sign it afresh, that it may appear to the world we are 
now admitted into your friendship, and all former crimes are 
buried and entirely forgot." 

The request of Taming Buck was rejected. The commission- 
ers refused to sign the certificate, and the Shawnees were told that 
it was enough for them to know that they were forgiven on condi- 
tion of future good behavior, and that when that condition was 
performed, it would be time enough for them to apply for such 
testimonials. It is not known whether Weiser advised this course 
or not, but it is certain that he could have prevented it, and induced 
the Colonial Authorities to make a valuable peace with the Shaw- 
nees now when they were so submissive and humble. Other tribes 
received presents at this Lancaster conference, but the Shawnees 
only had their guns mended. They went away in disgrace, brood- 
ing over such treatment. 

Peter Chartier figured no more in Pennsylvania history after 
he deserted to the French in 1744. Two creeks in Pennsylvania bear 
his name — Chartier's Run, in Westmoreland County, emptying 
into the Allegheny not far from Chartier's Old Town (Tarentum), 
and Chartier's Creek, in Washington and Allegheny counties, 
emptying into the Ohio at McKees Rocks, once known as Char- 
tiers, from the fact that he had a trading post near this place. 


Kishacoquillas was one of the Shawnee chiefs who never 
waivered in friendship for the English. The first glimpse we get 
of him in the Colonial Records is in the year 1731, when he was 
living with his clan of twenty families at Ohesson, — later called 
Kishacoquillas' Town, located at the mouth of Kishacoquillas 
Creek, named for him, on the Juniata River, near Lewistown, 
Mifflin County. With Kakowatcheky, Neucheconneh, and Tam- 
ing Buck, and other Shawnee chiefs, he attended the conference 
held at Philadelphia on July 27th to August 1st, 1739, which has 
been mentioned earlier in this chapter. 

Kishacoquillas was well advanced in years when the first 
settlers entered the valley of the beautiful mountain stream bearing 
his name. With one of these, Arthur Buchanan, he was on especi- 
ally friendly terms, and had his wigwam near Buchanan's cabin. 

118 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Some of Kishacoquillas' followers are said to have warned 
Buchanan and his sons of the expected attack on Fort Granville, 
near Lewistown, July 30th, 1756, enabling them and their families 
to escape to Carlisle. 

He died in the summer of 1754. His sons notified Governor 
Morris of his death through John Shikellamy, son of the great vice- 
gerent of the Six Nations. As Kishacoquillas had always been a 
good friend of the Colony and well respected, the Governor sent 
a present to his sons, and a letter of condolence in which he said: 

"I heartily condole with you on the loss of your aged father, 
and mingle my tears with yours, which, however. I would now 
have you wipe away with the handkerchiefs herewith sent. As a 
testimony of the love that the Proprietaries and this Government 
retain for the family of Kishacoquillas, you will be pleased to 
accept of the present which is delivered to John Shikellamy for 
your use. May the Great Spirit confer on you health and every 
other blessing. Continue your affection for the English and the 
good people of this Province, and you will always find them grate- 


As pointed out in Chapter V, the Shawnee chief, Neuchecon- 
neh, very probably acted as vice-regent during the youth of 
Loyparcowah, the son of Opessah. As stated, also, in Chapter V, 
Neucheconneh joined with Loyparcowah and Coycacolenne, on 
March 20th, 1738, in sending a letter from the Allegheny to 
Thomas Penn and Secretary James Logan, advising of their desire 
to remain on the Allegheny, and of the steps they had taken 
against the rum traffic. He was no doubt then residing at 
Neucheconneh's Town, or Chartier's Old Town, on the Allegheny, 
near Tarentum, which, as we have seen, in the present chapter, he 
and Peter Chartier founded in 1734. In the present chapter, we 
have also seen that Neucheconneh joined with several other Shaw- 
nee chiefs on the Allegheny, in June, 1732, in a letter to Governor 
Gordon, explaining why the Shawnees had removed from the Sus- 
quehanna; that he, with Kakowatcheky, Kishacoquillas, and 
Tamenebuck, attended the conference at Philadelphia, on July 
27th to August 1st, 1739, where he repudiated the letter of March 
20th, 1738; that, in 1744, he, with Peter Chartier, left Chartier's Old 
Town, and deserted to the French; that he afterwards returned to 
Logstown; and that, in 1748, he asked the Colony that he be for- 
given for his having, for a time, deserted to the French. 

On May 1st, 1734, Neucheconneh and several other Shawnee 
chiefs dictated a letter to Governor Gordon and the Provincial 

Kakowatcheky, Chartier, and Other Shawnees 1 19 

Council, regarding the character of the traders who came among 
them at Allegheny. This letter, which was probably written 
by Jonah Davenport, and which was witnessed by James Le Tort, 
Larey Lowrey, and Peter Chartier, was as follows : 

"Edward Kenny, Jacob Pyatt, Timy. Fitzpatrick, Wm. Dew- 
lap, and Jno. Kelly of Donegal, come trading with us without 
license; which is a hindrance to ye licensed Traders. 

"Charles Poke and Thos. Hill are very pernicious; for they 
have abused us; and we gave them a fathom of white wampum, 
desiring them by that token to acquaint you how they had served 

"And at a drinking bout, Henry Bayley, Oliver Wallis, and 
Jno. Young, took one of our old men, and after having tied him, 
abused him very much. Jas. Denning was among them, and 
abused us likewise. Such people, we think, are not proper to deal 
with us. 

"Jno. Kelly of Paxtang has made a great disturbance by rais- 
ing false reports among us; and Timy. Fitzpatrick, Thos. Moren, 
and Jno. Palmer quarrel often with us; therefore, we desire those 
four men may be kept particularly from us. 

"Jonas Davenport, Laz. Lowrey, Jas. Le Tort, Fras. Stevens, 
Jas. Patterson, Ed. Cartilidge, we desire, may have license to come 
and trade with us; as also, Peter Cheartier, who we reckon one of 
us; and he is welcome to come as long as he pleases. 

"Likewise, we beg at our Council, that no Trader above men- 
tioned may be allowed to bring more than thirty gallons of rum, 
twice in a year, and no more; for by that means, we shall be 
capable of paying our debts and making our creditors easy; which 
we cannot do otherwise. And that every Trader may be obliged 
to bring his rum in ye cabin where he lives, directly, and not to 
hide any in ye woods; but for P. Cheartier to bring what quantity 
he pleases; for he trades further yn. ye rest. And that every 
Trader bring his license with him. 

"And for our parts, if we see any other Traders than those we 
desire amongst us, we will stave their cags, [kegs] and seize their 
goods, likewise. 

"We also beg, every Trader may be obliged to bring good 

"And, if we are indebted to any of those we desire may not be 
admitted to trade with us, if they will come without goods or rum, 
if we have it by us, we will pay them their due. 

"We also hope no hired man will have liberty to bring any rum 
with him." 

120 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Other letters and messages of Neucheconneh were: 

(1) A letter from the Allegheny to Secretary James Logan, 
dated April 9th, 1738, advising that three Indians "of the nation 
called Maychepese, living near the French", had passed through 
the Shawnee Town (Chartier's Old Town) having three scalps of 
white persons killed by them in Virginia. Says Neucheconneh: 
"We thought it proper to acquaint you by the first opportunity who 
they were that killed our brothers .... to prevent any suspicion; 
when inquiry is made, it will prevent enmity between us and our 
brothers." He signed this letter, as "King" of the Allegheny 

(2) On April 9th, 1743, at a council at Shamokin (Sunbury), 
a message sent by him from the Allegheny, was delivered to Conrad 
Weiser for transmission to Governor Thomas, as follows: 
"Brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania: 

"I live upon this River of Ohio [Allegheny] harmless like a 
child. 1 can do nothing. I am but weak, and I don't so much as 
intend mischief. I have nothing to say, and do; therefore, send 
these strings of wampum to Kakowatcheky, the chief man again. 
He will answer your message, as he is the older and greater man." 

In explanation of this message, we state that, early in 1743, it 
was feared that the Shawnees on the Allegheny might attack the 
English traders. Conrad Weiser was accordingly sent to 
Shamokin, where, on February 4th, he held a council with Shikel- 
lamy, Sassoonan and other chiefs of the Delawares, Shawnees, and 
Six Nations, which conference was mentioned in Chapter VII, and 
gave the Shawnee chief, Big Hominy, some belts of wampum to 
"send to the Great Island [Lock Haven], and Allegheny, in favor 
of the traders." Weiser returned to Shamokin on April 9th, when 
Neucheconneh's answer was received, as above set forth. Kako- 
watcheky was then at Wyoming, but, as is seen in the present 
chapter, he removed from that place to Logstown that same year, 

(3) On April 20th, 1747, he joined with Kakowatcheky, 
Tanacharison, Scarouady, Tamenebuck, and several others, in a 
letter to Governor Thomas, requesting friendly relations on the 
part of the Colony with the Miamis, with whom the Shawnees had 
entered into a treaty. 

There are two other letters which Neucheconneh had a part 
in sending. The one is a letter from the "Chiefs of the Shawnees 
at Allegheny" which James Logan laid before the Provincial 

Kakowatcheky, Chartier, and Other Shawnees 121 

Council on August 10th, 1737, which was, in substance, that they 
were strongly solicited by the French, who were supplying them 
with some powder and lead to fight the Southern Indians; that 
they (the Allegheny Shawnees) were so far away that they could 
go no farther without falling into the hands of their enemies or 
going over to the French; and that, if they should return to the 
Susquehanna, as the Colony had often insisted, they must starve, 
as there was little game there. The letter ended with a request 
that the Colony furnish them with arms and ammunition to de- 
fend themselves against their enemies The other is a message 
from "Nuckegunnah, King of the Shawnees living at Allegheny", 
dated August 4th, 1738, and sent to the Governor of Virginia, ad- 
vising that, the Catawbas had made an attack upon them, killing 
several and taking others prisoners; and that this attack had 
happened after the Shawnees had refrained from sending war 
parties against the Catawbas upon learning that the Governor of 
Virginia was endeavoring to make peace between the Catawbas 
and the Northern Indians. 

Another reference to this famous chief, who ended his days in 
the valley of the Ohio, is when Captain William Trent and 
Andrew Montour found him near the mouth of the Miami, on 
August 4th, 1752. Trent and Andrew Montour had attended the 
Virginia treaty at Logstown in June, and from there had gone 
down the Ohio past the Lower Shawnee Town with a present for 
the Miamis. His last appearance in history is when he attended 
the Carlisle treaty of October, 1753. 

In closing this chapter, we call attention to the fact that 
Chartier's Town, founded by Peter Chartier and Neucheconneh, 
and the scene of their principal activities until they led the Shaw- 
nees from that place down the Ohio to the French, in 1744, figured 
little in the Indian history of Pennsylvania after that event. 
When Celeron came down the Allegheny and Ohio in the summer 
of 1749, burying leaden plates at the mouths of the tributary 
streams, proclaiming that the region drained by the "Beautiful 
River" belonged to France, his detachment stopped at Chartier's 
Town, on August 6th, where he found six English traders, with 
fifty horses and one hundred and fifty bales of furs, who were re- 
turning from there to Philadelphia. He ordered them to with- 
draw from this territory claimed then by France, and sent with 
them a letter to the Governor of Pennsylvania warning him to for- 
bid the traders of the Colony to come into the valleys of the Ohio 
and Allegheny. 



|HIKELLAMY (Shikellimmy, Shikillimus, Swateny, etc.), 
who has been mentioned several times thus far, holds a 
high place in the Indian annals of Pennsylvania. His 
name literally means, "He causes it to be light, or day- 
light"; or "He enlightens us." Hence he has frequently been call- 
ed "Our Enlightener." He was an Oneida chieftain, though he 
claimed he was born a Cayuga and was adopted by the Oneidas. 
It has also been said that he was a Frenchman, born in Montreal 
and taken captive, when a child two years old by the Oneidas, by 
whom he was reared. 

Shikellamy was the great exponent of the policy of the Six 
Nations, and was sent by the Great Council at Onondaga to the 
Forks of the Susquehanna, then called Shamokin, (Sunbury, Penn- 
sylvania), in 1727 or 1728, to conserve the interests of the Six 
Nations in the Susquehanna Valley, and to keep a watchful eye 
on the tributary Shawnees, Delawares, and other Indians in that 
region. The exact date of his coming to the Forks of the Susque- 
hanna as the over-lord of the Shawnees, Delawares, and others is 
not known, but it is clear it was prior to June, 1728; for in that 
month, he, Sassoonan, and several other chiefs of the Delawares 
and Shawnees attended a conference with Governor Gordon and 
the Provincial Council at Philadelphia, with reference to the 
troubles between the Shawnees of Pechoquealin and the settlers, as 
related in Chapter VIII. 

The first definite reference in the Colonial Records to Shikel- 
lamy 's vice-gerency is in the minutes of a meeting of the Provincial 
Council held on September 1, 1728. This conference after discus- 
sing the endeavors of Manawkyhickon to set the Miamis and the 
Five Nations at variance with the English, as related in Chapter 
VII, was informed by Governor Gordon that two Indian traders 
from the region of Pechoquealin had advised him that the Shaw- 
nees of that place during the month of August had received a 
message from the Susquehanna, which caused them to remove to 
the Wyoming Valley, leaving their corn standing — the removal of 
Kakowatcheky's Clan as related in Chapter VIII. The Council 
then decided to send a message to Kakowatcheky asking why he 

Shikellamy 123 

had left Pechoquealin and "to acquaint Shikellima [Shikellamy] 
that, as he is appointed, as it is said, by the Five Nations to preside 
over the Shawnees, it is expected that he will give a good account 
of them." 

The importance of Shikellamy's office as the over-lord or vice- 
gerent of the Six Nations over the Indians of the Susquehanna is 
seen from the fact that, after the Iroquois subjugated the Susque- 
hannas, or Conestogas, in 1675 or 1676, they assigned the valley 
of this river as a hunting ground for the Shawnees, Delawares, 
Conoy, Nanticokes, Tutelo, and Conestogas. Moreover, Shikel- 
lamy's coming to the Forks of the Susquehanna, probably marks 
the date of the complete subjugation of the Delawares by the 

Shikellamy was a man of dignity, sobriety, and prudence, and 
a great friend of the whites, especially the Moravian Missionaries, 
by whom he was converted to Christianity near the close of his life. 
He was not baptized by the Moravians, because he had been bap- 
tized many years before by a Jesuit priest in Canada. In the 
execution of his trust, he conducted many important conferences 
and treaties between the Government of Pennsylvania and the 
Council of the Six Nations. In 1745, he was promoted to the full 
vice-gerency of all the tributary tribes in the Susquehanna region. 


Before proceeding further, attention is called to the fact that 
the term "Shamokin" was a regional name applied to the territory 
at and around the Forks of the Susquehanna with its center at the 
present town of Sunbury, Northumberland County, where the 
town of "Shamokin" was located on the level ground south of the 
mouth of the North Branch of the Susquehanna. The term 
"Shamokin" is Delaware and probably another form of the word 
"Shackamaxon". The Iroquois name "Chenasky", or "Chenas- 
try" (now generally called Otzinachse, or Otzinachson) was given 
at least to the northern part of the Shamokin region. 

The town of Shamokin (Sunbury) and the surrounding coun- 
try were strategically located. It was in this region that the 
Catawba War Trail leading from the central seat of the Six 
Nations, through the valleys of Lycoming Creek and the West 
Branch, intersected with the trail leading from Wyoming to the 
Allegheny Valley; and it was no doubt the strategic location of 
the Shamokin region that caused Shikellamy to select it as his seat, 

124 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

when he was sent by the Great Council of the Six Nations as vice- 
gerent over he Indians of the Susquehanna Valley. In fact, from 
1728 and possibly prior thereto, until 1737 or 1738, he resided at 
the intersection of the Catawba and Wyoming trails, in a village 
called Shikellamy's Town located on the West Branch of the Sus- 
quehanna, in Northumberland County, opposite the mouth of 
Sinking Run, or Shikellamy's Run, about half a mile below the 
present town of Milton. Here Conrad Weiser found him, as will 
presently be seen, when going to Onondaga in 1737. About 1738, 
Shikellamy removed to Shamokin proper, the Shamokin of Penn- 
sylvania history (Sunbury), where he resided until his death. 
Here, also, it will be recalled, resided the great sachem of the 
Turkey Clan of Delawares, Sassoonan, from about the latter part 
of 1718 until his death in 1747. 

Shikellamy Delivers Ultimatum on the Rum Traffic 

While Shikellamy on October 10th, 1728, attended the con- 
ference with Governor Gordon and the Provincial Council, men- 
tioned in Chapter VII, which resulted in a settlement of the 
troubles in that year with Kakowatcheky's Clan of Shawnees at 
Pechoquealin, his first great act after coming into the vice-gerency 
of the Iroquois over the Indians of the Susquehanna, was to deliver 
an ultimatum to the Colonial Authorities of Pennsylvania, in 1731, 
to the effect that, unless the liquor trade should be better regulated 
with regard to its sale to the Indians under his jurisdiction, friend- 
ly relations between the Colony of Pennsylvania and the powerful 
Six Nations would cease. 

Shikellamy Sent to Onondaga to Arrange a Treaty 

As has been seen in former chapters, the abuses of the liquor 
traffic among the Shawnees were among the causes which forced a 
large number of this tribe to migrate from the Susquehanna to the 
Ohio and Allegheny valleys several years prior to 1730, when 
French emissaries seized upon this opportunity to alienate the 
Shawneees from the English interest. Therefore, Governor Gor- 
don at a council held at Philadelphia on August 16th, 1731, decided 
to adopt the suggestion of Secretary James Logan that a treaty be 
arranged with the Six Nations "to renew and maintain the same 
good-will and friendship for the Five Nations which the Honorable 
William Penn always expressed to them in his lifetime", and to 
prevail upon the Six Nations to assist in holding the Shawnees in 

Shikellamy 125 

their allegiance to the English. Accordingly, at this same con- 
ference, it was decided to send Shikellamy, "a trusty, good man 
and a great lover of the English" to Onondaga, the capital of the 
Six Nations, to invite them to send deputies to Philadelphia to 
arrange a treaty. 

In keeping with Pennsylvania's efforts to retain the friendship 
of the Shawnees on the Allegheny, Governor Gordon sent them a 
message in December, 1731, reminding them of the benefits they 
had received from William Penn and his successors, while they 
lived in the eastern part of the Province, to which message 
Neucheconneh and other Shawnee chiefs on the Allegheny, replied 
in their letter to the Governor, of June, 1732, giving the reasons 
why they had removed from the Susquehanna, which letter was 
quoted in Chapter VIII. 

Shikellamy returned to Philadelphia from his journey to 
Onondaga, on December 10th, 1731, accompanied by a Cayuga 
chief named Cehachquely, and Conrad Weiser and John Scull as 
interpreters. He reported that the Six Nations were very much 
pleased to hear from the Governor of Pennsylvania, but that, as 
winter was now coming on and their chiefs were too old to make 
such a fatiguing journey in the winter time, they would come to 
Philadelphia in the spring to meet the Governor. 

Conrad Weiser 

On his way to meet the Governor at this time, Shikellamy 
stopped at the home of Conrad Weiser, near Womelsdorf, in the 
present county of Berks, took him along to Philadelphia and intro- 
duced him to Governor Gordon as "an adopted son of the Mohawk 
Nation"; and as this conference (December 10, 1731,) is Weiser's 
first connection with the Indian affairs of Pennsylvania, it will be 
well to pause long enough, at this point, to give a short sketch of 
the history of this noted man of the frontier, who later had so 
much to do with bringing about the ascendency of the Anglo- 
Saxon in the Western World. 

This sturdy German was born at Afsteadt, in Herrenberg, 
near Wurtemberg, Germany, in 1696. At the age of thirteen, he 
accompanied his father to America, and, for several years, assisted 
him in making tar and raising hemp on Livingston Manor, New 
York. The Weiser family spent the winter of 1713 and 1714 with 
several of the Iroquois at Schenectady, New York, where Conrad 
doubtless secured his first lessons in the Iroquois tongue. In the 

126 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

spring of 1714, he accompanied his father to the Schoharie Valley, 
where they endured much hardship in company with the other 
Palatines in that valley. When he was seventeen years old, young 
Weiser went to live with Quagnant, a prominent Iroquois chief, 
who, taking a great fancy to Conrad, requested the father that the 
young man might dwell with him for a time. He remained with 
the Iroquois chief for eight months, learning the Iroquois lan- 
guage and customs thoroughly, and was adopted by them. 

In 1729, Conrad Weiser and his young wife followed the elder 
Weiser into the Tulpyhocken Valley, Pennsylvania, where, as has 
been related, a number of Palatines from the Schoharie Valley had 
settled, under the leadership of Conrad Weiser, Sr. The young 
couple built their home about one mile east of Womelsdorf, Berks 
County, where Weiser continued to reside until a few years before 
his death, when he removed to Reading. It is said that while on 
a hunting trip he met the great Iroquois chief, Shikellamy, the vice- 
gerent of the Six Nations, who was well pleased with Weiser on 
account of his being able to speak the Iroquois tongue, and they 
became fast friends. 

While visiting his old home near Womelsdorf, he died July 
13, 1760, much lamented by the Colony of Pennsylvania as well as 
by the Indians. Said a great Iroquois chieftain, commenting on 
the death of Weiser: "We are at a loss, and sit in darkness." 

If all white men had been as just to the Indians as was this 
sturdy German, the history of the advance of civilization in 
America undoubtedly would not contain so many bloody chapters. 
Conrad Weiser's home is still standing, and in the orchard above 
the house, rests all that is mortal of this distinguished frontiers- 
man; while beside him are the graves of several Indian chiefs. 
Having loved him in life, they wished to repose beside him in 
death. A beautiful monument has been erected to his memory in 
Womelsdorf, having thereon the words which George Washington 
uttered concerning him, while standing at his grave, in 1793: 
"Posterity Will Not Forget His Services." 

Conrad Weiser was the progenitor of one of the most noted 
families of Pennsylvania. His daughter, Anna, became the wife 
of Henry Melchoir Muhlenberg, founder of the Lutheran Church 
in America, was the mother of Frederick A. Muhlenberg and 
General John Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg. Frederick A. Muhlen- 
berg became a distinguished Lutheran clergyman and later was 
elected to the Legislature of Pennsylvania. He was also chosen 
President of the Pennsylvania Convention, in 1787, which ratified 

Shikellamy 127 

the Constitution of the United States. From 1789 to 1797, he 
served in the Congress of the United States, and was speaker of the 
First and Third Congresses. 

John Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg also became a distinguished 
Lutheran clergyman, and, at the outbreak of the Revolutionary 
War, was pastor of the German Lutheran congregation at Wood- 
stock, Virginia. While serving this parish, he became well known to 
George Washington, and was selected to command the Eighth Vir- 
ginia Regiment. His farewell sermon, preached to his congregation 
in January, 1776, is memorable in the annals of America. On the 
appointed day, an immense congregation greeted him. Clad in his 
clerical gown, he preached a burning sermon on the duty of the 
hour, at the close of which he made the statement: "There is a 
time to pray and a time to fight; now is the time to fight." The 
benediction pronounced amidst a deathlike silence, he threw aside 
his gown, revealing himself clad in the full uniform of a Conti- 
nental officer, and ordered the drums to beat for recruits. With 
the noble men who there gathered around him by the hundreds, he 
started on his undying career as a soldier. 

He endured the rigors of the terrible winter at Valley Forge, 
and fought valiantly at Germantown, Monmouth, and Stony Point. 
He was the leader of the American final assault at Yorktown, when 
the American arms finally triumphed. 

He was promoted to Major General, and, after the close of 
the Revolution, removed from Virginia to Pennsylvania, where he 
was elected a member of the Supreme Executive Council of the 
state. He was a member of the First, Third, and Sixth Congresses, 
and was elected United States Senator in 1801, but resigned this 
post to receive the appointment by President Jefferson as Super- 
visor of Internal Revenue for Pennsylvania. At the time of his 
death in July, 1802, he was collector of the port of Philadelphia. 
His statue is placed in the rotunda of the Capitol at Washington, 
with that of Robert Fulton, the two representing the State of Penn- 
sylvania. This statue shows him throwing aside his clerical robe 
and revealing the uniform of a Continental officer. 

The Treaty of 1732 

The Six Nations, no doubt mistrusting the motives of the 
English, failed to send deputies to Philadelphia in the spring of 
1732, as they had promised Shikellamy. In the meantime, traders 
in the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny reported that the French 

128 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

were rapidly gaining the friendship of the Shawnees in the Ohio 
Valley; that these Indians complained bitterly about the great 
quantities of rum brought to them by the English traders; and 
that they would have declared war against the English, on this 
account, save for the influence of Peter Chartier. The Shawnees 
said, furthermore, that it had been only five years since the Six 
Nations themselves had endeavored to persuade the Ohio Indians 
to declare war on the English. In view of these facts, there was 
much anxiety on the part of the Provincial Council of Pennsyl- 
vania, over the failure of the deputies of the Six Nations to make 
their appearance in Philadelphia in the spring of 1732. 

Finally, on August 18th, 1732, the deputies of the Six 
Nations arrived, consisting of a number of Oneida, Cayuga, and 
Onondaga chiefs, among whom was the celebrated Shikellamy. 
A few days' time being given the chiefs in which to refresh them- 
selves after their long and toilsome journey, the famous treaty of 
August 23rd to September 2nd, 1732, was entered into between the 
Six Nations and the Colony of Pennsylvania. 

We have stated that Secretary James Logan suggested this 
treaty; but Logan's knowledge of the influence and importance of 
the Six Nations and their power over the Shawnees, Delawares and 
other tributary tribes, was gotten from Conrad Weiser. Not until 
the coming of Weiser did the Colony fully realize the importance of 
this powerful confederation. 

The deputies of the Six Nations, who arrived in Philadelphia 
some days before the opening of the conference, as we have seen, 
were chiefs of only the Oneida, Cayuga, and Onondaga tribes; but 
they claimed that they were authorized to speak for the other 
members of the Iroquois Confederation. In the early stages of 
the conference, complaints were made, possibly by members of the 
Assembly, against the private nature of the council; and Conrad 
Weiser, the interpreter, was selected to interview the Iroquois 
deputies to learn their pleasure in the matter. The chiefs replied 
that they were content to continue in secret session, but were willing 
to deal in a more public manner, if such was desired. Thomas 
Penn, son of the founder of the Colony, having lately arrived in 
Philadelphia, spoke for the Province. He called the attention of 
the chiefs to the policy which his father had pursued in dealing 
with the Indians, and assured them that he came to the Province 
with a desire and design to follow in the footsteps of his parent. 
He then asked the Iroquois deputies how their Confederation 
stood toward the French, their former enemies. He inquired how 

Shikellamy 129 

the French behaved toward the Six Nations, and how all the 
other nations of Indians to the northward or the westward were 
affected toward the Iroquois. 

The Iroquois deputies replied through their speaker, Heta- 
quantagechty, that they had no great faith in the governor of 
Canada, or the French, who had deceived them. "The Six 
Nations", said they, "are not afraid of the French. They are 
always willing to go and hear what they have to propose. Peace 
had been made with the French. A tree had been planted big 
enough to shelter them both. Under this tree, a hole had been dug, 
and the hatchets had been buried therein. Nevertheless, the chiefs 
of the Six Nations thought that the French charged too much for 
their goods, and, for this reason, they recommended their people 
to trade with the English, who would sell cheaper than the French." 
The deputies confided to the Governor that, when representatives 
of the Six Nations were at Montreal, in 1727, the governor of 
Canada told them that he intended to make war upon Corlear (the 
term applied to the governors of New York), and that he desired 
the Six Nations to remain neutral. On this occasion, one of the 
chiefs answered, saying: "Onontejo [the Indian name for the 
governor of Canada], you are very proud. You are not wise to 
make war with Corlear, and to propose neutrality to us. Corlear 
is our brother; he came to us when he was very little and a child. 
We suckled him at our breasts; we have nursed him and taken 
care of him till he is grown up to be a man. He is our brother 
and of the same blood. He and we have but one ear to hear with, 
one eye to see with, and one mouth to speak with. We will not 
forsake him nor see any man make war upon him without assist- 
ing. We shall join him, and, if we fight with you, we may have 
our own father, Onontejo, to bury in the ground. We would not 
have you force us to this, but be wise and live in peace." 

The Iroquois deputies were told, through Conrad Weiser, that 
the Shawnees who were settled to the southward, being made un- 
easy by their neighbors, had come up to Conestoga about thirty- 
five years before, and desired leave of the Conestoga Indians 
located at that place, to settle in the neighborhood; that the 
Conestogas applied to the Government of Pennsylvania that the 
Shawnees might be permitted to settle there, and that they would 
become answerable for their good behavior; that William Penn, 
shortly after the arrival of the Shawnees, agreed to their settle- 
ment, and the Shawnees thereupon came under the protection of 
the Pennsylvania Colony; that, from that time, greater numbers 

130 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

of the Shawnee Indians followed, settling upon the Susquehanna 
and the Delaware. The deputies were further told that the 
Colony of Pennsylvania had held several treaties with the Shaw- 
nees, treating them from their first coming as "our own Indians", 
but that some of their young men, four or five years previously, 
being afraid of the Six Nations, had removed to the Allegheny 
Valley, and put themselves under the protection of the French, who 
had received them as children ; that the Colony had sent a message 
asking them to return, and to encourage them, had laid out a large 
tract of land on the west side of the Susquehanna near Paxtang, 
and desired, by all means, that they would return to that place. 

The Iroquois answered that they never had intended to harm 
the Shawnees, and that, as they were coming on their way to 
Philadelphia, they had spoken with Kakowatcheky, their (the Shaw- 
nees') old chief, then at Wyoming, and told him that he should 
not "look to Ohio, but turn his face to us." They had met Sas- 
soonan, too, the old chief of the Delawares, then at Shamokin, and 
told him that the Delawares, too, should not settle in the Ohio and 
Allegheny valleys, upon which Sassoonan had sent messengers to 
the Delawares lately gone to the Ohio and Allegheny valleys, re- 
quiring them to return. It will be remembered that, in the times 
of which we are writing, and for a long period thereafter, the Alle- 
gheny River was considered simply as a continuation of the Ohio, 
and was generally called the Ohio. 

The deputies were then told that, as they were the chiefs of 
all the northern Indians in the Province, and the Shawnees had 
been under their protection, they should oblige them to return 
nearer the Pennsylvania settlements; whereupon the chiefs asked 
if the Six Nations should do this themselves, or join with the 
Authorities of Pennsylvania. They were told that it was the de- 
sire of the Pennsylvania Colony that the Six Nations should join 
with the Colonial Authorities in efforts to have the Shawnees re- 

The representatives of the Six Nations told the Governor that 
they believed that they could bring the Shawnees back, if Pennsyl- 
vania would prohibit her traders from going to the Allegheny 
Valley, explaining that, as long as the Shawnees were supplied at 
that place with such goods as they needed, they would be more 
unwilling to remove. It was finally agreed that Pennsylvania 
would remove such traders, and that the Six Nations would see 
that the French traders in the Ohio region were also removed. 

The main purpose of this treaty was to secure the aid of the 

Shikellamy 131 

Six Nations in efforts to bring the Shawnees from the Allegheny 
Valley; but it contained other provisions, notably the one obligat- 
ing the Six Nations to "forbid all their warriors, who are often too 
unruly, to come amongst or near the English settlements, and 
especially that they never, on any account, rob, hurt, or molest 
any English subjects whatsoever, either to the Southward or else- 

The Iroquois delegation having requested that, in their future 
dealings with Pennsylvania, Conrad Weiser should continue to be 
the interpreter, this request was granted, and the conference came 
to an end by the giving of many presents to the deputies, among 
which were six japanned and gilt guns, which were to be delivered 
one to each chief of the Six Nations. These guns were the gift of 
Thomas Penn, which he had brought with him from England for 
this purpose. 

Shikellamy at Conference June, 1733 

Shikellamy's next appearance before the Provincial Council 
was at a conference held at Philadelphia with Governor Gordon 
on June 18, 1733. Three matters were taken up at this conference. 
The first was a report which Shikellamy gave the Governor of the 
news of a plot on the part of the whites to take up arms against 
the Indians. Shikellamy said that he had received this news from 
"an Indian who lives in his neighborhood, named Katarioniecha 
(Peter Quebec), who is married to one Margaret, a daughter of 
Mrs. Montour." The second was a complaint on the part of 
Shikellamy that "since the Indian traders were prohibited to bring 
rum among the Indians, Cheaver, beyond all others, has brought in 
very large quantities, and gives out that he will not regard the 
orders of the Government on this head; that his behavior is such 
as gives just apprehension some mischiefs may happen if he is not 
called away from these parts; that formerly an order was given to 
the Indians to stave rum brought among them, but Cheaver 
threatens any Indians that shall offer to touch his; that it is to be 
feared he may either kill an Indian or some Indian him; that 
Cheaver intends this summer to go to Allegheny, contrary to what 
was agreed upon between this Government and the Six Nations 
last fall [at the treaty of 1732]." The third was a letter which 
Sassoonan had sent to John Harris asking him to desist from mak- 
ing a plantation at the mouth of the Juniata where Harris had 
built a house and cleared some fields. 

132 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Shikellamy Tells of Efforts of Six Nations to 
Have Shawnees Return to the Susquehanna 

The Six Nations were faithful to their promise, in the treaty 
of 1732, to induce the Shawnees in the Allegheny Valley to take up 
their adobe in the valley of the Susquehanna; and they used every 
means short of war in efforts to accomplish this result. On Sep- 
tember 10th, 1735, Shikellamy and Hetaquantagechty, with three 
other Iroquois chiefs, reported at a meeting of the Provincial 
Council, that, in accordance with the treaty of 1732, the Six 
Nations had sent some of their chief men to the valley of the 
Allegheny, who met the Shawnees and urged them to return to the 
valley of the Susquehanna, assuring them that the Six Nations 
would protect them, but that the Shawnees had utterly refused to 
leave their western home, which, they said, was more commodious 
than was their home on the Susquehanna. This was the same con- 
ference referred to in Chapter VIII, in which Shikellamy and 
Hetaquantagechty advised the Governor of the murder of Sagohan- 
dechty by the Asswikales clan of Shawnees. 

But before giving the Provincial Council this definite inform- 
ation as to the refusal of the Shawnees to return, Shikellamy had 
made two other visits to Philadelphia after the treaty of 1732, as 

On August 15th, 1733, Shikellamy and Hetaquantagechty, a 
Seneca chief, coming to Philadelphia, as messengers from the Six 
Nations, accompanied by Conrad Weiser from the latter's home 
in the Tulpehocken Valley, and advised the Provincial Council 
that, owing to a pestilence among the Six Nations, they could not 
send a delegation to consult with the Governor this year concern- 
ing the matters mentioned in the treaty of August, 1732. Heta- 
quantagechty stated that, before he left home, a great meeting of 
the Iroquois chiefs was appointed at Onondaga. 

Also, on October 15th, 1734, Hetaquantagechty, accompanied 
by Shikellamy and Conrad Weiser, appeared before the Provincial 
Council at Philadelphia, and advised that the Six Nations, being 
delayed in waiting for a message from the Conoys at Conoy Town, 
near the mouth of the creek of the same name in Lancaster County, 
advising them that they had been wrongly accused of having killed 
two people in Virginia, could not send a deputation to Philadelphia 
this year to confer with the Governor and Council concerning the 
carrying out of the promises the Iroquois had made in the treaty 
of 1732. He stated, however, that the Six Nations had sent mes- 

Shikellamy 133 

sengers to the Shawnees on the Allegheny, desiring them to return 
to the Susquehanna, who answered that they would remove farther 
north and nearer the French; whereupon some chiefs of the Six 
Nations went to confer with the Shawnees; and that he did not 
know what happened at their meetings with them 

What happened was the refusal of the western Shawnees to 
comply with the demand of the Iroquois that they return to the 
Susquehanna, and the murder of Sagahandechty by the Asswikales 
band of Shawnees, as was related in Chapter VI 11. These facts 
were brought to the attention of the Provincial Council by Shikel- 
lamy and Hetaquandechty at the conference of September 10th, 
1735. The Six Nations, said Shikellamy, greatly resented this 
barbarous and inhuman act, and thought it ought not to pass un- 
revenged, but they were willing to receive the advice of the Pro- 
vincial Council on the matter. Shikellamy also suggested that, as 
that particular clan of Shawnees had fled southward, it would 
perhaps be well to write the Governor of Virginia, acquainting him 
with what they had already done and what mischief they might 
still do. 

John and Thomas Penn replied, urging them to keep the peace 
at all hazards. They said they had learned that this particular 
band of Shawnees had entered the Allegheny Valley only a few 
years before they so cruelly murdered the Iroquois chieftain, 
coming from the South, and were practically strangers. The 
Penns, dissuading, further argued that since the murderers fled to 
the South, no one knowing exactly where, it would be better to let 
the matter drop. They said that the traders need not be with- 
drawn from the Allegheny. Then the)' presented the chief "six 
handkerchiefs to wipe and dry away [the] tears." 






T the instigation of Shikellamy and Conrad Weiser, the 
Colonial Authorities of Pennsylvania were very anxious 
to have the treaty of August, 1732, confirmed by depu- 
ties representing all the members of the Iroquois Confed- 
eration, and Conrad Weiser was directed to employ his influence 
with Shikellamy to the end that these two mediators between the 
Colony of Pennsylvania and Great Council of the Six Nations might 
bring about a conference that would represent every member of 
that great Confederation. The summers came and went, and still 
the promised visit of the Iroquois was deferred. Finally, at a 
conference of Delaware and Conestoga chiefs, among whom were 
Sassoonan, representing the Delawares, and Civility, representing 
the Conestogas, held at Philadelphia on August 20, 1736, an appeal 
was made to them to explain why the Iroquois did not send depu- 
ties to Philadelphia, as they had promised. Sassoonan said that 
he knew nothing particularly of the Iroquois; that he had been in 
expectation to see them for three years past, but understood that 
they had been detained by nations that came to treat with them. 
He further stated that he expected that they would be on hand the 
next spring. The Provincial Council made a very liberal present 
to the Delawares and Conestogas on the occasion of this confer- 
ence, accompanying it with the special request that they make an 
effort to ascertain from the Six Nations why they had not sent 
their deputies as they promised the preceding year, or at least to 
send a message stating the reasons for their delay. 

This present to the Delawares had the desired effect, and in 
less than six weeks thereafter, Conrad Weiser sent word to the Pro- 
vincial Council from his home near Womelsdorf, in the Tulpe- 
hocken Valley, that he had received intelligence that one hundred 
chiefs, representing all members of the Iroquois Confederation, had 
arrived at Shamokin (Sunbury) on their way to Philadelphia. 
On the 27th of September, Weiser arrived at Philadelphia, accom- 
panied by this delegation of one hundred Iroquois. At this time, 
smallpox was raging in Philadelphia, on account of which Weiser 

Shikellamy 135 

took the Indians to James Logan's mansion at Stenton, a few miles 
from the city (now in the Twenty-second Ward, Philadelphia), 
and invited the provincial officers and proprietors out to meet 
them. The Indians were greatly pleased with Weiser's care for 
their health, and the esteem in which they held him increased by 
this act of solicitation on his part. The Iroquois had told the 
Colonial Authorities at the treaty of 1732 that Weiser and Shikel- 
lamy were the proper persons "to go between the Six Nations and 
this government." They said that their bodies were to be equally 
divided between "the Sons of Onas and the Red Men, half to the 
Indian and half to the white man." Weiser, said they, was faith- 
ful, honest, good, and true; that he had spoken their words for 
them, and not his own. 

The Iroquois delegation, by far the largest that ever appeared 
at Philadelphia. at a treaty, was entertained for three nights at 
Stenton. The sessions of the different conferences connected 
with the making of this treaty lasted until the 25th of October. 
They were held in the great meeting house at Fifth and Arch 
Streets. The Iroquois deputies reported that, following the sug- 
gestion of the Provincial Council at the treaty of 1732, they had 
strengthened their confederation by entering into firm leagues of 
friendship and alliance with other nations around them, to-wit: 
Onichkaryagoes, Sissaghees, Troumurtihagas, Attawantenies, 
Twechtwese, and Oachtaumghs. All these tribes, said the depu- 
ties, had promised to acknowledge the Iroquois as their elder 
brother and to act in concert with them. 

The Iroquois deputies made the request that the Pennsylvania 
traders be removed from the Ohio and Allegheny country, but the 
Provincial Council politely refused this request, arguing that its 
Indians there could not live without being supplied with goods, and 
that, if the Pennsylvania traders did not supply them with goods, 
others from Maryland and Virginia would. The Iroquois also 
asked that no strong drink be sold at Allegheny by the traders. 
This petition was evaded. James Logan, President of the Council, 
upon which the administration of the government devolved since 
the death of Governor Gordon, on August 5th, 1736, rebuked the 
Indians for not controlling their appetite for rum. "All of us 
here," said he, "and all you see of any credit in this place, can 
every day have as much rum of their own to drink as they please, 
and yet scarce one of us will take a dram, at least not one man will, 
on any account, be drunk, no, not if he were hired to it with great 
sums of money." 

136 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

But the most important part of this treaty was the execution 
and delivery of two deeds by the Iroquois to the Proprietaries of 
the Province of Pennsylvania — a momentous transaction brought 
about by that astute Iroquois statesman, Shikellamy, assisted by 
Conrad Weiser. 

Deed of Susquehanna Lands 

The first was a deed to all the lands on both sides of the Sus- 
quehanna, extending as far east as the heads of the streams run- 
ning into the Susquehanna, as far west "as the setting of the sun" 
(afterwards interpreted by the Indians to mean as far as the crest 
of the Allegheny Mountains), as far south as the mouth of the 
Susquehanna, and as far north as the Blue, Kittatiny, or Endless 
Mountains. As related in Chapter VI, William Penn, in order to 
get undisputed title to the lands he had purchased from the Sus- 
quehanna or Conestoga Indians, thought it advisable to get the 
consent of the (then) Five Nations; and, on January 1 3th, 1696, he 
purchased these same Susquehanna lands from Governor Thomas 
Dongan of New York, who had gotten his title from the Iroquois. 
Penn, thus recognized a feudal lordship of the Susquehanna lands 
in the Iroquois; and his deed to the same from Dongan was "con- 
firmed" by the treaty with the Susquehannas, or Conestogas, at 
Philadelphia, on April 23, 1701. The Six Nations, however, con- 
tended that they had deeded the Susquehanna lands to Dongan 
simply in trust and did not release any control over or rights in the 
same. At the time of this treaty of 1736, the Colonial Authorities 
of Pennsylvania were impressed by Conrad Weiser with the power 
and influence of the Six Nations, and, accordingly, did not dispute 
with their deputies when they claimed indemnity for all the Susque- 
hanna lands south and east of the Blue Mountains. 

The consideration of the deed for these lands, dated October 
11th, 1736, was 500 pounds of powder, 600 pounds of lead, 45 
guns, 100 blankets, 200 yards of cloth, 100 shirts, 40 hats, 40 pairs 
of shoes and buckles, 40 pairs of stockings, 100 hatchets, 500 
knives, 100 hoes, 100 tobacco tongs, 100 scissors, 500 awls, 120 
combs, 2000 needles, 1000 flints, 20 looking glasses, 2 pounds of 
vermillion, 100 tin pots, 25 gallons of rum, 200 pounds of tobacco, 
1000 pipes, and 24 dozens of garters. That part of these goods 
which represented the consideration for the lands on the east side 
of the Susquehanna, was delivered, but that which represented the 
consideration for the lands on the west side of the river, was, at 
the Indians' desire, retained, and was finally delivered in 1742. 

Shikellamy 137 

Deed of Delaware Lands 

On October 25th, just two weeks after the signing of the deed 
of the Susquehanna lands, when most of the influential deputies of 
the Iroquois had left Philadelphia, and after those who remained 
had been drinking heavily, another deed was drawn up embracing 
all the Six Nations' claim to lands within Pennsylvania "beginning 
eastward on the River Delaware, as far northward as the ridge or 
chain of Endless Mountains as they cross ye country of Pennsyl- 
vania, from eastward to the West." This deed established a pre- 
cedent for an Iroquois claim to all the lands owned by the Dela- 
ware Indians, and was the cause, as we shall see, of greatly em- 
bittering the Delawares. 

Effects of Sale of Delaware Lands By Iroquois 

It is clear that, while William Penn recognized the claim of 
the Six Nations to the lands of the Susquehannas or Conestogas, 
yet he never recognized any claim on the part of the Six Nations 
to the lands of the Delawares; and, prior to this treaty of 1736, it 
cannot be found that the Iroquois themselves ever made any claim 
to the lands of the Delawares, although of course, they had exer- 
cised an overlordship over them, "declaring them women and for- 
bidding them to make war." It is very probable that, at the time 
of making the Iroquois deed for the Delaware lands, no one real- 
ized what the outcome of such a deed would be. It was an indirect 
way of denying to the Delaware Indians all title to their lands. 
The Iroquois had promised that in the future they would never 
sell any land within the limits of Pennsylvania to anyone except 
Penn's heirs, and, probably, the chief purpose in securing this 
deed was to place this promise of the Six Nations permanently in 

Shikellamy and Weiser .Cause Change in the 
Indian Policy of Colonial Pennsylvania 

This action in purchasing the Delaware lands from the Iro- 
quois marked a great change in the Indian policy of Pennsylvania 
— a change brought about by Shikellamy and Conrad Weiser. 
Weiser interpreted the deed to the Iroquois, and they were evi- 
dently aware that they had gained a most important point; that, 
henceforth, the Colony of Pennsylvania would be a sponsor for 
their claims on the Delaware River; and that all the ancient dis- 

138 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

putes with the Delawares in this matter were settled. Furthermore, 
by this action, the Colony of Pennsylvania had taken sides in the 
age-long quarrel between the Iroquois on the one hand and the 
Delawares on the other. William Penn had refused to take sides in 
any Indian differences, but his sons were more bent on personal 
profit than on public justice and public security. 

From the date of this purchase, it was no longer possible for 
the Colony of Pennsylvania to treat the Delawares as formerly. 
The Six Nations had been recognized as the favorite people and the 
Delawares, the affectionate friends of William Penn, as under- 
lings. The Delawares had already been offended through the long 
delay in purchasing from them the Tulpehocken lands, which had 
been settled many years before the Colony got an Indian title for 
the same. Now, in purchasing their lands from the Iroquois, the 
Colony started that long series of events with the Delawares, which 
resulted in the bloodiest invasion in colonial history — an invasion 
which drenched Pennsylvania in blood from 1755 to 1764; but at 
the same time, while thus bringing upon herself a Delaware and 
Shawnee war, she escaped a Six Nation war, which no doubt would 
have been much more serious in its consequences. 

Sale of Susquehanna Lands Involves 
Maryland and Virginia 

"Since Pennsylvania had paid the Six Nations for their Sus- 
quehanna claims south of the Blue Mountains, the shrewd Iroquois 
became aware that neither Maryland nor Virginia had ever paid 
them for lands to the southward which lay within the western 
borders of those States. They stated that their claims to this 
region were based upon the conquests of their fathers. They now 
insisted that Pennsylvania should assist them in securing this land 
from Virginia and Maryland. The Governor, who was evidently 
following the advice of Conrad Weiser, put the Indians off until 
he could secure better information about these claims." (J. S. 
Walton's "Conrad Weiser and the Indian Policy of Colonial Penn- 

This matter dragged along until the Lancaster treaty of 1744, 
when Maryland and Virginia formally purchased the Iroquois 
lands in their dominions. 

Shikellamy 139 

Sale of Susquehanna Lands Offends Shawnees 

"The growing discontent among the Shawnese seized upon the 
recent Iroquois land sale as another source of their dissatisfaction. 
When these Shawanese heard of the treaty of 1736, one hundred 
and thirty of their leaders sent a belt to the French, saying, 'Our 
land has been sold from under our feet; may we come and live 
with you?' The French not only readily consented, but offered to 
come and meet them with provisions. This information came 
from the Mohawks, who received no share from the recent Iroquois 
land sale. In the treaty of 1736, the Six Nations had promised to 
send all the Shawnees back from the Ohio, and compel them to live 
on the Susquehanna lands, where forty-five years before they had 
asked permission to live. The Iroquois found this a difficult thing 
to do, especially since the Mohawks received nothing from the late 
treaty. The Shawanese, moreover, were learning valuable lessons 
in diplomacy from the Iroquois and the French. In August, 1737, 
a message and a belt came to Philadelphia from the Shawanese on 
the Ohio, saying that the French had always been their friends, 
that each year they gave them powder, lead and tobacco, that these 
presents enabled them to hold their own against their Indian ene- 
mies in the South. Now if they should go back to their Susque- 
hanna lands, as the leading men in Pennsylvania, and the Iroquois 
chiefs desired, they must starve, and lay themselves open to their 
enemies. With genuine shrewdness the Shawnees declared that 
they had no desire to join the French, and if the Pennsylvania 
authorities would send them a present as compensation for the land 
they had lost, they could keep back their enemies, and avoid falling 
into the hands of the French. 

"The Pennsylvania Council, after 1736, always consulted 
Conrad Weiser on all Indian affairs. Weiser had little or no re- 
spect for a Shawnees Indian. The Council, while it realized that 
the Shawnees had no legal claims on the Susquehanna land, from 
a white man's standpoint in reference to land tenure, inclined to 
take Weiser's advice, and believed that it would be establishing a 
dangerous precedent to recognize Shawnees claims when they were 
but sojourners in the country. The Indians had a quite different 
conception of land tenure, and the Shawnees held that occupancy 
did, in time, become possession. Therefore, when they received a 
present of ten pounds from the Province, and an invitation to a 
treaty, they swallowed their chagrin, and found solace in the sym- 
pathy of the French. This paltry present was the beginning of a 
series of misunderstandings with these tribes which finally led to 

140 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

their total alienation from the English cause." — (J. S. Walton's 
"Conrad Weiser and the Indian Policy of Colonial Pennsylvania"). 
The two deeds gotten from the Iroquois at the treaty of 1732 
embraced the counties of York, Adams, and Cumberland, that 
part of Franklin, Dauphin, and Lebanon southeast of the Blue or 
Kittatiny Mountains, and that part of Berks, Lehigh, and North- 
ampton not already possessed. 

Shikellamy and Weiser's Terrible Journey to Onondaga 

in Effort on Part of Virginia to Make Peace Between 

the Iroquois and the Catawbas 

Shortly after the treaty of 1736, Virginia's difficulties with the 
Iroquois, on account of the damage done by their war parties 
against the Catawbas and other southern tribes, became so acute 
that Governor Gooch of Virginia decided that the only solution of 
the problem was to arrange a peace between the Six Nations and 
the Catawbas and their allied tribes. Gooch succeeded, in the 
autumn of 1736, in securing the consent of one of the southern 
tribes to make peace, and, finally, later in the winter, the entire 
Southern Confederacy of Indians agreed to send deputies the next 
spring to Williamsburg, the capital of Virginia, to meet similar 
deputies from the Iroquois. Governor Gooch then decided to 
secure an armistice between the two great confederations and. to 
persuade the Iroquois to send deputies to Williamsburg. In his 
effort to accomplish these things, he appealed to the Colonial 
Authorities of Pennsylvania, as a result of which, Conrad Weiser 
was selected to proceed to the Great Council of the Six Nations at 
Onuaga, New York, to arrange an armistice and, if possible, to 
secure the promise of the Six Nations to send their deputies to Vir- 

It was now mid-winter (1737). and the snow lay several feet 
deep on the mountains of Pennsylvania and New York; yet it was 
very important that Weiser should arrive at the Great Council of 
the Six Nations before the opening of spring, as, at that time, war 
parties of Iroquois would already be on their way to Virginia. 
He started on his journey on the 27th of February, 1737, accom- 
panied by a white man, named Stoffel Stump. They rode on 
horseback to Shikellamy 's Town, where they found the Indians on 
the verge of starvation, and were unable to get the horses across 
the Susquehanna. Finally, after a day's delay an Indian succeed- 
ed in taking Weiser and Stump over the river in a canoe. At 
Shikellamy's Town, Weiser and Stump were joined by Shikellamy 

Shikellamy 141 

and two other Indians, who acted as guides; and they set forth, on 
foot, on their journey through the trackless and snow clad forest to 
Onondaga. They followed the north bank of the West Branch of 
the Susquehanna, called "Otzinachson" by the Indians, and pro- 
ceeded to the mouth of Loyalsock Creek, in Lycoming County, 
where they found Madam Montour at her village called Oston- 
wacken, near the mouth of the Loyalsock, and near the present 
site of Montoursville. Weiser and his companions were almost 
starved. At first Madam Montour told Weiser that she had no 
food; but, when the Indians had withdrawn from her cabin, she 
raised a board from the floor and fed him bountifully from a sup- 
ply which she had concealed. 

Bidding Madam Montour good-bye, the little party of four 
left the West Branch of the Susquehanna, and followed what the 
Indians called the "Lost, or Bewildered Stream." This was a dis- 
mal region. Said Weiser: "The woods was so thick that for a 
mile at a time we could not find a place the size of a hand where 
the sunshine would penetrate, even on the clearest day." In one 
valley, probably Loyalsock Creek, they encountered such storms 
that the Indians believed that an evil spirit, called Otkon, ruled 
in that place. They were now traveling northward through 
Lycoming and Sullivan counties. 

On March 25th Shikellamy almost met his death on this ter- 
rible journey. Weiser describes the incident as follows: 

"After we had gone one hundred and fifty miles on our 
journey, we came to a narrow valley, about half a mile broad, and 
thirty miles long, both sides of which were encompassed by high 
mountains, on which the snow lay about three feet deep; in it ran 
a stream of water also three feet deep. The stream was so crooked 
that it kept a continual winding from one side of the valley to the 
other. In order to avoid wading so often through the water, we 
endeavored to pass along the slope of the mountain — the snow 
now being three feet deep, and so hard frozen on the top that we 
walked upon it, but were obliged to make holes into the snow 
with our hatchets, that we would not slide down the mountain, 
and thus we crept on. It happened that the old Indian's 
[Shikellamy's] foot slipped, and the root of the tree by which he 
held breaking, he slid down the mountain, as from the roof of a 
house; but happily he was stopped in his fall, by the string which 
fastened his pack, hitching on the stump of a small tree. The two 
Indians could not go to his aid, but our Dutch fellow traveler did; 
yet not without visible danger of life. I also could not put a foot 
forward, till I was helped; after this we took the first opportunity 

142 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

to descend into the valley, which was not till after we had labored 
hard for half an hour with hands and feet. Having observed a 
tree lying directly off from where the Indian fell, when we; were got 
into the valley again, went back about one hundred paces, where we 
saw that, if the Indian had slipped four or five paces farther, he 
would have fallen over a rock one hundred feet perpendicular, 
upon craggy pieces of rocks below. The Indian was astonished, 
and turned quite pale; then with outstretched arms, and great 
earnestness, he spoke these words: 'I thank the Great Lord and 
Governor of this World, in that He had mercy upon me, and has 
been willing that I should live longer.' " 

On the 28th of March, their food supply became exhausted, 
but they hoped to reach the North Branch of the Susquehanna be- 
fore night, expecting to find there an abundant supply of pro- 
visions. Near the middle of the forenoon, they came to Sugar 
Creek, Bradford County, and were detained a considerable time in 
an effort to cross the same. Finally, reaching the North Branch 
of the Susquehanna, several miles above the site of Towanda, 
Bradford County, instead of finding an abundant food supply as 
they had hoped, they found the Indians at that place on the verge 
of starvation. All the able bodied men were searching for game, 
and the old men, squaws, and children had been living for weeks 
upon maple juice and sugar. The only food offered Weiser's 
party at this place was a weak soup made of corn meal and ashes, 
but Weiser was unable to partake of any of it, giving his portion 
"to the bony little children who crowded around with tears on their 
stolid faces." However, later in the evening he succeeded in buy- 
ing about a pound of corn bread. 

Weiser had been at this place about twelve years before, and, 
at that time, found an abundance of game. He asked the old men 
why game had become so scarce; whereupon, they replied that the 
Great Spirit had resolved to destroy all the Indians. One old, 
gray-haired chief told Weiser that he recently had a vision of the 
Great Spirit of whom he inquired why game was so scarce, and 
received the following reply: "Your inquiry after the cause why 
game has become so scarce, I will tell you. You kill it for the 
sake of the skins, which you give for strong liquor and drown 
your senses, and kill one another, and carry on dreadful de- 
bauchery. Therefore, I have driven the wild animals out of the 
country, for they are mine. If you will do good, and cease from 
your sins, I will bring them back; if not, I will destroy you from 
off the earth." 

Proceeding on their way, Weiser's party, on the 8th of April, 

Shikellamy 143 

reached the "Great Water Shed", dividing the basin of the Sus- 
quehanna from that of the Hudson on the east, the Mississippi on 
the west, and the St. Lawrence on the north. The forest seemed 
endless, and a fresh snow of about twenty inches had recently 
fallen. They were still three days' journey from Onondaga. At 
this time, the spirit of the resolute Weiser was almost broken. 
"I went to one side," said he, "and sat down under a tree, Intend- 
ing to give up the ghost there, to attain which end, I hoped the 
cold of the night then approaching would assist me. My com- 
panions soon missed me, and the Indians came back and found me 
sitting there. I would not go any further, but said to them in one 
word: 'Here I will die;' they were silent a while; at last the old 
man [Shikellamy] began: 'My dear companion, take courage; 
thou hast until now encouraged us; wilt thou now give up entirely? 
Just think that the bad days are better than the good ones, and 
when we suffer much, we do not sin, and sin is driven out of us by 
suffering. But the good days cause men to sin, and God cannot 
be merciful; but on the other hand, when it goes badly with us, 
God takes pity on us.' I was, therefore, ashamed and stood up 
and journeyed on as well as I could." 

They crossed the "Water Shed" the following day, and on the 
next, having traveled forty miles, they reached the Onondaga 
Council. Weiser gives no report of the conference and negotia- 
tions which he there had with the Six Nations. He gives only the 
results. The Six Nations consented to an armistice, but refused 
to send deputies to Williamsburg, claiming that it was too far to 
travel. They suggested that, if the Southern Indians wished to 
meet the Iroquois, they should come to Albany. 

It is thus seen that Weiser failed to accomplish everything 
desired, but the armistice which he secured saved Virginia from an 
Iroquois invasion that spring. Upon making a report to the Pro- 
vincial Council, the Governor immediately advised the Governor of 
Virginia of the results of Weiser's mission; whereupon, Governor 
Gooch at once sent deputies to the Cherokees and Catawbas. 
However, while these deputies were in session, a band of Iroquois 
warriors, possibly in ignorance of the decision of the Onondaga 
Council, attacked a hunting party of Cherokees, killing three of 
them; and this deed so angered the Southern Indians that they 
declared all further peace negotiations to be at an end. Once 
more Virginia appealed to theColonial Authorities of Pennsylvania, 
and the matter was turned over to Weiser to secure a lasting peace, 
if possible, between the Six Nations and the Southern Indians. 
This question did not come up again for several years, and history 

144 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

is silent as to whether Conrad Weiser, in the interim, did anything 
or not. 

The next mention of Shikellamy, in the Colonial Records, is 
his presence at the conference with Thomas Penn, Governor 
Thomas, and the Provincial Council, August 1st to 6th, 1740, being 
accompanied by Sassoonan from Shamokin, Captain Hill from 
Kittanning, and Shannopin from Shannopin's Town, which con- 
ference was described in Chapter VII, and needs no further refer- 
ence at this point. 

The Treaty of 1742 

Shikellamy attended the conference or treaty held in Philadel- 
phia in July, 1742, called for the purpose of paying the Six Nations 
for that part of the land purchased from them in the treaty of 
1736 which lay west of the Susquehanna River. It will be recalled 
that, at the time of the Treaty of 1736, the Six Nations accepted 
pay for that portion of their lands lying east of the Susquehanna, 
and desired that the purchase price of that part lying west of the 
Susquehanna should be paid at a future date. The deputies of the 
Six Nations were expected to arrive in Philadelphia in May, 1742, 
but it was not until June 30th that the deputies, representing all 
tribes of the Confederation, except the Senecas and the Mohawks, 
arrived at Philadelphia, empowered to receive the pay for the lands 
west of the Susquehanna. The Senecas were not present at this 
treaty, because of a great famine among them; nor were the 
Mohawks, because they were not considered to have any claims 
upon the Susquehanna lands. The sessions of the treaty began on 
July 2nd. The three remaining nations of the Iroquois confeder- 
acy, early in the conference, received the goods in payment of that 
part of the Susquehanna lands lying west of the Susquehanna 
River, comprising the counties of York, Cumberland, Adams, and 
most of Franklin. 

Soon after the goods in payment of the Susquehanna lands 
were divided, the Iroquois deputies expressed their dissatisfaction 
with the amount, although admitting that it was as agreed upon. 
They said they felt sure that, if the sons of William Penn, who 
were then in England, were present, they would agree to giving a 
large amount out of pity for the Indians on account of their pov- 
erty and wretchedness. Through their chief speaker, Canassatego, 
an Onondago chieftain, they begged Governor Thomas, inasmuch 
as he had the keys to the Proprietors' chest, to open the same and 
take out a little more for them. Governor Thomas replied that 
the Proprietors had gone to England and taken the keys with 

Shikellamy 145 

them; whereupon, the Indians, as an additional reason for their 
request, called attention to the increasing value of the lands sold, 
and also to the fact that the whites were daily settling on Indian 
lands that had not been sold. They called attention to the fact 
that, at the last treaty with the Colony, the Iroquois had com- 
plained about the whites settling on unsold lands, and that the 
Governor, at that time, agreed to remedy this wrong. 

Said Canassatego: "Land is everlasting, and the few things 
we receive for it are soon worn out and gone; for the future, we 
will sell no lands but when Brother Onas [meaning the sons of 
William PennJ is in the country, and we will know beforehand the 
quality of goods we are to receive. Besides, we are not well used 
with respect to the lands still unsold by us. Your people daily 
settle on these lands and spoil our hunting. We must insist on 
your removing them, as you know they have no right to the north- 
ward of the Kittochtinny Hills [Kittatinny, or Blue Mountains]. 
In particular, we renew our complaints against some people who are 
settled at Juniata, a branch of the Susquehanna, and all along the 
banks of that river as far as Mahaniay, and desire that they be 
forthwith made to go off the land, for they do great damage to our 
cousins, the Delawares." 

Canassatego further called attention to the fact that Mary- 
land and Virginia had not paid the Iroquois for lands within their 
bounds upon which the whites were settling, and that, at the 
treaty of 1736, the Governor of Pennsylvania had promised to use 
his influence with Maryland and Virginia in their behalf in regard 
to this matter. "This affair," said Canassatego, "was recommend- 
ed to you by our chiefs at our last treaty and you then, at our 
earnest desire, promised to write a letter to that person who has 
authority over those people, and to procure us an answer. As we 
have never heard from you on this head, we want to know what 
you have done in it. If you have not done anything, we now re- 
new our request, and desire you will inform the person wnosa 
people are seated on our lands that that country [western Mary- 
land and Virginia] belongs to us by right of conquest, we having 
bought it with our blood, and taken it from our enemies in fair 
war." Canassatego threatened that, if Maryland and Virginia did 
not pay for these lands, the Iroquois would enforce payment in 
their own way. 

Governor Thomas replied that he had ordered the magis- 
trates of Lancaster County to drive off the squatters from the Juni- 
ata lands, and was not aware that any had stayed. The Indians 
interrupted, and said that the persons who had been sent to remove 

146 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the squatters, did not do their duty; that, instead of removing 
them from the Juniata lands, they were in league with the squat- 
ters, and had made large surveys for themselves. The earnest 
arguments of Canassatego had the desired effect. The Provincial 
Council decided to add to the value of the goods a present of three 
hundred pounds. 

The Governor advised Canassatego that, shortly after the 
treaty of 1736, James Logan, President of the Council, had written 
the Governor of Maryland about the lands, but received no reply. 
Now the Governor promised to intercede with Maryland and Vir- 
ginia, and, if possible, to secure payment for the lands of the 
Iroquois upon which the whites of those colonies were settling. He 
also renewed his promise to remove the squatters from the Juniata 

At this treaty of July, 1742, Canassatego, the principal 
speaker of the Iroquois deputation, ordered the Delawares of the 
Munsee Clan to remove from the territory of the "Walking Pur- 
chase" of 1737. This will be discussed in the chapter on the Mun- 
see Delaware chief, Nutimus (Chapter XII). 

More Troubles Between the Iroquois and Virginia 

Hardly had the Iroquois deputies to the treaty of 1742 re- 
turned home when a war party of Iroquois started southward, 
afterwards claiming to have gone against their old enemies, the 
Catawbas. Coming down the Susquehanna River in canoes to 
John Harris' Ferry, the first important white settlement on their 
route, they secured from a magistrate of Lancaster County a pass 
for their safe passage through the inhabited parts of Pennsylvania. 
With this pass, they proceeded across the country in a southwestern 
direction toward the Shenandoah Valley, traveling without molest- 
ing anyone until they reached Virginia, where they had a severe 
engagement with a party of settlers, and several lives were lost on 
each side. They then retreated hastily to New York. 

The first word that the Colonial Authorities of Pennsylvania 
had of this fresh trouble between the Iroquois and the Colony of 
Virginia was received on January 24th, 1743, from Thomas McKee, 
a trader then living on the Susquehanna at Big Island, (Lock 
Haven). McKee made a deposition on January 24th, stating as fol- 
lows: "Being concerned in the Indian trade, he has a store settled 
at an Indian town on the South Branch Sasquehanna River, near 
an Island called the Big Island, inhabited by the Shawna 
[ Shawnee 1 Indians; and that on the 12th or 13th of this instant. 

Shikellamy 147 

January, about seven o'clock in the morning, the Indians of the 
Town came to this Deponent's store, and told him they had heard 
the Dead Halloa, and were much surprised at it. And soon after, 
the same halloa, as from the Big Island, was repeated in the hear- 
ing of this Deponent. Whereupon, he, with a servant of his, took 
a canoe and went over to the Island, and in his passage, heard the 
Indians belonging to the Town call over to those on the Island, and 
ask them what was the matter. To which they answered, that the 
white men had killed some of their men. And on this Deponent 
coming to them on the Island, he saluted them according to tht. 
usual way, saying, 'How do you do, my friends?' At which the> 
shook their heads, and made no answer; but went over to the Shaw- 
nas' town. And this Deponent further saith, that there were ten in 
number of those Indians, and that they belonged to the Five Na- 
tions; and on their coming to town, immediately a council was 
called; and this Deponent attended at the Council House, and was 

At this council, the leader of the band of the Iroquois who 
had made the expedition to Virginia informed the Shawnees of the 
misfortune that had befallen his band. The leader's speech was 
delivered in the Iroquois language, and interpreted to McKee in 
Shawnee. Whereupon, McKee addressed the council, and remind- 
ed them that none of the disorders of which the Indians complained 
had happened in Pennsylvania. One of the Shawnees made the 
remark that the white people were all of one color and, in case of 
war, would stand together. Another Shawnee asked the warriors 
if they had met any of McKee's men, who had been sent to the 
Juniata on a trading expedition. "They could not have met therp." 
said a third warrior, "for if they had, they would have cut them 

McKee adds in hi-o affidavit: "On hearing these discourses, he 
[McKeej lose up, and called out an old Shawna, with whom he 
was best acquainted, and took him to his store; made him a pres- 
ent of two or three twists of tobacco, and desired him to press to 
the Indians in Council their treaty of peace with Pennsylvania, and 
the ill consequences of breaking it in cutting him off, as he appre- 
hended he had great reason to fear they intended. That some 
short time after, the same Indian called this Deponent from his 
store, and told him that he had offered in Council what he had re- 
quested, and it was approved, though it seemed disagreeable to 
some of the Shawnees. And in a short time after, this Deponent 
[McKee] was informed by a white woman, who had been taken 

148 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

prisoner by the Indians in their Carolina wars, that it was left to 
the Shawnees to deal with him as they pleased; and that they were 
gone to hold a council concerning him at some distance from the 
town; and that if he did not make his escape, he would certainly 
be cut off. Upon which last information, together with some ob- 
servations he had made of their behavior, he thought it not safe to 
trust his life in their hands, and notwithstanding a considerable 
quantity of goods which he had carried up there to trade, he deter- 
mined to withdraw, and leave his effects among them; and 
accordingly communicated his designs to his man; and they came 
off privately, traveling by night and day through the uninhabited 
parts of the country, till they apprehended themselves to be out of 
danger, being out three days and three nights." 

Shikellamy and Weiser Go to Onondaga to 
Arrange for Treaty 

The foregoing matters caused the Provincial Council to send 
Conrad Weiser to Shamokin, where on February 4th and April 
9th, 1743, he held the conferences with Shikellamy, Sassoonan, and 
Great Hominy, chief of the Shawnees, mentioned in Chapter VII. 
At the first of these conferences, Weiser, learning that Shikellamy's 
cousin had been killed in the recent skirmish in Virginia, pre- 
sented the old chief with "two Strowds" to wpie away his tears. 
He also sent a present to Kakowatcheky, then head of the Shawnees 
at Wyoming, with a message asking him, "as he lived about half 
way between Philadelphia and the Six Nations, to take care of the 
chain of friendship betwixt the Six Nations and Pennsylvania." 
A grand-son of Shikellamy, who was present it the skirmish, gave 
Weiser a full account of the expedition, and of the fight, in which 
it appeared that the whites were the aggressors. At this confer- 
ence, Shikellamy ordered the Shawnees to return the goods they 
had stolen from the trader, Thomas McKee. 

Weiser returned to Philadelphia, and made a report of his 
conference with Shikellamy, but, before he returned, Governor 
Thomas had received a letter from Governor Gooch of Virginia, 
offering to accept the mediation of Governor Thomas in the matter. 
Weiser was then sent again to Shamokin, where he met Shikellamy 
in council on April 9th, and told him of the desire of the Governor 
of Virginia to come to an agreement with the Iroquois in this 

At this council, (April 9th), Weiser learned that the Indians 
who had been sent to Onondaga as deputies on behalf of the Vir- 

Shikellamy 149 

ginia affair had returned, among whom were Shikellamy's son and 
Sachsidowa, a Tuscarora chief. They brought word that the 
Iroquois were willing to meet the Governor of Virginia at a coun- 
cil at the mouth of the Conodoguinet, opposite Harrisburg, the 
next spring, and, in the meantime, had ordered their warriors not 
to make expeditions into Virginia. Shikellamy told Weiser that 
the Six Nations could not meet Virginia in Council "with a hatchet 
stuck in their head; the Governor of Virginia must wash off the 
blood first, and take the hatchet out of their head, and dress the 
wound, (according to the custom that he who struck first must do 
it), and the Council of the Six Nations will speak to him and be 
reconciled to him, and bury that affair in the ground that it never 
may be seen nor heard of any more so long as the world stands." 
"But if the Virginians would not come to do that," said Shikel- 
lamy, "he [Shikellamy] believed there would be war." Shikel- 
lamy further told Weiser that, if war with Virginia should come, 
the Six Nations would not disturb the people of Pennsylvania, but 
their warriors would go directly to Virginia from Big Island 
(Lock Haven). 

Shikellamy, Sachsidowa, several other chiefs, and Conrad 
Weiser brought this information to Philadelphia, laying it before 
the Provincial Council on April 22nd and 23rd. They also 
brought with them the message of Sassoonan commending Gover- 
nor Thomas in his efforts as mediator, mentioned in Chapter VII. 
The Indian delegation was entertained free, and the Governor 
gave to Shikellamy a present of ten pounds; to Shikellamy's two 
sons, six pounds; and to Sachsidowa, five pounds. 

When Virginia received the report, she lost no time in coming 
to terms, and a present of one hundred pounds' value was placed 
by her in the hands of Governor Thomas for the Iroquois. Gov- 
ernor Gooch of Virginia writing Governor Thomas, in May, said: 
"We request that you will be pleased to send your honest Inter- 
preter [Weiser] once more to the Indian chiefs, and if possible, 
prevail with them to accept through your hands a present of one 
hundred pounds sterling value, in such goods as you may think 
proper, as a token of our sincere disposition to preserve peace and 
friendship with them, and as an earnest that we will not fail to 
send commissions next spring, at a time and place that shall be 
agreed upon, to treat with them." Thus did Virginia prepare to 
"take the hatchet out of the head" of the Iroquois, put there by her 
settlers in the unfortunate skirmish, and to "wash away the blood, 
and dress the wound." 

The Provincial Council then sent Weiser and Shikellamy to 

150 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the Great Council of the Iroquois at Onondaga to arrange for the 
time and place of meeting, and to deliver Virginia's present. They 
arrived at Onondaga late in July where Taconte, the "Black 
Prince" of the Onondagas expressed great satisfaction at Weiser's 
arrival. Said he: "You never come without good news from our 
brethren in Philadelphia." "I smiled," says Weiser, "and told 
him it was enough to kill a man to come such a long and bad road 
over hills, rocks, old trees, and rivers, and to fight through a cloud 
of vermin, and all kinds of poisoned worms and creeping things, 
besides being loaded with a disagreeable message, at which they 
laughed." The Great Council of the Six Nations, after several days 
of oratory and imposing ceremonies, accepted the offer of Governor 
Thomas of Pennsylvania and Governor Gooch of Virginia for a 
confernce or treay at Harris Ferry (Harrisburg) the next spring. 
Later, on account of the inconvenience of meeting at Harrisburg, 
it was decided to hold the treaty at Lancaster, a small town then 
sixteen years old. 

At Onondaga, the Iroquois chief, Zillawallie, gave the cause of 
the war between the Six Nations and the Catawbas. Addressing 
Weiser, he said; "We are engaged in a great war with the 
Catawbas, which will last to the end of the world; for they molest 
us, and speak contemptuously of us, which our warriors will not 
bear, and they will soon go to war against them again. It will be 
in vain for us to dissuade them from it." 

On this mission to Onondaga, Conrad Weiser prevented a war 
between Virginia and the Six Nations — a war which would eventu- 
ally have involved the other colonies. 

Before describing the Lancaster Treaty, we call attention to 
the fact that, scarcely had the treaty of 1742 been concluded, when 
the Colonial Authorities of Pennsylvania were asked by the Gov- 
ernor of Maryland for advice and assistance in that Colony's 
trouble with the Six Nations. It appeared that, in the early part 
of the summer of 1742, some Nanticokes in Maryland were impris- 
oned, and that their friends, the Shawnees and Senecas. threatened 
to make trouble unless they were released. Governor Thomas of 
Pennsylvania engaged Conrad Weiser to accompany the Maryland 
messenger to the region of the Six Nations, as interpreter, for the 
purpose of inviting the Six Nations to a treaty to be held at Harris' 
Ferry (Harrisburg) in the spring of 1743. It does not appear that 
the Iroquois did any more than simply deliberate on this matter; 
but Maryland's advances at least had the virtue of opening nego- 
tiations at the Great Council of the Six Nations on the part of that 




N FRIDAY, June 22nd, 1744, the long expected delegation 
of the Six Nations arrived at Lancaster for the purpose 
of entering into a treaty with Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
and Virginia. The delegation consisted of two hundred 
and forty-two, and was headed by Canassatego. There were many 
squaws and children mounted on horseback. Arriving in front of 
the Court House, the leaders of the delegation saluted the commis- 
sioners from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, with a song. 
This was an invitation to the whites to renew former treaties and 
to make good the one now proposed. 

Maryland Purchases Land from Iroquois 

When the Maryland commissioners came to the Lancaster 
treaty, they had no intention whatever of recognizing any Iroquois 
claims to lands within the bounds of their province, basing their 
position upon the following facts: (1) Maryland had bought 
from the Minquas, or Susquehannas, in 1652, all their claims on 
both sides of the Chesapeake Bay as far north as the mouth of the 
Susquehanna River. (2) The Minquas, aided by troops from 
Maryland, had, in 1663, defeated eight hundred Senecas and 
Cayugas from the Iroquois Confederation. 

But the Iroquois never abandoned their war on the Minquas 
until they overwhelmingly defeated this tribe in 1675, when they 
were reduced by famine and Maryland had withdrawn her alliance. 
Now, in view of their conquest of the Minquas, the Six Nations 
claimed a right to the Susquehanna lands to the head of Chesa- 
peake Bay. 

The Maryland commissioners receded from their position. 
The release for the Maryland lands was signed, on Monday, July 
2nd, at George Sanderson's Inn, instead of at the Court House. 
Conrad Weiser signed in behalf of the absent member of the Iro- 
quois Confederation, (Mohawk), both with his Indian name of 
Tarach-a-wa-gon, and that of Weiser. By his dexterous man- 

152 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

agement, the lands released were so described as not to give Mary- 
land a title to lands claimed by Pennsylvania, the boundary dis- 
pute between Maryland and Pennsylvania being at the time still 
pending. The release was for all "lands lying two miles above the 
uppermost forks of Patowmack or Cohongoruton River, near 
which Thomas Cresap has his hunting or trading cabin, [at Old 
Town fourteen miles east of Cumberland, Maryland,] by a line 
north to the bounds of Pennsylvania. But, in case such limits 
shall not include every settlement or inhabitant of Maryland, then 
such other lines and courses from the said two miles above the 
forks to the outermost inhabitants or settlements, as shall include 
every settlement and inhabitant in Maryland, and from thence by 
a north line to the bounds of Pennsylvania, shall be the limits. 
And, further, if any people already have or shall settle beyond the 
lands now described and bounded, they shall enjoy the same free 
from any disturbance of us in any manner whatsoever, and we do 
and shall accept these people for our Brethren, and as such will 
always treat them." Thus was the purchase happily effected. 

However, Shikellamy refused to sign the deed of the Maryland 
lands, being determined not to recognize that Maryland had any 
land claims north of the disputed boundary line between herself 
and Pennsylvania. 

Virginia Purchases Land from Iroquois 

The Virginia commissioners had their negotiations with the 
Iroquois deputies in progress at the same time as Maryland. They 
found the Iroquois very determined not to yield any part of their 
claim to the Virginia lands. Said Tachanoontia, an Onondaga 
chieftain: "We have the right of conquest — a right too dearly 
purchased, and which cost us too much blood to give up without 
any reason at all." Finally, after much oratory, the Six Nations 
released all their land claims in Virginia for a consideration of two 
hundred pounds in goods and two hundred pounds in gold, with a 
written promise to be given additional remuneration as the settle- 
ments increased to the westward; and the Virginia commissioners 
guaranteed the Indians an open road to the Catawba country, 
promising that the people of Virginia would do their part if the 
Iroquois would perform theirs. The Iroquois understood this to 
mean that the Virginians would feed their war parties, if they (the 
Iroquois) would not shoot the farmers' cattle, chickens, etc., when 
passing to and from the Catawba country. 

Shikellamy 153 

"When the treaty was over, the Indians believed that they 
had established land claims in Virginia, that the open road was 
guaranteed, that their warrors were to be fed while passing through 
the state, and that they had sold land only to the head-waters of 
the streams feeding the Ohio River. The Virginians, on the other 
hand, believed that they had extinguished all Iroquois land claims 
forever within the charter limits of their colony." The western 
bounds of the Virginia purchase were set forth as "the setting 
sun", leading Virginia to believe that the purchase included the 
Ohio Valley, but the Iroquois afterwards explained that by "the 
setting sun" was meant the crest of the Allegheny Mountains. It 
was after the treaty that large tracts of land were granted the Ohio 
Company; and it was not until the year 1768 that the Six Nations, 
by the treaty of Fort Stanwix, New York, relinquished all their 
rights to the region on the east and south side of the Ohio, from the 
Cherokee River, in Tennessee, to Kittanning, Pennsylvania. 

Pennsylvania, the Peacemaker 

In the Lancaster Treaty, Pennsylvania was the mediator and 
peacemaker, inducing Maryland and Virginia to lay aside their 
opposition to Iroquois land claims, and settle in such a manner as 
to secure the friendship of the Six Nations. Thus the French were 
thwarted, and the English frontier from New England to the 
Carolinas was protected. Pennsylvania also confirmed her former 
treaties with the Iroquois. 

But while Pennsylvania was acting as peacemaker, she had 
trouble of her own to adjust with the Iroquois deputies. On April 
9th, 1744, John (Jack) Armstrong, a trader on his way to the Alle- 
gheny, and his two servants, James Smith and Woodward Arnold, 
were murdered at Jacks Narrows (named for "Jack" Armstrong), 
on the Juniata, in Huntingdon County, by a Delaware Indian nam- 
ed Musemeelin. It appeared that Musemeelin owed Armstrong 
some skins, and Armstrong seized a horse and rifle belonging to the 
Indian in lieu of the skins. Later Musemeelin met Armstrong 
near the Juniata and paid him all his indebtedness except twenty 
shillings, and demanded his horse, but Armstrong refused to give 
the animal up until the entire debt was paid. Shortly after this, 
Armstrong and his servants passed the cabin of Musemeelin on 
their way to the Allegheny, and Musemeelin's wife demanded the 
horse, but by this time Armstrong had sold it to James Berry. 
Musemeelin was away on a hunting trip at the time his wife made 

154 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the demand on Armstrong, and, when he returned, she told him 
about it. This angered him and he determined on revenge. 
Taking two young Indians with him, Musemeelin went to the camp 
of Armstrong, shot Smith who was there alone and Arnold whom 
they found returning to camp, and, meeting Armstrong, who was 
sitting on an old log, he demanded his horse. Armstrong replied: 
"He will come by and by." "I want him now", said Musemeelin. 
"You shall have him. Come to the fire and let us smoke and talk 
together," said Armstrong. As they proceeded, Musemeelin shot 
and tomahawked him. 

The matter was placed by Governor Thomas in the hands of 
Shikellamy at Shamokin, who caused the murderers to be appre- 
hended, and, after a hearing, ordered two of them to be sent to the 
Lancaster jail to await trial. Conrad Weiser was the bearer of the 
Governor's message to Shikellamy and Sassoonan. While Shikel- 
lamy's sons were conveying the prisoners to Lancaster, the friends 
of Musemeelin, who was related to some important Delaware 
chiefs, induced Shikellamy 's sons to allow Musemeelin to escape. 
The other Indian was locked in jail. 

At the Lancaster treaty, Governor Thomas demanded of the 
Iroquois that they command their subjects, the Delawares, to sur- 
render Musemeelin to the Provincial Authorities, and the Indians 
were invited to Lancaster to witness the trial. The Iroquois 
deputies replied that the Provincial Authorities should not be too 
much concerned; that three Indians had been killed at different 
times on the Ohio by the whites, and the Iroquois had never men- 
tioned anything concerning them to the Colony. However, they 
stated that they had severely reproved the Delawares, and would 
see that the goods which the murderers had stolen from Armstrong 
be restored to his relatives, and Musemeelin be returned for trial, 
but not as a prisoner. Later, on August 21st, 1744, Shikellamy 
brought the two prisoners to the Provincial Authorities at Philadel- 
phia. Musemeelin was not convicted. He returned to his wig- 

Importance of the Lancaster Treaty 

No Delawares, the friends of William Penn, were present at 
the Lancaster Treaty, the Iroquois having forbidden them to 

It is difficult to overstate the importance of the Lancaster 
Treaty — in many respects the most important Indian Council ever 
held in Pennsylvania up to this time. War between England and 

Shikellamy 155 

France, King George's War, was then raging. At the opening of 
this conflict, the question uppermost in the minds, not only of the 
Governors of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, but of all the 
colonies, was, "What will be the attitude of the powerful Six 
Nations?" The successful settling of the disputed land claims of 
the Iroquois in Maryland and Virginia, by this treaty, through the 
mediation of Pennsylvania, with Weiser as mentor, had much to 
do with making possible the success of Weiser's future negotiations 
with the Onondaga Council, negotiations that resulted in the neu- 
trality of the Iroquois during King George's War. Had not the 
Iroquois deputies, at the Treaty of Lancaster, promised to inform 
the Governor of Pennsylvania as to the movements of the French? 
Had this great Confederation sided with the French, the English 
colonies would have been swept into the sea. 

Disquieting Reports 

The Six Nations faithfully kept their promise, made to Penn- 
sylvania at the treaty of Lancaster, to advise the Colony of the 
movements of the French. In September following the treaty, 
Conrad Weiser had gone to Shamokin, with eight young Germans, 
and built Shikellamy a house "49>^ feet long, \iy 2 feet wide, and 
covered with shingles." While engaged in this work, he received 
some disquieting news from the aged sachem. Weiser wrote 
Secretary James Logan, concerning it, on September 29th, 1744, as 
follows: "Shikellamy informed me that the Governor of Canada 
hath sent an embassy to Onondaga, to lament over the death of 
Tocanuwarogon, a chief of the Onondagas, who died last spring 
(in whose house I used to lodge), and to let the Council of the Six 
Nations know that the French had made war against the English, 
whom they would soon beat, and as they, the Six Nations, loved 
their brethren, the English, their father, Onontio, [the generic name 
for the Governors of Canada] desired them to take no offense nor 
be on either side concerned, but stand neutral, and they should be 
supplied by the French with powder, lead, and other commodities, 
at their several trading houses, as usual, as cheap as before, and as 
the English had run away from Oswego, cowards as they were, 
Onontio would take the house [fort] of Oswego to himself, as his 
people are the oldest settlers in the Northern countrys, and would 
supply his children, all the Indians, with all sorts of goods very 

Shikellamy further told Weiser that the Council of the Six 

156 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Nations had resolved to notify the Governor of Canada that they 
did not approve of his "intention to take the House at Oswego to 
himself, which could not be done without bloodshed." They in- 
sinuated that the French were cowardly to attack the English "in 
their backs." Said Shikellamy: "They [the Six Nations] would 
therefore advise him [the Governor of Canada] to act more hon- 
orably, as becometh a warrior, and go around by sea, and face the 

The Catawbas Willing to Make Peace 

In the latter part of 1744, the news of Peter Chartier's deser- 
tion reached the Colonial Authorities of Pennsylvania and Vir- 
ginia, and it was believed that the Catawbas were the instigators 
of Chartier's action. Fearing that, not only the Catawbas, but the 
whole Muskokee Confederation would join the French, Virginia 
and Carolina renewed their efforts to bring about a peace between 
the Catawbas and Iroquois; and Governor Gooch of Virginia wrote 
Governor Thomas of Pennsylvania in November of that year ad- 
vising that the Catawbas were willing to make peace, and request- 
ing that Conrad Weiser get in touch with the Six Nations in the 

Shikellamy and Weiser Once More Journey 
to Onondaga 

Governor Thomas made the recommendation to the Assembly 
that Conrad Weiser should be sent to the Great Council of the Six 
Nations at Onondaga to ascertain if it were possible to bring about 
peace between the Catawbas and Iroquois. To make a journey at 
this time when King George's War was raging and French intrigue 
working among the Indians, was fraught with much danger; be- 
sides, it looked as if the attempt to work out a peace would not be 
successful, inasmuch as the Six Nations declared at the Lancaster 
treaty of 1744 that the war between them and the Catawbas must 
go on "to the end of the world." Conrad Weiser was the one white 
man in the colonies courageous enough to undertake the journey. 

Weiser realized that Shikellamy was the key to the door of the 
Six Nations. Late in 1744, Weiser had sent his son, Sammy, to 
Virginia to collect a debt for him. While in Virginia, Sammy 
Weiser met a band of Iroquois returning from an expedition 
against the Catawbas, who told him that "Unhappy Jake", one of 
Shikellamy 's sons, had been killed in a fight with the Catawbas. 
Weiser feared that this unhappy incident would so harden the 

Shikellamy 157 

heart of Shikellamy that it would be useless to attempt to work out 
a peace between the Iroquois and the Catawbas. He then sug- 
gested to the Colonial Authorities, in a letter written on January 
2nd, 1745, that it would be the part of policy to give old Shikel- 
lamy a present "to wipe away his tears", explaining that "it is 
customary with the Indians that, let what will happen, the chiefs 
or people in trust with them, don't stir to do any service or business 
to the public when they are in mourning, till they have in a manner 
a new commission as before said in being fetched out of mourning 
and invested with new courage and dispositions." 

Weiser accordingly set out for Shamokin taking with him a 
present for Shikellamy purchased by the Colony, consisting of 
three match-coats and half a dozen silk handkerchiefs. Realizing 
the importance of Shikellamy's position Weiser had always made it 
a point to pay the old chief every attention. Three years before 
this time he had recommended the Moravian missionaries to build 
a free blacksmith shop at Shamokin, and we have already seen 
how he built a house for Shikellamy in the latter's declining years. 

Finally, on the 19th of May, 1745, Weiser in company with 
Shikellamy, Shikellamy's son, Andrew Montour (son of Madam 
Montour), Bishop Spangenberg, of the Moravian Church, and two 
other Moravian missionaries, set out from Shamokin for Onon- 
daga, at which place they arrived on the 6th day of June. At 
Tioga, a messenger had been sent ahead to apprise the Iroquois of 
their coming. 

Representatives of all the members of the Iroquois Confedera- 
tion, except the Mohawks, assembled in great numbers to hear what 
Weiser and Shikellamy had to say. There was a great stir among 
the Six Nations inasmuch as they were arranging to meet at Oswego 
and go to Canada to hold a treaty with the French Governor. 
Indeed, they would have started a day before Weiser's arrival, if 
his messenger had not appeared. Weiser asked the Great Council 
of the Iroquois whether they believed that their going to Canada 
to meet the French Governor would comport with the promises 
which they had made at the Lancaster treaty the year before. The 
sachems replied that they knew perfectly well what they were do- 
ing. Said they: "The French Governor of Canada will try to 

gain upon us The French are known to be a crafty people. 

but it will be in vain for him, as we have already agreed what to 
say to him and will not go from it." Weiser and Shikellamy then 
delivered the message of the Catawbas suggesting Williamsburg, 
Virginia, as the place of meeting of the deputies from the opposing 

158 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

tribes. Weiser made the best apology he could for the past con- 
duct of the Catawbas, and urged the Iroquois to send deputies for 
the sake of the Governors of Virginia and Pennsylvania, if for no 
other reason. After a few minutes delay the Black Prince of the 
Onondagas, the speaker of the Iroquois, replied that no council fire 
had ever been kindled at Williamsburg, but that the Iroquois 
would be willing to send deputies to Philadelphia. However, the 
Black Prince further advised that the deputies could not be sent 
that summer, but that they would be sent during the summer of 

At this point we call attention to the fact that, at the Albany 
Treaty, held in October, 1745, between the Six Nations and New 
York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania, the matter 
of the Catawba war again came up, but was not pressed. On that 
occasion, Canassatego explained to Thomas Laurence, John Kinsey, 
and Isaac Norris, the Commissioners from Pennsylvania, that the 
chiefs of the Six Nations were not able to restrain their young 
warriors from making raids into the Catawba country until peace 
was declared. The Great Council of the Six Nations had all it 
could do, at that time, to preserve neutrality in the struggle be- 
tween the French and English, known as King George's War. 

Shikellamy and Weiser found the Great Council at Onondaga 
very much incensed at the conduct of Peter Chartier, in deserting 
to the French and leading a band of Shawnees down the Ohio. 
They asked why Pennsylvania did not declare war against him at 

When the Council was over, the Black Prince invited Shikel- 
lamy and Weiser's party and all the chiefs of the Onondagas to a 
great dinner. All the company went directly to the house of the 
Black Prince and partook of hominy, dried venison, and fish, 
after which they were "served with a dram round." While they 
were feasting, Weiser ascertained that many of the Iroquois were 
in favor of a war with the Shawnees and peace with the Catawbas. 
He also learned, in a confidential conversation with one of the old 
sachems, that the Six Nations believed it to be to their best interests 
to maintain strict neutrality in the war beween the English and the 
French. This chief said that the Iroquois would not join with 
either nation unless compelled to it for their own preservation; 
that, hitherto, from their situation and alliance, they had been 
courted by both the French and the English, but should either 
party prevail so far as to drive the other out of the country, the 
Iroquois would not be considered by the victorious nation. 

Shikellamy 159 

Presents would no longer be made to them, and, in the end, they 
would be obliged to submit to such laws as the conquerors should 
think fit to impose on them. 

At this point, we call attention to the fact that, while there was 
a strong English party among the Mohawks, and a strong French 
party among the Senecas, the great Confederation of the Iroquois 
remained neutral throughout King George's War. Had the Con- 
federation sided with the French in this conflict, there is little 
doubt that the career of the Anglo-Saxon on the North American 
Continent would have been put to an end. There is little doubt, 
also, that, if Shikellamy and Conrad Weiser had not brought the 
Iroquois Confederation into such friendly relations with the Eng- 
lish in bringing about the treaties of 1732, 1736, 1742, and 1744, 
the Iroquois would have taken the part of the French in King 
George's War. 

The reason why Bishop Spangenberg and the other Moravian 
missionaries accompanied Shikellamy and Weiser on this journey, 
was that the Moravians at that time had a project on foot to trans- 
fer their mission at Shekomeko, New York, to the Wyoming Val- 
ley, on the North Branch of the Susquehanna, in Pennsylvania; 
and this necessitated negotiations with the Great Council at 
Onondaga to whose dependencies Wyoming belonged. Count 
Zinzindorf had held a conference with the great Iroquois chieftain, 
Canassatego, at Weiser's home near Womelsdorf, in August, 1742, 
when the Iroquois deputies were returning from the treaty of 1742, 
at which conference the Moravians were given permission by the 
Iroquois to establish their missions in Pennsylvania. Now the 
Onondaga Council replied to the request of Bishop Spangenberg 
that they were glad to renew their contract with Count Zinzindorf 
and the Moravians, and they gave their consent to the proposed 
Moravian settlement at Wyoming. 

The Moravians founded the town of Bethlehem in December, 
1741, which has ever since been the central seat of the Moravian 
Church in America. Later, they established a mission at Frieden- 
sheutten, near Bethlehem, another called Friedensheutten, (Tents 
of peace), the Indian town of Wyalusing, Bradford County, 
another at Gnadenhuetten (Tents of grace), near Weissport, in 
Carbon County, another at Shamokin, the great Indian capital, 
and another at Wyoming, Luzerne County. They also established 
missions in the western part of the state. These were at and in 
the vicinity of the Munsee Delaware town of Goschgoschunk, near 
Tionesta, Forest County, and Friedenstadt (City of peace) on the 
Beaver, in Lawrence County. In 1772, the Moravian missionaries. 

160 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

John Etwein and John Roth, conducted the congregation from 
Wyalusing to Friedenstadt on the Beaver. The efforts of the 
Moravian Church to convert the Delawares and other Indians of 
Pennsylvania to the Christian faith is one of the most delightful 
chapters in the history of the Commonwealth. 

Incidents of Shikellamy's Journey Home 

De Schweinitz, in his "Life of David Zeisberger", relates the 
following incidents of Shikellamy's journey home: 

"After a stay of twelve days, the visitors began their home- 
ward journey. At the first village they separated. Conrad Weiser 
and Andrew Montour took a circuitous trail; Spangenberg, Zeis- 
berger, Shebosh, and Shikellamy and his son followed that which 
had brought them to Onondaga. The experiences of this latter 
party were even more trying than when they had come that way 
the first time. Not only had they to contend with the same hor- 
rors of the swamps, but a succession of rainstorms occurred that 
made traveling almost unendurable; and, the greatest calamity of 
all, their provisions failed. They braved these hardships for 
eight days until they reached Ostonwacken almost exhausted, 
hearts full of hope. A bitter disappointment awaited them. There 
was not a morsel of food to be had in the village, and not even a 
fire burning in a single lodge. Riding on in garments wringing- 
wet and barely alleviating the worst pangs of hunger with a few 
fishes which they had got in the Susquehanna, they lay down on 
the bank of the river at noon of the 7th of July utterly overcome. 
They could go no farther. It was an hour to try their souls. A 
handful of rice constituted the remnant of their provisions. Faint 
and silent, the Bishop and his young companions waited to see 
what God would do; while Shikellamy and his son, with the 
stoicism of their race, resigned themselves to their fate. Presently 
an aged Indian emerged from the forest, sat down among them, 
opened his package, and gave them a smoked turkey. While they 
proceeded, he joined their party, camped with them at night, and 
produced several pieces of delicious venison. They could not but 
recognize in this meeting a direct interposition of their Heavenly 
Father. The next day they reached Shamokin, where a trader 
supplied their wants. 

"On their way to this town they came upon a rattlesnake nest, 
amid the hills of the Susquehanna. At first but a few of the 
reptiles were visible, basking in the sun. No sooner, however, did 
they kill these than the whole neighborhood seemed to be alive 

Shikellamy 161 

with them, and a rattling began which was frightful. Snakes 
crawled out of holes, from crevices in the rocks, and between loose 
stones, or darted from thickets, and lifted up their heads above 
patches of fern, until there was a multitude in motion. They com- 
pletely surrounded the travelers, who hastened from the spot. It 
was a place where the reptiles had gathered in autumn and lain 
torpid, coiled together in heaps during the winter. From 
Shamokin, Spangenberg and his associates hastened to Bethlehem." 

Shikellamy Opposes Weiser's Ohio Journey 

While Shikellamy conferred with Weiser at Chamber's Mill, 
near Harrisburg, in the summer of 1747, concerning the dishon- 
esty of a number of the traders, his next important action was to 
oppose Conrad Weiser's journey to the Ohio, in the summer of 
1748, as the agent of the Colony of Pennsylvania in making a 
treaty at Logstown with the Ohio tribes. Shikellamy insisted that 
no present should be sent by the Colony to the Western Indians, 
inasmuch as they had not actually gone to war against the French, 
and could not do so without the permission of the Six Nations, 
their overlords. When Weiser asked the old chief to accompany 
him to the Ohio, Shikellamy stated that Weiser's attendance as 
interpreter would be necessary at the Great Council of the Six 
Nations in the spring of 1748, for the purpose of deciding upon a 
successor to Sassoonan. Shikellamy's opposition, while unsuccess- 
ful, postponed Weiser's journey for a time. 

Last Days of Shikellamy 

In the summer of 1747, Shikellamy's health began to fail. In 
July of that year, Weiser, in a report to the Provincial Council of 
a journey to Shamokin, says: 

"I was surprised to see Shikellamy in such a miserable condi- 
tion as ever my eyes beheld; he was hardly able to stretch forth his 
hand to bid me welcome; in the same condition was his wife, his 
three sons not quite so bad but very poorly, also one of his daugh- 
ters and two or three of his grandchildren all had the fever; there 

was three buried out of the family a few days before Next 

morning I administered the medicine to Shikellamy and one of his 
sons, under the direction of Dr. Grome, which had a very good 
effect on both. Next morning I gave the same medicine to two 
more (who would not venture at first) ; it had the same effect, and 

162 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the four persons thought themselves as good as recovered, but 
above all Shikellamy was able to walk about with me with a stick 
in his hand before I left Shamokin. He, (Shikellamy), is ex- 
tremely poor; in his sickness the horses have eaten all his corn; his 
clothes he gave to the Indian doctor to cure him and his family, 
but all in vain; he has nobody to hunt for him, and I cannot see 
how the poor old man can live. He has been a true servant to the 
Government and may perhaps still be, if he lives to be well again. 
As the winter is coming on again, I think it would not be amiss to 
send him a few blankets or match-coats and a little powder and 
lead. If the Government would be pleased to do it, and you could 
send it up soon, I would send my sons with it to Shamokin before 
the cold weather comes." The Council then resolved that a 
present of goods to the value of sixteen pounds be made to Shikel- 
lamy, and that it be sent to Weiser at his home near Womelsdorf 
with a request to dispatch it immediately by one of his sons to the 
aged sachem. 

Death of Shikellamy 

On the 6th day of December, of the eventful year of 1748, 
occurred the death of Shikellamy, the most picturesque and historic 
Indian character who ever lived in Pennsylvania. As we have 
seen, his residence was at Sunbury, and Conrad Weiser, in the 
later years of the old chief's life, had built him a substantial house 
which rested upon pillars for safety, and in which he always shut 
himself up when any drunken frolic was going on in the village. 
He had been taken ill in Philadelphia, but so far recovered that he 
had visited his old friend, Conrad Weiser, at his home near 
Womelsdorf, in April, 1748, and was able to complete his journey 
to Shamokin. Upon his return to Shamokin, he was again taken 
ill, and in June the Provincial Council was advised that he he was 
so ill that he might lose his eyesight; but he recovered sufficiently 
to make a trip to Bethlehem early in December. On his return 
from that place, he became so ill that he reached home only by the 
assistance of the Moravian missionary. Bishop Zeisberger. His 
daughter and the good bishop were with him during his last illness 
and last hours. Bishop Zeisberger and Henry Frye made the old 
chief a coffin, and the Indians painted the body in their gayest 
colors, bedecked it with his choicest ornaments, and placed with it 
the old chief's weapons according to the Indian custom. Then, 
after Christian burial services conducted by Bishop Zeisberger, 

Shikellamy 163 

Shikellamy was buried in the Indian burying ground of his people 
in the present town of Sunbury. 

The Moravian missionary, Watteville, visited Shamokin in 
October, 1748, where he was warmly welcomed by Shikellamy. 
We quote the following from De Schweinitz's "Life of David Zeis- 
berger", giving an account of Watteville's visit and the last days 
of Shikellamy: 

"Watteville's visit made a deep impression upon this sachem. 
Zeisberger had sent him a costly gift (a silver knife, fork and 
spoon, together with an ivory drinking cup, heavily mounted with 
silver), and an affectionate message entreating him to remember 
the Gospel, which he heard from his lips, and to turn to Christ. 
Watteville urged the subject with all the glowing warmth of his 
own love, Zeisberger interpreting his words into the Mohawk lan- 
guage. The heart of the old chief was touched; and several weeks 
after the departure of the party, he [Shikellamy] arrived at Bethle- 
hem, in order to hear more of Christ. He was daily instructed in 
the plan of salvation, until he experienced the power of divine 
grace and could make a profession of personal faith. He had 
been baptized by a Jesuit father in Canada many years before this. 
Laying aside a manitou, last relic of his idolatry, he took his way 
rejoicing to his forest home. At Tulpehocken, however, he fell ill, 
and had barely strength to reach Shamokin. There he stretched 
himself on his mat, and never rose again. Zeisberger, who had re- 
turned to his post while Watteville and Cammerhoff had gone to 
Bethlehem, faithfully ministered to his body and soul. He died on 
the 6th of December, conscious to the last, but unable to speak, a 
bright smile illuminating his countenance." 

Shikellamy left to mourn him his three sons and a daughter. 
We have already seen how another son, Unhappy Jake, was killed 
in the war with the Catawbas. The three sons who survived were: 
(1) Taghneghdoarus, also known as John Shikellamy, who suc- 
ceeded his honored and distinguished father in authority, but never 
gained the confidence with which the father was held by both the 
Indians and the whites; (2) Taghahjute, or Sayughdowa, better 
known in history as Logan, Chief of the Mingoes, having been 
given the name of James Logan by Shikellamy, in honor of the dis- 
tinguished secretary of the Provincial Council; (3) John Petty. 
His daughter was the widow of Cajadies, known as the "best hunter 
among all the Indians", who died in November, 1747. After the 
death of Shikellamy, Shamokin (Sunbury) rapidly declined as a 

164 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

center of Indian affairs, as his son who succeeded him was not able 
to restrain the Indians under his authority. 

Among the tributes which have been paid to this great chief- 
tain are the following: "He was a trustly, good man, and a great 
lover of the English", said Governor Hamilton, of the Colony of 
Pennsylvania. Said Count Zinzindorf, Moravian missionary, 
who, like all the prominent leaders of the Moravian Church, had 
been kindly received by Shikellamy: "He was truly an excellent 
and good man, possessed of many noble qualities of mind, that 
would do honor to many white men, laying claims to refinement 
and intelligence. He was possessed of great dignity, sobriety and 
prudence, and was particularly noted for his extreme kindness to 
the inhabitants with whom he came in contact." Also, the Mora- 
vian historian, Loskiel, says of him: "Being the first magistrate, 
and the head chief of all the Iroquois Indians living on the banks 
of the Susquehanna, as far as Onondaga, he thought it incumbent 
upon himself to be very circumspect in his dealings with the white 
people. He assisted the Missionaries in building, and defended 
them against the insults of the drunken Indians; being himself 
never addicted to drinking, because, as he expressed it, he never 
wished to become a fool." 

The dust of this astute Iroquois statesman reposes at Sunbury 
on the banks of his long loved Susquehanna; and, as one stands 
near his grave and looks at the high and rocky river hill on the 
opposite side of the river, he beholds a strange arrangement of the 
rocks on the mountainside, resembling the countenance of an 
Indian warrior, and known locally as "Shikellamy 's Profile." 
Thus, his face carved by nature's hand in the imperishable rock, 
gazes on the region where "Our Enlightener" had his home for so 
many years. 


Nutimus and Manawkyhickon 


UTIMUS was a chief of the Munsee Clan of Delawares 
residing near the Forks of the Delaware. He has a firm 
place in the Indian history of Pennsylvania on account 
of his connection with the "Walking Purchase" of 1737, 
which we shall now describe. 

The Walking Purchase 

While the Six Nations at the treaty held at Philadelphia in 
October, 1736, described in Chapter X, went on record in declaring 
that the Delaware nation had no lands to sell, yet the Colonial 
Authorities of Pennsylvania depended for quiet enjoyment upon 
the old deeds from the Delawares to William Penn and his heirs, 
mentioned in an earlier chapter. In 1734, Thomas Penn, son of 
the founder of the Colony, claimed to have found a copy of a cer- 
tain deed from the Delaware chiefs, Mayhkeerickkishsho, Taugh- 
houghsey, and Sayhoppy, to his father, dated August 30, 1686, 
calling for a dimension "as far as a man can go in a day and a 
half", and thence to the Delaware River and down the courses of 
the same. The original of this deed, Thomas Penn claimed, had 
been lost for many years. The alleged description set forth in the 
original deed was as follows: 

"All those lands lying and being in the province of Pennsyl- 
vania, beginning upon a line formerly laid out from a corner 
spruce tree, by the river Delaware, and from thence running along 
the ledge or the foot of the mountains west northwest (west south- 
west) to a corner white oak marked with the letter P. standing by 
the Indian path that leadeth to an Indian town called Playwiskey, 
and from thence extending westward to Neshaminy creek, from 
which said line, the said tract or tracts thereby granted doth extend 
itself back into the woods, as far as a man can go in one day and a 
half, and bounded on the westerly side with the creek called 
Neshaminy, or the most westerly branch thereof, and from thence 
by a line to the utmost extent of said creek one day and a half's 

166 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

journey to the aforesaid river Delaware, and thence down the 
several courses of the said river to the first mentioned spruce tree." 

The dimension set forth in the foregoing alleged deed was 
never "walked" in the lifetime of William Penn. Thomas Penn 
and the other Colonial Authorities were anxious that the lands 
described in the alleged deed should be measured without further 
delay. Some of the Delawares did not wish the line measured, 
but, on August 25, 1737, the more influential chiefs of the Munsee 
Clan, among whom were "King Nutimus" and Manawkyhickon, 
entered into a treaty with Thomas Penn by the terms of which they 
agreed that the land should be measured by a walk according to 
the provisions of the deed. This agreement of August 25th was 
virtually a deed of release of the lands claimed to have been 
granted by the deed of August 30, 1686. We shall now see how 
well Thomas Penn and his associates were prepared for the "walk" 
and how it was accomplished: 

The 19th day of September, 1737, was the day appointed for 
the "walk." It was agreed that the starting point should be a 
chestnut tree standing a little above the present site of Wrights- 
town, Bucks County. Timothy Smith, the sheriff of Bucks Coun- 
ty, and Benjamin Eastburn, the surveyor-general, supervised the 
so-called walk. The persons employed by the Colonial Authori- 
ties to perform the walk, after the Proprietaries had advertised for 
the most expert walkers in the Province, were athletes famous for 
their^ abilities as fast walkers; and, as an inducement for their 
making this walk a supreme test of their abilities, a compensation 
of five pounds in money and 500 acres of land was offered the one 
who could go the longest distance in the allotted time. Their 
names were Edward Marshall, a native of Bucks County, a noted 
chain carrier, hunter and backwoodsman; James Yates, a native of 
the same county, a tall and agile man, with much speed of foot; 
and Solomon Jennings, also a man of remarkable physique. These 
men had been hunted out by the Proprietaries' agents as the fastest 
backwoodsmen in the Province, and as a preliminary measure, 
they had been taken over the ground before, spending some nine 
days, during which their route was marked off by blazing the trees 
and clearing away the brush. 

At sunrise on the day appointed, these three athletes, accom- 
panied by a number of Indians and some white persons, some of 
whom carried refreshments for them, started from the chestnut tree 
above Wrightstown ; and, at first, they walked moderately, but be- 
fore long they set such a pace that the Indians frequently called 

Nutimus and Manawkyhickon 167 

upon them to walk and not run. The remonstrance of the Indians 
producing no effect, most of them left in anger and disgust, assert- 
ing that they were basely cheated. By previous arrangement, a 
number of white people were collected about twenty miles from the 
starting point, to see the "walkers" pass. Yates was much in the 
lead, and was accompanied by several persons on horseback; next 
came Jennings, but out of sight; and lastly, Marshall, proceeding 
in an apparently careless manner, eating a biscuit and swinging a 
hatchet from hand to hand, evidently to balance the motion of his 
body. The above mentioned body of whites bet strongly in favor 
of Yates. Jennings and two of the Indians who accompanied him 
were exhausted before the end of the first day, and were unable to 
keep up with the other two. Jennings never thereafter recovered 
his health. However, Yates and Marshall kept on, and, at sunset, 
had arrived at the north side of the Blue Mountains. 

At sunrise of the next day, Yates and Marshall started again, 
but, when crossing a stream at the foot of the mountain, Yates fell 
into the water, and Marshall turned back and supported him until 
some of the attendants came up, and then continued on his way 
alone. Yates was stricken with blindness and lived only three 
days. At noon Marshall threw himself full length upon the 
ground and grasped a sapling which stood on a spur of the Second 
or Broad Mountain, near Mauch Chunk, Carbon County, which 
was then declared to mark the distance that a man could travel on 
foot in a day and a half — estimated to be about sixty-five miles 
from the starting point. Thus,, one man out of three covered this 
distance, and lived. 

An Eye-Witness Describes the "Walk" 

The following account of the walk is given by an eye-witness, 
Thomas Furniss: 

"At the time of the walk I was a dweller at Newtown, and a 
near neighbor to James Yeates. My situation gave him an easy 
opportunity of acquainting me with the time of setting out, as it 
did me of hearing the different sentiments of the neighborhood con- 
cerning the walk; some alleging it was to be made by the river, 
others that it was to be gone upon a straight line from somewhere 
in Wrightstown, opposite to a spruce-tree on the river's bank, said 
to be a boundary to a former purchase. 

"When the walkers started I was a little behind, but was in- 
formed they proceeded from a chestnut tree near the turning out 

168 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

of the road from Durham road to John Chapman's; and, being on 
horseback, overtook them before they reached Buckingham, and 
kept company for some distance beyond the Blue Mountains, 
though not quite to the end of the journey. Two Indians attended, 
whom I considered as deputies appointed by the Delaware Nation, 
to see the walk honestly performed. One of them repeatedly ex- 
pressed his dissatisfaction therewith. The first day of the walk, 
before we reached Durham Cr., where we dined in the meadows of 
one Wilson, an Indian trader, the Indian said the walk was to have 
been made up the river, and complaining of the unfitness of his 
shoe-packs for traveling, said he expected Thomas Penn would 
have made him a present of some shoes. After this, some of us 
that had horses, walked, and let the Indians ride by turns; yet in 
the afternoon of the same day, and some hours before sunset, the 
Indians left us, having often called to Marshall that afternoon, and 
forbid him to run. At parting they appeared dissatisfied, and said 
they would go no further with us; for as they saw the walkers 
would pass all the good land, they did not care how far or where 
we went to. It was said we traveled twelve hours the first day, 
and it being in the latter end of Sept., or beginning of Oct., to 
complete the time were obliged to walk in the twilight. Timothy 
Smith, then sheriff of Bucks, held his watch for some minutes be- 
fore we stopped, and the walkers having a piece of rising ground to 
ascend, he called out to them, telling the minutes behind, and bid 
them pull up, which the)' did so briskly, that immediately upon his 
saying the time was out, Marshall clasped his arms about a sapling 
to support himself. Thereupon, the sheriff asking him what was 
the matter, he said he was almost gone, and that, if he had pro- 
ceeded a few poles further, he must have fallen. We lodged in the 
woods that night, and heard the shouting of the Indians at a 
cantico, which they were said to hold that evening, in a town hard 

"Next morning the Indians were sent to, to know if they would 
accompany us any further; but they declined it, although I believe 
some of them came to us before we started, and drank a dram in 
the company, and then straggled off about their hunting, or some 
other amusement. In our return we came through this Indian 
town or plantation, Timothy Smith and myself riding forty yards, 
more or less, before the company; and as we approached within 
about 150 paces of the town, the woods being open, we saw an 
Indian take a gun in his hand, and advancing towards us some 
distance, placed himself behind a log that laid by our way. 

Nutimus and Manawkyhickon 169 

Timothy observing his motions, and being somewhat surprised, as 
I apprehended, looked at me, and asked what I thought that Indian 
meant. I said I hoped no harm, and that I thought it best to keep 
on; which the Indian seeing, he arose and walked before us to the 
settlement. I think Smith was surprised, as I well remember I 
was, through a consciousness that the Indians were dissatisfied with 
the walk — a thing the whole company seemed to be sensible of, 
and upon the way, in our return home, frequently expressed them- 
selves to that purpose. And indeed, the unfairness practiced in 
the walk, both in regard to the way where, and the manner how it 
was performed, and the dissatisfaction of the Indians concerning 
it, were the common subjects of conversation in our neighborhood, 
for some considerable time after it was done. When the walk was 
performed, I was a young man in the prime of life. The novelty 
of the thing inclined me to be a spectator, and as I had been 
brought up most of my time in Burlington, the whole transaction 
to me was a series of occurrences almost entirely new; and which, 
therefore, 1 apprehend, made the more strong and lasting impres- 
sion on my memory." 

Course of the Line From the End of the "Walk" 
to the Delaware 

In the agreement with Thomas Penn to have the bounds of 
the alleged deed made by a walk, the Delawares believed that as 
far as a man could go in a day and a half would not extend beyond 
the Lehigh Hills, or about thirty miles from the place of beginning; 
but the crafty and unprincipled Colonial Authorities had laid their 
plans to extend the walk to such a point as to include the land in 
the Forks of the Delaware and also farther up that river, it being 
their desire to obtain, if possible, the possession of that desirable 
tract of land along the Delaware River above the Blue Mountains, 
called the "Minisink Lands." Having, as we have seen, reached a 
point more than thirty miles farther to the northwestward than 
the Delawares had anticipated, the Colonial Authorities now pro- 
ceeded to draw a line from the end of the walk to the Delaware 
River. The alleged deed did not describe the course that the line 
should take from the end of the walk to the river; but any fair- 
minded person would assume that it should follow the shortest 
distance between these two places. However, the agent of the 
Proprietaries, instead of running the line by the nearest course to 
the Delaware, ran it northeastward across the country so as to 

170 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

strike the river near the mouth of the Lackawaxen, which flows 
into the Delaware River in the northern part of Pike County. 
The extent of this line was sixty-six miles. The territory as thus 
measured was in the shape of a great triangle whose base was the 
Delaware River and whose apex was the end of the walk, and 
included the northern part of Bucks, almost all of Northampton, 
and a portion of Pike, Carbon, and Monroe counties. This 
fraudulent measurement thus took in all the Minisink Lands and 
many thousand acres more than if the line had been run by the 
nearest course from the end of the walk to the Delaware. 

King Nutimus and His Clan Refuse to Remove 
From Lands of the Walking Purchase 

When the settlers began to move upon the lands covered by 
the Walking Purchase of 1737, which they did soon after the 
"walk" was made, King Nutimus and several of the other Delaware 
chiefs who had signed the treaty or deed of release of 1737, were 
not willing to quit the lands or to permit the new settlers to remain 
in quiet possession. Indeed, they remonstrated freely and declared 
their intention to remain in possession, even if they should have to 
use force of arms. 

In the spring of 1741, a message was sent by the Colonial 
Authorities to the Six Nations, requesting them to come down and 
force the Delawares of the Munsee Clan to quit these lands. The 
Six Nations complied and sent their deputies to Philadelphia, 
where this and other matters were taken up in the treaty of July, 
1742, which treaty was discussed in Chapter X. At this treaty, 
Governor Thomas called the attention of Canassatego, the speaker 
of the Iroquois delegation, to the fact that a number of the Dela- 
ware Indians, residing on the Minisink lands above the mouth of 
the Lehigh River, had refused to surrender peaceful possession of 
the territory secured to the Colony by the Walking Purchase. 
However, the Governor did not tell Canassatego that, when John 
and Thomas Penn were persuading the Delawares to confirm the 
deeds covered by the Walking Purchase, they had promised these 
Indians that the said papers "would not cause the removal of any 
Indians then living on the Minisink Lands." These Delawares had 
requested that they be permitted to remain on their settlements, 
though within the bounds of the Walking Purchase, without being 
molested, and their request was granted. Later, on August 24, 
1737, just the day before the Delaware chiefs signed the deed, or 


treaty, confirming the alleged deed of August 30, 1786, the assur- 
ances given the Delawares by John and Thomas Penn were re- 
peated and confirmed at a meeting of the Provincial Council at 

Canassatego, unaware of the assurances given the Delawares, 
replied as follows: 

"You informed us of the misbehavior of our cousins, the 
Delawares, with respect to their continuing to claim and refusing 
to remove from some land on the River Delaware, notwithstanding 
their ancestors had sold it by deed under their hands and seals to 
the Proprietors for a valuable consideration, upwards of fifty years 
ago, and notwithstanding that they themselves had about five 
years ago, after a long and full examination, ratified that deed of 
their ancestors, and given a fresh one under their hands and seals; 
and then you requested us to remove them, enforcing your request 
with a string of wampum. Afterwards you laid on the table, by 
Conrad Weiser, our own letters, some of our cousins' letters, and 
the several writings to prove the charge against our cousins, with a 
draught of the land in dispute. We now tell you that we have 
perused all these several papers. We see with our own eyes that 
they [the Delawares] have been a very unruly people,, and are 
altogether in the wrong in their dealings with you. We have con- 
cluded to remove them, and oblige them to go over the River 
Delaware, and to quit all claim to any lands on this side for the 
future, since they have received pay for them, and it has gone 
through their guts long ago. To confirm to you that we will see 
your request executed, we lay down this string of wampum in re- 
turn for yours." 

Canassatego Commands Delawares to Remove 
From Bounds of Walking Purchase 

Attending the treaty were some Delawares from the Sunbury 
region, headed by Sassoonan, and a delegation from the Forks of 
the Delaware, headed by Nutimus. As soon as Canassatego finish- 
ed the foregoing speech, taking a belt of wampum in his hand, he 
turned to the Delawares, and delivered the following humiliating 

"COUSINS: — Let this belt of wampum serve to chastise you; 
you ought to be taken by the hair of the head and shaked severely 
till you recover your senses and become sober; you don't know what 
ground you are standing on, or what you are doing. Our Brother 

172 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Onas' case is very just and plain, and his intentions to preserve 
friendship; on the other hand your cause is bad; your head far 
from being upright, you are maliciously bent to break the chain of 
friendship with our Brother Onas. We have seen with our eyes a 
deed signed by nine of your ancestors above fifty years ago for 
this very land, and a release signed not many years since by some 
of yourselves and chiefs now living to the number of fifteen or up- 

"But how came you to take upon you to sell land at all? We 
conquered you ; we made women of you ; you know you are women, 
and can no more sell land than women. Nor is it fit that you should 
have the power of selling land, since you would abuse it. This 
land that you claim is gone through your guts. You have been 
furnished with clothes and meat and drink by the goods paid you 
for it, and now you want it again like children, as you are. But 
what makes you sell land in the dark? Did you ever tell us that 
you had sold this land? Did we ever receive any part, even the 
value of a pipe shank for it? 

"You have told us a blind story that you sent a messenger to 
inform us of the sale, but he never came amongst us, nor we never 
heard anything about it. This is acting in the dark, and very 
different from the conduct which our Six Nations observe in their 
sales of land. On such occasions, they give public notice and in- 
vite all the Indians of their united nations, but we find that you 
are none of our blood. You act a dishonest part, not only in this, 
but in other matters. Your ears are ever open to slanderous re- 
ports about our brethren And for all these reasons we 

charge you to remove instantly; we don't give you liberty to think 
about it. You are women; take the advice of a wise man, and 
remove immediately. You may return to the other side of the 
Delaware, where you came from, but we don't know whether, con- 
sidering how you have demeaned yourselves, you will be permitted 
to live there, or whether you have not swallowed that land down 
your throats, as well as the land on this side. We, therefore, assign 
you two places to go, — either to Wyoming or Shamokin. You may 
go to either of these places, and then we shall have you more under 
our eye, and shall see how you behave. Don't deliberate, but re- 
move away, and take this belt of wampum." 

Canassatego spoke with the air of a conqueror and one having 
authority; and both the manner of the delivery of his speech and 
the manner in which it was received by the trembling Delawares, 
would indicate that the Six Nations must have been right in their 

Nutimus and Manawkyhickon 173 

contention that they gained the ascendency over the Delawares, not 
by artifice, as the Delawares told Heckewelder, but by force of 
arms, some authorities asserting that, when the Iroquois conquered 
the Susquehannas in 1675, this conquest carried with it the sub- 
jugation of the Delawares, inasmuch as the Susquehannas were 
overlords of the Delawares. "When this terrible sentence was 
ended", says Watson, "it is said that the unfeeling political philo- 
sopher [Canassatego] walked forward, and, taking strong hold of 
the long hair of King Nutimus, of the Delawares, led him to the 
door and forcibly sent him out of the room, and stood there while 
all the trembling inferiors followed him. He then walked back to 
his place like another Cato, and calmly proceeded to another sub- 
ject as if nothing happened. The poor fellows [Nutimus and his 
company], in great and silent grief, went directly home, collected 
their families and goods, and, burning their cabins to signify they 
were never to return, marched reluctantly to their new homes." 

The Delawares Remove From Bounds 
of Walking Purchase 

Shortly after the treaty of 1742, the Delawares of the Munsee 
Clan left the bounds of the "Walking Purchase" and the beautiful 
river bearing their name, and began their march toward the setting 
sun. The greater part of them, under Nutimus settled on the site 
of Wilkes-Barre, opposite Wyoming Town, and at "Niskebeckon", 
on the left bank of the North Branch of the Susquehanna, not far 
from the mouth of Nescopeck Creek, in Luzerne County. The 
town which they established near the mouth of Nescopeck Creek 
was called "Nutimy's Town." Others went to the region around 
Sunbury; and others took up their abode on the Juniata, near 
Lewistown, Mifflin County. Later all went to the valleys of the 
Ohio and Allegheny with their wrongs rankling in their bosoms. 

The Walking Purchase was the subject of much discussion 
between the Quaker and Proprietary parties as being one of the 
chief causes of the alienation of the Delawares and of their taking 
up arms against the Colony during the French and Indian War, 
until the charge of "fraud" was withdrawn and the Delawares were 
reconciled through the influence of the Moravian Missionary, 
Christian Frederick Post, at the treaty at Easton, in the summer 
of 1758, described in Chapter XXII. Says Dr. George P. Done- 
hoo, in his recent great work, "Pennsylvania — A History": "It 
matters little whether the Delaware were influenced by the Quakers 

174 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

to complain of the 'fraud', or whether they themselves felt that 
they had been cheated, the fact still remains that the 'Walking 
Purchase' directly and indirectly, led to the gravest of conse- 
quences, so far as the warlike Munsee Clan of the Delaware was 

The Sad Case of Captain John and Titami 

In connection with the removal of the Delawares from the 
territory within the bounds of the Walking Purchase, is the case 
of Captain John and Titami, two worthy old Delaware chiefs who 
had always been warm friends of the white man. In November, 
1742, they petitioned Governor Thomas, setting forth that they 
had embraced Christianity, and desired to live where they were, 
near the English. The Governor sent for them, and they appeared 
before the Provincial Council. Captain John did not own any 
ground, but advised the Governor that, if permitted to live among 
the English, he would buy some. Titami owned three hundred 
acres of land, granted him by the Proprietors; and he said he 
simply wanted to spend his few remaining years on his own planta- 
tion in peace with everybody. The Governor ordered that Canas- 
satego's speech be read to these old men, refused their petition, and 
told them they would have to secure the consent of the Six Nations. 
To compel these aged chiefs to ask permission of the Iroquois was 
too much for Delaware pride. They sadly left their homes, and 
went farther into the forests. Their white friends never knew why 
the old men left their former homes. They were never heard of 
again by the whites. 

Indian Hannah 

In this connection, we state that a small number of the Dela- 
wares remained within the borders of Bucks County until the out- 
break of the Revolution. In 1775, Isaac Still, a prominent Dela- 
ware, collected forty of his tribe and led them to the Wabash, as 
he said, "far away from war and rum." Also, at the outbreak of 
the Revolution a family of four Delawares dwelt in wigwams in 
Marlborough Township, Chester County. Later, three of these 
died, and the remaining one, known as Indian Hannah, took up 
her abode near the Brandywine. In the summer time, she traveled 
through the countryside, selling willow baskets of her own make, 
and visiting persons who would receive her kindly. When old age 
came upon her, she removed from her wigwam and dwelt among 
friendlv families. Though she had been associated with the whites 

Nutimus and Manawkyhickon 175 

for many years, yet she retained her Indian character to the last. 
She had a proud, haughty spirit, and did not condescend to associ- 
ate with the lower order of whites. Her kindred dead, and all the 
companions of her race gone, she was desolate and often spoke of 
the wrongs and misfortunes of the Indian race. She died in 1803 
at the great age of almost one hundred years. 

Nutimus Joins in Sale of Lands Between 
Susquehanna and Delaware 

On July 1, 1749, a number of Seneca, Onondaga, Tutelo, Nan- 
ticoke, and Conoy chiefs came to Philadelphia to interview Gover- 
nor Hamilton, with reference to the settlements which the white 
people were making "on the other side of the Blue Mountains." 
This delegation had gone first to Wyoming, the place appointed 
for the gathering of the deputies of the various tribes, had waited 
there a month for the other deputies, and then decided to go on to 
Philadelphia. Governor Hamilton advised the chiefs that the 
Province had been doing everything in its power to prevent per- 
sons from settling on lands not purchased from the Indians. Im- 
mediately after the conference the Governor issued a proclamation, 
which was distributed throughout the Province, and posted upon 
trees in the Juniata and Path valleys, and other places where 
settlers had built their homes beyond the Blue Mountains, ordering 
all such settlers to remove from these lands by the 1st of November. 

The delegation of chiefs had left Philadelphia but a short time 
when Governor Hamilton received word from Conrad Weiser that 
the other Indian deputies, who had failed to join the previous dele- 
gation at Wyoming, were at Shamokin (Sunbury) on their way to 
Philadelphia. The Governor then sent word to Weiser, urging him 
to divert this new delegation from coming to the city. Weiser did 
all in his power to carry out the Governor's orders, but the Indians 
soon let him see that they were determined to go on to Philadelphia, 
at which place they arrived on the 16th of August, numbering two 
hundred and eighty, and led by Canassatego, the speaker at the 
former treaties at Lancaster and Philadelphia. 

Canassatego was the speaker of the Indian delegation at the 
conferences which were then held with the Governor and Provincial 
Council. When advised of the efforts that Pennsylvania had made 
to prevent her people from settling on unpurchased land, Canas- 
satego excused the Government for this, saying: "White people 
are no more obedient to you than our young Indians are to us." 

176 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

He thus also excused the war parties of young Iroquois who went 
against the Catawbas. Canassatego further offered to remedv the 
situation by saying that the Iroquois were "willing to give up the 
Land on the East side of Sasquehannah from the Blue Hills, or 
Chambers' Mill to where Thomas McGee [McKee], the Indian 
trader, lives, and leave it to you to assign the worth of them." 
This great Iroquois statesman complained especially of the settle- 
ments on the branches of the Juniata, saying that these were the 
hunting grounds of the Nanticokes and other Indians under the 
jurisdiction of the Iroquois. He told the Governor that, when the 
Nanticokes had trouble with Maryland, where they formerly lived, 
they had been removed by the Six Nations and placed at the mouth 
of the Juniata, and that there were three settlements of the tribe 
still remaining in Maryland. These latter, he explained, wished 
to join their relatives in Pennsylvania, but that Maryland would 
not permit them to do so, "where they make slaves of them and 
sell their Children for Money." He then asked the Governor to 
intercede with the Governor of Maryland to the end that the 
Nanticokes in Maryland might be permitted to join their brethren 
on the Juniata. Explaining why the proposed treaty with the 
Catawbas had not taken place, Canassatego said that King 
George's War breaking out had prevented them from getting to- 
gether, "and now we say we neither offer nor reject Peace." He 
also let it be known that he did not believe that the Catawbas were 
sincere in their offers of peace. 

Governor Hamilton then took up with Canassatego the pro- 
posed sale of lands, and, after much discussion, the Six Nations' 
deputies sold to the Colony of Pennsylvania a vast tract of land 
between the Susquehanna and the Delaware, including all or parts 
of the present counties of Dauphin, Northumberland, Lebanon, 
Schuylkill, Columbia, Carbon, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike, and Wayne. 
This is known in Pennsylvania history as the "Purchase of 1749", 
the deed having been signed on the 22nd of August of that year. 
Nutimus joined in the deed as chief of the Delawares at Nutimus' 
Town, at the mouth of Nescopeck Creek, Luzerne County. Also, 
Paxinosa, then residing at Wyoming, and the leading chief of the 
Shawnees of Eastern Pennsylvania, joined in this deed. 

Last Days of Nutimus 

Nutimus attended the great Easton conference of July, 1757, 
an account of which is given in Chapter XXII. Soon thereafter, 
he disappears from history. 

Nutimus and Manawkyhickon 177 


Manawkyhickon was a chief of the Munsee or Wolf Clan of 
Delawares. We have seen, in the present Chapter, that "he joined 
with Nutimus in the agreement and deed of release of August 25, 
1737. We met him also in Chapter VII, in connection with the 
threatened uprising of the Five Nations and the Miamis, in 1727 
and 1728, where he, resenting the hanging of his near relative, 
Wequeala, was alleged to have "sent a black belt to the Five Na- 
tions", who, in turn, sent it to the Miamis, with the request that the 
latter join them in attacking the English, "to which they agreed." 
This relative, Wequeala, who was hanged at Perth Amboy, New 
Jersey, June 30th, 1727, for the murder of Captain John Leonard 
of that town, is believed by some authorities to have been 
Owechela, or Weheelan, Tamanend's brother, who, as stated in 
Chapter IV, joined with Tamanend and others in the deed of July 
5th, 1697, and, as stated in Chapter VII, probably acted as vice- 
regent during the minority of Tamanend's son, Weheequeckhon, 
alias Andrew. This is speculation, however. 

We also met Manawkyhickon, in Chapter VIII, in connection 
with the fight between the settlers and Kakowatcheky's band of 
Shawnees from Pechoquealin and the murder of the Indian man 
and two women at Cucussea, in Chester County. At a meeting of 
the Provincial Council, on June 3rd, 1728, in reference to the above 
mentioned troubles, Governor Gordon informed the Council that 
he had received a message from Manawkyhickon to the effect: 
"That he believed the Governor knew nothing of the fight between 
the Shawnees and white people, and desires that the back inhabi- 
tants may be cautioned not to be so ready to attack the Indians as 
they were at that time; that he very well remembers the League 
between William Penn and the Indians, and hopes that the Gover- 
nor may be careful thereof." 

At that time, Manawkyhickon was living at "Catawasse", a 
town of the Conoy and Delaware Indians at the mouth of Cata- 
wissa Creek, on the North Branch of the Susquehanna, on or near 
the site of the present town of Catawissa, Columbia County; and 
at Chenastry, at the mouth of Chillisquaque Creek, on the West 
Branch of the Susquehanna, in Northumberland County. But for 
some years prior to this time, the habitat of himself and his band 
of Munsees was Muncy Creek and the Muncy Hills in the southern 
part of Lycoming County. 

At a conference held at Philadelphia on August 6th, 1740, be- 


The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

tween the Colonial Authorities, Sassoonan, Shikellamy and other 
chiefs, Manawkyhickon was referred to as "the King of the Mini- 
sincks." This conference took up the matter of the grievous 
wounding of a white man, Henry Webb, on the Minisink lands, by 
a Mohican tributary to the Six Nations, named Awamameak, 
whom the Mohicans refused to surrender when the Governor of 
Pennsylvania demanded the person of the offender. Manawky- 
hickon, as "King of the Minisincks" wrote the "King" of the 
Mohicans, who lived near Esopus, New York, to deliver the 
offender up. Webb recovered from his injury, and the matter of 
delivering the offending Mohican was dropped. 

When Manawkyhickon died is not known, but in 1756 many 
of the Delawares of the Munsee Clan who had formerly been under 
him were living at Tioga (now Athens, Bradford County, Penn- 
sylvania), and chose the great Teedyuscung as their "king". An 
account of Teedyuscung will be found in Chapters XXI and XXII. 


Tanacharison, the Half King 

ANACHARISON (Scruniyatha, Seruniyattha, Tanngris- 
hon) was an Oneida chief, sent by the Great Council of 
the Six Nations, about 1747, as vice-gerent of the Iro- 
quois over the Delawares, Mohicans, and others in the 
Ohio Valley. He was born about 1700. His residence was at or in 
the vicinity of Logstown, according to most authorities, though 
others say it was at Sauconk, at the mouth of the Beaver River, 
about fifteen miles below Logstown. The first mention of Tana- 
charison in recorded history is when he, Neucheconneh, Kako- 
watcheky, Scarouady, and others wrote a letter from "Aleggainey", 
on April 20th, 1747, to the Governor of Pennsylvania, on behalf of 
the Twightwees, or Miamis of the Ohio Valley. He was called the 
Half King, because, like Shikellamy, he was simply the represen- 
tative of the Iroquois Confederation. 

Tanacharison was living at Logstown when Conrad Weiser 
came to that place in September, 1748, and entered into a treaty 
with the various tribes in that region, on the part of the Colony 
of Pennsylvania, as mentioned in Chapter VIII. He promised 
Weiser that he would keep Pennsylvania posted as to the move- 
ments of the French in the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny. 
"Let us", said he, "keep up true correspondence, and always hear 
of one another." His protestation of friendship for the English 
was sincere. He remained faithful to the English interest to the 
end of his life. 

No doubt he met George Croghan when the latter was at Logs- 
town in April, 1748, to tell the Indians of the Ohio that Conrad 
Weiser was coming with the Pennsylvania present. It is likely, 
too, that he was at Logstown when Celeron stopped there on his 
way down the Allegheny and Ohio in the summer of 1749. At 
least, he was there when George Croghan arrived at that place a 
few days after Celeron's departure and succeeded in counteracting 
the influence of this French emissary. At this time, he and 
Scarouady deeded Croghan a large tract of land at the Forks of 
the Ohio. No doubt he again met George Croghan when the latter 
was at Logstown, in November, 1750, with Andrew Montour, in 

180 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

an effort to counteract the intrigues of the French. Once more, in 
May, 1751, he met Croghan and Montour when they visited this 
important Indian town, bringing the present from the Colony of 
Pennsylvania, which they had promised on their visit in the pre- 
ceding November. It may be that Tanacharison met Christopher 
Gist, the agent of the Ohio Company, when the latter was at Logs- 
town on November 25th and 26th, 1750, though Gist says in his 
journal that the Indians were nearly all out hunting at that time. 

Tanacharison at Virginia Treaty at Logstown 

As we have seen, Pennsylvania was following up the advant- 
ages gained by Croghan's and Weiser's embassy to Logstown in 
1748. In the meantime the Colony of Virginia had not relin- 
quished its claim to the Ohio Valley. In June, 1752, the com- 
missioners of Virginia, Joshua Fry, L. Lomax, and James Patton, 
held a treaty with the Delawares, Shawnees, and Mingoes of the 
Ohio Valley, at Logstown. Christopher Gist, the agent of the 
Ohio Company, George Groghan, and Andrew Montour were pres- 
ent, the latter acting as interpreter. The Great Council of the Six 
Nations declined to send deputies to attend the treaty. Said they: 
"It is not our custom to meet to treat of affairs in the woods and 
weeds. If the Governor of Virginia wants to speak with us, and 
deliver us a present from our father [the king], we will meet him 
at Albany, where we expect the Governor of New York will be 

The object of the treaty was to obtain from the Indians a con- 
firmation of the Lancaster Treaty of 1744, by the terms of which 
Virginia claimed that the Iroquois had ceded their right to all lands 
in the Colony of Virginia. The task of the Virginia commission- 
ers was not an easy one for the reason that the Pennsylvania 
traders had prejudiced the Indians against Virginia. However, 
the commissioners secured permission to erect two forts and to 
make some settlements. Tanacharison, who was present and took a 
prominent part in the negotiations, advised that his brothers of 
Virginia should build "a strong house" at the mouth of the Monon- 
gahela to resist the designs of the French. As related in Chapter 
VIII, a similar request had been made to the Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania by the chiefs at Logstown when George Crogan was at that 
place in May, 1751. 

The Virginians laid claim to all the lands of the Ohio Valley by 
virtue of the purchase made at the treaty of Lancaster, in 1744, in 

Tanacharison, the Half King 181 

which the western limit of the Iroquois sale was set forth as the 
"setting sun". Conrad Weiser had advised the Governor of Penn- 
sylvania that the Six Nations never contemplated such sale, ex- 
plaining that by the "setting sun" was meant the crest of the Alle- 
gheny Mountains, the divide between streams flowing to the Atlantic 
Ocean on the East and the Mississippi River on the West. At this 
Logstown treaty one of the Iroquois chiefs told the Virginia com- 
missioners that they were mistaken in their claims. The chiefs 
agreed with the commissioners not to molest any settlements that 
might be made on the southeast side of the Ohio. At the treaty, 
two old chiefs, through an interpreter, said to Mr. Gist: "The 
French claim all on one side of the river [the Ohio], and the Eng- 
lish all on the other side. Where does the Indian land lie?" This 
question Gist found hard to answer. 

Tanacharison Appoints Shingas Chief of the Delawares 

During the proceedings of the Virginia treaty Tanacharison, as 
representative of the Six Nations, bestowed the sachemship of the 
Delawares upon Shingas, an account of whom is given in Chapter 
XIX. The Journal of the Commissioners' proceedings makes note 
of this fact, under date of June 1 1th, as follows: 

"Afterwards the Half King [Tanacharison] spoke to the 
Delawares: 'Nephews, you received a speech last year from your 
brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania and from us, desiring you 
to choose one of your wisest Councillors, and present him to us for 
a King. As you have not done' it, we let you know it is our right 
to give you a King, whom you must look upon as your chief, and 
with whom all public business must be transacted between you and 
your brethren, the English.' On which the Half King placed a 
laced hat on the head of the Beaver, who stood proxy for his 
brother, Shingas, and presented him with a rich jacket and a suit 
of English clothes, which had been delivered to the Half King by 
the Commissioners for that purpose." 

Murder of Old Britain 

At this time the great chief of the Miamis, or Twightwees, was 
a sachem whom the French called La Demoiselle (the Young 
Lady), for what reason it is difficult to conjecture, and whom the 
English called Old Britain, on account of his steadfast friendship 
for them. His village stood near the confluence of Loramie Creek 

182 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

with the Miami. When Celeron made his expedition down the 
Ohio in 1749, he endeavored to draw Old Britain into a French 
alliance, but without success. Three years later, when Celeron 
was commander of the French fort of Detroit, the Governor of 
Canada resolved that the British power in the valley of the Miami 
should be overthrown. Accordingly, on June 21, 1752, over two 
hundred Ottawa and Chippewa Indians, under the leadership of a 
French officer, named Charles Langlade, who had married an 
Indian squaw, attacked Old Britain's town when nearly all the 
warriors were absent on a hunting expedition. Those who re- 
mained were taken by surprise. Before Old Britain and the five 
English traders who were with him in the village, could get safely 
within the fort, the enemy were in their midst. One of the traders 
was stabbed and his heart eaten by his savage captors, as they said, 
"to increase their courage." Thirteen of Old Britain's warriors 
were killed and scalped, and he was killed, boiled, and eaten. 

The Miamis sent a message to the Governor of Pennsylvania 
discribing this tragic affair, which was laid before the Governor 
and Provincial Council later in the summer. Said the message: 
"We still hold our integrity with our brothers, the English, and 
are willing to die for them, and will never give up this treatment, 
although we saw our great Piankashaw King, which commonly 
was called Old Britain by us, taken, killed, and eaten within a 
hundred yards of the fort before our faces. We now look upon 
ourselves as lost people, fearing that our brothers will leave us; 
but before we will be subject to the French, or call them our fath- 
ers, we will perish here." Later, as we shall see, the Governor 
made a present of condolence to the Miamis on account of this un- 
happy event. 

Tanacharison and Croghan Hold Conference 

In May, 1753, Sir William Johnson of New York, sent Gover- 
nor Hamilton of Pennsylvania the intelligence that a large French 
expedition was headed for the Ohio for the purpose of erecting forts 
and expelling the English. Hamilton at once sent messengers to 
the governors of Maryland and Virginia and the traders on the 
Ohio, advising them of the message he had received from Johnson. 
Before this message was received, George Croghan's cousin and 
partner, William Trent, had written Governor Hamilton that the 
French attacks on traders near Lake Erie and along the great 
Miami had caused Croghan to return to his trading house on the 

Tanacharison, the Half King 183 

Allegheny near the mouth of Pine Creek, about six miles above the 
mouth of the Monongahela, with some Indians and white refugees 
with him. 

On May 7, 1753, while these refugees were gathered at Crog- 
han's Pine Creek storehouse, a message was received from the 
Pennsylvania trader, John Frazer, sent down from Venango, 
(Franklin) stating that the French were coming with eight brass 
cannon, ammunition and stores. Croghan and his associates were 
thrown into consternation. On the following day, two Iroquois 
runners from the Great Council House at Onondaga brought simi- 
lar news; and on May 12th, Governor Hamilton's warning to the 
Allegheny and Ohio traders arrived. The entire party looked to 
Croghan as leader. A conference was at once held at Pine Creek 
with Tanacharison and Scarouady. After much deliberation these 
sachems decided "that they would receive the French as friends, or 
as enemies, depending upon their attitude, but that the English 
would be safe as long as they themselves were safe. Croghan's 
partners, Teafee and Calendar, with the two messengers that had 
been sent out by Hamilton returned to Philadelphia on May 30th 
to report in person." Governor Hamilton at once laid these re- 
ports before the Assembly which, on May 31st, made an appropria- 
tion of two hundred pounds for condolence presents to the 
Twightwees, and six hundred pounds for the "Necessities of Life" 
(guns and ammunition), for the other tribes on the Ohio. 

Tanacharison Appeals to Virginia 

For more than three months, Governor Hamilton held this 
money, and then apologized to the Pennsylvania Assembly for 
not having sent a portion of it as a present to the Miamis, explain- 
ing that there was danger of the present being stolen by the French 
while being transported to the Ohio Valley. In the meantime, on 
June 23rd, Tanacharison and Scarouady wrote Governor Din- 
widdie of Virginia, from Logstown stating: 

"We send you this by our brother, Mr. Thomas Burney [a 
blacksmith living at Logstown] to acquaint you that we, your 
brethren, together with the head men of the Six Nations, the 
Twightwees [Miamis], Shawnees, and Delawares, were coming 
down to pay you a visit, but were prevented by the arrival here of 
four men, two Mingoes and two Delawares, who informed us that 
there were three hundred Frenchmen and ten Connewangeroonas 
within two days journey of this place, and we do not know how 

184 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

soon they may come upon us. Therefore, our request is, that you 
would send out a number of your people, our brethren, to meet us 
at the Forks of Mohongiale [the Monongahela], and see what is 
the reason of their coming." 

It is thus seen that since no reply came from the Colonial 
Authorities at Philadelphia, the Ohio Indians turned to Virginia, 
which colony had promised them arms and ammunition. They 
then sent a delegation of about one hundred deputies to Win- 
chester, Virginia, in September, 1753, to arrange for aid and sup- 
plies at a treaty then and there held between Virginia, in the inter- 
est of the Ohio Company, and the Six Nations and their tributary 
tribes in the Ohio Valley, — the Delawares, Shawnees, Twightwees, 
or Miamis, and Wyandots. Tanacharison and Scarouady headed 
this delegation. Early in 1753, Andrew Montour, at the instance 
of Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia, had visited the Great Council 
at Onondaga, to invite the Six Nations to hold this treaty, and he 
(Montour) was the interpreter at the treaty. George Croghan 
was present to aid William Fairfax, the commissioner of Virginia. 
At the Winchester treaty Tanacharison and Scarouady withdrew 
the consent that they had given at the Virginia treaty at Logs- 
town in the summer of 1742, to any settlements west of the Alle- 
gheny Mountains, but they decided that a "strong house" might be 
built in the vicinity of Logstown in which to store goods. Vir- 
ginia, on the other hand, promised to supply the Indians with 
ammunition to defend themselves against the French. 

Indian Conference at Carlisle 

While attending the Winchester treaty, the Indians heard of 
the appropriation which had been voted by the Pennsylvania 
Assembly; and thereupon, although no invitation had been re- 
ceived by them, they sent a portion of their deputies to Carlisle, 
Pennsylvania, to ascertain whether the report were true. This 
delegation consisted of a number of the important chiefs of the Six 
Nations, Delawares, Shawnees, Twightwees, or Miamis, and the 
Owendats, or Wyandots. Governor Hamilton sent Conrad 
Weiser, Richard Peters, Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklin to 
Carlisle to meet these deputies, October 1st to 4th, 1753. George 
Croghan was present to give advice. These commissioners had 
gone to Carlisle without presents, and they had Conrad Weiser 
interview one of the chiefs to ascertain if it were not possible to 
go through the forms of condolence on the promise to pay when 

Author's note on second paragraph, page 184 
Scarouady led the Indian delegation to Winchester, Tanacharison being 
then on journey to forbid French advance. These chiefs had recently con- 
ferred with Capt Trent, at Logstown, relative to French encroachments. 

\n^0 rintP 174? ,<; tvnnerrnnical error. 

Tanacharison, the Half King 185 

the goods should arrive later. The chief replied that his people 
could and would not do any public business while the blood of their 
tribe remained upon their garments, and that "nothing would 
wash it unless the presents intended to cover the graves of the de- 
parted were actually spread upon the ground before them." 

Tanacharison Forbids French to Advance 

While the commissioners and Indians were awaiting for the 
goods to arrive, Conrad Weiser learned from Scarouady that, when 
the Ohio Indians received the messages in May, 1753, advising 
them of the threatened French invasion, they at once sent a warn- 
ing to the French, who were then at Niagara, forbidding them to 
proceed further toward the Ohio Valley. This notice not deter- 
ring the French, the Indians then held a conference at Logstown, 
and sent a second notice to the French when they were approach- 
ing the headwaters of French Creek, as follows: 

"Your children on Ohio are alarmed to hear of your coming 
so far this way. We at first heard that you came to destroy us. 
Our women left off planting, and our warriors prepared for war. 
We have since heard that you came to visit us as friends without 
design to hurt us, but then we wondered you came with so strong 
a body. If you have had any cause of complaint, you might have 
spoken to Onas or Corlear [meaning the Governors of Pennsyl- 
vania and New York], and not come to disturb us here. We have 
a Fire at Logstown, where are the Delawares and Shawnees and 
Brother Onas; you might have sent deputies there and said openely 
what you came about, if you had thought amiss of the English be- 
ing there, and we invite you to do it now before you proceed any 

The French replied to this notice, stating that they would not 
come to the council fire at Logstown; that they meant no harm to 
the Indians; that they were sent by command of the king of 
France, and that they were under orders to build four forts, — one 
at Venango, one at the Forks of the Ohio, one at Logstown, and 
another on Beaver Creek. The Ohio Indians then held another 
conference, and sent a third notice to the French, as follows: "We 
forbid you to come any farther. Turn back to the place from 
whence you came." 

Tanacharison was the bearer of this third notice to the French, 
and very likely, of the other two. Before the conference at Carlisle 
ended, it was learned that Tanacharison had just returned to 

186 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Logstown from delivering the third notice; that he had been re- 
ceived in a very contemptuous manner by the French; and that, 
upon his return, had shed tears, and actually warned the English 
traders not to pass the Ohio. 

Tanacharison's notice given the French was equivalent to a 
declaration of war. Conrad Weiser was consulted as to what was 
best to be done, and he urged that the entire appropriation which 
the Pennsylvania Assembly had made on May 31st be expended at 
once. Said he: "Only by a generous donation could we expect 
to hold the friendship of those Indians." 

The goods were then brought, the forms of condolence proper- 
ly observed, and then the conference was resumed. After express- 
ing their thanks for the goods and their deep affection for the 
English, the Indians called attention to the fact that Virginia de- 
sired leave to build a fort on the Ohio, which, coming to the ears 
of the Governor of Canada, was, as the Indians supposed, the 
cause why the French were determined to invade the Ohio country. 
The Indians then requested that no Pennsylvania and Virginia 
settlements be made at present west of the Allegheny Mountains, 
and that all trade in the Ohio Valley be confined to three posts, — 
Logstown, the mouth of the Monongahela, and the mouth of the 
Kanawha; that the prices be reasonable; and that future confer- 
ences be held at Croghan's house at Aughwick. In order to keep 
trade and friendship open with Pennsylvania, the Indians urged 
that George Croghan and someone else to be chosen by the Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania, be stationed at George Croghan's trading 
house at Aughwick, or Aughwick Old Town, now the site of 
Shirleysburg, Huntington County, to whom goods and supplies for 
the Western Indians could be sent, and who should guide and con- 
trol Indian affairs. Croghan had recently settled at Aughwick 
when he was forced by impending bankruptcy to leave the Cum- 
berland Valley. 

At the close of the Carlisle treaty, Tanacharison returned to 
the Ohio, and, on October 27th, joined with Scarouady in writing 
the Governors of Pennsylvania and Virginia urging that they join 
with the Indians of the Ohio and Allegheny in an effort to prevent 
the occupation of the valleys of these streams by the French. This 
letter was written from Shanoppin's Town. 

Tanacharison, the Half King 187 

Tanacharison Accompanies Washington on 
Mission to the French 

On October 31st, 1753, Major George Washington, then a 
youth of twenty-one years, was commissioned by Governor Robert 
Dinwiddie of Virginia, to deliver the Governor's message to St. 
Pierre, commandant of the French forts on the headwaters of the 
Allegheny River, in Northwestern Pennsylvania, protesting against 
the encroachments of the French on territory claimed by the Eng- 
lish. On the same day that Washington received his commission he 
set forth from Williamsburg, the capital of Virginia, on his jour- 
ney of more than five hundred miles through the wilderness. The 
next day, he arrived at Fredericksburg, where he engaged Jacob 
VanBraam, a Dutchman, who had been his old fencing master, to 
act as French interpreter. He and VanBraam then proceeded to 
Alexandria, where they procured supplies. From there they went 
to Winchester, where they got baggage, horses, etc. 

Leaving Winchester, they traveled to Will's Creek (Cumber- 
land, Maryland), where they arrived on November 14th. Here 
Washington hired Christopher Gist, as Washington expressed it "to 
pilot us out", and also procured the services of four others, namely: 
Barnaby Curran and John McGuire, Indian traders; and Henry 
Stewart and William Jenkins, servants. 

Leaving Will's Creek on November 15th, the party proceeded 
over the Nemacolin Indian Trail to Turtle Creek, near Braddock, 
Pennsylvania, where they met John Frazer, the English trader, 
who, as has already been seen, was driven away from Venango by 
the French. At Frazer's, they sent their baggage down the Mon- 
ongahela by canoes to the Forks of the Ohio, while Washington 
and Gist rode to Shannopin's Town on the east bank of the Alle- 
gheny a few miles above the mouth of the Monongahela. From 
there, they proceeded to the mouth of the Monongahela where 
they met their baggage. They then called on the Delaware chief, 
King Shingas, at his town on the north and south banks of the 
Ohio about two miles below the mouth of the Monongahela. The 
principal part of this village was on the south bank of the Ohio 
near the mouth of Chartier's Creek and the present town of Mc- 
Kees Rocks; and Washington mentions in his journal that the 
Ohio Company intended to build a fort at that place. Shingas 
accompanied Washington's party to Logstown, where they arrived 
on the evening of November 24th. 

Upon his arrival at Logstown, Washington learned that 

188 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Tanacharison was absent at his hunting cabin on the Beaver, some 
fifteen miles distant. He therefore called upon Monacatootha, or 
Scarouady, and informed him by John Davidson, his Indian inter- 
preter, that he was sent as a messenger to the French general, and 
was ordered to call upon all the sachems of the Six Nations to 
acquaint them with it. Monacatootha sent a messenger to Tana- 
charison early on the morning of the 25th. 

Washington's Journal, under date of November 25th, de- 
scribes his meeting with Tanacharison at Logstown: 

"About three o'clock this evening the Half King [Tanachari- 
son] came to town. I went up and invited him with Davidson, 
privately, to my tent; and desired him to relate some of the par- 
ticulars of his journey to the French commandant, and of his re- 
ception there; also, to give me an account of the ways and distance. 
He told me that the nearest and levelest way was now impassable, 
by reason of many large miry savannas; that we must be obliged 
to go by Venango, and should not get to the near fort in less than 
five or six nights sleep, good traveling. When he went to the fort, 
he said, he was received in a very stern manner by the late com- 
mander, who asked him very abruptly, what he had come about, 
and to declare his business." Tanacharison then said that he de- 
livered to the French commander the third notice to advance no 
further, as related earlier in this chapter, and that the commander 
disregarded it. 

Washington's Journal further says, under date of November 

"The Half King told me he had inquired of the general after 
two Englishmen, who were made prisoners, and received this 

" 'Child, you think it a very great hardship that I made 
prisoners of those two people at Venango. Don't you concern 
yourself with it; we took and carried them to Canada, to get intelli- 
gence of what the English were doing in Virginia.' 

"He informed me that they had built two forts, one on Lake 
Erie, and another on French Creek, near a small lake, about fifteen 
miles asunder, [apart] and a large wagon road between. They 
are both built after the same model, but different in size; that on 
the lake the largest. He gave me a plan of them of his own 

Under date of November 26th, Washington's Journal says: 

"We met in councl at the long house about nine o'clock, where 
I spoke to them as follows: 

Tanacharison, the Half King 189 

" 'Brothers, I have called you together in council, by order of 
your brother the governor of Virginia to acquaint you that 1 am 
sent with all possible despatch, to visit and deliver a letter to the 
French commandant of very great importance to your brothers, 
the English; and I dare say to you, their friends and allies. 

" 'I was desired, brothers, by your brother, the governor, to call 
upon you, the sachems of the nations, to inform you of it, and to 
ask your advice and assistance to proceed the nearest and best 
road to the French. You see, brothers, I have gotten thus far on 
my journey. 

" 'His honour likewise desired me to apply to you for some of 
your young men to conduct and provide provisions for us on our 
way; and be a safeguard against those French Indians who have 
taken up the hatchet against us. I have spoken thus particularly 
to you, brothers, because his honour our governor treats you as 
good friends and allies, and holds you in great esteem. To con- 
firm what I have said, I give you this string of wampum.' 

"After they had considered for some time on the above dis- 
course, the Half King got up and spoke: 

" 'Now, my brother, in regard to what my brother, the gover- 
nor, had desired of me, I return you this answer: 

" 'I rely upon you as a brother ought to do; as you say we 
are brothers, and one people. We shall put heart in hand and 
speak to our fathers, the French, concerning the speech they made 
to me; and you may depend that we will endeavor to be your 

" 'Brother, as you have asked my advice, 1 hope you will be 
ruled by it, and stay until I can provide a company to go with you. 
The French speech belt is not here; I have it to go for to my 
hunting cabin. Likewise, the people whom I have ordered in are 
not yet come, and can not until the third night from this; until 
which time, brother, I must beg you to stay. 

" 'I intend to send the guard of Mingos, Shannoahs, [Shaw- 
nees], and Delawares, that our brothers may see the love and loy- 
alty we bear them.' 

"As I had orders to make all possible despatch, and waiting 
here was very contrary to my inclination, 1 thanked him in the 
most suitable manner I could; and told him [Tanacharison] that 
my business required the greatest expedition, and would not admit 
of that delay. He was not well pleased that I should offer to go 
before the time he had appointed, and told me that he could not 
consent to our going without a guard, for fear some accident should 

190 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

befall us and draw a reflection upon him. '3esides,' said he, 'this is 
a matter of no small moment, and must not be entered into with- 
out due consideration; for I intend to deliver up the French speech 
belt, and make the Shannoahs and Delawares do the same.' And 
accordingly he gave orders to King Shingiss, who was present, to 
attend on Wednesday night with the wampum; and two men of 
their nation to be in readiness to set out with us next morning. 
As I found it was impossible to get off without affronting them in 
the most egregious manner, I consented to stay." 

Washington's Journal continues: 

"November 27th. Runners were despatched very early for 
the Shannoah [Shawnee] chiefs. The Half King set out himself 
to fetch the French speech belt from his hunting cabin. 

"Nov. 28th. He returned this evening, and came with 
Monakatoocha and two other sachems to my tent; and begged as 
they had complied with his honour the governor's request, in pro- 
viding men, &c to know on what business we were going to the 
French. This was a question I had all along expected and had 
provided as satisfactory answers to as I could; which allayed their 
curiosity a little. 

"Nov. 29th. The Half King and Monakatoocha came very 
early and begged me to stay one day more; for notwithstanding 
they had used all the diligence in their power, the Shannoah chiefs 
had not brought the wampum they ordered, but would certainly 
be in tonight; if not, they would delay me no longer, but would 
send it after us as soon as they arrived. When I found them so 
pressing in their request, and knew that returning of wampum was 
the abolishing of agreements, and giving this up was shaking off all 
dependence upon the French, I consented to stay, as I believed an 
offence, offered at this crisis, might be attended with greater ill 
consequence than another day's delay. They also informed me 
that Shingas could not get in his men; and was prevented from 
coming himself by his wife's sickness; (I believe, by fear of the 
French) but that the wampum of that nation was lodged with 
Kustalogo, one of their chiefs, at Venango. 

"In the evening, late, they came again, and acquainted me that 
the Shannoahs were not yet arrived, but that it should not retard 
the prosecution of our journey. He delivered in my hearing the 
speech that was to be made to the French by Jeskakake, one of 
their old chiefs, which was giving up the belt the late commandant 
had asked for and repeating nearly the same speech he himself had 
done before. 

Tanacharison, the Half King 191 

"He also delivered a string of wampum to this chief, which 
was sent by King Shingiss, to be given to Kustalogo. with orders 
to repair to the French, and deliver up the wampum. 

"He likewise gave a very large string of black and white wam- 
pum, which was to be sent up immediately to the Six Nations, if 
the French refused to quit the land at this warning; which was the 
third and last time, and was the right of this Jeskakake to deliver. 

"Nov. 30th. Last night, the great men assembled at their 
council house, to consult further about this journey, and who were 
to go; the result of which was, that only three of their chiefs, with 
one of their best hunters, should be our convoy. The reason they 
gave for not sending more, after what had been proposed at coun- 
cil the 26th, was, that a greater number might give the French sus- 
picions of some bad design, and cause them to be treated rudely; 
but I rather think they could not get their hunters in. 

"We set out about nine o'clock with the Half King, Jeskakake, 
White Thunder, and the Hunter [Guyasuta] ; and traveled on the 
road to Venango, where we arrived the fourth of December, without 
anything remarkable happening but a continued series of bad 

"This is an old Indian town, situated at the mouth of French 
Creek, on Ohio [Allegheny], and lies near north about sixty 
miles from the Loggstown, but more than seventy the way we were 
obliged to go." 

At Venango, Washington learned that he would have to pro- 
ceed to Le Boeuf (Waterford, Erie County) to deliver his message. 
His Journal continues: 

"Dec. 5th. Rained excessively all day, which prevented our 
traveling. Captain Joncaire [the French commandant at Venan- 
go], sent for the Half King, as he had just heard that he came with 
me. He affected to be much concerned that I did not make free 
to bring them in before. I excused it in the best manner of which 
I was capable, and told him I did not think their company agree- 
able, as I had heard him say a good deal in dispraise of Indians in 
general; but another motive prevented me from bringing them into 
his company; I knew that he was an interpreter, and a person of 
very great influence among the Indians, and had lately used all 
possible means to draw them over to his interest; therefore, I was 
desirous of giving him no opportunity that could be avoided. 

"When they came in, there was great pleasure expressed at 
seeing them. He wondered how they could be so near without 
coming to visit him. made several trifling presents, and applied 

192 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

liquor so fast that they were soon rendered incapable of the busi- 
ness they came about, notwithstanding the caution which was 

"Dec. 6th. The Half King came to my tent, quite sober, and 
insisted very much that I should stay and hear what he had to 
say to the French. I fain would have prevented him from speak- 
ing anything until he came to the commandant, but could not 
prevail. He told me that at this place a council fire was kindled, 
where all their business with these people was to be transacted, and 
that the management of the Indian affairs was left solely to Mon- 
sieur Joncaire. As I was desirous of knowing the issue of this, I 
agreed to stay; but sent our horses a little way up French Creek, 
to raft over and encamp; which 1 knew would make it near night. 

"About ten o'clock, they met in council. The King [Tana- 
charison] spoke much the same as he had before done to the gen- 
eral, and offered the French speech belt which had before been de- 
manded, with the marks of four towns on it, which Monsieur Jon- 
caire refused to receive, but desired him to carry it to the fort 
[Fort Le Boeuf, now Waterford, Erie County,] to the commander. 

"Dec. 7th. Monsieur LaForce, Commissary of the French 
stores, and three other soldiers, came over to accompany us up. 
We found it extremely difficult to get the Indians off today, as 
every stratagem had been used to prevent their going up with me. 
I had last night left John Davidson (the Indian interpreter) whom 
I brought with me from town, and strictly charged him not to be 
out of their company, as 1 could not get them over to my tent; for 
they had some business with Kustologa, chiefly to know why he 
did not deliver up the French speech belt which he had in keep- 
ing; but I was obliged to send Mr. Gist over today to fetch them, 
which he did with great persuasion. 

"At twelve o'clock, we set out for the fort [ Le Boeuf], and 
were prevented from arriving there until the eleventh day by ex- 
cessive rains, snows, and bad traveling through many mires and 
swamps ; these we were obliged to pass to avoid crossing the creek, 
which was impossible, either by fording or rafting, the water was 
so high and rapid. 

"We passed over much good land since we left Venango, and 
through several extensive and very rich meadows, one of which, 1 
believe, was nearly four miles in length, and considerably wide in 
some places. 

Dec. 12th. 1 prepared early to wait upon the commander, and 
was received, and conducted to him by the second officer in com- 

Tanacharison, the Half King 193 

mand. I acquainted him with my business and offered my com- 
mission and letter; both of which he desired me to keep until the 
arrival of Monsieur Reparti, captain at the next fort, who was sent 
for and expected every hour. 

"This commander is a knight of the military order of St. 
Louis, and named Legardeur de St. Pierre. He is an elderly 
gentleman, and has much the air of a soldier. He was sent over to 
take the command, immediately upon the death of the late general, 
and arrived here about seven days before me. 

"At two o'clock, the gentleman who was sent for arrived, 
when I offered the letter, &c. again, which they received, and ad- 
journed into a private apartment for the captain to translate, who 
understood a little English. After he had done it, the commander 
desired I would walk in and bring my interpreter to peruse and 
correct it; which I did. 

"Dec. 14th. As the snow increased very fast, and our horses 
daily became weaker, 1 sent them off unloaded, under the care of 
Barnaby Currin and two others, to make all convenient despatch 
to Venango, and there to wait our arrival, if there was a prospect 
of the river's freezing; if not, then to continue down to Shanapin's 
town, at the Forks of Ohio, and there to wait until we came to 
cross the Allegheny; intending myself to go down by water, as I 
had the offer of a canoe or two. This evening, I received an 
answer to his honour the governor's letter, from the commandant. 

"Dec. 15th. The commandant ordered a plentiful store of 
liquor, provisions, &c. to be put on board our canoes, and appeared 
to be extremely complaisant, though he was exerting every artifice 
which he could invent to set our Indians at variance with us, to 
prevent their going until after our departure; presents, rewards, 
and everything which could be suggested by him or his officers. 1 
can not say that ever in my life 1 suffered so much anxiety as I 
did in this affair. I saw that every stratagem, which the most 
fruitful brain could invent, was practised to win the Half King to 
their interest; and that leaving him there was giving them the 
opportunity they aimed at. I went to the Half King and pressed 
him in the strongest terms to go; he told me that the commandant 
would not discharge him until the morning. I then went to the 
commandant, and desired him to do their business, and complained 
of ill treatment; for keeping them, as they were part of my com- 
pany, was detaining me. This he promised not to do, but to for- 
ward my journey as much as he could. He protested he did not 
keep them, but was ignorant of the cause of their stay; though I 
soon found it out. He had promised them a present of guns, &c. 

194 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

if they would wait until the morning. As I was very much pressed 
by the Indians to wait this day for them, 1 consented, on a promise 
that nothing should hinder them in the morning. 

"16th. The French were not slack in their inventions to keep 
the Indians this day, also. But as they were obliged, according to 
promise, to give the present, they then endeavored to try the 
power of liquor, which I doubt not would have prevailed at any 
other time than this; but I urged and insisted with the King 
[Tanacharison] so closely upon his word, that he refrained, and 
set off with us as he had engaged. 

"We had a tedious and very fatiguing passage down the creek. 
Several times we had like to have been staved against rocks; and 
many times were obliged all hands to get out and remain in the 
water half an hour or more, getting over the shoals. At one place, 
the ice had lodged, and made it impassable by water; we were, 
therefore, obliged to carry our canoe across the neck of land, a 
quarter of a mile over. We did not reach Venango until the 22d, 
where we met with our horses. 

"Dec. 23d. When I got things ready to set off, I sent for the 
Half King, to know whether he intended to go with us, or by water. 
He told me that White Thunder had hurt himself much, and was 
sick, and unable to walk; therefore he was obliged to carry him 
down in a canoe. As 1 found he intended to stay here a day or 
two, and knew that Monsieur Joncaire would employ every scheme 
to set him against the English, as he had before done, 1 told him I 
hoped he would guard against his flattery, and let no fine speeches 
influence him in their favour. He desired 1 might not be concern- 
ed, for he knew the French too well for any thing to engage him in 
their favour; and that though he could not go down with us he 
yet would endeavour to meet at the Forks with Joseph Campbell, 
to deliver a speech for me to carry to his honour, the governor. 
He told me he would order the Young Hunter to attend us, and get 
provisions, &c. if wanted. 

"Our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the baggage so 
heavy, (as we were obliged to provide all the necessaries which the 
journey would require) that we doubted much their performing it. 
Therefore, myself and others, except the drivers, who were obliged 
to ride, gave up our horses for packs, to assist along with the bag- 
gage. 1 put myself in an Indian walking dress, and continued 
with them three days, until I found there was no probability of 
their getting home in any reasonable time. The horses became less 
able to travel every day; the cold increased very fast; and the 
roads were becoming much worse by a deep snow, continually 

Tanacharison, the Half King 195 

freezing; therefore, as I was uneasy to get back, to make report of 
my proceedings to his honour, the governor, I determined to prose- 
cute my journey, the nearest way through the woods, on foot. 

"Accordingly, I left Mr. Vanbraam in charge of our baggage, 
with money and directions to provide necessaries from place to 
place for themselves and horses, and to make the most convenient 
despatch in traveling. 

"I took my necessary papers, pulled off my clothes, and tied 
myself up in a match coat. Then with gun in hand, and pack on 
my back, in which were my papers and provisions, I set out with 
Mr. Gist, fitted in the same manner, on Wednesday, the 26th." 

History does not say how Tanacharison and the other mem- 
bers of the party whom Washington and Gist left behind when 
they set out on foot, reached Logstown. Nor shall we follow 
Washington further on his return trip. Every school child is 
familiar with the fact that he was shot at by a hostile Indian 
near Murdering Town, not far from Evans City, Butler County, 
on the afternoon of December 27th, as he and Gist were on their 
way back to Virginia, and that he was almost drowned in the icy 
waters of the Allegheny within the present limits of Pittsburgh. 

A Personal Statement 

At this point, the author asks that the reader indulge him in 
making the statement that he traces his love for the history of 
Pennsylvania to the story of the attack on Washington by the 
hostile Indian on that December evening of 1753, told him under 
the following circumstances: On the farm on which he was reared 
in Armstrong County, the ancestral home of his paternal fore- 
bearers since 1795, is a high hill, commanding a majestic sweep 
of the horizon in all directions. To the eastward, the blue outline 
of the Chestnut Ridge can be seen, on a clear day, almost fifty 
miles away, while to the westward, are the undulating hills of 
Butler County. One of his earliest recollections is that of his 
accompanying his revered mother to this hilltop on summer even- 
ings and, with her, watching the sun set in floods of gorgeous and 
golden beauty behind the western hills. On those occasions she 
told him that the western region, where the sun was setting, was 
Butler County, and that it was in this county where George 
Washington was shot at by a hostile Indian in the dead of winter 
and in the depth of the forest. The author shall always cherish 
the recollection of those summer evenings, when, as a child in 
company with his mother in the grace and beauty of her young 

196 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

womanhood, he watched those golden sunsets bathe the Butler 
County hills in glory, and in his fancy, pictured the region of the 
sunset as an enchanted land, inhabited by the ghosts and shadows 
of the past and hallowed by the footsteps of Washington. 


We have stated earlier in this chapter that Washington and 
Gist followed the Nemacolin Indian Trail from Cumberland, 
Maryland, to the Forks of the Ohio. This trail was named for the 
Delaware chief, Nemacolin, who in 1752, was employed, with 
others, by Colonel Thomas Cresap and Christopher Gist, acting 
for the Ohio Company, in blazing the most direct route between 
Cumberland and the mouth of Redstone Creek (Brownsville, Fay- 
ette County), on the Monongahela River. This trail followed the 
route of Christopher Gist's second journey from Cumberland to 
the Forks of the Ohio, in November, 1751. It was much shorter 
than the path which the Virginia traders had used from a date as 
early as 1740, in traveling from the Potomac to the Ohio. It was 
the same course followed by Washington's army on its unsuccess- 
ful march against Fort Duquesne in the summer of 1754, described 
in Chapter XIV, and also, in part, the same followed by Brad- 
dock's army in the summer of 1755. 

Nemacolin's residence at the time of blazing this trail was at 
the mouth of Dunlap's Creek, also, in early times, called Nema- 
colin's Creek, in Fayette County. How long Nemacolin resided at 
this place is unknown. In 1785, General Richard Butler, in com- 
pany with Colonel James Monroe, (afterwards President Monroe), 
made an expedition down the Ohio to treat with the Miamis. In 
General Butler's journal of this expedition, he speaks of an island 
called Nemacolin's, between the mouths of the Little Kanawha and 
Hocking, no doubt a subsequent dwelling place of Nemacolin. 

Nemacolin was the son of the Delaware chief, Checochinican, 
or Specokkenecan, who dwelt on Brandywine Creek about 1716, 
and removed to the Susquehanna before June 16, 1718, as on that 
date he accompanied Captain Civility and other chiefs of the 
Conestogas, Shawnees, and Delawares of the Susquehanna, to 
Philadelphia, and complained to Governor Keith "that they have 
reason to think the authority of this Government is not duly ob- 
served, for that notwithstanding all our former agreements that 
rum should not be brought amongst them, it is still carried in great 
quantities." Checochinican added "that the young men about 

Tanacharison, the Half King 197 

Paxtan [Paxtang] had been lately so generally debauched with 
rum carried amongst them by strangers, that they now want all 
manner of clothing and necessaries to go a hunting; wherefore, 
they wish it would be so ordered that no rum should be brought 
amongst them by any except the traders who furnish them with all 
other necessaries." 

In the Pennsylvania Archives, (Vol. I, page 239), is a letter 
from Checochinican to Governor Patrick Gordon, dated June 24, 
1729, in which he says that, when the Indians sold their lands on 
the Brandywine to William Penn, they reserved a part on the head 
of the creek, by a written instrument which later was lost. 
Checochinican complains that settlers are crowding the Indians 
out, and hopes that the Governor "will be pleased to take care and 
protect us. "This is his last appearance in history. 

Another Delaware chief living in Southwestern Pennsylvania 
at the time of the blazing of Nemacolin's Trail, was Catfish. He 
had his cabin where Washington, the county seat of Washington 
County, now stands. 

Tanacharison Asks Pennsylvania to Build 
Fort on the Ohio 
In January, 1754, Gorge Croghan and Andrew Montour were 
sent to Logstown by Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania, to as- 
certain from Tanacharison and Scarouady a full account of the 
activities of the French in the valleys of the Allegheny and Ohio, 
the attitude of the Western Indians, and what assistance in the 
way of arms and ammunition Virginia had given these Indians. 
Croghan and Montour found some French soldiers at Logstown 
and most of the Indians drunk. John Patten, a trader, who ac- 
companied Croghan and Montour, was captured by the French, but 
Tanacharson caused his release. The Pennsylvania emissaries re- 
mained at Logstown until February 2nd. They found the Indians 
determined to resist the French. A few days before they left, 
Tanacharison, Scarouady, and Shingas addressed a speech to 
Governor Hamilton in which they said: "We now request that 
our brother, the Governor of Virginia, may build a strong house at 
the Forks of the Mohongialo [Monongahela], and send some of 
our young brethren, the warriors, to live in it. And we expect our 
brother of Pennsylvania will build another house somewhere on 
the river, where he shall think proper, where whatever assistance he 
will think proper to send us may be kept for us, as our enemies are 
just at hand, and we do not know what day they may come upon 


Tanacharison, the Half King 


Tanacharison Sees French Commit First 
Overt Act of War 

ARLY in 1754, Virginia decided to fortify the Forks of the 
Ohio (Pittsburgh). She sent Captain William Trent to 
this place with a company of men to erect a fort. Trent 
arrived on February 17, 1754, and immediately began the 
erection of a fort, called Fort Trent. 

After the work was well started, Captain Trent returned to 
Will's Creek (Cumberland, Maryland), to secure supplies, leaving 
a young commissioned officer, an ensign, named Edward Ward, 
who was a half-brother of George Croghan, in command. The 
Indian trader, John Frazer, was among Ward's forces, having the 
commission of lieutenant. The French were promptly warned of 
the arrival of Trent's forces, and with the opening of spring, mar- 
shalled their forces to the number of about one thousand, including 
French-Canadians and Indians of various tribes, with eighteen 
pieces of cannon, in all a flotilla of about sixty battaux and three 
hundred canoes, and descended the Allegheny from LeBoueff and 
Venango. The French forces arrived at the Forks of the Ohio on 
the evening of the 17th of April, under command of Captain Con- 
trecoeur. Planting his artillery, Contrecoeur sent Chevalier Le 
Mercier, Captain of the Artillery of Canada, with a summons to 
Ensign Ward, demanding immediate surrender. This was the first 
overt act of war on the part of the French, in the conflict known as 
the French and Indian War. 

Ward thus found himself surrounded by a force of one thous- 
and French and Indians with the fort still uncompleted. 

The Half King, Tanacharison, was present, and advised En- 
sign Ward to reply to the demand of Contrecoeur that he was not 
an officer of rank to answer the demand, and to request a delay 
until he could send for his superior in command. Contrecoeur, 
however, refused to parley; whereupon, Ward, having less than 
forty men, and, therefore, being utterly unable to resist the oppos- 
ing force, prudently surrendered the half-finished stockade without 
further hesitation. 

Tanacharison, the Half King 199 

Contrecoeur, upon the surrender of Ward, treated him with the 
utmost politeness, invited him to sup with him, and wished him a 
pleasant journey back to Virginia. The French commander per- 
mitted him to withdraw his men, and take his tools with him; and 
on the next morning, he started on his return to Virginia going up 
the Monongahela to the mouth of Redstone Creek (Brownsville, 
Fayette County), where the Ohio Company had a stockade, erected 
by Trent on his way to the Ohio Valley. George Croghan, about 
the time Trent began erecting the fort at the Forks of the Ohio, had 
contracted with the Ohio Company to furnish provisions for 
Trent's forces, valued at five hundred pounds, from the back parts 
of Pennsylvania; and half of these were on their way to the Ohio 
when Contrecoeur captured the fort. 

The French then took possession of the half-finished fort, 
completed it early in June, and named it Fort Duquesne, in honor 
of Marquis DuQuesne, then the Governor General of Canada. 

Tanacharison with Washington in Virginia's 
Campaign of 1754 

While Captain Trent was pushing on toward the Forks of the 
Ohio in the early part of 1754, Colonel Joshua Fry, with George 
Washington second in command, was raising additional troops in 
Virginia to garrison the fort Trent was to build. Soon Washing- 
ton, under the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, hastened to Will's 
Creek (Cumberland, Maryland), to push forward the preparations 
to reinforce the fort at the Forks of the Ohio, when the news of its 
capture was brought to him in the latter part of April, 1754. A 
council of war was then called in which it was agreed that it would 
be impossible to march to the French fort without reinforcements, 
but that an advance should be made to the mouth of Redstone 
Creek, where a fortification should be made and reinforcements 

Washington was not yet joined by Colonel Fry, and had only 
one hundred fifty men under his command. On the 25th of April, 
he sent a detachment of sixty men to open the road, which detach- 
ment was joined by the main body on May 1st. By the 9th of 
May, he reached a place called the Little Meadows. Learning 
from Indian scouts, which had been sent him by his ally, Tana- 
charison, that the French were rapidly marching toward him, 
Washington hastened to take a position in a place called the Great 
Meadows along the national pike, in Fayette County. "I hurried 

200 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

to this place," says Washington, "as a convenient spot. We have, 
with nature's assistance, made a good entrenchment, and by clear- 
ing the bushes out of these meadows, prepared a charming field for 
an encounter." 

Christopher Gist visited Washington's camp at the Great 
Meadows early in the morning of May 27th, coming from his plan- 
tation at Mount Braddock, thirteen miles distant, and reporting 
that on May 26th, M. La Force, with fifty soldiers had been at his 
plantation the day before, and that on his way to Washington's 
camp, he had seen the tracks of the same party only five miles from 
the encampment at the Great Meadows. Tanacharison, with a 
number of his warriors was but six miles from the Great Meadows, 
and a little after eight o'clock on the night of the same day, May 
27th, he sent Washington intelligence that he had seen the tracks 
of Frenchmen, and had traced them to an obscure retreat. Wash- 
ington feared that this might be a stratagem of the French for 
attacking his camp, and so, placing his ammunition in a place of 
safety and leaving a strong guard to protect it, he set out before 
ten o'clock with forty men, and reached Tanacharison's camp a 
little before sunrise, marching through a heavy rain, a night of in- 
tense darkness and the obstacles offered by an almost impenetrable 
forest. In a letter to Governor Dinwiddie, he says: "We were 
frequently tumbled over one another, and often so lost that fifteen 
or twenty minutes' search would not find the path again." 

Tanacharison Helps Washington Fight First 
Battle of His Career 

At early dawn (May 28th), Washington held a council with 
Tanacharison at the latter's camp, which was near a spring, now 
known as Washington's Spring, about two miles north of the Sum- 
mit on the old national pike, near Uniontown; and it was agreed at 
this council to unite in an attack upon the French. Washington's 
forces to be on the right and Tanacharison's warriors on the left. 
The French were soon traced to an almost inaccessible rocky glen 
in the Allegheny Mountains, about three miles north of the Sum- 
mit. The forces of Washington and Tanacharison advanced until 
they came so near as to be discovered by the French, who instantly 
ran to their arms. The firing continued on both sides for about 
fifteen minutes, when the French were defeated with the loss of 
their whole party, ten of whom, including their commander, M. 
de Jumonville, were killed, one wounded, and twenty-one taken 

Tanacharison, the Half King 201 

prisoners. Of the prisoners, the two most important were an officer 
named Drouillon, and the redoubtable LaForce. The prisoners 
were marched to the Great Meadows, and from there sent over the 
mountains to Virginia. Of Washington's party, only one was 
killed, and two or three were wounded. Tanacharison's warriors 
sustained no loss, as the fire of the French was aimed exclusively at 
Washington and his soldiers. It is said that Washington fired the 
first shot in this skirmish, the opening conflict of the French and 
Indian War. Jumonville was buried where he fell, and a tablet 
marks the spot where his remains lie. The scene of this encounter, 
the first battle of Washington's illustrious career, is almost as wild 
and primitive as it was on that fateful morning of the 28th day of 
May, 1754. 

At a council held at Philadelphia on December 19th, 1754, be- 
tween Governor Morris of Pennsylvania, and Scarouady, Jagrea, a 
Mohawk, and Aroas, a Seneca, the said Scarouady gave the follow- 
ing account of events leading up to the fight with Jumonville and 
the part that the Indian allies took in the same: 

"This belt [holding up a belt of wampum] was sent by the 
Governor of Virginia and delivered by Captain Trent. You see in 
it the representation of an hatchet. It was an invitation to us to 
join with and assist our brethren to repel the French from the 
Ohio. At the time it was given, there were but four or five of us, 
and we were all that knew any thing about the matter; when we 
got it, we put it into a private pocket on the inside of our garment. 
It lay next to our breasts. 

"As we were on the road going to Council with our brethren, a 
company of French, in number thirty-one, overtook us and desired 
us to go and council with them; and when we refused, they pulled 
us by the arm and almost stripped the chain of covenant from off 
it, but still I would suffer none to go with them. We thought to 
have got before them, but they passed us; and when we saw they 
endeavored to break the chain of friendship, I pulled this belt out 
of my pocket and looked at it and saw there this hatchet, and then 
went and told Colonel Washington of these thirty-one French Men, 
and we and a few of our brothers fought with them. Ten were 
killed, and twenty-one were taken alive whom we delivered to 
Colonel Washington, telling him that we had blooded the edge of 
his hatchet a little." 

John Davidson, the Indian trader, acted as interpreter, at the 
above council. He was in the action, and gave Governor Morris 
the following account of it: 

202 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

"There were but eight Indians, who did most of the execution 
that was done. Colonel Washington and the Half King [Tana- 
charison] differed much in judgment, and on the Colonel's refusing 
to take his advice, the English and Indians separated. After which 
the Indians discovered the French in an hollow and hid themselves, 
lying on their bellies behind a hill; afterwards they discovered 
Colonel Washington on the opposite side of the hollow in the gray 
of the morning, and when the English fired, which they did in great 
confusion, the Indians came out of their cover and closed with the 
French and killed them with their tomahawks, on which the French 

In writing to his brother, John Augustine, Washington, refer- 
ring to the engagement with Jumonville, said: 

"I have heard the bullets whistle, and believe me, there is 
something charming in the sound." 

This remark was reported later to George the Second, King of 
England, who commented: "He would not say so if he had been 
used to hearing many." 

Washington Gives Tanacharison an English Name 

Two days after the death of Jumonville, Colonel Fry died at 
the camp at Will's Creek on his way to join the army, and the 
chief command now devolved upon Colonel Washington. Wash- 
ington immediately commenced enlarging the intrenchment at the 
Great Meadows, and erecting palisades, anticipating an attack from 
the French. The palisaded fort at the Great Meadows having been 
completed, Washington's forces were augmented to three hundred 
by the arrival from Will's Creek of the forces which had been 
under Colonel Fry. With these was the surgeon of the regiment, 
Dr. James Craik, a Scotchman by birth, who was destined to be a 
faithful friend of Washington's throughout the remainder of his 
life, and was present at his bedside, when he closed his eyes in 
death within the hallowed walls of his beloved Mount Vernon. 

On the 9th of June, Washington's early instructor, Adjutant 
Muse, accompanied by Andrew Montour, now Provincial Captain, 
arrived at the Great Meadows. Adjutant, now Major Muse, 
brought with him a belt of wampum, and a speech from Governor 
Dinwiddie to Tanacharison, with medals and presents for the 
Indians under his command. Says Washington Irving in his 
classic "Life of Washington": "They were distributed with that 
«rand ceremonial so dear to the Red Man. The chiefs assembled, 

Tanacharison, the Half King 203 

painted and decorated in all their savage finery. Washington 
wore a medal sent to him by the Governor for such occasions. The 
wampum and speech having been delivered, he advanced, and, with 
all due solemnity, decorated the chiefs and the warriors with the 
medals, which they were to wear in remembrance of their father, 
the King of England." Among the warriors thus decorated, was 
Canachquasy, the son of old Queen Alliquippa, who, with her son, 
had arrived at the Great Meadows on June 1st. Upon his decora- 
tion Canachquasy was given the English name of Lord Fairfax. 
Tanacharison was given the English name of Dinwiddie on this 
occasion, and returned the compliment by giving Washington the 
Indian name of Connotaucarius. 

On the 10th day of June, Washington wrote Governor Dinwid- 
die from the camp at the Great Meadows, concerning the decora- 
tion of Canachquasy, as follows: 

"Queen Alliquippa desired that her son, who was really a great 
warrior, might be taken into Council, as she was declining and unfit 
for business; and that he should have an English name given him. 
I therefore called the Indians together by the advice of the Half- 
King, presented one of the medals, and desired him to wear it in 
remembrance of his great father, the King of England; and called 
him by the name of Colonel Fairfax, which he was told signified 
'the First in Council.' This gave him great pleasure." 

At the end of the ceremonies of giving English names to 
Tanacharison and Canachquasy, Washington read the morning 
service. Dr. James Craik, who was present, said, in a letter home, 
that the Indians "believed he was making magic." 

Washington Advances to Gist's Plantation 

On the 10th of June, there was great agitation in the camp 
over the report that a party of ninety Frenchmen were approach- 
ing, which report was later found to be incorrect. On the same 
day, Captain Mackay of the Royal Army, in command of an inde- 
pendent company of one hundred riflemen from South Carolina, 
arrived at the Great Meadows, increasing Washington's forces to 
about four hundred men. Leaving one company under Captain 
Mackay to guard the fort, Washington pushed on over the Laurel 
Hill as far as Christopher Gist's plantation at Mount Braddock, 
near Connellsville, Fayette County. So difficult was the passage 
over Laurel Hill that it took approximately two weeks for Wash- 
ington's forces to reach Gist's plantation from Great Meadows, a 

204 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

distance of thirteen miles. Washington's Indian allies refused to 
accompany him as far as Gist's plantation, and returned to the 
Great Meadows. The trouble was that Washington and Tana- 
charison could not agree as to the method of conducting the cam- 
paign. On the 27th of June, Washington had sent a party of sev- 
enty men under Captain Lewis to clear a road from Gist's planta- 
tion to the mouth of the Redstone (Brownsville), and another 
party under Captain Poison was, on the same day, sent ahead to 

While these movements of Washington's forces were taking 
place, a force of five hundred French and some Indians, afterwards 
augmented to about four hundred, left Fort Duquesne on the 28th 
of June to attack Washington, the French being commanded by M. 
DeYilliers, a half brother of Jumonville, who it is said, sought the 
command from Contrecoeur as a special favor that he might avenge 
his half-brother's "assassination". This force went up the Monon- 
gahela in large canoes, and on the 30th of June, reached the mouth 
of Redstone, and encamped on the rising ground about half a mile 
from the stockade, which, it will be recalled, Captain Trent had 
erected during the preceding winter as a storehouse for the Ohio 
Company. M. DeVilliers described it as "a sort of fort built of 
logs, one upon another, well notched in, about thirty feet long and 
twenty feet wide." 

While at the mouth of the Redstone, M. DeVilliers learned 
that Washington's forces were entrenching themselves at Gist's 
plantation. He thereupon disencumbered himself of all his heavy 
stores, and leaving a sergeant and a few men to guard the boats, 
pushed on in the night, cheered by the hope that he was about to 
capture the forces of Washington. Arriving at Gist's plantation 
in the early morning of July 2nd," he saw the intrenchments which 
Washington had there begun to erect, at once invested them, and 
fired a general volley. No response came from the intrenchments; 
for the prey had escaped. M. DeVilliers was then about to retrace 
his steps, when a deserter, coming from the Great Meadows, dis- 
closed to him the whereabouts and the half-famished condition of 
Washington's forces. Having made a prisoner of the deserter with 
a promise to reward or hang him after proving his story true or 
untrue, M. DeVilliers continued the pursuit. While he is pursu- 
ing Washington, we will relate how the latter's forces escaped 

At Gist's plantation, on June 28th, Washington held a council 
of war, upon receipt of intelligence that the French in large num- 

Tanacharison, the Half King 205 

bers, accompanied by many Indians, were marching against him. 
At this council, it was resolved to send a message to Captain 
Mackay, who was then at the Great Meadows, desiring him to join 
Washington at once, and also to call in Captain Lewis and Captain 
Poison, who, as we have seen, had been sent forward to cut the road 
from Gist's to Redstone, and to reconnoiter. Captain Mackay and 
his company arrived on the evening of the 28th, and the foraging 
parties on the morning of the 29th, when a second council of war 
was held, and it was decided to retreat as speedily as possible. 

Washington Surrenders at Fort Necessity 

The troops, with great difficulty, succeeded in reaching the 
Great Meadows. Here they halted on July 1st. The suffering 
among Washington's forces was great. For eight days they had no 
bread, and had taken little of any other food. It was not the in- 
tention of Washington at first to halt at this place, but his men had 
become so fatigued from great labor and hunger that they could 
draw the swivels no further. Here, then, it was resolved to make a 
stand. Trees were felled, and a log breastwork was raised at the 
fort, in order to strengthen it in the best manner that the circum- 
stances would permit. Washington now named the stockade "Fort 
Necessity" from the circumstances attending its erection. At this 
critical juncture, many of Washington's Indian allies, under Tana- 
charison, deserted him, being disheartened at the scant prepara- 
tions of defense against the superior force, and offended at being 
subject to military command. 

Early on the morning of July 3rd an alarm was received from 
a sentinel, who had been wounded by the enemy, and, at nine 
o'clock, word was received that the whole body of the French and 
Indian allies amounting, as some authorities say, to nine hundred 
men, was only four miles off. Before noon, distant firing was 
heard, and the enemy reached a woods about a third of a mile 
from the fort. Washington had drawn his men up on the open and 
level ground outside the trenches, and waited for the attack, which 
he thought would be as soon as the enemy emerged from the woods; 
and he ordered his troops to reserve their fire until they should be 
near enough to do execution. The French did not incline to leave 
the woods and to attack the fort by assault. Washington then 
drew his men back within the trenches, and gave them orders to fire 
at their discretion, as suitable opportunities might present them- 
selves. The enemy remained on the side of the rising ground next 

206 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

to the fort, and were sheltered by the trees. They kept up a brisk 
fire of musketry, but never appeared in open view. In the mean- 
time, rain was falling in torrents, the trenches were filled with 
water, and many of the arms of Washington's men were out of 
order. Until eight o'clock at night — the rain falling without inter- 
mission — both parties kept up a desultory fire, the action having 
started at about eleven o'clock in the morning. By that time, the 
French had killed all the horses and cattle at the fort. 

At eight o'clock at night, the French requested a parley, but 
Washington, suspecting this to be a feint to procure the admission 
of an officer into the fort to discover his condition, declined. They 
repeated their request with the additional request that an officer 
might be sent to them, they guaranteeing his safety. Washington 
then sent Captain Jacob Van Braam, the only person under his 
command who understood the French language, with the exception 
of Chevalier de Peyrouny, an Ensign in the Virginia regiment, who 
was dangerously wounded. Van Braam returned and brought with 
him from D. DeVilliers, the French commander, the proposed 
articles of capitulation. Villiers was a half-brother of the ill- 
fated Jumonville. Owing to the overpowering number of the 
enemy, Washington decided to come to terms. After a notification 
of the proposed articles, he consented to leave the fort the next 
morning, July 4, 1754, but was to leave it with the honors of war, 
and with the understanding that he should surrender nothing but 
the artillery. 

French Accuse Washington of Having 
Assassinated Jumonville 

Considerable dissatisfaction was expressed with regard to 
several of the article of capitulation when they were made public. 
One of these was an article, by consenting to which Washington 
virtually admitted that Jumonville had been "assassinated" in the 
action of May 28th. Another was an article, by consenting to 
which, Washington virtually admitted the validity of the French 
claim to the Ohio Valley. M. DeVilliers, the commandant of the 
French forces, in his account of the march from Fort Duquesne 
and the affair at the Great Meadows said, "We made the English 
consent to sign that they had assassinated my brother in his camp." 
A copy of the capitulation was subsequently laid before the House 
of Burgesses of Virginia, with explanations. The conduct of 
Washington and his officers was properly appreciated, and they re- 

Tanacharison, the Half King 207 

ceived a vote of thanks for their gallant defense of their country. 
However, from this vote of thanks, two officers were excepted — 
Major Muse, who was charged with cowardice, and Captain Jacob 
VanBraam, who was accused of treachery in purposely misinter- 
preting the articles of capitulation. The truth is that Washington 
had been greatly deceived by VanBraam, either through ignorance 
or design. An officer of his regiment, who was present at the read- 
ing and signing of the articles of capitulation, wrote a letter to a 
friend, in which he discusses the true intent and meaning of the 
articles and of their bungling translation by VanBraam, as follows: 

"When Mr. VanBraam returned with the French proposals, 
we were obliged to take the sense of them from his mouth; it rained 
so hard that he could not give us a written translation of them; 
we could scarcely keep the candle lighted to read them by; and 
every officer there is ready to declare that there was no such word 
as 'assassination' mentioned. The terms expressed were 'the death 
of Jumonville.' If it had been mentioned, we would by all means 
have had it altered, as the French, during the course of the inter- 
view, seemed very condescending and desirous to bring things to a 
conclusion; and, upon our insisting, altered the articles relating to 
the stores and ammunition, which they wanted to detain; and that 
of the cannon, which they agreed to have 'destroyed', instead of 
'reserved for their use.' 

"Another article, which appears to our disadvantage, is that 
whereby we oblige ourselves not to attempt an establishment be- 
yond the mountains. This was translated to us, not 'to attempt' 
buildings or 'improvements on the lands of his most Christian Ma- 
jesty.' This we never intended, as we denied he had any there, and 
therefore thought it needless to dispute this point. 

"The last article, which relates to the hostages, is quite dif- 
ferent from the translation of it given to us. It is metioned 'for 
the security of the performance of this treaty', as well as for the 
return of the prisoners. There was never such an intention on our 
side, or mention of it made on theirs, by our interpreter. Thus, by 
the evil intention or negligence of VanBraam, our conduct is scrut- 
inized by a busy world, fond of criticizing the proceedings of 
others, without considering circumstances, or giving just attention 
to reasons which might be offered to obviate their censures." 

"VanBraam was a Dutchman, and had but an imperfect 
knowledge of either the French or English language. How far his 
ignorance should be taken as an apology for his blunders, is uncer- 
tain. Although he had proved himself a good officer, yet there 

208 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

were other circumstances, which brought his fidelity in question. 
Governor Dinwiddie, in giving an account of this affair to Lord 
Albermarle says: 'In the capitulation they made use of the word 
'assassination', but Washington, not understanding French, was de- 
ceived by the interpreter, who was a paltroon, and though an offi- 
cer with us, they say he has joined the French." 

Also, Washington expressed himself on Van Braam's transla- 
tion, as follows: 

"That we were willfully or ignorantly deceived by our inter- 
preter in regard to the word 'assassination', I do aver and will to 
my dying moment; so will every officer who was present. The in- 
terpreter was a Dutchman little acquainted with the English ton- 
gue, and therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the 
word in English; but whatever his motives were for so doing, cer- 
tain it is he called it the 'death' or the 'loss' of the Sieur Jumon- 
ville. So we received and so we understood it until, to our great 
surprise and mortification, we found it otherwise in a literal trans- 

Washington Marches Out With Honors of War 

On the morning of July 4th, Washington and his forces 
marched out of Fort Necessity with the honors of war, taking with 
them their regimental colors, but leaving behind a large flag, too 
cumberous to be transported. His forces set out for Will's Creek, 
but had scarcely left the Great Meadows when they encountered 
one hundred Indian allies of the French, who, in defiance of the 
terms of capitulation, began plundering the baggage, and commit- 
ting other irregularities. Seeing that the French did not or could 
not prevent their Indian allies, Washington's men destroyed their 
powder and other stores, including even their private baggage, to 
prevent its falling into the hands of the Indians. M. DeYilliers 
sent a detachment to take possession of the fort as soon as Wash- 
ington's forces defiled therefrom. Washington's regiment left 
twelve dead on the ground, and the number left by Captain 
Mackay's company is not known. DeVillier said that the number 
of dead excited his pity. 

Thus ended the affair at the Great Meadows, Washington's 
first and last surrender, the location of which is along the National 
Pike, in Fayette County, a few miles east of the Summit. On 
reaching Will's Creek, where his half-famished troops found ample 
provisions in the military magazine, he hastened with Captain 

Tanacharison, the Half King 209 

Mackay, to Governor Dinwiddie, at Williamsburg, whom they par- 
ticularly informed of the events of their expedition. Washington 
soon thereafter resigned his commission, and retired to private life 
at Mount Vernon. His first act, after relinquishing his command, 
was to visit his mother, inquire into the state of her affairs, and 
look after the welfare of his younger brother and his sister, Betty. 
He continued his residence at Mount Vernon until the following 
year, when he again entered the service of Virginia in the army of 
General Braddock. 

Tanacharison Complains of Washington 

After the defeat of Washington at the Great Meadows, Tana- 
charison and Scarouady, with some of their followers, "came down 
to the back parts of Virginia", and then with Seneca George and 
about three hundred Mingos (Iroquois), retreated to George Crog- 
han's trading post at Aughwick, now Shirleysburg, Huntingdon 
County. At about the same time, many Shawnees, Delawares, and 
an inconsiderable number of renegades of the Seneca tribe of the 
Six Nations, joined the French. Tanacharison and Scarouady 
after retreating to Aughwick, sent out messages to assemble the 
friendly Delawares and Shawnees at that place, and asked the 
Colony of Pennsylvania to support their women and children while 
the warriors fought on the side of the English, whom they expected 
speedily to take decisive steps against the French. In response to 
these messages, great swarms of excited Indians came to Aughwick, 
clamoring for food, and were fed at the expense of the Colony 
throughout the fall and winter. 

Angered by the charge of the Virginians that the friendly 
Indians were treacherous and secretly aided the French in this cam- 
paign, Tanacharison expressed himself as dissatisfied with the con- 
duct of Colonel Washington. In August, 1754, the old chief came 
to John Harris' Ferry (Harrisburg) to meet Conrad Weiser and 
accompany him to Aughwick. "On the way," says Weiser, "Tana- 
charison complained very much of the behavior of Colonel Wash- 
ington, (though in a very moderate way, saying the Colonel was a 
good-natured man, but had no experience) ; that he took upon him 
to command the Indians as his slaves, and would have them every 
day upon the Out Scout, and attack the Enemy by themselves, and 
that he would by no means take advice from the Indians; that he 
lay at one place from one full moon to another, and made no forti- 
fications at all but that little thing upon the meadow, where he 

210 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

thought the French would come up to him in open field; that had 
he taken the Half King's advice and made such fortifications as the 
Half King advised him to make, he would certainly have beat the 
French off; that the French had acted as great cowards and the 
English as fools in that engagement; that he [the Half King] had 
carried off his wife and children; so did other Indians before the 
battle begun, because Colonel Washington would never listen to 
them, but was always driving them on to fight by his directions." 

Tanacharison and Scarouady Protest 
Albany Purchase 

In order to combine the efforts of the colonies in their resist- 
ance of the encroachments of the French, a conference was ordered 
by the British Ministry, at Albany, New York, which was held in 
June and July, 1754, to which the Six Nations were invited. They 
came, and peace was established with them. Governor Hamilton 
of Pennsylvania, unable to be present, commissioned John Penn 
and Richard Peters of the Provincial Council, and Isaac Norris and 
Benjamin Franklin of the Assembly, to attend the Council in his 
stead. At this conference, a plan was proposed for a political 
union, and adopted on the 4th of July. It was subsequently sub- 
mitted to the Home Government and the Provincial Assemblies. 
The British Government condemned it, according to Franklin, on 
account of its being too democratic; and the various Provincial 
Assemblies objected to it as containing too much power of the king, 
Pennsylvania negativing the same without discussion. 

Although the Albany Conference, therefore, was not satisfac- 
tory in all its results, the Pennsylvania commissioners secured a 
great addition to the Province of Pennsylvania, to which the Indian 
title was not extinct. The deed, which was signed by chiefs of the 
Six Nations on July 6, 1754, conveyed to Pennsylvania all the land 
extending on the west side of the Susquehanna River from the 
Blue Mountains to a mile above the mouth of Kayarondinhagh 
(Penn's) Creek; thence northwest by west to the western boun- 
dary of the Province; thence along the western boundary to the 
southern boundary; thence along the southern boundary to the 
Blue Mountains; and thence along the Blue Mountains to the place 
of beginning. 

George Croghan was in charge of distributing provisions and 
supplies to the friendly Indians, who had assembled at Aughwick 
after Washington's surrender at Fort Necessity. The bills which 

Tanacharison, the Half King 211 

he was sending the Colonial Authorities for feeding these Indians 
having grown rather large, Croghan was suspicioned as not being 
reliable, and finally there were hints that he was in league with the 
French. The Pennsylvania Assembly then cut down his bills, and 
he decided to leave Aughwick. Conrad Weiser was then directed 
by the Colonial Authorities to go to Aughwick, and make a report 
on Croghan. He reached this place on August 31st, 1754, being 
accompanied by Tanacharison from Harris' Ferry, as we have 
already seen. 

Weiser found that Croghan was entirely worthy of being 
trusted. He also found that the inhabitants of Cumberland Coun- 
ty caused much trouble in selling so much strong liquor to the 
Indians assembled at Aughwick. In the conferences which he held 
with Tanacharison, Scarouady, King Beaver, and various other 
chiefs, he completely won old Tanacharison and his people back 
to the English cause after their anger at Washington and the Vir- 
ginians. Moreover, at these conferences, Weiser learned that the 
Shawnees and Delawares had formed an alliance; that the French 
had offered them presents, either to join them or to remain neutral, 
and that to these proposals, the Delawares made no reply, but at 
once sent their deputies to Aughwick for the purpose, as Weiser 
thought, of learning the attitude of the English. 

Near the close of the conference, Tanacharison and Scarouady 
pressed Weiser to tell them what transpired at the Albany Treaty; 
and he then told them all about the purchase of the vast tract west 
of the Susquehanna. "They seemed not to be very well pleased," 
says Weiser, "because the Six Nations had sold such a large tract." 
Weiser then explained that the purchase was made in order to 
frustrate land schemes of the Connecticut interests, and of the 
French on the Ohio. This appeared to satisfy them, though they 
resented not receiving a part of the consideration. For a time 
they were content, not knowing that the purchase included most of 
the lands on the West Branch of the Susquehanna. The Shawnee 
and Delaware deputies then went back to the Ohio into danger 
and temptations, and to learn from the French that their vast 
hunting grounds on the West Branch of the Susquehanna had been 
sold to the Province of Pennsylvania at the Albany Treaty. 

No wonder that Tanacharison and Scarouady complained to 
Weiser. The Albany purchase was a very powerful factor in 
alienating, not only the Delawares, but the other Indians, from 
Pennsylvania. The Shawnees and Delawares of the Munsee Clan 
(Monseys) in the valleys of the Susquehanna, Juniata, Allegheny, 

212 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

and Ohio, thus found their lands "sold from under their feet" 
which the Six Nations had guaranteed to them, so they claimed, 
on their migration to these valleys. It was provided in the con- 
tract of sale of these lands that half of the purchase price should 
be paid upon delivery of the deed, and the remainder was not to 
be paid until the settlers had actually crossed the Allegheny Moun- 
tains, and taken up their abode in the purchased territory. The 
Indians declared in July, 1755, that they would not receive the 
second installment, but the Mohawk chief, Hendricks, persuaded 
them to stand by the deed. After Braddock was defeated on July 
9, 1755, the entire body of dissatisfied Indians on the Albany Pur- 
chase took bitter vengeance on Pennsylvania. After three years of 
bloodshed, outrage and murder, Conrad Weiser persuaded the 
Proprietaries of Pennsylvania to deed back to the Indians that 
part of the Albany purchase which lay west of the Allegheny 
Mountains. This was done at the treaty at Easton, in October, 
1758, which treaty will be discussed in Chapter XXII. 

Death of Tanacharison 

After the series of conferences with Conrad Weiser at Augh- 
wick, in September, 1754, Tanacharison returned to the trading 
house of John Harris, at Harris' Ferry, where he became danger- 
ously ill; and a conjuror, or "medicineman", was summoned to 
make inquiry into the cause and nature of his malady. The 
"medicineman" gave it as his opinion that the French had be- 
witched Tanacharison, in revenge for the great blow he had struck 
them in the affair of Jumonville; for the Indians gave him the 
whole credit of that success, Tanacharison having made it clear 
that it was he who killed Jumonville, in revenge of the French, 
who, as he declared, had killed, boiled, and eaten his father. Fur- 
thermore, Tanacharison had sent around the French scalps taken 
at that action, as trophies. All the friends of the old chieftain 
concurred in the opinion of the "medicineman", and when Tana- 
charison died at the house of John Harris, on October 4, 1754, 
there was great lamentation among the Indians, mingled with 
threats of immediate vengeance. Thus was this noted sachem 
gathered to his fathers in the "Happy Hunting Ground", at a time 
when his services and influence among the Western Indians were 
greatly needed by the English. 



CAROUADY (Monacatuatha, Monacatoocha, etc.) was an 
Oneida chieftain who was sent by the Great Council of 
the Six Nations to the Ohio Valley, about 1747, as vice- 
gerent over the Shawnees of that region. He was an 
elderly man at that time, but lived long enough to take a prominent 
part, on the side of the English, in the stirring events of King 
George's War and the French and Indian War. Upon his coming 
to the Ohio Valley, he took up his residence at Logstown. 

The first mention of Scarouady in the recorded history of 
Pennsylvania is when he, Kakowatcheky, Neucheconneh, Tana- 
charison and others wrote a letter from "Aleggainey", on April 
20th, 1747, to the Governor of Pennsylvania on behalf of the 
Twightwees, or Miamis, of the Ohio Valley, a letter which has al- 
ready been mentioned in Chapters VIII and XIII. 

In November of this year, he accompanied Canachquasy and a 
delegation of ten Mingo warriors from the Kuskuskies region to 
Philadelphia, when Canachquasy informed the Provincial Council 
that, while it was true that the Onondaga Council had taken a 
stand for neutrality in King George's War, yet the young men of 
that part of the Iroquois in the Ohio Valley, under his command, 
had determined to take up arms against the French, — information 
that caused Pennsylvania to send George Croghan and Conrad 
Weiser on their embassies to Logstown, Croghan in April, 1748, 
and Weiser, in September of that year, as related in Chapters VIII 
and XIII. In the minutes of this Council (November 13th, 1747), 
Scarouady is described as old and infirm and as having commend- 
ed himself to "James Logan's and the Council's Charity." He ad- 
vised the Council that he had visited Philadelphia many years be- 

Conrad Weiser accompanied Scarouady, Canachquasy, and 
their delegation on their homeward journey as far as John Harris' 
Ferry (Harrisburg), where the old chief complained bitterly to 
Weiser concerning the abuses of the rum traffic among the Western 
Indians. Then Weiser wrote the Provincial Council, on Novem- 
ber 28th, characterizing the abuses of the rum traffic among the 

214 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Indians as "an abomination before God and man." On the way, 
the party stopped at Weiser's home, near Womelsdorf, where 
"Scarouady told Shikellamy very privately that Peter Chartier and 
his company had accepted the French hatchet, but kept it in their 
bosom till they would see what interest they could make in favor of 
the French." 

But it is in connection with the return to Logstown and other 
parts of the upper Ohio Valley of a portion of Peter Chartier's 
band of Shawnees that Scarouady's name comes into prominence 
in the annals of Pennsylvania. Indeed, it was owing to the subtle 
influence of Scarouady that a large number of Chartier's disaffected 
Shawnees were induced to desert Chartier and come back under 
dominion of the Six Nations. As stated in Chapter VIII, the 
Shawnee chiefs, Kakowatcheky and Neucheconneh applied very 
submissively to Scarouady, in 1748, to itercede with the Colonial 
Authorities for those members of Chartier's band who had return- 
ed; and Scarouady's apology for them was laid before the Penn- 
sylvania Commissioners at Lancaster, on July 21st, of that year, 
as also related in Chapter VIII. 

Treaty with the Miamis, or Twightwees 

This conference at Lancaster deserves additional mention for 
the reason that the Colony of Pennsylvania then and there entered 
into a treaty with the Twightwees, or Miamis. These Indians be- 
came deeply interested in the English when Croghan carried the 
information to Logstown in April, 1748, that Weiser was coming 
later in the year with a substantial present from the Province to 
the western tribes. 

Their fur market with the French was very poor, and they had 
heard of the profitable conferences of the Six Nations with Penn- 
sylvania. Accordingly, they sent word to the Colonial Authori- 
ties that their deputies were coming eastward with the hope of hold- 
ing a conference with the Colony of Pennsylvania, at Lancaster. 
Weiser urged that a delegation be sent to meet them and conduct 
them to Lancaster. 

In June, 1748, Weiser presented Andrew Montour, the son of 
Madam Montour, to the Provincial Council as a person "who 
might be of service to the Colony as Indian interpreter and mes- 
senger." Andrew Montour was a prominent man among the Dela- 
wares, and well fitted to serve as interpreter. In introducing Mon- 


tour, Weiser said that "he had found him faithful, knowing and 
prudent." During the previous winter Weiser had sent Montour 
to the Indians on the Ohio and Lake Erie "to observe what passed 
among the Indians." 

Montour was directed to meet the deputies of the Twightwees 
and, if possible, persuade them to come to Philadelphia instead of 
Lancaster. When he met the Ohio Indians, however, he found it 
impossible to persuade them to come to Philadelphia, because they 
feared that the city was "sickly". The Council, therefore, decided 
to appoint four commissioners to meet these Indians at Lancaster 
at the treaty of July, 1748. At this conference, Montour was the 
interpreter of the Twightwees, Conrad Weiser of the Six Nations, 
and Scarouady was to have been the speaker of the Ohio Indians, 
but was unable to speak on this occasion on account of being dis- 
abled by a fall. Therefore, Andrew Montour became the speaker 
for all the Western Indians. 

After making an appeal on the part of the Shawnees who had 
accompanied Chartier down the Ohio, the Twightwee chief took a 
piece of chalk and drew on the court house floor a map of the Ohio, 
Mississippi, and Wabash. He represented that on the Wabash and 
another stream called the Hatchet, the Twightwees had twenty 
towns in which they had more than one thousand fighting men. 
After the Pennsylvania commissioners and the Twightwees had 
smoked the pipe of peace together, a treaty of peace was formally 
drawn up with the Twightwees, on condition that they would have 
no communication with the French. An exchange of presents then 
took place. Pennsylvania gave these Indians goods to the value 
of one hundred eighty-nine pounds, and the Twightwees gave the 
Pennsylvania commissioners many beaver and deer skins. 

Before the Twightwees departed, they were told by the Penn- 
sylvania commissioners that there was a prospect of peace be- 
tween England and France, to which important statement the 
Indians made no answer. The Pennsylvania authorities greatly 
appreciated the valueof this newly formed relation with the Twight- 
wees, inasmuch as such an alliance tended to enlarge the Indian 
trade, and would seriously interrupt communication of the French 
in Quebec with their settlements on the Mississippi River, for the 
reason that the towns of the Twightwees lay on the route followed 
by the French in traveling between their Quebec and Mississippi 

216 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Scarouady at Logstown Conferences 

Scarouady took part in the following conferences at Logstown : 

1st. The conference which George Croghan held with the 
Indians of that place in April, 1748, advising them that Conrad 
Weiser was coming later in the year with a generous present from 
the Province of Pennsylvania. 

2nd. The conferences which Conrad Weiser held with the 
Indians at Logstown in September, 1748, when he delivered the 
present above referred to, and allied them with Pennsylvania. 

3rd. The conference which Celeron held with the Indians of 
Logstown in August, 1749, while on his way down the Ohio, bury- 
ing leaden plates at the mouths of tributary streams, proclaiming 
that the region drained by the "Beautiful River" belonged to 

4th. The conference which George Croghan held with the 
Indians at Logstown a few days after Celeron's departure, when 
he succeeded in counteracting the influence of the Frenchman. At 
about this time, he and Tanacharison deeded Croghan a large tract 
of land near the Forks of the Ohio, as mentioned in Chapter XIII. 

5th. The conference which George Croghan and Andrew Mon- 
tour had with the Indians at Logstown on November 15, 1750, in 
an effort to counteract the intrigues of the French, and in which 
they promised that a present for the Indians would be brought 
to that place the next spring from the Colony of Pennsylvania. 

6th. The conference which Christopher Gist, the agent of the 
Ohio Company, had with the Indians at Logstown on November 25 
and 26, 1750, though, as stated in Chapter XIII, Gist said in his 
journal that nearly all of the Indians were out hunting at that 

7th. The treaty which the Commissioners from Virginia held 
with the Indians at Logstown in June, 1752, which was described in 
Chapter XIII. 

8th. Scarouady also attended the conference which Croghan 
and Montour had with the Indians at Logstown in May, 1751, 
when they delivered the present from the Colony of Pennsylvania, 
which they had promised on their visit to this place in the preced- 
ing November. This conference was mentioned in Chapter XIII. 

It was pointed out, in Chapter XIII, that Scarouady was 
present at the council held at George Croghan's trading house at 
the mouth of Pine Creek on May 12, 1753, at which he and Tana- 
charison. on learning that the French were descending the Alle- 


gheny River, decided "that they would receive the French as 
friends, or as enemies, depending on their attitude, but that the 
English would be safe as long as they themselves were safe." 

Scarouady's next important act was to join with Tanacharison 
in writing a letter, on June 23d, 1753, to Governor Dinwiddie of 
Virginia, appealing to this colony for help to resist the French. 
This letter was mentioned in Chapter XIII; and, as stated in that 
chapter, Scarouady was one of the deputies of the western tribes 
at the treaty at Winchester, in September, 1753. 

Scarouady at Carlisle Treaty 

The treaty at Carlisle, in October, 1753, was described in 
Chapter XIII. At this point, we call attention to the fact that 
Scarouady took a prominent part in this treaty, and was one of the 
principal speakers. His most important speech was a bitter com- 
plaint against the abuses of the rum traffic among the Indians of 
the Ohio Valley by the unlicensed traders. Said he: 

"The rum ruins us. We never understood the trade was to be 
for whiskey and flour. We desire it may be forbidden, no more 
sold in the Indian country, but that if the Indians will have any, 
they may go among the inhabitants and deal with them for it. 
When whiskey traders come, they bring thirty or forty kegs and 
put them down before us and make us drink, and get all the skins 
that should go to pay the debts we have contracted for goods 
bought of the fair traders, and by this means we not only ruin our- 
selves, but them too. These wicked whiskey sellers, when they 
have once got the Indians in liquor, make them sell the very clothes 
from their backs. In short, if this practice be continued, we must 
inevitably be ruined. We most earnestly, therefore, beseech you 
to remedy it." 

The Pennsylvania commissioners expressed their sympathy 
for these complaints of the Indians, and promised to lay them be- 
fore Governor Hamilton. Then the Indians went to their forest 
homes, pleased with their presents and the promises, but the Colon- 
ial Authorities did not recall the traders. Neither was the rum 
traffic stopped, in spite of the Indians' most solemn protestations. 
In the meantime, the great French and Indian War was coming 

After the Carlisle Treaty, Scarouady returned to the Ohio, 
where he joined with Tanacharison, an Shannopin's Town, on 
October 27th, in writing letters to the Governors of Virginia and 

218 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Pennsylvania, urging that they join with the Indians of the Ohio 
and Allegheny in resisting the occupation of the valleys of those 
streams by the French. 

Scarouady Meets Washington 

Scarouady's next appearance in the history of Pennsylvania 
was when George Washington met him at Logstown, in November, 
1753, when Washington was on his way to the commandant of the. 
French forts on the headwaters of the Allegheny, bearing the mes- 
sage of Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia. This meeting was 
described in Chapter XIII, and needs no further reference at this 
point. Also, in January, 1754, he held council with George Crog- 
han and Andrew Montour, at Logstown, and joined with Tana- 
charison and Shingas in sending a request to Governor Hamilton 
to build a fort on the Ohio, as stated at the end of Chapter XIII. 

Scarouady in Washington's Campaign of 1754 

In Chapter XIV, we found Scarouady assisting Washington in 
his unsuccessful campaign of 1754. This campaign marked the 
end of Scarouady's residence at Logstown. On June 26th, while 
Washington's forces were in the neighborhood of Gist's plantation 
(Mount Braddock), Washington made the following note in his 
journal: "An Indian arrived bringing news that Monacatoocha 
[Scarouady] had burned his village, Logstown, and was gone by 
water to Redstone [Brownsville, Fayette County], and might be 
expected there in two days." This was the end of "Old Logstown". 
The French, however, rebuilt the village before March, 1755, for 
the Shawnees who remained in the vicinity. 

Scarouady Succeeds Tanacharison as Half King 

In Chapter XIV, we saw that Scarouady, after the defeat of 
Washington at the Great Meadows, retreated with Tanacharison 
and the Indians remaining loyal to the English, to Aughwick, 
where the Indians were provisioned throughout the fall and winter 
at the expense of Pennsylvania. He took a prominent part in the 
conferences with Conrad Weiser at this place in September, 1754, 
in which, it will be remembered, he protested against the Albany 
purchase. Upon the death of Tanacharison (October 4th, 1754), 
Scarouady succeeded him, not only in the direction of Indian affairs 
at Aughwick, but as Half King generally. 


Scarouady Goes to Onondaga Council in English Interest 

We saw, in Chapter XIV, how Scarouady, at a Council in 
Philadelphia, on December 19th, 1754, gave Governor Morris an 
account of the skirmish in which Jumonville was killed. He was 
then on his way to the Great Council of the Six Nations, at Onon- 
daga, as the representative of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and the 
Western Indians, to ask the Onondaga Council to send deputies to 
Winchester, Virginia, the next spring, to confer on matters of 
common interest. The old chief's heart was set on war against the 
French. He remained in Philadelphia until Christmas day, and, 
before leaving, was given a message by Governor Morris to deliver 
to the Onondaga Council, protesting against the sale of the Wyom- 
ing lands to Connecticut. This sale had been very irregularly 
made by the Mohawks at the time of the great Albany Conference 
of June and July, 1754; although the Great Council of the Six 
Nations had declared, at this conference, that they would not sell 
the Wyoming lands to either Pennsylvania or Connecticut, but 
would reserve them as a hunting ground and for the residence of 
such Indians as cared to remove from the French and settle there, 
and had appointed Shikellamy's son, John, in charge of this terri- 

Scarouady Returns from His Mission 

Scarouady returned to Philadelphia in March, 1755, from his 
journey to the Six Nations. At a meeting of the Provincial Coun- 
cil held on March 31st, he gave a report of his mission. He had 
gone no farther than to the Oneidas, who told him that the Onon- 
dagas were not well disposed at that time toward the English. He 
had held council with the representatives of the Oneidas, Mohawks, 
Tuscaroras, and Nanticokes, who desired him, in the name of the 
Six Nations, to deliver to them what he had to say, assuring him 
that it would be as good and effectual as if delivered at the Great 
Council House at Onondaga. Scarouady said to the Provincial 

"I asked how the French came to set down on the Ohio. Is 
it by the advice of the counsellors or is it by the orders of the 
warriors of the Six Nations? I have it in charge from the Indians 
with whom I live at the Ohio, to make this my first question and 
not to proceed farther till I am informed of this fact, nor shall I 
say a word more till you give me your answer. On which the 
chiefs withdrew to council and then returned and spoke as follows: 

"'Brother: Our four nations are no ways concerned in the 

220 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

settlement of the French on the Ohio, nor is it with our advice or 
well-liking. Our fathers, the Mohawks, when they first heard of 
the French going to the Ohio, sent a message with a large belt to 
the other nations, wherein they set forth that this proceeding of the 
French was extremely disagreeable to them and desired that it 
might be obstructed and that none of the Nations would suffer it, 
but do all in their power to prevent any settlement of the French 
in those parts. This message came first to our castles and was 
readily agreed to, and then we sent it forward to Onondaga where 
it has remained ever since; for the Onondagas said they approved 
of what the French were doing, that it was good and would do 
no hurt to the Indians, and by this means stopped the belt so that 
it went no further.' 

"I then delivered Assaragoa's [Virginia's] belt, inviting the 
chiefs of the Six Nations to a Council at Winchester, and along 
with it and tyed to it, the large belt that was given me jointly by 
the Governments of Maryland and Pennsylvania, desiring them 
to agree to the Governor of Virginia's proposal, and assuring them, 
if they would come to Virginia, they would give them the meeting 
there. These invitations they received very gladly, and said they 
would lay them before the Great Council that was to meet in a 
little time at Onondaga, and did not doubt but that they should 
prevail with the Six Nations to comply with the invitation, and 
that great numbers would go; but then, as there were several old 
people, they could not take upon them to say that they could be 
got to come as far as Winchester, but would rather choose Cono- 
dogiunet [near Harrisburg], on Sasquehannah: but I said there 
were no conveniences there, and that this was but a little way from 
John Harris' Ferry where a large company might be accommo- 
dated, and I believe they will readily come there. 

"The next thing I have to communicate to you is a message 
from these four nations to their brethren, the Shawnees, and their 
cousins, the Delawares. They desire them to consider themselves 
as under the protection of the Six Nations, and that they are well 
affected towards them. They bid them be quiet, easy, and still, 
nor be disturbed at what is going on, nor meddle at all on any 
side till they see or hear from them, and that it will not be long 
before they shall see one another and hold conversation together. 
In the meantime, as the English were their brethren and their 
cause was much favored by the Indians, they desired them to have 
their eyes and ears towards the Six Nations and their brethren, 
the English, as they had hitherto done, and not to look towards the 


Closing his address to the Provincial Council, Scarouady gave 
the following good advice, not only to Pennsylvania but Virginia 
and Maryland as well: 

"You think you prefectly well understand the management of 
Indian affairs, but I must tell you that it is not so, and that the 
French are more politick than you. They never employ an 
Indian on any business but they give him fine clothes, besides 
other presents, and this makes the Indians their hearty friends and 
do anything for them. If they invite the Indians to Quebec, they 
all return with laced clothes on, and boast of the generous treat- 
ment of the French Governor. 

"Now, Brethren, some of the Six Nations are going to Canada, 
and some say a great number are coming to Virginia. Let me ad- 
vise you, as you have time enough, to open those large pieces of 
goods that your city is full of, and cut them up into fine clothes, 
and have them ready against the treaty at Virginia, for you may 
depend upon it those who go to Canada will be finely clothed, and 
if your Indians, at their return, do not appear finer than they, they 
will be laughed at and made ashamed. 

"Further, Brethren: 

"I have brought with me three or four warriors, Mohawks and 
Oneidas; they are in King George's service; they are valiant men 
and faithful friends; I have a particular duty for them to do, of 
great consequence to the general cause. These you will be pleased 
to take notice of and give them clothes, that they may perform 
their business cheerfully, and leave your city well pleased." 

A few days later Governor Shirley and Governor Delancey 
came to Philadelphia on their way to Annapolis, Maryland, to meet 
General Braddock, Governor Dinwiddie, and Governor Sharp. 
Scarouady was presented to the visiting governors, and made 
many complaints that the Indians whom he had brought with him 
from the country of Six Nations to serve in the operations against 
the French, were "naked", and that he would be ashamed to take 
them with him to Aughwick in so miserable condition. He pointed 
out that, if they should be permitted "to go so bare to Aughwick," 
it would prejudice the Indians there very much against the people 
of Pennsylvania. 

The proposed treaty at Winchester, Virginia, in the spring of 
1755 did not take place. General Braddock had his army on the 
march toward Fort Duquesne early in the spring. On April 23rd, 
Governor Morris of Pennsylvania, wrote George Croghan at 
Aughwick advising: 

222 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

"Let the Indians know that there is no meeting of Governors 
at Winchester, but that as the General is on his march, all true 
friends of the English are desired not to proceed to Winchester, but 
to repair to the army, and distinguish themselves agreeable to their 
repeated professions." 

Scarouady in Braddock's Campaign 

Scarouady took an important part in the fateful campaign of 
General Edward Braddock against Fort Duquesne, in the summer 
of 1755. We shall not give the details of this campaign, more or 
less familiar to all students of Pennsylvania history. All of Brad- 
dock's forces were finally collected at Will's Creek, (Cumberland, 
Maryland), on the 19th day of May, at which place he remained 
until the 10th of June, before setting out for Pennsylvania. 

In the latter part of May, George Croghan reached Braddock's 
camp at Will's Creek with about fifty warriors whom he had 
brought from Aughwick. Among the chiefs assembled to assist 
Braddock were: Scarouady, White Thunder, the keeper of the 
speech-belts, and Silver Heels, so called, probably, from being 
swift of foot. Braddock had expected not only a large delegation 
of the Indians from the Ohio Valley, but also a number of 
Cherokees and Catawbas, whom Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia, 
had given him reason to expect. He was therefore disappointed in 
the number of his Indian allies. Scarouady addressed the assem- 
bled chiefs and urged them to take up the English cause with 

Washington Irving's "Life of Washington" contains the fol- 
lowing interesting paragraphs concerning the assembling of Scar- 
ouady and his warriors at Will's Creek: 

"Notwithstanding his secret contempt for the Indians, Brad- 
dock, agreeably to his instructions, treated them with great cere- 
mony. A grand council was held in his tent, at Fort Cumberland, 
where all his officers attended. The chiefs, and all the warriors, 
came painted and decorated for war. They were received with 
military honors, the guards resting on their firearms. The general 
made them a speech through his interpreter, expressing the grief 
of their father, the great King of England, at the death of the 
Half King, Tanacharison, and made them presents to console 
them. They in return promised their aid as guides and scouts, and 
declared eternal enemity to the French, following the declaration 
with the war song, 'making a terrible noise.' 


"The general, to regale and astonish them, ordered all the 
artillery to be fired, 'the drums and fifes playing and beating the 
point of war'; the fete ended by their feasting in their own camp 
on a bullock which the general had given them, following up their 
repast by dancing the war dance round a fire, to the sound of 
their uncouth drums and rattles, 'making night hideous', by howls 
and yellings. 

"For a time all went well. The Indians had their separate 
camp, where they passed half the night singing, dancing, and 
howling. The British were amused by their strange ceremonies, 
their savage antics, and savage decorations. The Indians, on the 
other hand, loitered by day about the English camp, fiercely paint- 
ed and arrayed, gazing with silent admiration at the parade of the 
troops, their marchings and evolutions; and delighted with the 
horse-races, with which the young officers recreated themselves. 

"Unluckily the warriors had brought their families with them 
to Will's Creek, and the women were even fonder than the men of 
loitering about the British camp. They were not destitute of 
attractions; for the young squaws resemble the gypsies, having 
seductive forms, small hands and feet, and soft voices. Among 
those who visited the camp was one who no doubt passed for an 
Indian princess. She was the daughter of the sachem, White 
Thunder, and bore the dazzling name of Bright Lightning. The 
charms of these wild-wood beauties were soon acknowledged. 
'The squaws,' writes Secretary Peters, 'bring in money plenty; the 
officers are scandalously fond of them.' 

"The jealousy of the warriors was aroused; some of them be- 
came furious. To prevent discord, the squaws were forbidden to 
come into the British camp. This did not prevent their being 
sought elsewhere. It was ultimately found necessary, for the sake 
of quiet, to send Bright Lightning, with all the other women and 
children, back to Aughwick. White Thunder, and several of the 
warriors, accompanied them for their protection. 

"As to the Delaware chiefs, they returned to the Ohio, promis- 
ing the general they would collect their warriors together, and 
meet him on his march. They never kept their word. 'These 
people are villians, and always side with the strongest,' says a 
shrewd journalist of the expedition. 

"Either from disgust thus caused, or from being actually dis- 
missed, the warriors began to disappear from the camp. It is 
said that Colonel Innes, who was to remain in command at Fort 
Cumberland, advised the dismissal of all but a few to serve as 

224 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

guides; certain it is, before Braddock recommended his march, none 
remained to accompany him but Scarouady and eight of his war- 

Scarouady Captured 

On the 19th of June, when Braddock's first division, with 
whom the Indian allies were marching as an advanced party, was 
near or within the limits of Somerset County, Pennsylvania, and 
not far from the Maryland line, Scarouady and his son being at a 
small distance from the line of march, were surrounded and taken 
by some French and Indians. The son escaped and brought the 
intelligence to the warriors, who hastened to rescue or avenge the 
aged chief, but found him tied to a tree. The French had been 
disposed to kill him; but the Indians with them declared that they 
would abandon the French should they do so, thus showing some 
tie of friendship or kindred with Scarouady, who then rejoined 
Braddock's forces unharmed. 

Scarouady's Son Killed 

On the 6th of July, three or four soldiers, loitering in the rear 
of Braddock's forces, were killed and scalped by the Indian allies 
of the French, and several of the grenadiers set off to take revenge. 
These came upon a party of the Indians who held up boughs and 
grounded their arms as the sign of amity. Either Braddock's 
grenadiers did not perceive this sign, or else misunderstood it. At 
any rate, they fired upon the Indians and one of them fell, who 
proved to be the son of Scarouady. The grenadiers brought the 
body of the young warrior to camp. Braddock then sent for Scar- 
ouady and the other Indians, and condoled with them on the la- 
mentable occurrence, making them the customary presents to wipe 
away their tears. He also caused the young man to be buried with 
the honors of war, and at his request the officers attended the funer- 
al and fired a volley over the grave. The camp that night, located 
about two miles southeast of Irwin, Westmoreland County, was 
given the name of Camp Monacatoocha, in honor of Scarouady. 
Says Irving: 

"These soldier-like tributes of respect to the deceased and 
sympathy with the survivors, soothed the feelings and gratified the 
pride of the father, and attached him more firmly to the service. 
We are glad to record an anecdote so contrary to the general con- 
tempt for the Indians with which Braddock stands charged. It 
speaks well for the real kindness of his heart." 


What part Scarouady played in the remaining part of Brad- 
dock's march, or in the disastrous battle with the French and 
Indians at the site of the present town of Braddock, Allegheny 
County, on the afternoon of July 9th, is clouded in obscurity. 

The story of Braddock's defeat has often been told and needs 
no further reference at this place, except to point out that Brad- 
dock was not ambushed, as many historians have stated. It is 
true that Beaujeu, the French commander, had planned an ambush, 
and picked a place for it on the evening of July 8th. In the mean- 
time, Braddock had crossed the Monongahela, and started up the 
slopes of the field of encounter, before the French and Indians had 
reached the place which they had selected for ambushing him. 
The French account of the battle, after giving the plans of 
Beaujeu's detachment, says that he had orders to lie in ambush at 
a favorable spot which had been reconnoitered the previous even- 
ing; that the detachment, before it could reach the place selected 
for ambush, found itself in the presence of Braddock's army; that 
Beaujeu, finding his plan of ambush had failed, decided on an 
attack; and that he made this attack with so much vigor as to 
astonish Braddock's forces. Surely, if the French and Indians 
had been lying in ambush, Braddock's scouts would have found 

Beaujeu fell early in the action, and the command of the 
French and Indians then devolved upon M. Dumas, who with 
great presence of mind rallied the Indians when they had begun to 
waver upon the death of Beaujeu. They were terrified at the 
sound of the English cannon. Dumas then ordered his officers to 
lead the Indians to the wings and attack Braddock's forces in the 
flank, while he, with the French troops, would maintain a position 
in front. This order was promptly obeyed, resulting in the over- 
whelming and inglorious defeat of Braddock's army. 

Washington saved the army from total destruction. Two 
horses were shot under him, and four balls passed through his 
clothing. An Indian chief and his braves, after firing at him 
many times, concluded that he was protected by the Great Spirit. 
In 1770, when Washington, in company with Dr. Craik and 
William Crawford, made a journey down the Ohio River to ex- 
amine lands given the Virginia soldiers, he met this chief, who, 
hearing that Washington was coming down the Ohio Valley, made 
a long journey to see the man at whom he and his warriors fired 
so often in the battle on the Monongahela fifteen years before. 

At the time of the battle Colonel Dunbar, who followed in the 

226 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

rear of Braddock's army with his division, artillery, and heavy 
stores, had reached a point in the Allegheny Mountains not far 
from the place where Jumonville was killed in the first skirmish of 
the French and Indian War, and near the former Soldiers' Orphans' 
Home at Jumonville. Here he encamped. Here also the survivors 
of Braddock's defeat joined him on the 11th. Everything in the 
camp was in the greatest confusion. Some of his forces had de- 
serted upon hearing the reports of the battle, and "the rest", says 
Orme, "seemed to have forgot all discipline." Destroying and 
burying most of his ammunition, Dunbar then began his disgrace- 
ful retreat. General Braddock, who had been carried with the re- 
treating troops, died at the Orchard Camp near the Great Meadows 
on the 13th. 

Colonel James Smith's Account of Happenings at 
Fort Duquesne on the Day of Braddock's Defeat 

In May, 1755, the Colony of Pennsylvania began cutting a 
wagon road from Fort Loudon to join Braddock's road at Turkey 
Foot. James (later Colonel) Smith, then a young man eighteen 
years of age, was one of the force of three hundred men engaged in 
this work. At a point four or five miles above Bedford, he was 
captured by the Indians and carried to Fort Duquesne, where he 
was a prisoner at the time of Braddock's defeat. He gives the fol- 
lowing description of the happenings at the fort on the day of the 

"Shortly after this, on the 9th day of July, 1755, in the morn- 
ing, I heard a great stir in the fort. As I could then walk with a 
staff in my hand, I went out of the door, which was just by the 
wall of the fort, and stood upon the wall and viewed the Indians 
in a huddle before the gate, where were barrels of powder, bullets, 
flints, &c, and every one taking what suited; I saw the Indians 
also march off in rank entire — likewise the French Canadians, and 
some regulars. After viewing the Indians and French in different 
positions, I computed them to be about four hundred, and wond- 
ered that they attempted to go out against Braddock with so small 
a party. I was then in high hopes that I would soon see them fly 
before the British troops, and that General Braddock would take 
the fort and rescue me. 

"I remained anxious to know the advent of this day; and, in 
the afternoon, I again observed a great noise and commotion in 
the fort, and thouoh at that time I could not understand French, 


yet I found that it was the voice of joy and triumph, and feared 
that they had received what I called bad news. 

"I had observed some of the old country soldiers speak 
Dutch [German]; as I spoke Dutch, I went to one of them, and 
asked him, what was the news? He told me that a runner had 
just arrived, who said that Braddock would certainly be defeated; 
that the Indians and French had surrounded him, and were con- 
cealed behind trees and in gullies, and kept a constant fire upon 
the English, and that they saw the English falling in heaps, and if 
they did not take the river, which was the only gap, and make 
their escape, there would not be one man left alive before sundown. 
Some time after this, I heard a number of scalp halloos, and saw a 
company of Indians and French coming in. I observed they had 
a great many bloody scalps, grenadiers' caps, British canteens, 
bayonets, &c, with them. They brought the news that Braddock 
was defeated. After that, another company came in, which ap- 
peared to be about one hundred, and chiefly Indians, and it seemed 
to me that almost every one of this company was carrying scalps; 
after this, came another company with a number of wagon 
horses, and also a great many scalps. Those that were coming in, 
and those that had arrived, kept a constant firing of small arms, 
and also the great guns in the fort, which were accompanied with 
the most hideous shouts and yells from all quarters; so that it ap- 
peared to me as if the infernal regions had broke loose. 

"About sundown I beheld a small party coming in with about 
a dozen prisoners, stripped naked, with their hands tied behind 
their backs, and part of their bodies blackened, — these prisoners 
they burned to death on the bank of the Allegheny river opposite 
the fort. I stood on the fort wall until I beheld them begin to 
burn one of these men; they had him tied to a stake, and kept 
touching him with fire-brands, red-hot irons, &c, and he screaming 
in the most doleful manner, — the Indians in the meantime yelling 
like infernal spirits. As this scene appeared too shocking for me 
to behold, I retired to my lodgings both sore and sorry. 

"When I came into my lodgings, I saw Russel's Seven Ser- 
mons, which they had brought from the field of battle, which a 
Frenchman made a present of to me. From the best information 
I could receive, there were only seven Indians and four French 
killed in this battle, and five hundred British lay dead on the 
field, besides what were killed in the river on their retreat. The 
morning after the battle, I saw Braddock's artillery brought into 
the fort; the same day I also saw several Indians in British 

228 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

officers' dress, with sash, half moons, laced hats, &c, which the 
British then wore." 

Smith was a native of Franklin County, Pennsylvania. He 
remained in captivity among the Indians at Fort Duquesne, Ma- 
honing, and Muskingum. He was adopted by his captors. Dur- 
ing his captivity among the Indians, he was carried frorp place to 
place, spending most of his time at Mahoning and Muskingum. 
In about 1759, he accompanied his Indian relatives to Montreal, 
where he managed to secrete himself on board a French ship. He 
was again taken prisoner and confined for four months, but was 
finally exchanged and reached his home in 1760, to find the sweet- 
heart of his boyhood married, and all his friends and relatives 
supposing him dead. He became a very prominent man on the 
Pennsylvania frontier, and during the Revolution, was a captain 
on the Pennsylvania line, being promoted, in 1778, to the rank of 
colonel. In 1788, he removed to Kentucky, where he at once took 
a prominent part in public affairs, serving in the early Kentucky 
conventions and in the legislature. He died in Washington 
County, Kentucky, in 1812, leaving behind him as a legacy to his- 
torians a very valuable account of his Indian captivity. 

In the autumn following Braddock's inglorious defeat, the 
Delawares and Shawnees began their bloody invasion of Eastern 
Pennsylvania. However, there were few, if any, of these tribes 
fighting on the side of the French during the Braddock campaign. 
The Indians fighting on the side of the French in this campaign 
were mostly from the region of the Great Lakes. The Delawares 
and Shawnees were simply waiting to see which side would be vic- 

In closing this sketch of Scarouady's part in Braddock's cam- 
paign, it may be interesting to state the route followed by Brad- 
dock's army after entering Pennsylvania. 

On June 19th the army reached Bear Camp, which was almost 
directly on the Pennsylvania and Maryland line, about three miles 
southeast of Addison, Somerset County. By the 23rd of June, it 
had reached Squaw Fort, situated a short distance southeast of 
Somerfield, Somerset County. On June 24th, the army passed 
over the Great Crossing of the Youghiogheny and encamped three 
or four miles east of the Great Meadows, the site of Fort Neces- 
sity, where Washington surrendered the year before. On June 
25th, the army marched over the very spot where Braddock was 
buried a fortnight later, and encamped at the Orchard Camp, where 
he died on the night of July 13th. Both the Orchard Camp and 


the place of Braddock's burial are not far from the Summit on the 
National Pike, in Fayette County. On June 26th, the army en- 
camped at Rock Fort Camp, not far from Washington's Spring, 
where, as stated in Chapter XIV, Tanacharison was encamped with 
his warriors when he and Washington set out to make the attack on 
Jumonville. On June 27th, the army reached Gist's Plantation, 
the present Mount Braddock, in Fayette County. On June 28th, 
the army reached Stewart's Crossing on the Youghiogheny, at 
Connellsville, Fayette County, where it encamped on the western 
side of this stream. The army remained in camp all day during 
the 29th, crossing the river on the 30th and encamping on the flats 
above the river at the mouth of Mount's Creek, Fayette County. 
On July 1st, the army encamped at what is known as the Camp 
at the Great Swamp, the location of which was near the old Iron 
Bridge, southeast of Mount Pleasant, Westmoreland County, and 
near the headwaters of Jacob's and Mount's creeks. On July 
2nd, the army encamped at Jacob's Cabin, making a march of 
about six miles. This "cabin" belonged to the famous Delaware 
chief, Captain Jacobs, whose biography is given in Chapter XVI 1 1. 
On July 3rd, the army passed near Mount Pleasant, and encamped 
at the headwaters of Sewickley Creek, about five miles southeast of 
Madison, Westmoreland County. The camp at this place was 
called Salt Lick Camp. On July 4th, the army encamped at 
Thicketty-Run (Sewickley Creek), about a mile west of Madison. 
From this camp two Indians were sent forward as scouts, as was 
also Christopher Gist. All three returned on the 6th, the Indians 
bringing the scalp of a French officer they had killed near Fort 
Duquesne. On July 6th, the army reached Camp Monacatoocha, 
located as we have seen in this chapter, not far from Irwin, West- 
moreland County. Here Braddock abandoned his plan to ap- 
proach Fort Duquesne by the ridge route or Nemacolin's Trail, in 
order to avoid the Narrows of Turtle Creek; and turning sharply 
westward, the army followed the valley of Long Run at or near 
Stewartsville, and encamped on the night of July 8th, about two 
miles from the Monongahela and an equal distance from the mouth 
of the Youghiogheny, near McKeesport, Allegheny County. This 
was the last camp of the army before the fatal encounter. Here 
George Washington, who had been left at the Little Crossing, near 
Grantsville, Maryland, on June 19th, on account of illness, rejoin- 
ed the army on the morning of July 9th. 

230 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Scarouady's Opinion of Braddock 

On August 15, 1755, Scarouady and six other chiefs who had 
fought with the English at Braddock's defeat, appeared before the 
Provincial Council at Philadelphia, received the thanks of the 
Council, and were given rewards for their fidelity. At a council 
held on August 22nd, Scarouady informed Governor Morris why 
most of the Indians with Braddock's army had left him before he 
reached the battlefield. Said he: "It is now well known to you 
how unhappily we have been defeated by the French near Monon- 
gahela. We must now let you know that it was the pride and 
ignorance of that great general [Braddock] that came from Eng- 
land. He is now dead; but he was a bad man when he was alive; 
he looked upon us as dogs; would never hear anything that was 
said to him. We often endeavored to advise him, and to tell him 
of the danger he was in with his soldiers; but he never appeared 
pleased with us, and that was the reason a great many of our war- 
riors left him, and would not be under his command. We would 
advise you not to give up the point; though we have in a manner 
been chastised from above. But let us unite our strength. You 
are very numerous, and all the English Governors along your sea- 
shore can raise men enough. Don't let those that come from over 
the great sea be concerned any more. They are unfit to fight in 
the woods. Let us go ourselves, we that came out of this ground. 
We may be assured to conquer the French. The Delawares and 
Nanticokes have told me that the French never asked them to go 
on the late expedition against Braddock; one word of yours will 
bring the Delawares to join you. I am going to the Nanticokes, 
and shall pass by the Delawares, and any message you have to 
send or answer you have to give to them I will deliver to them." 

Scarouady insisted that, if the Governor did not avail him- 
self of this opportunity to engage these Indians as allies, they would 
go over to the French. He endeavored to impress upon the Gov- 
ernor and Provincial Council that it was impossible to remain 
neutral and live in the woods. Moreover, he claimed to have 
great influence among, not only the Indians on the Susquehanna, 
but also the Western Indians and the Wyandots in Ohio. 

Governor Morris was at a loss to know how to reply to 
Scarouady's request that the Delawares be asked to take up arms 
against the French. The King of England had not yet declared 
war, and so the Governor did not feel at liberty to employ the 
Delawares in warlike measures. In his embarrassment he turned 


to Conrad Weiser, who advised him to give Scarouady a general 
answer thanking him for his advice and soliciting the lasting 
friendship of the old chief and his followers, begging them in the 
meantime to await until the decision of the Great Council of the 
Six Nations could be learned. 

After holding conferences with the Governor on August 18th 
and 22nd, Scarouady went by way of Harris' Ferry (Harrisburg) 
to Shamokin (Sunbury) to hunt and await developments, from 
which place he sent a message to Governor Morris on September 
11th, advising him that the Six Nations had sent a black belt of 
wampum to the Delawares and Shawnees, ordering them "to lay 
aside their petticoats, and clap nothing on but a breech-clout"; to 
come with speed to their assistance in the war against the French; 
and that he [Scarouady] was assembling a force of Indians to go 
against the French among whom were John, James-Logan, and 
John-Petty, the three sons of Shikellamy. The Seneca chief, the 
Belt, was Scarouady's authority as to the message of the Six Na- 
tions, but it is not known to what extent the Belt's information 
was true. 

In the meantime, Conrad Weiser had gone to Harris' Ferry, 
where, early in September, he distributed a wagonload of flour and 
other supplies among the friendly Indians. Scarouady's wife was 
one of the recipients of this bounty. She informed Weiser that, 
shortly after Braddock's defeat, she had aroused her brothers, 
Moses and Esras, to go to the Ohio and bring her some French 
scalps in revenge for Braddock's death. 



Penn's Creek Massacre 

T is the autumn of 1755. By this time nearly all the 

Delawares and Shawnees have gone over to the French. 

The bitter fruitage of the Walking Purchase of 1737 and 

the Albany Purchase of 1754 is about to be gathered. 

The Delawares and Shawnees are about to let loose the dogs of war 

on defenseless Pennsylvania. 

On the 16th of October of this year, occurred the first Indian 
outrage in Pennsylvania after Braddock's defeat. This was an 
attack upon the German settlers near the mouth of Penn's Creek, 
which flows into the Susquehanna at Selinsgrove, in Snyder 
County. It is known in history as the "Penn's Creek Massacre." 
It was the first actual break of the treaty of peace which Penn had 
entered into with Tamanend shortly after his arrival in the Prov- 
ince; and it is significant that the massacre took place almost on the 
line of the Albany Purchase of 1754, which so angered the Dela- 
wares. The Indians killed, scalped and carried away all the men, 
women and children, amounting to about twenty-five in number, 
and wounded one man, who fortunately made his escape, and car- 
ried the word to George Gabriel's, at the mouth of Penn's Creek. 
The company who went out to bury the dead found the corpses of 
thirteen" men and elderly women and one child two weeks old. One 
of the leaders of the Indians on this occasion was Keckenepaulin. a 
Delaware chief, who lived near Jenner's Cross Roads, in Somerset 
County. His name has been applied, as stated in Chapter VI, to 
the Shawnee town at the mouth of the Loyalhanna, possibly due 
to the fact that he resided there for a time. The prisoners were 
taken to Kittanning, among them being Barbara Leininger and 
Marie LeRoy (Mary King). 

Only two days after the Penn's Creek Massacre, or on October 
18th, another occurred only a short distance to the eastward, at the 
mouth of Mahanoy Creek, about five miles south of Sunbury, 
where twenty-five inhabitants were killed or carried into captivity 
and every building of the settlement was burned. This massacre 


differed from that of October 16th in that none escaped the massa- 
cre of the 18th, whereas one escaped the massacre of the 16th. 

Scarouady Warns Settlers 

On the 23rd of October, John Harris, Thomas Forster, Captain 
McKee, and Adam Terence went to Penn's Creek with a force of 
forty men to bury the dead of the massacre of October 16th. 
When they arrived, they found that this had already been done. 
They then decided to return immediately to the settlements at 
Paxtang (Harrisburg), but were urged by John Shikellamy, son 
of the vice-gerent of the Six Nations, and the Belt, a Seneca chief, 
to go to Shamokin (Sunbury), in order to ascertain the feelings of 
the Indians at that place, which they did. They stayed at 
Shamokin during the night of the 24th, and heard much in the talk 
of the Delawares at that place to alarm them. Scarouady was 
present, and advised the party to follow the eastern side of the river 
on their return. They left on the morning of the 25th, but fearing 
an ambush on the east side of the river they marched down the 
western bank; and when they reached the mouth of Penn's Creek, 
they were fired upon by a large number of Delawares hidden in 
the bushes. 

John Harris describes this attack as follows: 

"We were attacked by about twenty or thirty Indians, received 
their fire, and about fifteen of our men and myself took to the trees 
and attacked the villians, killed four of them on the spot, and 
lost but three men, retreating about half a mile through the woods 
and crossing the Susquehanna, one of which was shot from off an 
horse riding behind myself through the river. My horse before 
was wounded, and falling in the river, I was obliged to quit and 
swim part of the way. Four or five of our men were drowned 
crossing the river." Harris further says that the Belt became en- 
raged when he heard of this attack, and gathered up a party of 
thirty friendly Indians, and pursued the enemy. 

The same day that the attack was made on John Harris and 
his force, or probably on the next day, the Indians crossed the 
Susquehanna and killed many people from Thomas McKee's to 
Hunter's Mill. Conrad Weiser gave an account of the massacre 
in a letter written at eleven o'clock on the night of October 26th 
from his home near Womelsdorf, to James Reed at Reading. 

John Harris further advised in the above letter, which was 
written from Paxtang on the 28th of October: "The Indians are 

234 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

all assembling themselves at Shamokin to counsel; a large body of 
them were there four days ago. I cannot learn their intentions, 
but it seems Andrew Montour and Scaraouady are to bring down 
the news from them. There is not a sufficient number of them to 
oppose the enemy; and perhaps they will all join the enemy 
against us. There is no dependence on Indians, and we are in 
imminent danger. 

"I got information from Andrew Montour and others that 
there is a body of French with fifteen hundred Indians coming 
upon us, — Picks, Ottawas, Orandox, Delawares. Shawnees, and a 
number of the Six Nations, — and are not many days march from 
this Province and Virginia, which are appointed to be attacked. 
At the same time, some of the Shawnee Indians seem friendly, and 
others appear like enemies. Montour knew many days ago of the 
Indians being on their march against us before he informed; for 
which I said as much to him as I thought prudent, considering the 
place 1 was in." 

Massacres in Fulton and Perry Counties 

On October 31st the Delaware chief, Shingas, began incursions 
into Fulton County which lasted for several days. Nearly all of 
the settlers of the Great Cove and Little Cove were murdered or 
taken captive, and their houses and barns were burned. The same 
was true of the settlements at McDowell's Mill and Conococheague. 
Most of the prisoners were taken to Kittanning where many of 
them were burned to death. 

Shortly after the incursion into Fulton County, occurred the 
murder of the Woolcomber family, Quakers, in Perry County, 
thus described in "Loudon's Narratives": 

"The next I remember of was in 1755, the Woolcombers 
family on Shearman's Creek; the whole of the inhabitants of the 
valley was gathered at Robinson's, but Woolcomber would not 
leave home, he said it was the Irish [Scotch-Irish] who were killing 
one another; these peaceable people, the Indians would not hurt 
any person. Being at home and at dinner, the Indians came in, 
and the Quaker asked them to come and eat dinner; an Indian an- 
nounced that he did not come to eat, but for scalps; the son, a boy 
of fourteen or fifteen years of age when he heard the Indian say so, 
repaired to a back door, and as he went out he looked back, and 
saw the Indian strike the tomahawk into his father's head. The 
boy then ran over the creek, which was near the house, and heard 


the screams of his mother, sisters and brother. The boy came to 
our Fort [Robinson] and gave us the alarm; about forty went to 
where the murder was done and buried the dead." 

Cause of Indian Alienation Investigated 

The news of these various massacres was laid before the Pro- 
vincial Assembly by Governor Morris; whereupon the Assembly 
answered with a request to the Governor to inform the House "if 
he knew of any injury which the Delawares and Shawnees had re- 
ceived to alienate their affections, and whether he knew the part 
taken by the Six Nations in relation to this incursion." 

Robert Strettell, Joseph Turner, and Thomas Cadwalader, 
were appointed a committee to inspect all "minutes of Council and 
other books and papers" relating to Pennsylvania's transactions 
with the Delawares and Shawnees from the beginning of the 
Colony. The committee made an elaborate report, which was 
approved and sent to the House on November 22nd, setting forth 
the findings of the committee that "the conduct of the Proprietaries 
and this Government has been always uniformly just, fair, and 
generous towards these Indians." 

Scarouady Threatens to Go to the French 

While the terrible things related above were happening, 
Scarouady was exerting his utmost influence on behalf of the Eng- 
lish. On November 1st, he was at Harris' Ferry where he deliv- 
ered a message to John Harris, who forwarded it to the Governor, 
advising, among other things, that "about twelve days ago the 
Delawares sent for Andrew Montour to go to Big Island [Lock 
Haven], on which he [Scarouady] and Montour with three more 
Indians went up immediately, and found there about six of the 
Delawares and four Shawnees, who informed them that they had 
received a hatchet from the French, on purpose to kill what game 
they could meet with, and to be used against the English if they 
proved saucy." 

On November 8th, Scarouady and Montour appeared before 
the Provincial Council, and gave additional details of their trip to 
Big Island. Scarouady said that two Delawares from the Ohio 
appeared at the meeting at Big Island and spoke as follows: "We, 
the Delawares of Ohio, do proclaim war against the English. We 
have been their friends many years, but now have taken up the 

236 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

hatchet against them, and will never make it up with them whilst 
there is an English man alive. 

"When Washington was defeated, we, the Delawares, were 
blamed as the cause of it. We will now kill. We will not be 
blamed without a cause. We make up three parties of Delawares. 
One party will go against Carlisle; one down the Susquehanna; 

and another party will go against Tulpehocken to Conrad 

Weiser. And we shall be followed by a thousand French and 
Indians, Ottawas, Twightwees, Shawnees, and Delawares." 

It will be noted that the Delawares gave their being blamed 
for Washington's defeat at the Great Meadows, in the summer of 
1754, as the cause of their having taken up arms against Penn- 
sylvania. Later they told the Shawnee chief, Paxinosa, of 
Wyoming, that the cause of their hostility was the Walking Pur- 
chase of 1737 and the Albany Purchase of 1754; and the great 
Delaware chief, Teedyuscung, stoutly insisted that it was these 
wrongs upon the Delawares that caused these friends of William 
Penn to take up arms against the Colony he founded. 

On the afternoon of the same day, November 8th, Scarouady 
appeared before the Governor, his Council, and the Provincial As- 
sembly, and told them of the journey which he had recently made 
in the interest of the English, up the North Branch of the Susque- 
hanna "as far as the Nanticokes live." He stated that he had told 
the Nanticokes and other Indians on the Susquehanna that the 
defeat of General Braddock had brought about a great turn of af- 
fairs; that it was a great blow, but that the English had strength 
enough to recover from it. He further said that there were three 
hundred friendly Indians on the Susquehanna. (Delawares and 
Nanticokes) "who were all hearty in the English interest." For 
these he desired the Colony's assistance with arms and ammunition. 
He insisted that they should be given the hatchet, and that a fort 
should be built for the protection of their old men, women, and 
children. They had told him, he said, that whichever party, the 
French or English, would seek their assistance first, would be first 
assisted; and that he "should go to Philadelphia and apply immedi- 
ately to the Government and obtain explicit answer from them 
whether they would fight or no." These Indians "waited with im- 
patience to know the success of his application." 

Then the old chief threw down his belts of wampum upon the 
table before the members of the Assembly and said: "I must 
deal plainly with you, and tell you if you will not fight with us, 
we will go somewhere else. We never can nor ever will put up the 


affront. If we cannot be safe where we are, we will go somewhere 
else for protection and take care of ourselves. We have no more 
to say, but will first receive your answer to this, and as the times 
are too dangerous to admit of our staying long here, we therefore 
entreat you will use all the dispatch possible that we may not be 
detained." It is possible that Scarouady meant that he and his 
followers would go to one of the other colonies, but he was under- 
stood as meaning that, unless the Pennsylvania Authorities acted 
promptly, he and his followers would go over to the French. 

Governor Morris then said to the Provincial Assembly: 
"You have heard what the Indians have said. Without your aid, 
I can not make a proper answer to what they now propose and ex- 
pect of us." The Assembly replied that, as Captain General, the 
Governor had full authority to raise men, and that "the Bill now 
in his hands granting Sixty Thousand Pounds will enable him to 
pay the expenses." This was a bill just passed by the Assembly, 
granting this sum for the defense of the Colony, to be raised by a 
tax on estates. The Governor opposed the bill on the ground that 
the Proprietary estates should not be taxed. He then explained 
to Scarouady how his controversy with the Assembly stood, and 
that he did not know what to do. Scarouady was amazed and 
said that Pennsylvania's failure to comply with his (Scarouady's) 
request in behalf of his three hundred friendly Indians would mean 
their going over to the French. However, he still offered his own 
services and counseled the Governor not to be cast down, but to 
keep cool. 

After long consultations between Scarouady and Conrad 
Weiser, it was determined that Scarouady could render an im- 
portant service to the Colony by visiting the Six Nations and Sir 
William Johnson, and, after gaining what intelligence he could on 
his way to New York, as to the actions of the Indians on the Sus- 
quehanna, by laying before the Great Confederation such intelli- 
gence as well as the recent conduct of the Delawares. 

Scarouady Sent on Mission to Six Nations 

Scarouady's decided stand had a good effect on the Governor 
and Council. On November 14th, the old chief and Andrew 
Montour were sent by the Governor on a mission to the Six Na- 
tions. They were instructed to convey the condolence of Pennsyl- 
vania to the Six Nations on the death of several of their warriors 
who had joined General Shirley and General Johnson and had 

238 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

fallen in battle with the French, and to advise the Six Nations how 
the Delawares had, in a most cruel manner, fallen upon and mur- 
dered so many of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania. In a word, 
Scarouady was to give the Six Nations a complete account of the 
terrible invasion of the Delawares and Shawnees and to ascertain 
whether or not this invasion was made with the knowledge, consent, 
or order of the Six Nations, and whether the Six Nations would 
chastise the Delawares. 

Massacres in Berks County 

Berks County, the home of Conrad Weiser, suffered terribly 
during this dreadful autumn. On November 14th, as six settlers 
were on their way to Dietrick Six's plantation, near what is now 
the village of Millersburg, they were fired upon by a party of 
Indians. Hurrying toward a watch-house, about half a mile dis- 
tant, they were ambushed before reaching the same, and three of 
them killed and scalped. A settler named Ury, however, succeeded 
in shootng one of the Indians throught the heart, and his body was 
dragged off by the other savages. The Indians then divided into 
two parties. The one party, lying in ambush near the watch- 
house, waylaid some settlers who were fleeing toward that place, 
and killed three of them. 

The next night some savages crept up to the home of Thomas 
Bower, on Swatara Creek, and pushing their guns through a win- 
dow of the house, killed a cobbler who was repairing a shoe. They 
set fire to the house before being driven off. The Bower family, 
having sought refuge through the night at the home of a neighbor, 
named Daniel Snyder, and returning to their home in the morning, 
saw four savages running away and having with them the scalps of 
three children, two of whom were still alive. They also found the 
dead body of a woman with a two week's old child under her body, 
but unharmed. 

Scarouady in Danger From Settlers 

Conrad Weiser returned home from Philadelphia on Novem- 
ber 17th, accompanied by Scarouady and Andrew Montour on 
their way to the Six Nations. He found the Berks County settlers 
in a state of great excitement, on account of the Indian outrages. 
The settlers of Berks County knew that he had frequently accom- 
panied delegations of friendly Indians to Philadelphia. To many 
of the settlers whose homes and barns were destroved and whose 


dear ones were murdered or carried into captivity, all Indians 
looked alike. Consequently, many of the settlers were now sus- 
picious of Weiser, and believed that he was protecting Indians who 
did not deserve it. Consequently, also, he had now great difficulty 
in conducting Scarouady and Montour towards the Susquehanna. 
Said he, in a letter to Governor Morris on November 19th: "I 
made all the haste with the Indians [Scarouady and Montour] I 
could, and gave them a letter to Thomas McKee, to furnish them 
with necessaries for their journey. Scarouady had no creature to 
ride on. I gave him one. Before I could get done with the In- 
dians, three or four men came from Benjamin Spikers to warn the 
Indians not to go that way for the people were so enraged against 
all the Indians and would kill them without distinction. I went 
with them. So did the gentlemen before named. When we came 
near Benjamin Spikers, I saw about 400 or 500 men, and there was 
loud noise. I rode before, and in riding along the road and armed 
men on both sides of the road, I heard some say: 'Why must we 
be killed by the Indians, and not kill them? Why are our hands 
so tied?' I got the Indians into the house with much ado, where 
I treated them with a small dram, and so parted in love and friend- 
ship. Captain Diefenback undertook to conduct them, with five of 
our men, to the Susquehanna." 

Weiser in Danger 

Continuing the above letter, Weiser says: 

"After this, a sort of a counsel of war was held by the officers 
present, the before named, and other Freeholders. 

"It was agreed that 150 men should be raised immediately to 
serve as out scouts, and as Guards at Certain Places under the 
Kittitany Hills for 40 days. That those so raised to have 2 Shill- 
ings a Day & 2 Pounds of Bread, 2 Pounds of Beaff and a j i 11 of 
rum, and Powder and lead. Arms they must find themselves. 

"This Scheme was signed by a good many Freeholders, and 
read to the people. They cried out that so much for an Indian 
scalp would they have, be they friends or enemies, from the Gov- 
ernor. I told them I had no such power from the Governor nor 
Assembly. They began some to curse the Governor; some the As- 
sembly; called me a traitor of the country, who held with the In- 
dians, and must have known this murder beforehand. I sat in the 
house by a lowe window; some of my friends came to pull me away 
from it, telling me some of the people threatened to shoot me. 

240 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

"I offered to go out to the people and either pasefy them or 
make the King's Proclamation. But those in the house with me 
would not let me go out. The cry was, The Land was betrayed 
and sold. The common people from Lancaster [now Lebanon 
County] were the worst. The wages they said was a Trifle and 
some Body pocketed the Rest, and they would resent it. Some 
Body had put it in their head that I had it in my power to give 
them as much as I pleased. I was in danger of being shot to death. 

"In the meantime, a great smoke arose under Tulpenhacon 
Mountain, with the news following that the Indians had committed 
a murder on Mill Creek (a false alarm) and set fire to a barn; 
most of the people ran, and those that had horses rode off without 
any order or regulation. I then took my horse and went home, 
where I intend to stay and defend my own house as long as I can. 
The people of Tulpenhacon all fled; till about 6 or 7 miles from 
me some few remains. Another such attack will lay all the coun- 
try waste on the west side of Schuylkill." 

Moravians Massacred 

Scarouady was hardly started on his journey to the Six 
Nations when the tomahawk and scalping knife of the Delawares 
became stained anew with the blood of the settlers of Eastern 
Pennsylania. On November 24th, the Moravian missionaries at 
Gnadenhuetten, Carbon County, were cruelly murdered by a band 
of twelve warriors of t.he Munsee Clan of Delawares, led by 
Jachebus, chief of the Assinnissink, a Munsee town in Steuben 
County, New York. The bodies of the dead were placed in a 
grave. A monument marks the spot where the dust of these vic- 
tims of savage cruelty reposes, a short distance from Lehighton, 
and bears the following inscription: 

"To the memory of Gottlieb and Joanna Anders, with their 
child, Christiana; Martin and Susanna Nitschnann; Anna Cath- 
erine Senseman; John Gattermeyer; George Fabricius, clerk; 
George Schweigert; John Frederick Lesly; and Martin Presser; 
who lived here at Gnadenhuetten unto the Lord, and lost their lives 
in a surprise from Indian warriors, November 24, 1755. Precious 
in the sight of the Lord is the death of his saints. — Psalm 96 
CXVI 15". 

Attack on Hoeth and Broadhead Families 

On December 10th and 11th, occurred the attack on the 
Hoeth and Broadhead families. The Hoeth family lived on Poco- 
Poco Creek, afterwards known as Hoeth's Creek, and now generally 


known as Big Creek, a tributary of the Lehigh above Weissport. 
This family was almost exterminated. 

After committing the outrages on the Hoeths, the same 
band proceeded to the Broadheads, who lived near the mouth of 
Broadhead Creek, not far from the site of Stroudsburg, Monroe 
County. In the attack on the Broadhead family, they met with 
determined resistance, and were finally obliged to retire. All the 
members of the Broadhead family were noted for their bravery. 
Among the sons was the famous Colonel, later General Broadhead, 
of the Revolutionary War. 

Also on New Year's Day, 1756, a guard of forty militia, who 
had been sent to erect a fort near the Moravian town of Gnaden- 
huetten, above mentioned, were attacked by hostile Delawares, and 
the greater number of them killed. The Indians on the same day 
laid waste the country between Gnadenhuetten and Nazareth. 
Northampton County, killing many settlers and burning farm 
houses and barns. 

Assembly and Governor Dispute While Settlers Die 

Indeed, from the Penn's Creek massacre until well into the 
year of 1756, terror reigned throughout the Pennsylvania settle- 
ments. It is a sad fact that while the Indians were thus burning 
and scalping on the frontier, the Assembly and Governor, instead 
of putting the Colony in a state of defense, spent their time in dis- 
putes as to whether or not the Proprietary estates should be taxed 
to raise money to defend the Province, — a disgusting chapter in the 
history of Pennsylvania. The srhoke of burning farm houses 
darkened the heavens; the soil of the forest farms of the German 
and Scotch-Irish settlers was drenched with their blood; the 
tomahawk of the savage dashed out the brains of the aged and the 
infant; hundreds were carried into captivity, many of whom were 
tortured to death by fire at Kittanning and other Indian towns in 
the valleys of the Allegheny and the Ohio to which they were 
taken — all of these dreadful things were taking place as the dis- 
putes between the Governor and the Assembly continued. 

Says Egle, in his "History of Pennsylvania": "The cold in- 
difference of the Assembly at such a crisis awoke the deepest indig- 
nation throughout the Province. Public meetings were held in 
various parts of Lancaster and in the frontier counties, at which it 
was resolved that they would repair to Philadelphia and compel 
the Provincial authorities to pass proper laws to defend the country 
and oppose the enemy. In addition, the dead bodies of some of 
the murdered and mangled were sent to that city and hauled about 

242 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the streets, with placards announcing that these were the victims 
of the Quaker policy of non-resistance. A large and threatening 
mob surrounded the house of Assembly, placed the dead bodies in 
the doorway, and demanded immediate relief for the people of the 
frontiers. Such indeed were the desperate measures resorted to for 
self defense." 

Finally, on November 26th, the very day that the news reach- 
ed Philadelphia of the slaughter of the Moravian missionaries at 
Gnadenhuetten, "An Act For Granting 60,000 pounds to the King's 
Use" was passed, after the Proprietaries had made a grant of 5,000 
pounds in lieu of the tax on the Proprietary estates. 

Benjamin Franklin Begins Erection of Chain of Forts 

Pennsylvania then began erecting a chain of forts and block- 
houses to guard the frontier. These forts extended along the 
Kittatinny or Blue Mountains from the Delaware River to the 
Maryland line, and the cost of erection was eighty-five thousand 
pounds. They guarded the important mountain passes, were gar- 
risoned by from twenty-five to seventy-five men in pay of the Pro- 
vince, and stood almost equi-distant, so as to be a haven of refuge 
for the settlers when they fled from their farms to escape the 
tomahawk and scalping knife. The Moravians at Bethlehem 
cheerfully fortified their town and took up arms in self-defense. 
Benjamin Franklin and James Hamilton were directed to go to the 
Forks of the Delaware and raise troops in order to carry the plan 
into execution. On December 29th, 1755, they arrived at Easton, 
and appointed William Parsons major of the troops to be raised in 
the county of Northampton. In the meantime, Captain Hays had 
been ordered to New Gnadenhuetten, the scene of the massacre of 
the Moravian missionaries on November 24th, with his militia 
from the Irish settlement in the county. The attack on these 
militia on New Year's Day, 1756, has been narrated. Finally, the 
Assembly requested Franklin's appearance, and, responding to this 
call, he turned his command over to Colonel William Clapham. 

This chain of forts began with Fort Dupui, erected on the 
property of the Hugenot settler, Samuel Dupui, in the present 
town of Shawnee, on the Delaware River, in Monroe County. 
Next came Fort Hamilton, on the site of the present town of 
Stroudsburg, in Monroe County. Fort Penn was also erected in 
the eastern part of this town. These three forts were in the heart 
of the territory of the Munsee Clan of Delawares. Next was Fort 


Norris, about a mile southeast of Kresgeville, Monroe County; 
and fifteen miles west was Fort Allen where Weissport, Carbon 
County now stands. Then came Fort Franklin in Albany Town- 
ship, Berks County; and nineteen miles west was, Fort Lebanon, 
also known at Fort William, not far from the present town of 
Auburn, in Schuylkill County. Then came Fort Henry at Dietrick 
Six's, near Millersburg, Berks County. This post is sometimes 
called "Busse's Fort" from its commanding officer, also the "Fort 
at Dietrick Six's". Fort Lebanon and Fort Henry were twenty- 
two miles apart, and midway between them was the small post, 
Fort Northkill. Next came Fort Swatara, located in the vicinity 
of Swatara Gap, or Tolihaio Gap; then Fort Hunter, on the east 
bank of the Susquehanna River at the mouth of Fishing Creek, six 
miles north of Harrisburg; then Fort Halifax at the mouth of 
Armstrong Creek, half a mile above the present town of Halifax, 
on the east bank of the Susquehanna, in Dauphin County. While 
there were numerous block-houses, these posts were the principal 
forts east of the Susquehanna. 

Crossing the Susquehanna, we find Fort Patterson in the 
Tuscarora Valley at Mexico, Juniata County; Fort Granville, near 
Lewistown, Mifflin County; Fort Shirley, at Shirleysburg, Hunt- 
ingdon County; Fort Lyttleton at Sugar Cabins, in the 
northeastern part of Fulton County; Fort McDowell, where Mc- 
Dowell's Mill, Franklin County, now stands; Fort Loudoun, about 
a mile distant from the town of Loudoun, Franklin County; and 
Fort Lowther, at Carlisle, Cumberland County. Like the forts 
east of the Susquehanna, these forts were supplemented with block- 
houses in the vicinity. The erection of the entire chain of forts was 
completed in 1756. 

Regina Hartman, the German Captive 

As an example of the tragedies which the invasion of the 
Delawares brought upon the settlers of Eastern Pennsylvania, at 
the time of which we are writing, we deem it not inappropriate to 
insert, at this place, the account of the capture of Regina Hartman. 
The story of her capture, captivity among the Indians, and release 
has been told in many works dealing with the early history of 
Pennsylvania; and we quote as it is related in the "Frontier Forts 
of Pennsylvania": 

"The Rev. Henry Melchior Muhlenoerg [a son-in-law of 
Conrad Weiser] relates in the 'Hallische Nachrichten,' p. 1029, a 

244 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

touching incident, which has been frequently told, but is so 
'apropos' to this record that it should not be omitted. It was of 
the widow of John Hartman who called at his house in February, 
1765, who had been a member of one of Rev. Kurtz's [a Lutheran 
pastor in Berks County] congregations. She and her husband 
had emigrated to this country from Reutlingen, Wurtemberg, and 
settled on the frontiers of Lebanon County. The Indians fell 
upon them in October, 1755, killed her husband, one of the sons, 
and carried off two small daughters into captivity, whilst she and 
the other son were absent. On her return she found the home in 
ashes, and her family either dead or lost to her, whereupon she fled 
to the interior settlements at Tulpehocken and remained there. 

"The sequel to this occurrence is exceedingly interesting. The 
two girls were taken away. It was never known what became of 
Barbara, the elder, but Regina, with another little girl two years 
old, were given to an old Indian woman, who treated them very 
harshly. In the absence of her son, who supplied them with food, 
she drove the children into the woods to gather herbs and roots to 
eat, and, when they failed to get enough, beat them cruelly. So 
they lived until Regina was about nineteen years old and the other 
girl eleven. Her mother was a good Christian woman, and had 
taught her daughters their prayers, together with many texts from 
the Scriptures, and their beautiful German hymns, much of which 
clung to her memory during all these years of captivity. 

"At last, in the providence of God, Colonel Bouquet brought 
the Indians under subjection in 1764, [at the end of Pontiac's 
War] and obliged them to give up their captives More than four 
hundred of these unfortunate beings were gathered together at 
Carlisle, amongst them the two girls, and notices were sent all over 
the country for those who had lost friends and relatives, of that 
fact. Parents and husbands came, in some instances, hundreds of 
miles, in the hope of recovering those they had lost, the widow be- 
ing one of the number. There were many joyful scenes, but more 
sad ones. So many changes had taken place, that, in many in- 
stances, recognition seemed impossible. This was the case with 
the widow. She went up and down the long line, but, in the young 
women who stood before her, dressed in Indian costume, she failed 
to recognize the little girls she had lost. As she stood, gazing and 
weeping, Colonel Bouquet compassionately suggested that she do 
something which might recall the past to her children. She could 
think of nothing but a hymn which was formerly a favorite with 
the little ones: 


'Allein, und doch nicht ganz allein, 
Bin ich in meiner Einsamkeit.' 

[The English translation of the first stanza of this hymn is as 

follows: fA1 , . 

Alone, yet not alone am 1, 

Though in this solitude so drear; 

I feel my Saviour always nigh, 

He comes the very hour to cheer; 

I am with Him, and He with me, 

E'en here alone 1 cannot be.'] 

"She commenced singing, in German, but had barely complet- 
ed two lines, when poor Regina rushed from the crowd, began to 
sing also and threw her arms around her mother. They both wept 
for joy and the Colonel gave the daughter up to her mother. But 
the other girl had no parents, they having probably been murdered. 
She clung to Regina and begged to be taken home with her. Poor 
as was the widow she could not resist the appeal and the three de- 
parted together." 

The Murder of Frederick Reichelsdorfer's Daughters 

"The Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania" contains, also, the fol- 
lowing account of one of the saddest tragedies of the autumn of 

"The Rev. Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, D. D., in the Hall- 
ische Nachrichten, tells the soul-stirring story of Frederick Reich- 
elsdorfer, whose two grown daughters had attended a course of in- 
struction, under him, in the Catechism, and been solemnly ad- 
mitted by confirmation to the communion of the Ev. Lutheran 
Church, in New Hanover, Montgomery County. 

"This man afterwards went with his family some distance into 
the interior, to a tract of land which he had purchased in Albany 
township, Berks County (see under Fort Everett also). When 
the war with the Indians broke out, he removed his family to his 
former residence, and occasionally returned to his farm, to attend 
to his grain and cattle. On one occasion he went, accompanied by 
his two daughters, to spend a few days there, and bring away some 
wheat. On Friday evening, after the wagon had been loaded, and 
everything was ready for their return on the morrow, his daughters 
complained that they felt anxious and dejected, and were impressed 
with the idea that they were soon to die. They requested their 
father to unite with them in singing the familiar German funeral 

246 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

'Wer weiss wie nahe meine Ende?' 
[Who knows how near my end may be?] 

after which they commended themselves to God in prayer, and re- 
tired to rest. 

"The light of the succeeding morn beamed upon them, and all 
was yet well. Whilst the daughters were attending to the dairy, 
cheered with the joyful hope of soon greeting their friends, and be- 
ing out of danger, the father went to the field for the horses, to pre- 
pare for their departure home. As he was passing through the 
field, he suddenly saw two Indians, armed with rifles, tomahawks 
and scalping knives, making towards him at full speed. The sight 
so terrified him that he lost all self command, and stood motionless 
and silent. When they were about twenty yards from him, he 
suddenly, and with all his strength, exclaimed 'Lord Jesus, living 
and dying, I am thine!' Scarcely had the Indians heard the words 
'Lord Jesus' (which they probably knew as the white man's name 
of the Great Spirit), when they stopped short, and uttered a 
hideous yell. 

"The man ran with almost supernatural strength into the 
dense forest, and by taking a serpentine course, the Indians lost 
sight of him, and relinquished the pursuit. He hastened to an ad- 
joining farm, where two German families resided, for assistance, 
but on approaching near it, he heard the dying groans of the 
families, who were falling beneath the murderous tomahawks of 
some other Indians. 

"Having providentially not been observed by them, he has- 
tened back to learn the fate of his daughters. But, alas! on ar- 
riving within sight, he found his home and barn enveloped with 
flames. Finding that the Indians had possession here too, he has- 
tened to another adjoining farm for help. Returning, armed with 
several men, he found the house reduced to ashes and the Indians 
gone. His eldest daughter had been almost entirely burnt up, a 
few remains only of her body being found. And, awful to relate, 
the younger daughter though the scalp had been cut from her head, 
and her body horribly mangled from head to foot with the toma- 
hawk, was yet living. 'The poor worm,' says Muhlenberg, 'was 
able to state all the circumstances of the dreadful scene.' After 
having done so she requested her father to stoop down to her that 
she might give him a parting kiss, and then go to her dear Saviour; 
and after she had impressed her dying lips upon his cheek, she 
yielded her spirit into the hands of that Redeemer, who, though 


His judgments are often unsearchable, and His ways past finding 
out, has nevertheless said, 'I am the resurrection and the life; if 
any man believe in me, though he die yet shall he live.' ' 

Murder of the Kobel Family 

On November 24th, 1755, Conrad Weiser wrote Governor 
Morris concerning the murder of the Kobel family, as follows: 

"I cannot forbear to acquaint your Honor of a certain Cir- 
cumstance of the late unhappy Affair: One Kobel, 

with his wife and eight children, the eldest about fourteen Years 
and the youngest fourteen Days, was flying before the Enemy, he 
carrying one, and his wife and a Boy another of the Children, when 
they were fired upon by two Indians very nigh, but hit only the 
Man upon his Breast, though not Dangerously. They, the In- 
dians, then came with their Tomahawks, knocked the woman 
down, but not dead. They intended to kill the Man, but his Gun 
(though out of order so that he could not fire) kept them off. 
The Woman recovered so farr, and seated herself upon a Stump, 
with her Babe in her Arms, and gave it Suck, and the Indians driv- 
ing the children together, and spoke to them in High Dutch, 'Be 
still; we won't hurt you.' Then they struck a Hatchet into the 
woman's Head, and she fell upon her Face with her Babe under 
her, and the Indian trod on her neck and tore off the scalp. The 
children then run; four of them were scalped, among which was a 
Girl of Eleven Years of Age, who related the whole Story; of the 
Scalped, two are alive and like to do well. The Rest of the Chil- 
dren ran into the Bushes and the Indians after them, but our Peo- 
ple coming near to them, and hallowed and made noise; the Indians 
Ran, and the Rest of the Children were saved. They ran within 
a Yard by a Woman that lay behind an Old Log, with two Chil- 
dren; there was about Seven or Eight of the Enemy." 

Scarouady Returns From Mission to the Six Nations 

As stated earlier in this chapter, Scarouady and Andrew Mon- 
tour had been sent by the Governor of Pennsylvania as messengers 
to the Six Nations, late in 1755. They returned to Philadelphia 
from this mission on March 21, 1756, and on the 27th of that 
month, they appeared before the Provincial Council, and made a 
report of their journey. They had gone by way of Tulpehocken 
and Thomas McKee's trading post to Shamokin; and from there 
through Laugpaughpitton's Town and Nescopeck to Wyoming 

248 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

(Plymouth, Luzerne County). At Wyoming they found a large 
number of Delawares, some Shawnees, Mohicans, and members of 
the Six Nations. They next came to Asserughney, a Delaware 
Town, twelve miles above Wyoming, on the north side of the 
Lackawanna River at its mouth. Their next stop was at Chink- 
annig (Tunkhannock), twenty miles farther up the Susquehanna, 
where they found the great Delaware chief, Teeduscung, with 
some Delawares and Nanticokes. Their next stop was at Diahogo 
(Tioga), a town composed of Mohicans and Delawares of the 
Munsee Clan, located where Athens, Bradford County, now stands, 
at which place they found ninety men. About twenty-five miles 
beyond, they came to the deserted town of Owegy. Leaving this 
place they arrived at Chugnut, about twenty miles distant. About 
five miles above Chugnut, was the town of Otseningo, where they 
found thirty cabins and about sixty warriors of the Nanticokes, 
Conoys, and Onondagas. Fourteen miles beyond this place they 
came to Oneoquagque, where they sent a message to the Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania, written by Rev. Gideon Hawley. From 
there they proceeded to Teyonnoderre and Teyoneandakt, and next 
to Caniyeke, the Lower Mohawk Town, located about two miles 
from Fort Johnson, and about forty miles from Albany, New 
York. At Fort Johnson, they held a conference in February, 1756, 
with Sir William Johnson and the chiefs of the Six Nations, who 
expressed great resentment over the action of the hostile Dela- 

This was a very dangerous journey for Scarouady and Mon- 
tour. While they were at Wyoming, their lives were threatened 
by a party of eighty Delaware warriors, who came soon after their 
arrival. While Scarouady was consulting with the oldest chief in 
the evening, the rest cried out of doors: "Let us kill the rogue; 
we will hear of no mediator, much less of a master; hold your ton- 
gue, and be gone, or you shall live no longer. We will do what we 
please." Said Scarouady: "All the way from Wyoming to 
Diahogo, a day never passed without meeting some warriors, six, 
eight, or ten in a party; and twenty under command of Cut Finger 
Pete, going after the eighty warriors which we saw at Wyoming. 

All the way we met parties of Delawares going to join 

the eighty warriors there." 

Scarouady reported that, at Wyoming he and Montour found 
John Shikellamy, son of the great vice-gerent of the Six Nations, 
with the hostile Delawares. They took him aside, and upbraided 
him severely for his ingratitude to Pennsylvania, "which had ever 


been extremely kind to his father when alive." Then John 
Shikellamy explained that he was with the enemies of the Colony, 
because he could not help it, as they had threatend to kill him if 
he did not join them. 

Scarouady again appeared before the Provincial Council on 
April 3rd and gave additional details of his journey. Said he: 
"You desired us in your instructions to inquire the particular rea- 
sons assigned by the Delawares and Shawnees for their acting in 
the manner they do against this Province. I have done it and all 
I could get from the Indians is that they heard them say their 
brethren, the English, had accused them very falsely of joining 
with the French after Colonel Washington's defeat, and if they 
would charge them when they were innocent, they could do no 
more if they were guilty; this turned them against their brethren 
and now indeed the English have good reason for any charge they 
may make against them, for they are heartily their enemies." 

As to the attitude of the Six Nations, Scarouady reported: 
"The Six Nations in their reply expressed great resentment of the 
Delawares; they threatened to shake them by the head, saying they 
were drunk and out of their senses and would not consider the 
consequences of their ill behavior and assured them that, if they 
did not perform what they had promised they should be severely 
chastized." At this meeting of the Provincial Council and at 
others held early in April, Scarouady expressed himself as favoring 
a declaration of war by Pennsylvania against the Delawares, and 
ventured the opinion that the Six Nations would approve of such 

Pennsylvania Declares War Against the Delawares 

As a result of the foregoing conferences with Scarouady, Gov- 
ernor Morris and the Provincial Council on April 14, 1756, made a 
formal declaration of war against the Delawares, and offered re- 
wards for Indians' scalps, as follows: 

"For every male Indian enemy above twelve years old, who 
shall be taken prisoner and delivered at any fort, garrisoned by the 
troops in pay of this Province, or at any of the county towns to 
the keepers of the common jail there, the sum of 150 Spanish dol- 
lars or pieces of eight; for the scalp of every male enemy above 
the age of twelve years, produced to evidence of their being killed 
the sum of 130 pieces of eight; for every female Indian taken 
prisoner and brought in as aforesaid, and for every male Indian 
prisoner under the age of twelve years, taken and brought in as 

250 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

aforesaid, 130 pieces of eight; for the scalp of every Indian wo- 
man, produced as evidence of their being killed, the sum of fifty 
pieces of eight, and for every English subject that has been killed 
and carried from this Province into captivity that shall be recov- 
ered and brought in and delivered at the City of Philadelphia, to 
the Governor of this Province, the sum of 130 pieces of eight, but 
nothing for their scalps; and that there shall be paid to every 
officer or soldier as are or shall be in the pay of the Province who 
shall redeem and deliver any English subject carried into captivity 
as aforesaid, or shall take, bring in and produce any enemy pris- 
oner, or scalp as aforesaid, one-half of the said several and respec- 
tive premiums and bounties." 

The Scalp Act had the effect of causing hundreds of brave 
warriors of the Delawares and Shawnees who were up to that time 
undecided, to take up arms against the Colony. "A mighty shout 
arose which shook the very mountains, and all the Delawares and 
Shawnees, except a few old sachems, danced the war dance." 

James Logan, a prominent Quaker member of the Provincial 
Council, and former Secretary of the same, opposed the declaration 
of war, though he was a strict advocate of defensive warfare. 
Conrad Weiser was in favor of the declaration of war, but strongly 
opposed to offering rewards for scalps. He said that the Colony 
might offer rewards for Indian prisoners, but that a bounty for 
scalps would certainly tend to aggravate existing affairs. He 
argued that anyone could bring in these scalps, and there was no 
means of distinguishing the scalps of friendly Indians. "Indeed," 
says Walton, "this was the core of the whole difficulty. Scalps of 
friendly Indians were taken, and the peace negotiations with the 
Eastern Indians frustrated." 

Scarouady Favors Peace 

The declaration of war against the Delawares was very dis- 
tasteful to the Quaker members of the Provincial Assembly. They 
believed that the entire Indian policy of the Colony had been re- 
versed by such declaration and that the Delawares and Shawnees 
would not have taken up arms against the Colony without a 
grievance. Furthermore, they believed that adequate efforts had 
not been made towards reconciliation before war was declared. 
Therefore, when some friendly Indians were in Philadelphia a few 
days after the declaration of war, Israel Pemberton waited upon 
the Governor on behalf of numerous members of the Society of 


Friends, and asked the Governor's permission to invite the Indians 
to dine with a committee of Quakers, to the end that the Indian 
grievances might be ascertained and additional efforts made to 
bring about peace. The Quakers offered to bear all expenses, to 
conduct the negotiations as a private matter, and do nothing with- 
out the approval of the Governor. The Governor granted per- 
mission on condition that Conrad Weiser should be informed of 
everything said to the Indians by the Quakers and everything said 
to the Quakers by the Indians. Pemberton then set forth at a din- 
ner the well known peace principles of the Society of Friends. 
The Indians, especially Scarouady, their speaker, were greatly 
pleased. The old chief declared that the Six Nations would join 
eagerly in a project for establishing peace. 

Following the dinner, Weiser and Pemberton had a long con- 
ference with Scarouady, in which it was decided to send messen- 
gers to the Six Nations "setting forth their conferences with the 
Quakers, their religious principles and their characters, and the 
influence they had as well with the Government as a people, their 
desiring to bring about a peace, and their offer to become media- 
tors between them and the Government; that he [Scarouady] and 
the other Six Nations had heard what they said with pleasure and 
desired that they would hearken to it, cease their hostilities and 
accept this mediation, and lest they (the Delawares and Shawnees) 
might be afraid that they had done too much mischief and taken 
too many lives, even more than could be possibly forgiven, he 
assured them that these peaceable people would, notwithstanding 
this, obtain their pardon if they would immeditaely desist, send 
the English prisoners to some place, and deliver them up to the 
Governor, and request peace of him and forgiveness for what was 

Pemberton and Weiser laid the report of the conference before 
the Governor, who called the Provincial Council together and sub- 
mitted four questions: 

1st. Whether it were proper to permit the Society of Friends 
to act as mediators. 2nd. Whether or not a peace should be pro- 
posed on conditions of forgiveness and return of prisoners taken. 
3rd. Whether or not such a message would obstruct the establish- 
ing of a fort which the Colony contemplated building at Shamokin. 
4th. Whether or not it would be better to invite such friendly 
Indians as Paxinosa, chief of the Shawnees of Wyoming, to come 
near the settlements and be out of danger. 

The Provincial Council being opposed to the Government's 

252 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

assuming any responsibility, advised the Governor to leave the 
matter entirely with the Quakers. Scarouady, Captain New 
Castle, and several other friendly Indians agreed to carry the 
peace message among the hostile Delawares and the Six Nations. 
They were instructed to ask the Six Nations to solicit the influence 
of Sir William Johnson, of New York, in persuading the Colony of 
Pennsylvania to recall the declaration of war and the act providing 
a bounty for scalps. 

Weiser advised the Governor that the declaration of war 
should stand, believing that it would influence the Delawares to 
ask for peace. He believed further that the Six Nations would 
agree to this, and called the attention of both the Governor and the 
Provincial Council to the fact that Scarouady as the representative 
of the Six Nations was not offended at the "Scalp Act." 

The Delaware chiefs, Captain New Castle, Jonathan, and 
Andrew Montour were very eager for peace and offered to risk 
their lives in carrying the overtures of the Governor. However, 
while the Delawares had virtually thrown off the yoke of Iroquois 
bondage, yet the hatred of these three Delaware chiefs for their 
former masters was so strong that they positively declared that 
they would do nothing for Scarouady and the Six Nations. The 
Governor then decided to have no professional connection with 
the matter, but the day following his decision, he received a letter 
from Sir William Johnson, of New York, criticizing Pennsylvania's 
declaration of war and the Scalp Bounty Act. Governor Morris 
then changed his mind once more, and decided that he would send 
the peace message in his own name. The messengers then went 
forth among the Delawares and the Shawnees of the Susquehanna. 

Scarouady also went to the territory of the Six Nations, car- 
rying the Governor's peace message to Sir William Johnson, at- 
tending many conferences and making speeches in an effort to 
bring about peace. One of these was delivered at a meeting at 
Fort Johnson, New York, on May 10, 1756, between Sir William 
Johnson and a number of Oneida chiefs. Another was delivered 
on July 1, 1756, at the conference of the Six Nations with Sir 
William Johnson in behalf of the Shawnees and Delawares. An- 
other was made at the German Flats, New York, on August 26, 
1756, when Sir William Johnson spoke to the two parties of In- 
dians, one under the command of Scarouady and Montour and 
another under command of Thomas, an Oghquaga chief. On 
this occasion Johnson asked the two bands of Indians to go to the 
Oneida Carrying Place to meet the army of General Webb. He 


said that he would send Croghan with them to this place. Scar- 
ouady and Montour promised to accompany Croghan, but delayed 
their departure from day to day. In the meantime General Webb 
having destroyd his forts and abandoned the Carrying Place, re- 
turned to the German Flats. The proposed expedition under 
Croghan therefore did not start. 

Final Conferences of Scarouady 

While Scarouady was in New York exerting all the powers of 
his eloquence in behalf of peace, the French and Indian War went 
on in Pennsylvania. A line of forts with intervening block houses 
was erected along the base of the Blue Mountains from Easton to 
the Maryland line; but the savages broke through this line of 
fortifications and continued their work of blood and death on the 
frontier. On April 4, 1756, they burned McCord's Fort on the 
Conococheague, in Franklin County, and the entire garrison of 
twenty-seven was killed or captured. On August 1, 1756, they 
burned Fort Granville, near Lewistown, Mifflin County, and cap- 
tured the entire garrison after killing Lieutenant Edward Arm- 
strong, the commander. The Indian forces were Delawares under 
command of Captain Jacobs of Kittanning. The prisoners were 
carried to that place where some of them were tortured to death, 
among these being John Turner, who had opened the gates at Fort 
Granville to the enemy. Lieutenant Armstrong's brother, Colonel 
John Armstrong, then raised a force of three hundred soldiers from 
Cumberland County, marched over the Allegheny Mountains, and 
on September 8th, burned the great Delaware town of Kittanning, 
which had been the starting point for so many expeditions that 
spread terror and death on the frontier. An account of the de- 
struction of Kittanning will be given more fully in Chapter XVIII. 

Scarouady returned to Pennsylvania and held a conference 
with George Croghan and one hundred and sixty Indians, chiefly 
chiefs from the Six Nations, at Harris' Ferry, on April 1st and 2nd, 
1757. He then accompanied them to Lancaster, where they re- 
mained until the end of the month and where additional confer- 
ences were held in the hope of establishing permanent peace. 
Many of the chiefs died of smallpox while at Lancaster. 

On April 26, 1757, Scarouady, with a party of Mohawk war- 
riors, set forth for Fort Augusta which had been erected at 
Shamokin, to reconnoiter the wilderness in that vicinity, and then 
to proceed toward the Ohio on a scouting expedition. Scarouady 

254 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

proposed this expedition, stating that he was very apprehensive 
that the French would make an attempt against Fort Augusta; and 
so he believed it well to reconnoiter the country between that place 
and the Ohio, and if he found any French in the region, he would 
return and give notice to the commander of the fort. 

The Colonial Records are not clear as to whether Scarouady 
actually went to the region of the Ohio and Allegheny, but on May 
9th, Croghan reported that "three of the messengers I sent to the 
Ohio, returned." They had gone to Venango (Franklin) and other 
points in the western region. They reported that they were ad- 
vised by the Indians of Venango, Kuskuskies, and those who had 
formerly lived at Kittanning, that the French were determined to 
make another trial against the English, but that they could not tell 
where they intended to strike next. 

Death of Scarouady 

The date of Scarouady's death is not known, but it was prior 
to August 26th, 1758, on which day several Mohawks came to 
Philadelphia from the territory of the Six Nations, bringing with 
them Scarouady's wife and all her children. She presented 
Governor Denny with "her husband's Calumet Pipe, and desired 
that he and the Indians might smoke it together; she intended to 
have gone into the Cherokee country, but had altered her mind, 
and would stay here with her children." Probably the old chief 
lost his life in one of Johnson's expeditions ; n New York. 

It is with sincere regret that we take leave of Scarouady, an 
admirable character, a forceful orator, the leading speaker at many 
important conferences, the wise counselor, the strong enemy of the 
French, the firm friend of the English. Far past the prime of life 
when he first appears upon the scene, his aged shoulders bore a 
mighty burden to the end of his eventful career. 


Queen Allaquippa, Canachquasy 
and Paxinosa 

NTERRUPTING, for a moment, the recital of the atroci- 
ties and battles of the French and Indian War, we devote 
this chapter to the biographies of three great Indian per- 
sonages who were loyal to Pennsylvania before and dur- 
ing this bloody conflict. 


Queen Allaquippa (Aliquippa), for whom the town of Ali- 
quippa, in Beaver County, is named, and near which she is said to 
have at one time lived, is generally spoken of as a Seneca, though 
some authorities say that it is probable that she was a Mohawk. 
The weight of authority, however, is in favor of the contention 
that she was a Seneca. Conrad Weiser says that she belonged to 
this tribe. If she were a Mohawk, Weiser certainly would have 
known it, as he himself was an adopted son of the Mohawk nation. 

By many authorities Queen Allaquippa is said to have been 
the mother of Canachquasy, the account of whom is given later in 
this chapter, and that she and her husband visited William Penn 
at New Castle, Delaware, shortly before he sailed for England the 
last time, in the autumn of 1701. There is no doubt that the par- 
ents of Canachquasy, whoever they were, went with their child to 
New Castle to bid farewell to the founder of the Colony; and if 
Queen Allaquippa were the mother of Canachquasy, the bidding of 
farewell to William Penn is her first appearance in history. 

Distinguished Personages Visit Queen Allaquippa 

When Conrad Weiser made his journey to the Ohio in the 
summer of 1748, in order to enter into a treaty on behalf of Penn- 
sylvania with the western tribes, at Logstown, as mentioned in 
Chapter VIII, Queen Allaquippa was living at a village on the 
north bank of the Allegheny, a short distance above the mouth of 
the Monongahela. Weiser makes mention of his visit in a note in 
his journal, under date of August 27th, as follows: "Set off again 

256 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

in the morning early. Rainy weather. We dined at a Seneca 
town where an old Seneca woman [Queen Allaquippa] reigns with 
great authority. We dined at her house and they all used us very 

Weiser reached Logstown on the evening of that same day 
(August 27th), at which place he made George Groghan's trading 
house his headquarters until he left for the settlements, on Septem- 
ber 19th, in the meantime having visited Sauconk, at the mouth of 
the Beaver, and gotten in touch with the Indians of Kuskuskies, 
who were to receive part of the Pennsylvania present. Before 
leaving Logstown, he made another notation in his journal con- 
cerning Queen Allaquippa, as follows: 

"The old Sinicker Queen from above, already mentioned, 
came to inform me some time ago that she had sent a string of 
wampum of three fathoms to Philadelphia by James Dunnings, 
to desire her brethren would send her up a cask of powder and 
some small shot to enable her to send out the Indian boys to kill 
turkeys and other fowls for her, whilst the men were gone to war 
against the French, that they may not be starved. I told her I 
had heard nothing of her message, but if she had told me of it 
before I had parted with all the powder and lead, I could have let 
her have some, and promised I would make inquiry; perhaps her 
messenger had lost it on the way to Philadelphia. I gave her a 
shirt, a Dutch wooden pipe and some tobacco. She seemed to 
have taken a little affront because I took not sufficient notice of 
her in coming down. I told her she acted very imprudently not to 
let me know by some of her friends who she was, as she knew very 
well I could not know by myself. She was satisfied, and went 
away with a deal of kind expressions." 

When Celeron led his expedition down the Allegheny and 
Ohio in the summer of 1749, he found her living as nearly as can 
be determined at Shannopin's Town, on the east bank of the Alle- 
gheny, a few miles above the mouth of the Monongahela and with- 
in the present limits of Pittsburgh, though some assert that her 
residence was at McKees Rocks. He noted in his journal under 
date of August 7th as follows: "I re-embarked and visited the 
village which is called the Written Rock. The Iroquois inhabit 
this place, and it is an old woman of this nation who governs it. 
She regards herself as sovereign. She is entirely devoted to the 

When Messrs. Patten, Fry and Lomax, the Commissioners of 
Virginia, who entered into a treaty with the Western Indians at 

Queen Allaquippa, Canachquasy and Paxinosa 257 

Logstown in 1752, as referred to in former chapters, were on their 
way to Logstown, they called on this old Indian Queen at Alla- 
quippa's Town, located on the south bank of the Ohio below the 
mouth of Chartier's Creek, where she was living at that time. 
The journal of the Commissioners under date of May 30, 1752, 
describes their visit as follows: 

"The goods being put on board four large canoes lashed to- 
gether [at Shannopin's Town], the Commissioners and others 
went on board also, to go down the river with colors flying. When 
they came opposite the Delaware town, they were saluted by the 
discharge of firearms, both from the town and opposite shore 
where Queen Allaquippa lives; and the compliment was returned 
from the canoes. The company then went on shore to wait on the 
Queen, who welcomed them, and presented them with a string of 
wampum, to clear their way to Logstown. She presented them 
also with a fine dish of fish to carry with them, and had some 
victuals set, which they all ate of. The Commissioners then pre- 
sented the Queen with a brass kettel, tobacco and some other trifles 
and took their leave." 

When Washington made his journey to the French forts in 
the latter part of 1753, Queen Allaquippa was living at the present 
site of McKeesport, Allegheny County. When he and Christopher 
Gist reached Frazer's cabin at the mouth of Turtle Creek late in 
December, he learned from Frazer that Queen Allaquippa was 
offended by his failure to call on her on his way from Virginia to 
LeBouef. He then determined to visit her on his way back. He 
makes the following notation in his journal without giving a speci- 
fic date, but from the context it is clear that it was some time be- 
tween December 28th and the last day of the year: "As we intend- 
ed to take horse here [at Frazer's], and it required some time to 
find them, I went up about three miles to the mouth of the Yough- 
iogheny to visit Queen Alliquippa, who had expressed great con- 
cern that we passed her in going to the fort. I made her a present 
of a match-coat and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought 
much the better present of the two." 

As has been seen in Chapter XIV, Queen Allaquippa was at 
the Great Meadows during Washington's campaign in the summer 
of 1754, and no doubt witnessed the conferring of the name of 
Colonel Fairfax upon Canachquasy by Washington at that place 
on the 10th day of June. 

After Washington's surrender at Fort Necessity, July 4th, 
1754, Queen Allaquippa went to Aughwick with the other Indians 

258 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

of the Ohio still friendly to Pennsylvania. Here she died some 
time prior to December 23rd, 1754, as, on that date, George Crog- 
han, then in charge of Indian affairs at Aughwick, wrote the 
Colonial Authorities: "Alequeapy, ye old quine, is dead." 


As stated earlier in this chapter, it is probable that 
Canachquasy was the son of Queen Allaquippa. But whether he 
was her son or not, there is no doubt, as will be seen later, that, 
when a child, he accompanied his parents to New Castle, Delaware, 
in the autumn of 1701, when they went to that place to bid fare- 
well to William Penn. His first appearance in Colonial history 
after attaining manhood was when he led a band of ten Mingo 
(Iroquois) warriors from Kuskuskies to Philadelphia in Novem- 
ber, 1747, and brought the Provincial Council the first authentic 
news of the operations of the French in that quarter. In his 
speech delivered to the Provincial Council on November 13th, he 
advised the Governor that, although the Onondaga Council had 
taken a stand for neutrality during King George's War, which 
was then raging, yet the young warriors of the Iroquois in the Kus- 
kuskies region had determined to take up arms against the French. 
The gist of his speech was given in the first part of Chapter XV. 
After apprising the Provincial Authorities of the attitude of the 
young Iroquois under his command, he asked for assistance by 
way of arms and ammunition from the Colony. "The French," 
said he, "have hard heads, and we have nothing strong enough to 
break them. We have only little sticks and hickories and such 
things that will do little or no service against the hard heads of 
the French." 

Canachquasy was then told that a present had been prepared 
for them and the Cuyahogas. He then thanked the Council on 
behalf of his own delegation and the Cuyahogas, who, he said were 
of their own flesh and blood, and were pleased for the regard 
shown to them. The Council then purchased two hundred pounds 
worth of goods, a present for these Indans, and sent them as far 
as Harris' Ferry, where they were held until the following spring. 
Additions thereto were made so as to bring the total value up to 
about one thousand pounds. George Croghan was sent to Logs- 
town the next spring, with a portion of these goods, to advise the 
Indians of that place and of Kuskuskies that Conrad Weiser 
would briny the balance later in the vear. This Weiser did, as has 

Queen Allaquippa, Canachquasy and Paxinosa 259 

already been seen, in the summer of 1748, when as agent of Penn- 
sylvania, he entered into a treaty at Logstown with the Western 
Indians. Therefore, it is seen that Canachquasy's visit to the 
Provincial Council in November, 1747, was the means of the 
Colony's getting information which led to its sending Croghan 
and later Weiser the following year on the first embassy on the 
part of Pennsylvania to the Indians of the valleys of the Ohio 
and Allegheny. 

Canachquasy spent the winter of 1747-48 with the Nanticokes 
at their village at the mouth of the Juniata. Just where he resided 
from this time until Washington's campaign in the summer of 
1754 is uncertain; but it is probable that, during a large part of 
this period, his residence was at Kuskuskies or in that vicinity. 

Canachquasy Given Name of New Castle 

Canachquasy was the recipient of two English names. We 
have already seen, in Chapter XIV, that he was given the name of 
Lord Fairfax by Washington at the camp at the Great Meadows, 
on June 10, 1754. Later, he attended Weiser's conferences at 
Aughwick, in September, 1754. Likewise, we saw, in Chapter XV, 
that he was one of the chiefs who fought on the side of the English 
in Braddock's campaign in 1755, and that, at a meeting of the 
Provincial Council on August 15th of that year, he was thanked 
by the Council and rewarded for his fidelity. He was also present 
at a meeting of the Provincial Council on August 22, 1755, when 
Scarouady complained of the obstinacy of General Braddock. At 
this meeting, Canachquasy was given the name of New Castle. 
In the minutes of the Council, on this occasion, we read: 

"The Governor [Governor Morris] addressing himself to 
Kanuksusy [Canachquasy], the son of old Allaguipas, whose 
mother was now alive and living near Ray's Town, desired 
him to hearken for he was going to give him an English name, 
then spoke as follows: 'In token of our affection for your parents 
and in expectation of you being a useful man in these perilous 
times, I do, in the most solemn manner, adopt you by the name of 
New Castle, and order you to be called hereafter by that name, 
which I have given to you, because, in 1701, I am informed that 
your parents presented you to the late Mr. William Penn at New 
Castle.' " 

In this connection, we call attention to the fact that the min- 
utes of the meeting of the Provincial Council above quoted (Col- 

260 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

onial Records, Vol. VI, pages 588 and 589), refer to Canachquasy 
as "the son of old Allaguipas, whose mother was now alive and 
living near Ray's Town." That eminent authority on the 
Indian history of Pennsylvania, Dr. George P. Donehoo, points 
out that, inasmuch as George Croghan wrote from Aughwick, on 
December 23d, 1754, that "Alaqueapy, ye old quine, is dead," the 
"old Allaguipas," mentioned in the minutes of the Council of Aug- 
ust 22nd, 1755, was not the mother of Canachquasy, but evidently 
an Indian chief, the father of Canachquasy, having a name similar, 
in sound, to that of Queen Allaquippa. 

Canachquasy at Carlisle Council 

An important Indian Council was held at Carlisle from 
January 13th to 16th, 1756, which was attended by Governor 
Morris, Richard Peters, William Logan, Joseph Fox, Conrad 
Weiser, George Croghan, and the following Indians: Canach- 
quasy, The Belt, Aroas (Silver Heels), Jagrea, Seneca George, and 

This Council had reference to Indian affairs on the Ohio and 
Allegheny at that time. Croghan reported that he had sent a 
friendly Indian, Delaware Jo, to the Ohio to get intelligence as to 
the situation there. Delaware Jo had gone to Kittanning, where 
the Delaware chief, Beaver, brother of Shingas, told him that the 
Six Nations had given the war hatchet to the Delawares and 
Shawnees. From Kittanning, Delaware Jo had gone to Logstown, 
where he was told the same thing by the Shawnees of that place. 
Furthermore, Delaware Jo had found some members of the Six 
Nations living in the Delaware towns on the Ohio and Allegheny, 
who always accompanied them in their war parties against the 
Pennsylvania settlements. 

James Hamilton told the members of the conference how he 
had sent Aroas in the preceding November among the Indians of 
the Susquehanna to gain information, and that Aroas had learned 
from his uncle, who lived between Nescopeck and Wyoming, that 
the Delawares and Shawnees on the Ohio were persuaded by the 
French to strike the English, and had "put the hatchet into the 
hands of the Susquehanna Indians." After Croghan had listened 
to these accounts, he gave it as his opinion that the hostile Dela- 
wares and Shawnees were acting by the advice and approval of the 
Six Nations. 

The Belt reviewed the events on the Ohio from the time of its 

Queen Allaquippa, Canachquasy and Paxinosa 261 

first occupation by the French until the attacks upon Pennsylvania 
by the Delawares and Shawnees. He said that the French had 
entered into a secret treaty with the Delawares and Shawnees of 
the Ohio, who were in alliance with the Six Nations and were oc- 
cupying the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny by permission of the 
Six Nations, by the terms of which the Delawares and Shawnees 
permitted the French occupation and agreed to assist the French 
against the English. 

Therefore, the thing uppermost in the mind of Canachquasy 
and his associates at the Carlisle Council was how to win back to 
the English interest the hostile Shawnees and Delawares, especially 
since it appeared, on the surface at least, that the Six Nations 
countenanced their hostility. But it must be remembered that 
those members of the Six Nations, living on the Ohio and Alle- 
gheny, at that time, and to whom Delaware Jo referred, were not 
true representatives of the Great Confederation of the Six Nations. 
They were a mongrel population, a mixture of all the Iroquoian 
stock on the outskirts of the territory of the Senecas. This mon- 
grel population of the Ohio and Allegheny valleys was known as 
"Mingoes," and was really beyond the jurisdiction of the Six 

Canachquasy Attends Other Conferences 

Canachquasy attended a conference at Harris' Ferry on Janu- 
ary 31, 1756, between Conrad Weiser, representing the Colony of 
Pennsylvania, and the friendly Indians of the Susquehanna. 
There was great danger, at this time, that the Pennsylvania settlers 
would not distinguish between good Indians and bad Indians; and 
Weiser's mission was for the purpose of retaining the friendship of 
the few that had not taken up arms against the Colony. In his 
report of this conference, written at his home at Womelsdorf on 
February 4th, and laid before the Governor on February 10th, he 

"I had a good deal of trouble to quiet their minds (if I did at 
all). Satacarkoyies and New Castle went to Michael Taefs that 
night [January 31st], and New Castle got in the night light- 
headed. He looked upon every person as an enemy, and did per- 
suade Satacarkoyies to run away with him. He himself made off 
privately next morning, and had not been heard of when I left 
John Harris', which was on the second instant on the afternoon. 
I sent word about it to the people to take care of the said 

262 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

New Castle if he should be seen anywhere; he had no arms with 
him. I think it highly necessary that the said Indians should be 
taken care of deeper within the Inhabitants; for should they suffer 
by our foolish people, we should lose all confidence and honor with 
the rest of the Indians." 

On February 24th, Canachquasy attended a Council at Phila- 
delphia. It seems that, shortly after his disappearance from the 
council held by Weiser at Harris' Ferry, on January 31st, he re- 
turned to that place. At any rate, he accompanied the delegation 
from Harris' Ferry which attended the conference at Philadelphia 
on the 24th of February. 

Canachquasy also attended the councils at Philadelphia 
mentioned in Chapter XVI, held between the Colonial Authorities 
and the friendly Indians prior to and following the declaration of 
war against the Delawares, following which he offered, with Jona- 
than, and Andrew Montour, to carry the Governor's peace pro- 
posals among the Delawares. 

Peace Missions of Canachquasy 

Shortly after Pennsylvania's declaraton of war against the 
Delawares, Canachquasy carried the Governor's proposals of peace 
to these Indians. He spent four days at Wyoming, and then went 
on to Tioga, an important town of the Six Nations, Nanticokes, 
and Munsee Clan of Delawares, situated on the site of Athens, 
Bradford County. It was the southern gateway to the country of 
the Iroquois, and all the great war paths and hunting trails from 
the South and Southwest centered there. He held conferences with 
the Indians of this place and the surrounding towns, and made 
known to them the Governor's message. These Indians agreed to 
lay aside the hatchet and enter into negotiations for peace; but 
they cautioned Canachquasy not to charge them with anything 
that may have been done by the Delawares of the Ohio and Alle- 
gheny valleys under the influence of the French. 

Canachquasy then returned to Philadelphia early in June, and 
laid his report before the Governor and Provincial Council. The 
Governor and Council, upon hearing the favorable report, drafted 
a proclamation for a suspension of hostilities with the enemy 
Indians of the Susquehanna Valley for a period of thirty days, and 
desired that a conference with them for the purpose of making 
peace, should be held at the earliest possible date 

Canachquasy then left once more for Tioga, bearing the 
Governor's message, advising the Susquehanna Indians that the 

Queen Allaquippa, Canachquasy and Paxinosa 263 

Colony would agree to a truce of thirty days and that, as one of 
the conditions of making peace, the prisoners taken on both sides 
should be delivered up. Shortly after he left, messengers were 
sent to him by the Governor carrying a few additional instruc- 
tions, which were delivered to him at Bethlehem. In the mean- 
time, Sir William Johnson, of New York, was holding a peace con- 
ference with the Six Nations at Otseningo, at which the assembled 
sachems of the Iroquois decided that the Delawares were acting 
like drunken men, and sent deputies to order them to become sober 
and cease their warfare against the English. This conference was 
composed of only a portion of the Iroquois, and the Delawares re- 
plied very haughtily saying that they were no longer women but 
men. "We are determined," said they, "to cut off all the English 
except those that make their escape from us in ships." 

After a dangerous journey over the mountains and through 
the wilderness, Canachquasy reached Tioga, held conferences with 
the great Delaware chieftain, Teedyuscung, and persuaded him to 
bury the hatchet, — a most remarkable victory. 

Canachquasy then returned to Philadelphia in the middle of 
July, 1756, and laid before the Governor and Provincial Council 
the results of his second mission to Tioga. Addressing the Gov- 
ernor and Council he said: 

"As I have been entrusted by you with matters of highest con- 
cern, I now declare to you that I have used all the ability I am 
master of in the management of them, and that with the greatest 
cheerfulness. I tell you in general, matters look well. I shall not 
go into particulars. Teedyuscung will do this at a public meeting, 
which he expects will be soon. The times are dangerous. The 
swords are drawn and glittering all around you; numbers of ene- 
mies in your borders. I beseech you, therefore, not to give any 
delay to this important affair; we hear the council fire is to be 
kindled; come to a conclusion immediately; let us not wait a 
moment, lest what has been done should prove ineffectual. The 
times are very precarious; not a moment is to be lost without the 
utmost danger to the good cause we are engaged in. The Delaware 
King [Teedyuscung] wants to hear from your own mouth a con- 
firmation of the assurances of peace and good will given him by me 
in your name; he comes well disposed to make you the same 
declarations. The Forks [Easton] is believed to be the place of 
meeting. What need of any altercation? Let it be. Tarry not, 
but hasten to meet him." 

Arrangements were then completed for a conference with the 
hostile Delawares at Easton, and Conrad Weiser was ordered to 

264 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

concentrate his soldiers in the vicinity of that place and to furnish 
a guard for the Governor, who, with his Council, reached Easton 
on the 24th of July. Nothing of any moment could be done until 
the 27th of that month, inasmuch as Weiser had not arrived. 
Teedyuscung, on opening the conference, insisted on having his 
own interpreter. This request was granted, and the treaty was 
formally opened on July 28th. Teedyuscung claimed to have 
been appointed King over all the Clans of Delawares and to have 
been authorized by the Six Nations to negotiate for peace. The 
details of the treaty will be set forth more fully in the account of 
Teedyuscung, Chapter XXI. At this point, however, we call 
attention to the fact that Canachquasy's advice and activities dur- 
ing the treaty were very valuable; that the treaty resulted in a 
temporary peace, and that Canachquasy and Teedyuscung were to 
go back among the Delawares and give the "Big Peace Halloo." 
At the end of the conferences, Teedyuscung lingered at Fort Allen, 
which had been erected where the town of Weissport, Carbon Coun- 
ty, now stands. At this place, Teedyuscung's inordinate appetite 
for rum, the curse of the Red Man, was taken advantage of, and he 
remained intoxicated for a considerable time. Canachquasy then 
went away in disgust. 

The Pennsylvania Authorities were apprehensive that Teedy- 
uscung was not sincere in the peace proposals that he had made at 
the treaty at Easton. Besides, a number of Indians on the border 
insinuated that the Easton treaty was but a ruse to gain time; and 
that Teedyuscung was a traitor working in the interest of the 
French. Finally, the Governor, becoming suspicious of Teedy- 
uscung's long delay at Fort Allen, sent Canachquasy secretly to 
New York to learn from the Six Nations whether or not they had 
deputized Teedyuscung to represent them in public treaties. 
Canachquasy returned to Philadelphia in October with the report 
that the Six Nations denied Teedyuscung's authority. At a 
meeting of the Provincial Council on the 24th of that month, he 

"I have but in part executed my commission, not having op- 
portunity of having done it so fully as I wished. I met with 
Canyase, one of the principal counsellors of the Six Nations, a 
Mohawk chief, who has a regard for Pennsylvania I re- 
lated to this chief very particularly the manner in which Teedy- 
uscung spoke of himself and his commission and authority from 
the Six Nations at the treaty at Easton. I gave him a true notion 
of all he said on this head and how often he repeated it to the Gov- 
ernor, and then asked whether he knew anything of this matter. 

Queen Allaquippa, Canachquasy and Paxinosa 265 

Canyase said he did; Teedyuscung did not speak the truth when 
he told the Governor he had a regular authority from the Six 
Nations to treat with Onas. Canyase then proceeded and said: 
'Teedyuscung on behalf of the Delawares did apply to me as chief 
of the Six Nations. He and I had long discourses together and in 
these conversations, I told him that the Delawares were women 
and always treated as such by the Six Nations.' " 

Death of Canachquasy 

While attending the Easton treaty, Canachquasy had a pre- 
sentiment of impending death, — a presentiment soon to be fulfilled, 
the account of which is thus given in Volume II of the Pennsyl- 
vania Archives, Series 1, under date of July 27, 1756: 

"Mr. Weiser coming to Town, the Governor proposed to open 
the conferences, but on his saying he was a stranger to Teedy- 
uscung and it would take up some time, at least a day, to be right- 
ly informed of his temper and expectations, it was deferred till 
tomorrow. Captain New Castle (Canachquasy) came to the 
Governor, much in liquor, tho' otherwise a very sober man, and 
requested a Council might be called, saying he had something of a 

particular nature to communicate with which being 

obliged, he acquainted the Governor that the Delawares had be- 
witched him and he should die soon; the Governor would have 
rallied it off, but he grew more serious and desired this information 
might be committed to writing and inserted in the minutes of 
Council, and sent to the Six Nations; that if any harm came to 
him, they might know to whom to impute it, and not charge others 
with it. Teedyuscung, he declared, had warned him in a friendly 
manner, that he would not live long, having overheard two Dela- 
wares say they would put an end to his life by witchcraft. And 
whilst he was speaking, Teedyuscung mistrusting what New Castle 
was upon, bolted into the room, fell into a violent passion with 
New Castle, who he supposed had been telling the Governor foolish 
words, and desired he might not be regarded in anything he 
should say on such a foolish subject, exclaiming, 'He bewitched!' 
The Governor was too wise to hearken to such silly stories, and 
then left the room in as abrupt a manner as he had entered it. 
After he was gone, the Governor endeavored to show New Castle 
that he was in no danger, but he made no impression. New Castle 
still urging that information might be taken down, and, in case of 
his death, be communicated in a special message to the Six Nations, 

266 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

which was promised; and he then withdrew, to appearance, more 

Shortly after Canachquasy's appearance before the Provincial 
Council on October 24, 1756, he contracted small-pox, at Philadel- 
phia, and before the middle of November, this great peace apostle 
among the Indians was no more. Canachquasy's devotion to the 
cause of the English commands our great admiration and. respect. 
He said that he would die for the sons of Onas. In the following 
chapter (Chapter XVIII), we shall see some of the terrible atroci- 
ties, committed by the Delawares, while this firm friend of Penn- 
sylvania was wroking for peace. 


Paxinosa was a noted chief of the Shawnees. His first ap- 
pearance in history is among the Shawnees at Pechoquealin, near 
the Delaware Water Gap, and it is probable that he was one of 
the band of this tribe which Arnold Viele conducted to that region 
from the lower Ohio Valley, in 1794, as set forth in Chapter II. 
He removed from the Pechoquealin and Minisink region, and took 
up his abode just below Plymouth, Luzerne County, among the 
other Shawnees who had removed from Pechoquealin to that place. 
The date of his removal from Pechoquealin, however, is not 
known. As stated in Chapter VIII, Kakowatcheky, who had 
been chief of the Shawnees at Wyoming, removed to the Ohio 
Valley in 1743. A few years later, Paxinosa succeeded him as 
chief of the Shawnees at Wyoming. 

Paxinosa Joins in Sale of Lands Between 
Susquehanna and Delaware Rivers 

As stated in Chapter XII, the Six Nations, on August 22nd, 
1749, sold to the Colony of Pennsylvania, a vast tract of land be- 
tween the Susquehanna and the Delaware, including all or parts 
of the present counties of Dauphin, Northumberland, Lebanon, 
Schuylkill, Columbia, Carbon, Luzerne, Monroe, Pike and Wayne. 
Paxinosa, as chief of the Shawnees at Wyoming, joined in the sale 
of these lands. The sale was made at Philadelphia. 

Paxinosa Befriends Moravians 

In the summer of 1754, when most of the Shawnees and Dela- 
wares of the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny began to waver in 

Queen Allaquippa, Canachquasy and Paxinosa 267 

their allegiance to the English, attempts were made to induce the 
Christian Delawares at Gnadenhuetten to remove from that place 
and come nearer the dissatisfied Indians. Paxinosa was one of 
the chiefs who endeavored to induce the Christian Delawares of 
Gnadenhuetten to move. At first, he was not friendly toward the 
JYioravian missionaries, but later his wife, for whom he had great 
affection and to whom he had been married almost forty years, was 
converted to the Christian faith by the gentle Moravians and bap- 
tized by Bishop Spangenberg, with Paxinosa's concent. A deep 
impression of the truths of the Christian religion was thus made 
upon the heart of the old chief, causing him to change his attitude 
toward the Moravians and their converts. 

At the time of the Penn's Creek Massacre and the attack upon 
John Harris and his band, the Moravian missionary, Keifer, was 
residing at Shamokin and exposed to imminent danger. Paxinosa, 
who was then at Shamokin, sent two of his sons who rescued the 
missionary and conducted him safely to Gnadenhuetten. 

In the summer of 1757, he greatly befriended the Moravians. 
A report had been circulated among the hostile Delawares and 
Shawnees that the Moravian missionaries at Bethlehem were kill- 
ing the Indian converts there, and sending their heads in bags to 
Philadelphia. This report greatly excited the Delawares and 
Shawnees, and they gathered a force of two hundred warriors for 
the purpose of destroying the Moravians. Paxinosa and Teedy- 
uscung pacified the enraged Delawares and Shawnees, and per- 
suaded them to desist from their design. 

Paxinosa Loyally Supports the English 

Paxinosa attended the conference which Scarouady held with 
the Indians at Wyoming on the latter's journey as the messenger 
of Pennsylvania to the Six Nations, described in Chapter XVI. 
On this occasion, he spoke boldly in favor of the English, but 
was silenced by the Delawares, who threatened to knock him on 
the head if he said anything more. He was also present at the 
conference which Canachquasy held with the Indians of Tioga, 
when the latter visited that place as the peace messenger of Penn- 
sylvania shortly after the declaration of war against the Delawares 
in the spring of 1756. Shortly before this time, he and the Shaw- 
nees under his command at their town on the Shawnee Flats, now 
Plymouth, Luzerne County, had removed, through compulsion of 
the hostile Delawares, to Tioga. He sat for days meditating on 

26S The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the waywardness of his people in taking up arms against the sons 
of "Brother Onas." 

Paxinosa Removes to the Ohio 

In April, 1757, Paxinosa was living at Osteningo, now Bing- 
hampton, New York; and, in August of that year, he attended the 
third conference with Teedyuscung at Easton, more particularly 
described in Chapter XXII. In the early part of May, 1758, he 
was met by Benjamin, a Mohican Indian, of Bethlehem, near 
Tioga, with his entire family. He told Benjamin that he had 
heard that the English had very bad designs against the Indians, 
and that he therefore was going with his family to the Ohio "where 
he was born." Benjamin tried to persuade him not to go, but 
without avail. Paxinosa had heard that his hated enemies, the 
Cherokees, had been sent for by the English to destroy all the 
Indians on the Susquehanna. As a matter of fact, there were a 
few Cherokees and Catawbas at that time joining the expedition 
of General Forbes against Fort Duquesne. Not only the recently 
pacified Eastern Delawares, but also the Iroquois, were becoming 
aroused because of the presence of their hated enemies in Forbes' 
expedition. Paxinosa told Benjamin that he had recently been 
asked to attend a great council at Onondaga, at which it would be 
determined whether the Iroquois would side with the English or the 
French, but, as he had already resolved to move to the Ohio, he 
would not attend the council at Onondaga. The old chief then 
went back to the land of his birth. 

Final Conferences of Paxinosa 

On the 29th of June, 1760, General Monckton arrived at Fort 
Pitt for the purpose of taking possession of the posts on the Alle- 
gheny, as well as those along the frontier to Detroit, at the close 
of the French and Indian War. On August 12th of that year, 
Monckton held a great conference at Fort Pitt, with the chiefs of 
the Six Nations, Miamis, Delawares, Ottawas, Wyandots, and 
Shawnees. General Monckton advised the assembled chiefs that 
he had come to take possession of the western region; that he did 
not intend to drive the Indians from their lands, nor to take their 
lands from them, but he desired to establish once more peaceful 
relations between the western tribes and the British Government. 
Paxinosa attended this conference. 

Not long thereafter, he ended his days on the Scioto Plains in 


Captain Jacobs 

APTAIN JACOBS was one of the Delaware chiefs who took 
up arms against Pennsylvania shortly after Braddock's 
defeat. He had at one time resided near Lewistown, 
where he sold lands to Colonel Buchanan, who gave him 
the name of Captain Jacobs, because of his close resemblance to a 
burly German in Cumberland County. Later he resided at "Jacob's 
Cabin," not far from Mount Pleasant, Westmoreland County. 
His principal residence was at the famous Indian town of Kittan- 
ning, Armstrong County, which, as we have seen in an earlier 
chapter, was the first town established by the Delawares on their 
migration into the Allegheny Valley with the consent of the Iro- 
quois Confederation. From this town, he and that other noted 
chief, Shingas, led many an expedition against the frontier settle- 
ments. For a time, in the autumn of 1755, they made their head- 
quarters at Nescopeck, in Luzerne County, and at that place, also, 
planned many a bloody expedition. 

Captain Jacobs Captures Fort Granville 

Reference was made, in Chapter XVI, to the capture of Fort 
Granville, near Lewistown, Mifflin County, by Captain Jacobs, on 
August 1, 1756. We quote the following account of this event 
from the "Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania": 

"The attack upon Fort Granville was made in harvest time of 
the year 1756. The Fort at this time was commanded by Lieut. 
Armstrong, a brother of Colonel Armstrong, who destroyed Kit- 
tanning. The Indians, who had been lurking about this fort for 
some time, and knowing that Armstrong's men were few in num- 
ber, sixty of them appeared, July 22nd, before the fort, and chal- 
lenged the garrison to a fight; but this was declined by the com- 
mander in consequence of the weakness of his force. The Indians 
fired at and wounded one man, who had been a short way from it, 
yet he got in safe; after which they divided themselves into small 
parties, one of which attacked the plantation of one Baskins, near 
the Juniata, whom they murdered, burnt his house and carried off 
his wife and children. Another made Hugh Carroll and his family 

270 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

"On the 30th of July, 1756, Capt. Edward Ward, the com- 
mandant of Granville, marched from the fort with a detachment 
of men from the garrison, destined for Tuscarora Valley, where 
they were needed as guard to the settlers while they were engaged 
in harvesting their grain. The party under Capt. Ward embraced 
the greater part of the defenders of the fort, under command of 
Lieut. Edward Armstrong. Soon after the departure of Capt. 
Ward's detachment, the fort was surrounded by the hostile force of 
French and Indians, who immediately made an attack, which they 
continued in their skulking, Indian manner through the afternoon 
and following night, but without being able to inflict much damage 
on the whites. Finally, after many hours had been spent in their 
unsuccessful attacks, the Indians availed themselves of the pro- 
tection afforded by a deep ravine, up which they passed from the 
river bank to within twelve or fifteen yards of the fort, and from 
that secure position, succeeded in setting fire to the logs and burn- 
ing out a large hole, through which they fired on the defenders, 
killing the commanding officer, Lieut. Armstrong, .and one private 
soldier and wounding three others. 

"They then demanded the surrender of the fort and garrison, 
promising to spare their lives if the demand was acceded to. 
Upon this, a man named John Turner, previously a resident in the 
Buffalo valley, opened the gates and the besiegers at once entered 
and took possession, capturing as prisoners twenty-two men, three 
women and a number of children. The fort was burned by the 
chief, Jacobs, by order of the French officer in command, and the 
savages then departed, driving before them their prisoners, heavily 
burdened with the plunder taken from the fort and the settlers' 
houses, which they had robbed and burned. On their arrival at 
the Indian rendezvous at Kittanning, all the prisoners were cruelly 
treated, and Turner, the man who had opened the gate at the fort 
to the savages, suffered the cruel death by burning at the stake, 
enduring the most horrible torment that could be inflicted upon 
him for a period of three hours, during which time red hot gun 
barrels were forced through parts of his body, his scalp torn from 
his head and burning splinters were stuck in his flesh, until at last 
an Indian boy was held up for the purpose who sunk a hatchet 
in the brain of the victim and so released him from this cruel tor- 

Captain Jacobs 271 

Captain Jacobs Killed at the Destruction of Kittanning 

Kittanning, in addition to being the center from which Cap- 
tain Jacobs and Shingas sent their expeditions against the frontier 
settlements, was the place for the detention of English prisoners. 
George Croghan reported at the Carlisle Council of January 13, 
1756, that he had sent the friendly Indian, Delaware Jo, in Decem- 
ber, 1755, to the Ohio for intelligence; and that this friendly 
Indian had visited Kittanning, where he found more than one hun- 
dred English prisoners taken from various parts of Pennsylvania 
and Virginia. In order, therefore, to break up this harboring 
place of the Delawares, an expedition was authorized by the repre- 
sentatives of Governor Morris and the Provincial Council, to be 
conducted by Lieutenant-Colonel John Armstrong, of the Second 
Battalion of the Pennsylvania Regiment. Colonel Armstrong was 
a brother of the ill-fated Lieutenant Edward Armstrong, who was 
killed by Jacobs in the attacks on Fort Granville. 

The capture of Fort Granville greatly elated Captain Jacobs. 
He said: "I can take any fort that will catch fire, and I will make 
peace with the English when they teach me to make gun powder." 

The following description of Colonel Armstrong's march over 
the mountains to Kittanning and the destruction of that place is 
quoted from Egle's "History of Pennsylvania": 

"On the 20th of August, 1756, William Denny arrived in the 
Province, superseding Governor Morris. He was hailed with joy 
by the Assembly, who flattered themselves that, with a change of 
government, there would be a change of measures. Upon making 
known the Proprietary instructions, to which he stated he was com- 
pelled to adhere, all friendly feeling was at an end, and there was 
a renewal of the old discord. 

"Before Governor Morris was superseded, he concerted with 
Colonel John Armstrong an expedition against the Indian town of 
Kittanning, on the Allegheny, the stronghold of Captain Jacobs 
and Shingas, the most active Indian chiefs, and from whence they 
distributed their war parties along the frontier. On the arrival of 
Governor Denny, Morris communicated the plan of his enterprise 
to him and his Council. 

"Colonel Armstrong marched from Fort Shirley [Shirleys- 
burg, Huntingdon County], on the 30th of August, with three hun- 
dred men, having with him, besides other officers, Captains Hamil- 
ton, Mercer, Ward, and Potter. On the 2nd of September, he join- 
ed an advance party at the Beaver dams, near Frankstown. On 

272 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the 7th, in the evening, within six miles of Kittanning, the scouts 
discovered a fire in the road, and around it, as they reported, three, 
or at most, four Indians. It was deemed prudent not to attack 
this party; but lest some of them should escape and alarm the 
town, Lieutenant Hogg and twelve men were left to watch them, 
with orders to fall upon them at day-break. The main body, 
making a circuit, proceeded to the village. Guided by the whoop- 
ing of the Indians at a dance, the army approached the place by 
the river, about one hundred perches below the town, at three 
o'clock in the morning, near a cornfield, in which a number of the 
enemy were lodged, out of their cabins, on account of the heat 
of the weather. As soon as the dawn of day made the town visible, 
the troops attacked it through the cornfield, killing several of the 
enemy. Captain Jacobs, their principal chief, sounded the war- 
whoop, and defended his house bravely through loop-holes in the 
logs; and the Indians generally refused quarter, which was offered 
them, declaring that they were men, and would not be prisoners. 

"Colonel Armstrong, who had received a musket ball in his 
shoulder, ordered their houses to be set on fire over their heads. 
Again the Indians were required to surrender, and again refused, 
one of them declaring that he did not care for death, as he could 
kill four or five before he died, and as the heat approached, some 
of them began to sing. Others burst from their houses, and 
attempted to reach the river, but were instantly shot down. 
Captain Jacobs, in getting out of a window, was shot, as also a 
squaw, and a lad called the king's son. The Indians had a num- 
ber of small arms in their houses, loaded, which went off in quick 
succession as the fire came to them; and quantities of gunpowder, 
which were stored in every house, blew up from time to time, 
throwing some of the bodies of the enemy a great height in the 
air. A party of Indians on the opposite side of the river fired on 
the troops, and were seen to cross the river at a distance, as if to 
surround them; but they contented themselves with collecting some 
horses which were near the town to carry off their wounded, and 
then retreated without attempting to take from the cornfield those 
who were killed there in the beginning of the action. Several of 
the enemy were killed in the river as they attempted to escape by 
fording it, and between thirty and forty, in the whole, were de- 

"Eleven English prisoners were released, who informed that, 
besides the powder, of which the Indians boasted they had enough 
for ten years' war with the English, there was a great quantity of 

Captain Jacobs 273 

goods burned, which the French had presented to them but ten 
days before; that two batteaux of French Indians were to join 
Captain Jacobs to make an attack upon Fort Shirley, and that 
twenty-four warriors had set out before them on the preceding 
evening. These proved to be the party discovered around the fire, 
as the troops approached Kittanning. Pursuant to his orders, 
and relying upon the report made by the scouts, Lieutenant Hogg 
had attacked them, and killed three at the first fire. He, however, 
found them too strong for his force, and having lost some of his best 
men, the others fled, leaving him wounded, overlooked by the 
enemy in their pursuit of the fugitives. He was saved by the 
army on their return. [He afterwards died of his wounds]. 
Captain, afterwards General, Mercer was wounded in the action 
at Kittanning, but was carried off safely by his men. 

"The corporation of Philadelphia, on occasion of this victory, 
on the 5th of January following, addressed a complimentary letter 
to Colonel Armstrong, thanking him and his officers for their 
gallant conduct, and presented him with a piece of plate. A medal 
was also struck, having for device an officer followed by two sol- 
diers, the officer pointing to a soldier shooting from behind a tree, 
and an Indian postrate before him; in the background Indian 
houses in flames. Legend: Kittanning, destroyed by Colonel 
Armstrong, September the 8th, 1756. Reverse device: The arms of 
the corporation. Legend: The gift of the corporation of Philadel- 

"The destruction of the town of Kittanning, and the Indian 
families there, was a severe stroke on the savages. Hitherto the 
English had not assailed them in their towns, and they fancied 
that they would not venture to approach them. But now, though 
urged by an unquenchable thirst of vengeance to retaliate the 
blow they had received, they dreaded that, in their absence on war 
parties, their wigwams might be reduced to ashes. Such of them 
as belonged to Kittanning, and had escaped the carnage, refused 
to settle again on the east of Fort Duquesne, and resolved to place 
that fortress and the French garrison between them and the Eng- 

Many blankets were afterwards found on the ground where 
Lieutenant Hogg and his party were defeated. Hence the battle- 
field has ever since borne the name of "Blanket Hill." It is in 
Kittanning Township, Armstrong County. 

The English prisoners recovered from the Indians at the de- 
struction of Kittanning were: 

274 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Ann McCord, wife of John McCord, and Martha Thorn, a 
child seven years of age, both captured at Fort McCord, on April 
1st, 1756; Barbara Hicks, captured at Conolloways; Catherine 
Smith, a German child captured near Shamokin; Margaret Hood, 
captured near the mouth of the Conococheague, Maryland; 
Thomas Girty, captured at Fort Granville; Sarah Kelly, captured 
near Winchester, Virginia; a woman, a boy, and two little girls, 
who were with Captain Mercer and Ensign Scott, and had not 
reached Fort Littleton when Colonel Armstrong made his report. 

It will be recalled that among the prisoners captured by the 
Delawares at the Penn's Creek Massacre of October 16th, 1755, 
were Barbara Leininger and Marie LeRoy (Mary King). They 
were carried to Kittanning and were there when Colonel Armstrong 
made the attack; but in order to prevent their being rescued by 
Armstrong's forces, they were taken ten miles westward into the 
wilderness, and thence to Fort Duquesne, where they stayed for 
two months. They were then taken to Sauconk, at the mouth of 
the Beaver; and in the spring of 1757, they were carried to Kus- 
kuskies, where they remained until the Indians of that place learn- 
ed during the next summer that General Forbes was marching on 
Fort Duquesne. They were then taken to the Muskingum, where 
they made their escape on March 16, 1759, and reached Fort Pitt 
on the 31st of that month. 

YEAR 1756 

Massacre at Fort Allen 

Reference was made, in Chapter XVI, to the massacre of a 
number of militia at Fort Allen (Weissport, Carbon County) on 
New Year's Day, 1756. The Governor had ordered the soldiers to 
this place to protect the property of those Delawares who had 
been converted to the Christan religion by the Moravians and to 
defend the country in general. A temporary stockade had been 
built, and, on this day, while the soldiers were amusing themselves 
skating on the Lehigh River, they saw two Indians farther up the 
stream. They gave chase, but the Indians proved to be decoys, 
and skillfully maneuvered to draw the soldiers into an ambush. 
After proceeding some distance, a band of Indians rushed out be- 
hind the soldiers, cutting off their retreat, and massacreing almost 
all. The Indians then fired the stockade and surrounding houses 
and mills of the Moravians. 

Captain Jacobs 275 

On the same day, the Delaware chief, Teedyuscung led a band 
of about thirty Indians into lower Smithfield Township, Monroe 
County, destroying the plantation of Henry Hess, killing Nicholas 
Colman and a laborer named Gotlieb, and capturing Peter Hess 
and young Henry Hess, son of Peter Hess and nephew of Henry 
Hess, the owner of the plantation. This attack took place about 
nine o'clock in the morning. Teedyuscung's band then went over 
the Blue Mountains and overtook five Indians with two prisoners, 
Leonard and William Weeser, and a little later killed Peter Hess 
in the presence of his son. 

In a few days the Indians over-ran the country from Fort 
Allen as far as Nazareth, burning plantations, and killing and 
scalping settlers. During this same month, the Delawares entered 
Moore Township, Northampton County, burning the buildings of 
Christian Miller, Henry Shopp, Henry Diehl, Peter Doll, Nicholas 
Scholl, and Nicholas Heil, and killing one of Heil's children and 
John Bauman. The body of Bauman was found two weeks later, 
and buried in the Moravian cemetery at Nazareth. 

Massacre Near Schupp's Mill 

On January 15th, some refugees at Bethlehem went out into 
the country to look after their farms and cattle, among them being 
Christian Boemper. The party and some friendly Indians who 
escorted them, were ambushed by hostile Delawares near Schupp's 
Mill, and all were killed except one named Adam Hold, who was 
so severely wounded that it was necessary later to amputate his 
arm. Those killed were Christian Boemper, Felty Hold, Michael 
Hold, Laurence Knuckel, and four privates of Captain Trump's 
Company then stationed at Fort Hamilton (Stroudsburg). 

At about the same time, a German, named Muhlhisen while 
breaking flax on the farm of Philip Bossert, in Lower Smithfield 
Township, Monroe County, was fatally wounded by an unseen 
Indian. One of Bosserts's sons, hearing the report of the Indian's 
rifle, ran out of the house and was killed. Then old Philip Bos- 
sert, the owner of the farm, appeared on the scene, wounded one of 
the Indians, and was himself wounded badly. Neighbors then 
arrived upon the scene, and the Indians retreated. 

Massacre of Settlers in the Juniata Valley 

On January 27th, a party of Indians from Shamokin made an 
incursion into the Juniata Valley, attacked the house of Hugh 

276 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Mitcheltree, near Thompson town, Juniata County, killing Mrs. 
Mitcheltree and a young man named Edward Nicholas, Mr. Mit- 
cheltree being then absent at Carlisle. This same party of savages 
then went up the Juniata River to the house of Edward Nicholas, 
Sr., where they killed Nicholas and his wife, and captured Joseph 
Thomas, Catherine Nicholas, John Wilcox, and the wife and two 
children of James Armstrong. While these atrocities were being 
committed, an Indian named John Cotties, who had failed in his 
effort to be chosen captain of the party, took with him a young 
warrior and went to Sherman's Creek, where the two killed William 
Sheridan and his entire family, thirteen in all. Proceeding down 
the creek to the home of two old men and an elderly woman 
named French, they took the lives of these aged people. Cotties 
made the boast afterwards that he and his young companion had 
taken more scalps than all the others of the party. It will be 
noted that these massacres took place within the bounds of the 
purchase of 1754, which so angered the Delawares and Shawnees. 

Capture of John and Richard Coxe and John Craig 

In February, 1756, occurred the capture of John Coxe, his 
brother Richard, and John Craig, thus described in the "Frontier 
Forts of Pennsylvania": 

"At a council, held at Philadelphia, Tuesday, September 6th, 
1756, the statement of John Coxe, a son of the widow Coxe, was 
made, the substance of which is: He, his brother Richard, and 
John Craig were taken in the beginning of February of that year 
by nine Delaware Indians from a plantation two miles from Mc- 
Dowell's mill, [Franklin County], which was between the east and 
west branches of the Cononocheague Creek, about 20 miles west of 
the present site of Shippensburg, in what is now Franklin County, 
and brought to Kittanning on the Ohio. On his way hither he 
met Shingas with a party of 30 men, and afterward Capt. Jacobs 
and 15 men, whose design was to destroy the settlements on 
Cononcocheague. When he arrived at Kittanning, he saw here 
about 100 fighting men of the Delaware tribe, with their families, 
and about 50 English prisoners, consisting of men, women and chil- 
dren. During his stay here, Shingas' and Jacobs' parties returned, 
the one with nine scalps and ten prisoners, the other with several 
scalps and five prisoners. Another company of 18 came from 
Diahogo with 17 scalps on a pole, which they took to Fort Du- 
quesne to obtain their reward. The warriors held a council, 

Captain Jacobs 277 

which, with their war dances, continued a week, when Capt. 
Jacobs left with 48 men, intending as Coxe was told, to fall upon 
the inhabitants at Paxtang. He heard the Indians frequently say 
that they intended to kill all the white folks, except a few, with 
whom they would afterwards make peace. They made an ex- 
ample of Paul Broadley, who, with their usual cruelty, they beat 
for half an hour with clubs and tomahawks, and then, having fas- 
tened him to a post, cropped his ears close to his head, and chopped 
off his fingers, calling all the prisoners to witness the horrible 

Additional details of the incursion during which the Coxe 
boys and John Craig were captured are given in Egle's "History 
of Pennsylvania", as follows: 

"In February, 1756, a party of Indians made marauding in- 
cursions into Peters Township. They were discovered on Sunday 
evening, by one Alexander, near the house of Thomas Barr. He 
was pursued by the savages, but escaped and alarmed the fort at 
McDowell's mill. Early on Monday morning a party of fourteen 
men of Captain Croghan's company, who were at the mill, and 
about twelve other young men, set off to watch the motion of the 
Indians. Near Barr's house they fell in with fifty, and sent back 
for a reinforcement from the fort. The young lads proceeded by 
a circuit to take the enemy in the rear, whilst the soldiers did 
attack them in front. But the impetuosity of the soldiers defeated 
their plan. Scarce had they got within gunshot, they fired upon 
the Indians, who were standing around the fire, and killed several 
of them at the first discharge. The Indians returned fire, killed 
one of the soldiers, and compelled the rest to retreat. The party 
of young men, hearing the report of firearms, hastened up; finding 
the Indians on the ground which the soldiers had occupied, fired 
upon the Indians with effect; but concluding the soldiers had fled, 
or were slain, they also retreated. One of their number, Barr's son, 
was wounded, would have fallen by the tomahawk of an Indian, 
had not the savage been killed by a shot from Armstrong, who saw 
him running upon the lad. Soon after soldiers and young men 
being joined by a reinforcement from the mill, again sought the 
enemy, who, eluding the pursuit, crossed the creek near William 
Clark's, and attempted to surprise the fort; but their design was 
discovered by two Dutch lads, coming from foddering their mas- 
ter's cattle. One of the lads was killed, but the other reached the 
fort, which was immediately surrounded by the Indians, who, from 
a thicket, fired many shots at the men in the garrison, who appear- 

278 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

ed above the wall, and returned the fire as often as they obtained 
sight of the enemy. At this time, two men crossing to the mill, 
fell into the middle of the assailants, but made their escape to the 
fort, though fired at three times. The party at Barr's house now 
came up, and drove the Indians through the thicket. In their re- 
treat they met five men from Mr. Hoop's, riding to the mill; they 
killed one of these and wounded another severely. The sergeant 
at the fort having lost two of his men, declined to follow the enemy 
until his commander, Mr. Crawford, who was at Hoop's, should 
return, and the snow falling thick, the Indians had time to burn 
Mr. Barr's house, and in it consumed their dead. On the morning 
of the 2nd of March, Mr. Crawford, with fifty men, went in quest 
of the enemy, but was unsuccessful in his search." 

Attack on Andrew Lycans and John Rewalt 

On March 7th, Andrew Lycans and John Rewalt, settlers in 
the Wiconisco, or Lykens Valley in Dauphin County, went out 
early in the morning to feed their cattle when they were fired upon 
by savages. Hastening into the house, they prepared to defend 
themselves. The Indians concealed themselves behind a pig-pen 
some distance from the dwelling. Lycans' son, John, John Rewalt, 
and Ludwig Shutt, a neighbor, upon creeping out of the house, in 
an effort to discover the whereabouts of the Indians, were fired 
upon and each one wounded, Shutt very dangerously. At this 
point Andrew Lycans discovered an Indian named Joshua James 
and two white men running away from their hiding place near the 
pig-pen. The elder Lycans then fired, killing the Indian; and he 
and his party then sought safety in flight, but were closely pur- 
sued by at least twenty of the Indians. John Lycans and John 
Rewalt, although badly wounded, made their escape with the aid 
of a negro servant, leaving Andrew Lycans, Ludwig Shutt, and a 
boy to engage the Indians. The Indians then rushed upon these 
and, as one of their number, named Bill Davis, was in the act of 
striking the boy with his tomahawk, he was shot dead by Shutt, 
while Andrew Lycans killed another and wounded a third. 
Andrew Lycans also recognized two others of the band, namely, 
Tom Hickman and Tom Hays, members of the Delaware tribe. 
The Indians then momentarily ceased their pursuit, and Lycans, 
Shutt, and the boy, weak from the loss of blood, sat down on a 
log to rest, believing that they were no longer in imminent danger. 
Later, Lycans managed to lead his party to a place of concealment 

Captain Jacobs 279 

and then over the mountain into Hanover Township, where they 
were given assistance by settlers. Andrew Lycans, however, died 
from his wounds and terrible exposure. His name has been given 
to the charming valley of the Wiconisco. 

Attack on Zeislof and Kluck Families 

On March 24th, some settlers with ten wagons went to 
Albany, Berks County, for the purpose of bringing a family with 
their effects to a point near Reading. As they were returning, 
they were fired upon by a number of Indians on both sides of the 
road. The wagoners, leaving the wagons, ran into the woods, and 
the horses, frightened at the terrible yelling of the Indians, ran 
off. The Indians on this occasion, killed George Zeislof and his 
wife, a boy aged twenty, another aged twelve, and a girl aged four- 
teen. Another girl of the party was shot through the neck and 
mouth, and scalped, but made her escape. 

On the same day the Indians burned the home of Peter Kluck, 
about fourteen miles from Reading, and killed the entire family. 
While the Kluck home was burning, the Indians assaulted the 
house of a settler named Lindenman nearby, in which there were 
two men and a woman, all of whom ran upstairs, where the woman 
was killed by a bullet which penetrated the roof. The men then 
ran out of the house. Lindenman was shot through the neck. 
In spite of his wound, Lindenman succeeded in shooting one of the 

At about the same time a boy named John Schoep, who lived 
in this neighborhood, was captured and taken seven miles beyond 
the Blue Mountains where, according to the statement of Schoep, 
the Indians kindled a fire, tied him to a tree, took off his shoes, and 
put moccasins on his feet. They then prepared themselves some 
mush, but gave him none. After supper they took young Schoep 
and another boy between them, and proceeded over the second 
mountain. During the second night of his captivity, when the 
Indians were asleep, young Schoep made his escape, and returned 

During the raid in which the above outrages occurred, the In- 
dians killed the wife of Baltser Neytong, and captured his son aged 
eight. And in November, the Indians entered this region, 
and carried off the wife and three children of Adam Burns, the 
youngest child being only four weeks old. They also killed a man 
named Stonebrook, and captured a girl in this raid. 

280 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Shingas Captures Fort McCord 

On April 1st, 1756, Shingas attacked and burned Fort Mc- 
Cord, a private fort located several miles northwest of Fort Lou- 
don, Franklin County, and all the inmates, twenty-seven in num- 
ber, were either killed or carried into captivity. At the time of 
the capture of the fort, Dr. Jamison was killed near that place; 
and at about the same time, a number of persons, employed by 
William Mitchell to harvest his crops, were likewise killed or cap- 
tured in the field while at work. After the destruction of the fort, 
Shingas' band was pursued by three parties of settlers. The 
third party overtook them at Sidling Hill, where a brisk engage- 
ment took place for two hours, but Shingas being reinforced, the 
settlers retreated. Hance Hamilton, in a letter written to Captain 
Potter, dated Fort Lyttleton, April 4th, 1756, at eight o'clock in 
the evening, describes this engagement: 

"These come to inform you of the melancholy news of what 
occurred between the Indians, that have taken many captives from 
McCord's Fort and a party of men under the command of Captain 
Alexander Culbertson and nineteen of our men, the whole amount- 
ing to about fifty, with the captives, and had a sore engagement, 
many of both parties killed and many wounded, the number un- 
known. Those wounded want a surgeon, and those killed require 
your assistance as soon as possible, to bury them. We have sent 
an express to Fort Shirley for Doctor Mercer, supposing Doctor 
Jamison is killed or mortally wounded in the expedition. He be- 
ing not returned, therefore, desire you will send an express, im- 
mediately, for Doctor Prentic to Carlisle; we imagining Doctor 
Mercer cannot leave the fort under the circumstances the fort is 

Likewise, Robert Robinson thus describes the attack on Mc- 
Cord's Fort and the pursuit of the savages: 

"In the year 1756 a party of Indians came out of the Conoco- 
cheague to a garrison named McCord's Fort, where they killed 
some and took a number prisoners. They then took their course 
near to Fort Lyttleton. Captain Hamilton being stationed there 
with a company, hearing of their route at McCord's Fort, marched 
with his company of men, having an Indian with him who was un- 
der pay. The Indians had McCord's wife with them; they cut off 
Mr. James Blair's head and threw it into Mrs. McCord's lap, say- 
ing that it was her husband's head; but she knew it to be Blair's." 

As related earlier in this chapter, Mrs. McCord was taken to 

Captain Jacobs 281 

Kittanning, where she was recaptured by Colonel Armstrong when 
he destroyed that Indian town on September 8, 1756. 

An appropriate monument now marks the site of Fort Mc- 

Attack on Wuench and Dieppel Families 

On June 8th, a band of Indians crept up on Felix Wuench as 
he was ploughing on his farm near Swatara Gap, and shot him 
through the breast. The poor man cried lamentably and started 
to run, defending himself with a whip; but the Indians overtook 
him, tomahawked and scalped him. His wife, hearing his cries and 
the report of the guns, ran out of the house, but was captured with 
one of her own and two of her sister's children. A servant boy 
who saw this atrocity ran to a neighbor named George Miess, who, 
though he had a crippled leg, ran directly after the Indians and 
made such a noise as to scare them off. 

On June 24th, Indians attacked the home of Lawrence Dieppel, 
in Bethel Township, Berks County, carrying off two of the chil- 
dren, one of whom they later killed and scalped. 

Attack on Bingham's Fort 

On June 12th occurred the attack on Bingham's Fort, located 
in the Tuscarawa Valley, in Tuscarawa Township, Juniata County. 
The Delaware chief, King Beaver, was the leader of the Indians on 
this occasion. On that day, as John Gray and Francis Innis were 
returning from Carlisle, where they had gone for salt, Gray's 
horse scared at a bear, threw him off, and ran away. While he 
was catching his horse and gathering up his pack of salt, Innis 
pressed on rapidly toward the fort, where his wife and three chil- 
dren, George Woods, Mrs. John Gray and her little daughter, Jane, 
and others, were carried off by King Beaver of the Turkey Tribe 
of Delawares. The Pennsylvania Gazette gave the following ac- 
count of the capture of this fort: "George Woods, Nathaniel 
Bingham, Robert Taylor, his wife and children, and John Mc- 
Donell, were missing. Some of these it was supposed were burnt 
as a number of bones were found. Susan Jiles was found dead 
and scalped; Alexander McAlister and wife, James Adams, Jane 
Cochran and two children were missed. McAlister's house had 
been burned, and a number of cattle and horses had been driven 

All the prisoners taken at Bingham's Fort were marched to 
Kittanning and from there to Fort Duquesne, where they were 

282 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

parceled out and adopted by the Indians. George Woods, one of 
the prisoners, was a very remarkable man. The French com- 
mander gave him to an old Indian named John Hutson, who re- 
moved him to his own wigwam. Woods later purchased his own 
ransom, and returned to the settlements. He was a surveyor, and 
followed this business in the counties of Juniata, Bedford, and 
Allegheny. When Pittsburgh was laid out, in 1765, he assisted in 
this work, and one of its principal streets, Wood Street, is named 
after him. 

Capture of John McCullough 

On July 26th the Indians entered the valley of the Conoco- 
cheague, in Franklin County, killing Joseph Martin, and taking 
captive two brothers, John and James McCullough. James Mc- 
Cullough, the father of these boys, had only a few years before re- 
moved from Delaware into what is now Montgomery Township, 
Franklin County. At the time of this Indian incursion, the McCul- 
lough family were residing temporarily in a cabin three miles from 
their home, and the parents and their daughter, Mary, on the day of 
the capture, went home to pull flax. A neighbor, named John Allen, 
who had business at Fort Loudon, accompanied them to their home, 
and promised to return that way in the evening, and accompany 
them back to their cabin. However, he did not keep his promise, 
and returned by a circuitous route. When he reached the Mc- 
Cullough cabin on his return, he told John and James to hide, that 
Indians were near and that he supposed they had killed Mr. and 
Mrs. McCullough. John was but eight years old, and James but 
five at the time. They alarmed their neighbors, but none would 
volunteer to go to the McCullough home to warn Mr. and Mrs. 
McCollough, being too much interested in making preparations to 
hurry to the fort a mile distant for safety. 

Then the boys determined to warn their parents themselves. 
Leaving their little sister, Elizabeth, aged two, asleep in bed, they 
proceeded to a point where they could see the McCullough home, 
and began to shout. When they had reached a point about sixty 
yards from the house, five Indians and a Frenchman, who had been 
secreted in the thicket, rushed upon them and took them captive. 
The parents were not captured, inasmuch as the father, hearing 
the boys shout, had left his work and thus the Indians missed him, 
and they failed to notice the mother and Mary at work in the field. 

John and James were taken to Fort Duquesne. From this 
place James was carried to Canada, and all trace of him became 

Captain Jacobs 283 

lost. John was taken to Kittanning, Kuskuskies, and the Musk- 
ingum, was adopted by the Delawares, and remained among them 
for nine years until liberated by Colonel Bouquet in the autumn 
of 1764. At one time his father came to Venango (Franklin) to 
liberate him, but the boy had been so long among the Indians that 
he preferred the Indian life to returning with his father, and suc- 
ceeded in eluding him. After his liberation by Colonel Bouquet, 
he returned to the community from which he had been taken nine 
years before, and lived there nearly sixty years. He wrote a most 
interesting account of his captivity, which sheds much light on the 
manners and customs of the Delawares at that time. 

During the same month (July), Hugh Robinson was captured 
and his mother killed at Robinson's Fort, in Perry County. Hugh, 
after being carried to the western part of the state, made his escape. 
Also, during this same month a number of Indians appeared near 
Fort Robinson, killed the daughter of Robert Miller, the wife of 
James Wilson, and a Mrs. Gibson, and captured Hugh Gibson and 
Betty Henry. 

Also, during July, Samuel Miles and Lieutenant Atlee were 
ambushed by three Indians near a spring about half a mile from 
Fort Augusta, at Sunbury. A soldier named Bullock, who had 
come to the spring for a drink, was killed. Miles and Atlee made 
their escape. A rescuing party came out from the fort, and found 
the soldier scalped, with his blood trickling into the spring, giving 
its waters a crimson hue. The spring was ever afterwards called 
the Bloody Spring. 

Massacre Near Brown's Fort 

On August 6th, a soldier named Jacob Ellis, of Brown's Fort, 
about two miles north of Grantville, Dauphin County, desired to 
cut some wheat on his farm a few miles from the fort, and, accord- 
ingly, took with him a squad of about ten soldiers as a guard. At 
about ten o'clock a band of Indians crept up on the reapers, shot 
the corporal dead, and wounded another of the soldiers. A little 
after this attack, a soldier named Brown was found missing, and 
the next morning his body was found near the harvest field. On 
October 12th, the Indians made an incursion into this same neigh- 
borhood, killing Noah Frederick who was ploughing his field, and 
capturing three children that were with him. A little later, Peter 
Stample and Frederick Henley were killed in the same neighbor- 

284 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Conococheague Valley Again Invaded 

On August 27th, another incursion was made into the beauti- 
ful valley of the Conococheague, resulting in the slaying of thirty- 
nine settlers near the mouth of this stream. Also, early in Novem- 
ber, some soldiers of the garrison at Fort McDowell, in the western 
part of Franklin County, where McDowell's Mill now stands, were 
ambushed, Privates James McDonald, William McDonald, 
Bartholomew McCafferty, and Andrew McQuoid being killed and 
scalped, and Captain James Corkin and Private William Cornwall 
carried into captivity. At the same time, the following settlers in 
the neighborhood were killed: John Culbertson, Samuel Perry, 
Hugh Kerrel, John Woods and his mother-in-law, and Elizabeth 
Archer; also four children of John Archer, and two boys named 
Sam Neily and James Boyd, were carried into captivity. 

Attack on the Boyer Family 

Sometime during the summer of 1756, though authorities 
differ as to the exact date, occurred the attack on the Boyer family, 
who lived in the vicinity of Fort Lehigh, at Lehigh Gap. The 
"Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania" thus describes this event: 

"His [Boyer's] place was about \y 2 miles east of the Fort, on 
land now owned by Josiah Arner, James Ziegenfuss and George 
Kunkle. With the other farmers he had gathered his family into 
the blockhouse for protection. One day, however, with his son 
Frederick, then thirteen years old, and the other children, he went 
home to attend to the crops. Mr. Boyer was ploughing and Fred 
was hoeing, whilst the rest of the children were in the house or 
playing near by. Without any warning they were surprised by the 
appearance of Indians. Mr. Boyer, seeing them, called to Fred to 
run, and himself endeavored to reach the house. Finding he could 
not do so, he ran towards the creek, and was shot through the head 
as he reached the farther side. Fred, who had escaped to the 
wheat field, was captured and brought back. The Indians, having 
scalped the father in his presence, took the horses from the plough, 
his sisters and himself, and started for Stone Hill, in the rear of the 
house. There they were joined by another party of Indians and 
marched northward to Canada. On the march the sisters were 
separated from their brother and never afterwards heard from. 
Frederick was a prisoner with the French and Indians in Canada for 
five years, and was then sent to Philadelphia. Of Mrs. Boyer, who 
remained in the blockhouse, nothing further is known. After reach- 

Captain Jacobs 285 

ing Philadelphia, Frederick made his way to Lehigh Gap, and 
took possession of the farm. Shortly after he married a daughter 
of Conrad Mehrkem, with whom he had four sons and four daugh- 
ters. He died October 31, 1832, aged 89 years." 

Expedition Against Great Island and Other Indian 

During the summer of 1756, Fort Augusta was built and gar- 
risoned at Sunbury. The Delawares and Shawnees in the valley 
of the West Branch of the Susquehanna were committing so many 
atrocities that Colonel William Clapham, commander of the fort, 
sent an expedition against the Indian towns on the Juniata, 
Chincklamoose (Clearfield, Clearfield County), Great Island (Lock 
Haven, Clinton County), and other places on both branches of the 
Susquehanna. During October, Colonel Clapham received the 
intelligence that the Indians at Great Island were making incur- 
sions against the settlements. He then directed Captain John 
Hambright, of Lancaster, to lead a company of thirty-eight men, 
and destroy that Indian stronghold. There is no doubt that Captain 
Hambright carried out his instructions, but, unhappily, no records 
giving the details of his expedition are to be found. In this con- 
nection, we state that Colonel Clapham was one of the most con- 
spicious figures on the frontier. In the early spring of 1763, he 
removed with his family to Sewickley Creek, where the town of 
West Newton, Westmoreland County, now stands. Here he and 
his entire family were cruelly murdered on the afternoon of May 
8, 1763, by The Wolf, Kekuscung, and two other Indians, one of 
whom was called Butler. 

Attack on a Friendly Delaware 

This chapter has been devoted largely to a recital of atroci- 
ties committed by the Indians during the French and Indian War, 
— atrocities that make our flesh creep and cause chills to run down 
our pulses. Yet this history would be incomplete and unfair if we 
neglected to say that the white men were not always fair and honor- 
able, on their part. The following instance of an attack on a 
friendly Delaware who had been converted to Christianity by the 
Moravian missionaries was reported to Governor Denny by 
Timothy Horsefield, in a letter dated November 29th, 1756: 

"I beg leave to mention to your Honour, that a few Days 
Since as one of our Indians was in the Woods a Small distance 

286 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

from Bethlehem, with his Gun, hoping to meet with a Deer, on his 
return home he met with two men, who (as he Informs) he Salut- 
ed by taking off his Hat; he had not gone far before he heard a 
gun fired, and the Bullet whistled near him, which terefied him 
very much, and running thro' the thick Bushes, his gun lock Catch- 
ed fast, and went off; he dropt it, his Hat, Blanket, &c, and came 
home much frightened. The Indians came to me complaining of 
this Treatment, Saying they fled from amongst the Murthering 
Indians, and come here to Bethlehem, and Adresst his Honour the 
Late Governor, and put themselves under His protection, which the 
Governor Answered to their Satisfaction, Desireing them to Sit 
Still amongst the Brethren, which they said they had done, and 
given offence to none. I told them I would do all in my Power to 
prevent such Treatment for the future, and that I would write to 
the Governor and inform him of it, and that they might be Assured 
the Governor would use proper measures to prevent any mischief 
happening. I thought at first to write a few Advertisements to 
warn wicked People for the future how they Behave to the Indians, 
for if one or more of them should be kill'd in such a manner, I 
fear it would be of very bad consequence; but I have since consid- 
ered it is by no means proper for me to advertise, for as the Late 
Governor's proclamation is Expired, the first Proclamation of War 
against the Indians I conceive is still in force. I thought it my 
Duty to Inform your Honor of this Affair, and Doubt not you will 
take the matter into your wise Consideration." 


Shingas, King Beaver and 


HINGAS (Chingas, Shingiss, etc.) was a noted chief of the 
Turkey Clan of Delavvares, a brother of King Beaver and 
Pisquetomen. By many authorities he is believed to 
have been a nephew of the great Sassoonan. He was a 
very cruel warrior. Heckewelder says of him: "Were his war ex- 
ploits all on record, they would form an interesting document, 
though a shocking one. Conococheague, Big Cove, Sherman's Val- 
ley, and other settlements along the frontier, felt his strong arm suf- 
ficiently that he was a bloody warrior, cruel his treatment, relent- 
less his fury. His person was small, but in point of courage and 
activity, savage prowess, he was said to have never been exceeded 
by anyone." 

Shingas Made King of the Delawares 

Shingas did not come into the kingship of the Delawares until 
1752, on which date, at the Virginia treaty at Logstown, he was 
made head chief of the Delawares by Tanacharison as representa- 
tive of the Six Nations. The Journal of the Virginia Commission- 
ers to this treaty, under date of June 1 1th, describes his coronation 
as follows: "Afterwards the Half King [Tanacharison] spoke to 
the Delawares: 'Nephews, you received a speech last year from 
your brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania and from us, desiring 
you to choose one of the wisest councellors, and present him to us 
for a King. As you have not done it, we let you know it is our 
right to give you a King, and we think proper to give you Shingas 
for your King, whom you must look upon as your head chief, and 
with whom all public business must be transacted between you and 
your brethren, the English. On which the Half King put a laced 
hat on the head of The Beaver, who stood proxy for his brother, 
Shingas, and presented him with a rich jacket and a suit of English 
clothes, which had been delivered to the Half King by the Com- 
missioners for that purpose.' " 

288 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Attention is called to the fact that, while Shingas is called 
"King" of the Delawares, it is hardly likely that either he or his 
brother, Beaver, who upon his death or abdication, became "King" 
could have been the leading chief of this tribe as they belonged 
to the Turkey Clan. According to immemorial custom the "King" 
of the three Delaware Clans had to be a member of the Turtle 
Clan, as were Tamanend and Sassoonan. 

As has been seen in earlier chapters, a treaty between Penn- 
sylvania and the Delawares, Shawnees and other Indians of the 
valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny, was held at Carlisle in October, 
1753. Shingas was present at this treaty, as was also his brother, 
Pisquomen, representing the Delawares. 

Washington Meets Shingas 

When George Washington made his journey to the French 
forts in November, 1753, he found Shingas living where the town 
of McKees Rocks, Allegheny County, now stands. We read the 
following in Washington's Journal : "About two miles from this 
[the Forks of the Ohio], on the Southeast side of the River at 'a 
place where the Ohio Company intended to erect a fort, lives 
Shingas, King of the Delawares. We called upon him to invite 
him to council at the Logs Town. Shingas attended us to the 
Logs Town, where we arrived between sun setting and dark on the 
25th day after I left Williamsburg." 

Shingas took part in the conferences which Washington held 
with the Indians of Logstown before setting forth from that place 
to Venango and Le Boueff. 

Croghan and Montour Meet Shingas at Logstown 

When George Croghan and Andrew Montour were at Logs- 
town in January and February, 1754, Shingas was one of the chiefs 
with whom they had conferences. On this occasion, Shingas join- 
ed with Scarouady, Delaware George, and several other chiefs on 
the Ohio, in requesting that the Governor of Virginia might build 
a "strong house" at the Forks of the Ohio and that the Governor 
of Pennsylvania might build "another house" somewhere on the 
Ohio. Just before these Pennsylvania messengers left Logstown 
(February 2nd), Shingas delivered to them the following speech: 

"Brother Onas: I am glad to hear all our people here are of 
one mind. It is true I live on the river side, which is the French 
road, and I assure you by these strings of wampum [gave them 

Shingas, King Beaver and Pisquetomen 289 

strings of wampum] that I will neither go down or up, but will re- 
move nearer to my brethren, the English, where I can keep our 
women and children safe from the enemy." 

This promise Shingas did not keep, but deserted to the French. 
We have seen, in Chapter XVIII, that, at Kittanning, on the Alle- 
gheny, and at Nescopeck, on the North Branch of the Susque- 
hanna, he and Captain Jacobs planned many bloody expeditions 
which they made against the frontier settlements after Braddock's 
defeat. He spent much of his time, during the French and Indian 
War, inciting the Indians of Kittanning, Kuskuskies,Logstown, and 
Sauconk against the English. The latter town, at the mouth of 
the Beaver, is sometimes called Shingas' Old Town. 

Shingas Ravages the Frontier 

As stated in Chapter XVI, on October 31st, 1755, Shingas be- 
gan incursions into Fulton County, which lasted for several days, 
and were the beginning of those incursions which made his name 
"a terror to the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania." The fol- 
lowing letters describe these initial incursions: 

Adam Hoops wrote Governor Morris from Conococheague 
November 3rd: 

"I am sorry I have to trouble you with this melancholy and 
disagreeable news, for on Saturday I received an express from 
Peters Township that the inhabitants of the Great Cove were all 
murdered or taken captive, and their houses and barns all in 
flames. Some few fled, upon notice brought them by a certain 
Patrick Burns, a captive, that made his escape that very morning 
before this sad tragedy was done. 

"Upon this information, John Potter, Esq., and self, sent ex- 
press through our neighborhood, which induced many of them to 
meet with us at John McDowell's Mill, where I with many others 
had the unhappy prospect to see the smoke of two houses that were 
set on fire by the Indians, viz, Matthew Patton's and Mescheck 
James', where their cattle were shot down, the horses standing 
bleeding with Indian arrows in them, but the Indians fled. 

"The Rev. Mr. Steel, John Potter, Esq., and several others 
with us, to the number of about an hundred, went in quest of the 
Indians, with all the expedition imaginable, but to no success. 
These Indians have likewise taken two women capitves, belonging 
to said township. I very much fear the Path Valley has under- 
gone the same fate. 

290 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

"We, to be sure, are in as bad circumstances as ever any poor 
Christians were in, for the cries of the widowers, widows, father- 
less and motherless children, with many others, for their relations, 
are enough to pierce the hardest of hearts; likewise it's a very sor- 
rowful spectacle to see those that escaped with their lives with not 
a mouthful to eat, or bed to lie on, or clothes to cover their naked- 
ness, or keep them warm, but all they had consumed into ashes. 

"These deplorable circumstances cry aloud for your Honour's 
most wise consideration, that you would take cognizance of and 
grant what shall seem most meet, for it is really very shocking, it 
must be, for the husband to see the wife of his bosom, her head cut 
off, and the children's blood drank like water by these bloody 
and cruel savages as we are informed has been the fate of many." 

On the same day, John Potter, Sheriff of Cumberland County, 
wrote Richard Peters: 

"Sir: This comes ye melancholy account of the ruin of the 
Great Cove, which is reduced to ashes, and numbers of the inhabi- 
tants murdered and taken captives on Saturday last about three 
of the clock in the afternoon. I received intelligence in conjunc- 
tion with Mr. Adam Hoopes, and sent immediately and appointed 
our neighbors to meet at McDowell's. On Sunday morning, I was 
not there six minutes till we observed, about a mile and half dis- 
tant, one, Matthew Patton's house and barn in flames, on which 
we sat off with about forty men, tho' there was at least one hun- 
dred and sixty there. Our old officers hid themselves for (ought as 
I know) to save their scalps until afternoon when danger was over; 
we went to Patton's with a seeming resolution and courage but 
found no Indians there, on which we advanced to a rising ground, 
where we immediately discovered another house and barn on fire 
belonging to Mesach James, about one mile up the creek from 
Thomas Bar's; we set off directly for that place, but they had gone 
up the creek to another plantation left by one widow Jordan the 
day before, but had unhappily gone back that morning with a 
young woman, daughter to one William Clark, for some milk for 
childer, were both taken captives but neither house nor barn hurt. 
I have heard of no more burnt in that valley yet, which makes me 
believe they have gone off for some time, but 1 much fear they will 
return before we are prepared for them, for it was three of the 
clock in the afternoon before a recruit came of about sixty men. 
Then we held council whether to pursue up the valley all night or 
return to McDowell's, the former of which I and Mr. Hoop and 
some others plead for. but could not obtain without putting it to 

Shingas, King Beaver and Pisquetomen 291 

votes, which done, we were out voted by a considerable number, 
upon which I and my company was left by them that night and 
came home, for I will not guard a man that will not fight when 
called in so eminent manner, for there was not six of these men 
that would consent to go in pursuit of the Indians. 

"I am much afraid that Juniata, Tuscaroro, and Sherman's 
Valley hath suffered. There is two-thirds of the inhabitants of 
this valley who hath already fled, leaving their plantations, and, 
without speedy succor be granted, I am of opinion this county 
will be lead dissolute without inhabitant. Last night I had a 
family of upwards of an hundred of women and children who fled 
for succor. You cannot form no just idea of the distressed and 
distracted condition of our inhabitants unless your eyes seen and 
your ears heard their crys. I am of opinion it is not in the power 
of our representatives to meet in assembly at this time. If our 
Assembly will give us any additional supply of arms and am- 
munition, the latter of which is most wanted, I could wish it were 
put into the hands of such persons as would go out upon scouts 
after the Indians rather than for the supply of forts." 

Benjamin Chambers, on November 2nd, wrote the following 
"to the inhabitants of the lower part of the County of Cumber- 

"If you intend to go to the assistance of your neighbours, you 
need wait any longer for the certainty of the news. The Great 
Cove is destroyed; James Campbell left this company last night 
and went to the fort at Mr. Steel's meeting house, and there saw 
some of the inhabitants of the Great Cove, who gave this account 
that, as they came over the hill, they saw their houses in flames. 
The messenger says that there is but 100, and that they divided 
into two parts. The one part to go against the Cove and the other 
against the Conolloways, and that there are no French among 
them. They are Delawares and Shawnees. The part that came 
against the Cove are under the command of Shingas, the Delaware 
King; the people of the Cove that came off saw several men lying 
dead; they heard the murder shout and the firing of guns, and 
saw the Indians going into the houses that they had come out of 
before they left sight of the Cove. I have sent express to Marsh 
Creek at the same time that I send this, so I expect there will be a 
good company from there this day, and as there is but 100 of the 
enemy, I think it is in our power (if God permit) to put them to 
flight, if you turn out well from your parts. I understand that the 

292 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

west settlement is designed to go if they can get any assistance to 
repel them." 

Likewise, John Armstrong wrote Governor Morris from Car- 
lisle, on November 2nd: 

"At four o'clock this afternoon by expresses from Conego- 
chego, we are informed that yesterday about 100 Indians were 
seen in the Great Cove. Among whom was Shingas, the Delaware 
King; that immediately after the discovery, as many as had notice 
fled, and looking back from an high hill, they beheld their houses 
on fire, heard several guns fired and the last shrieks of their dying 
neighbours; 'tis said the enemy divided and one part moved 
towards Canallowais. Mr. Hamilton was here with 60 men from 
York County when the express came, and is to march early tomor- 
row to the upper part of the county. We have sent out expresses 
everywhere, and intend to collect the forces of this lower part, ex- 
pecting the enemy every moment at Sherman's Valley, if not 
nearer hand. I'm of opinion that no other means than a chain of 
block houses along or near the south side of the Kittatinny Moun- 
tain, from Susquehannah to the temporary line, can secure the lives 
and properties even of the old inhabitants of this county, the new 
settlement being all fled except Sherman's Valley, whom (if God 
do not preserve) we fear will suffer very soon." 

Sherman's Valley and numerous other frontier settlements 
were desolated by this scourge of the frontier. Finally, Governor 
Denny, in 1756, set a price of two hundred pounds upon Shingas' 
head, but unhappily he was not killed or captured. 

Capture of the Martin and Knox Families 

Among the outrages committed by Shingas during the above 
incursion into Fulton County, was the capture of the family of 
John Martin, a settler in the Big Cove. On Saturday morning, 
November 1, 1755, Mrs. Martin learned that Indians were in the 
neighborhood, and, thereupon, sent her son, Hugh, aged seventeen, 
to their neighbor, Captain Stewart, requesting him to come and 
take her family with his to the block-house, as her husband, John 
Martin, had gone to Philadelphia for supplies for the family, and 
had not returned. When Hugh came in sight of his home on his 
way back from Captain Stewart's, whose house was burned, he saw 
the Indians capture his mother; his sister, Mary, aged nineteen; 
his sister, Martha, aged twelve; his sister, Janet, aged two; his 
brother, James, aged ten; and his brother, William, aged eight. 

Shingas, King Beaver and Pisquetomen 293 

Hugh hid where a fallen tree lay on the bank of Cove Creek not 
far from the Martin house, which the Indians now burned to the 

After the Indians left, Hugh started toward Philadelphia to 
meet his father. All that day he found nothing but desolation, 
and in the evening, he came to a stable with some hay in it. Here 
he lay until morning. During the night something jumped on 
him, which proved to be a dog. In the morning he found some 
fresh eggs in the stable, which he ate. When he was ready to 
leave, a large colt came to the stable. Making a halter of rope, he 
mounted the colt and rode on his way. In the afternoon, he met 
some men who had gathered to pursue the Indians, among them 
being the owner of the colt, who was much surprised to find it so 
easily managed, as it was considered unruly. It is not known 
when Hugh met his father, but, at any rate, they returned and re- 
built the house. 

Mrs. Martin and her children were taken to the Indian town 
of Kittanning. A warrior wished to marry Mary, which made the 
squaws jealous and they beat her dreadfully, so much so that her 
health rapidly declined, and one morning she was found on her 
knees dead in the wigwam. An Indian squaw claimed little Janet, 
and tied her to a rope fastened to a post. While she was thus con- 
fined, a French trader named Baubee came to the child, and she 
reached out her arms and called him father. He then took her in 
his arms, and the Indian woman who claimed her sold her to the 
trader for a blanket, who carried her to Quebec intending to adopt 
her. Later, Mrs. Martin was bought by the French, and also taken 
to Quebec, not knowing her child was there. Still later, Mrs. Mar- 
tin bought her own freedom, and one day she found little Janet on 
the streets of Quebec. Janet was well dressed and had all appear- 
ances of being well cared for, but did not recognize the mother. 
Mrs. Martin followed Janet to the home of the French family who 
had her, identified her by some mark, and the family reluctantly 
gave up the child to the mother, who paid them what they had paid 
the Indians for her. 

Mrs. Martin then sailed with Janet to Liverpool, England, 
from which place she took ship to Philadelphia, and joined her 

The boys, James and William, and the daughter, Martha, were 
taken to the Tuscarawas and Musknigum, in the state of Ohio. 
After Mrs. Martin and Janet returned to their home in the Big 
Cove, Mr. Martin, upon the close of the French and Indian War, 

294 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

endeavored to recover his child from the Indians. Traveling on 
horseback to the Ligonier Valley, he found an encampment of 
Indians, and tried to make arrangements with them for the return 
of his children, when they claimed to have raised his family and 
wanted pay. Being unable to pay them, he said something about 
not having employed them to raise his family; thereupon, they 
became angry, and he made his escape as fast as he could, being 
chased by two Indians on horseback to a point on the Allegheny 
Mountain, where the sound of the bells of the Indian horses 

Mr. Martin eventually recovered his children when ten Shaw- 
nee chiefs, with about fifty of their warriors, together with a large 
body of Delawares, delivered to George Croghan, then deputy 
agent of Sir William Johnson, at Fort Pitt, on May 9th, 1765, the 
remainder of their prisoners that had not been delivered to Colonel 
Henry Bouquet when the latter made his expedition to the Musk- 
ingum, in the autumn of 1764, for the purpose of recovering the 
prisoners taken by the Indians during the French and Indian and 
the Pontiac-Guyasuta Wars, — just nine years and six months after 
their capture. Martha could read when captured, but during her 
captivity, she had forgotten this art. William and James, during 
their captivity, assisted the squaws in raising vegetables, caring for 
the children and old people, and grew up as Indians, in contrast to 
their brother, Hugh, who had escaped capture and became a man 
of considerable influence on the Pennsylvania frontier. Before be- 
ing taken to the Muskingum, Martha, James, and William spent 
some time with their Indian captors on Big Sewickley Creek, in 
Westmoreland County. The boys became attached to the locality, 
and after their return, they patented two tracts of land in that 
vicinity, and lived there most of their lives. 

Janet Martin, in 1774, married John Jamison. She has many 
descendants in Western Pennsylvania, especially in Westmoreland 
County, among them being the well-known Robert S. Jamison fam- 
ily, of Greensburg. 

During the same incursion, occurred the capture of the Knox 
family, who lived some distance from the Big Cove. On Sunday 
morning, November 2nd, 1755, while the family were engaged in 
morning worship, they were alarmed by the barking of their dogs. 
Then, two men of their acquaintance, who had come to the Knox 
home on Saturday evening for the purpose of attending religious 
services the next day, went to the door. They were immediately 
shot down by the Indians, and the rest of the family taken prison- 

Shingas, King Beaver and Pisquetomen 295 

ers. After the Indians returned to the town from which they had 
come, no doubt Kittanning, each warrior who had lost a brother 
in the incursion was given a prisoner to kill. As there were not 
enough men to go around, little Jane Knox was given to one of the 
warriors as his victim. Placing her at the root of a tree, this sav- 
age commenced throwing his tomahawk close to her head, ex- 
claiming that his brother, who was killed, was a warrior, and that 
the other Indians had given him only a squaw to kill. Jane ex- 
pected that every moment would be her last. Presently, an Indian 
squaw came running and claimed Jane as her child, thus saving 
her life. She later returned to the settlements, and became the 
wife of Hugh Martin, mentioned above. Later Hugh Martin was 
one of the commissioners who located the first court house in 

Shingas Burns Fort McCord 

In the spring of 1756, Shingas again scourged the Pennsyl- 
vania frontier. His principal act in the incursions of this spring 
was the capture and burning of Fort McCord, in Franklin County, 
on April 1st. This atrocity was described in Chapter XVIII, and 
needs no further reference here. 

Post Meets Shingas on Peace Mission 
To Western Indians 

When the Moravian missionary, Christian Frederick Post, as 
the agent of Pennsylvania, made his two journeys to the Ohio and 
Allegheny in the summer of 1758, he met and conferred with 
Shingas. During this summer Shingas was located most of the 
time at Kuskuskies, Logstown, and Sauconk, but shortly prior 
thereto had been residing, for a time, on the Muskingum in Ohio. 
The object of Post's mission was to make peace with the Western 
Indians. The neutrality of the Delawares on the Susquehanna had 
already been secured by treaties with Teedyuscung, an account of 
which will be given in the chapters on Teedyuscung (Chapters 
XXI and XXII), and now the problem was to secure the neutrality 
of the Delawares and Shawnees of the valleys of the Ohio and 

It is doubtful whether any more suitable person could have 
been found in all the colonies for carrying the peace proposal to 
the Western Delawares than Christian Frederick Post. Born in 
Germany, he came to America and labored as a Moravian mission- 
ary among the Delawares. For a time he was located at Wyoming. 

296 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

The Delawares loved and trusted him. For years he had lived 
among them in all the intimacy of friends and companions. His 
first wife was Rachael, an Indian convert, whom he married in 
1743, and who died at the Moravian mission at Bethlehem in 1747 
In 1749, he chose as his second wife, Agnes, a dusky daughter of 
the Delawares, who was baptized by Bishop Cammerhof March 5, 
1749, and who died at Bethlehem in 1751. So that the Delawares, 
in dealing with Post, looked upon him as of their own flesh and 

At Kuskuskies, on the 18th day of August, Shingas, Delaware 
George, and King Beaver advised Post that before they could 
enter into a treaty of peace with Pennsylvania, it would be neces- 
sary for them to get in touch with the tribes living as far as be- 
yond the Lakes, but that they would work steadfastly to this end. 

Some of Post's conferences on this first mission to the Ohio 
were held under the very guns of Fort Duquesne. On the 24th 
of August his party arrived on the bank of the Allegheny River 
directly opposite the fort, where King Beaver introduced the mis- 
sionary to a number of Indians, all of whom were glad to hear his 
message of peace, except an old, deaf Onondaga, who objected 
strongly to both Post's message and his presence. At the same 
place, on August 25th, Post was told "not to stir from the fire, that 
the French had offered a great reward for my [Post's] scalp, and 
that several parties were out for that purpose." "Accordingly," 
says Post, "I stuck constantly as close to the fire as if I had been 
charmed there." At a council held here on the 26th, the intrepid 
missionary gave his message of peace. There were present alto- 
gether three hundred French and Indians. That aftrnoon, the 
French in council at the fort, demanded that Post be delivered to 
them, but their Indian allies objected. In fact the French were 
anxious to kill him, and had bribed one of his Indian companions 
named Daniel "to leave me there." 

Says Dr. Donehoo: "It is a marvel that Post ever returned 
from this mission at the site of Fort Duquesne, from which place 
no Englishman had returned alive since Braddock's defeat, except 
a few prisoners who had escaped. Post was in a hostile country, 
with a large reward offered for his scalp, and there were many 
Indians about him who were not entirely friendly, and one of his 
own companions had been bribed to kill him — yet he came through 
it all. On the night of 26th of August the Indians who had taken 
Post to Fort Duquesne realized it was no longer safe for him to 
remain there, so before daybreak on the 27th, Post left with a party 

Shingas, King Beaver and Pisquetomen 297 

of six Indians taking a different trail than the ones over which 
they had come. The main body of Indians remained behind to 
know whether the French would make any attempt to take him 

by force They [Post and his party] reached Sauconk 

that night, where they were gladly received." 

A Significant Question 

Post notes in the journal of his first mission to the Ohio, under 
date of August 28th, the following in regard to Shingas and 
Daniel : 

"We set out from Sauconk in company with twenty for Kus- 
kuskies. On the road Shingas addressed himself to me and asked 
if I did not think that, if he came to the English, they would hang 
him, as they had offered a great reward for his head. He spoke in 
a very soft and easy manner. I told him that was a great while 
ago; it was all forgotten and wiped away; that the English would 
receive him very kindly. Then Daniel interrupted me and said to 
Shingas: "Don't believe him; he tells nothing but idle lying 
stories. Wherefore did the English hire one thousand two hundred 
Indians to kill us?' I protested it was false; he said: 'G — d d — n 
you for a fool ; did you not see the woman lying in the road that 
was killed by the Indians that the English hired?' I said: 
'Brother, do consider how many thousand Indians the French have 
hired to kill the English and how many they have killed along the 
frontier.' Then Daniel said: 'D — n you. Why do not you and 
the French fight on the sea? You come here only to cheat the poor 
Indians and take their land from them.' Then Shingas told him 
to be still, for he did not know what he said. We arrived at Kus- 
kuskies before night, and I informed Pisquetomen of Daniel's be- 
havior, at which he appeared sorry." 

Shingas Kind to Prisoners 

Also, under date of August 29th, Post notes again in his jour- 

"I dined with Shingas. He told me, though the English had 
set a great price on his head, he never thought to revenge himself, 
but was always very kind to any prisoners that were brought him; 
and that he assured the Governor he would do all in his power to 
bring about an established peace, and wished he could be certain 
of the English being in earnest." 

We state in this connection that Heckewelder testifies that 

29S The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Shingas, though a terrible warrior in battle, was never known to 
treat prisoners cruelly. "One day," says Heckewelder, "in the 
summer of 1762, while passing with him near by where two prison- 
ers of his, boys about twelve years of age, were amusing them- 
selves with his own boys, as the chief observed that my attention 
was arrested by them, he asked me at what I was looking. Telling 
him in reply that I was looking at his prisoners, he said: 'When 
I first took them, they were such; but now they and my children 
eat their food from the same bowl, or dish.' Which was equivalent 
to saying that they were, in all respects, on an equal footing with 
his own children, or alike dear to him." Shingas was, at that 
time, living on the Muskingum. 

The Indians' Point of View 

On September 1st, at Kuskuskies, Shingas, King Beaver, Dela- 
ware George, and Pisquetomen unburdened their hearts, and frank- 
ly told Post the cause of their hostility to the English during the 
French and Indian War. Their statements, also, revealed the real 
reason why, after the close of this conflict, they again took up arms 
against the English in Pontiac's War, which, in 1763, drenched the 
frontier with the blood of the pioneers. Post reports the truly 
patriotic speeches of these great chiefs, as follows: 

"Brother, we have thought a great deal since God has brought 
you to us ; and this is a matter of great consequence, which we can- 
not readily answer; we think on it, and will answer you as soon 
as we can. Our feast hinders us; all our young men, women and 
children are glad to see you; before you came, they all agreed to- 
gether to go and join the French; but since they have seen you, 
they all draw back; though we have great reason to believe you in- 
tend to drive us away, and settle the country; or else, why do you 
come to fight in the land that God has given us?" 

"I said, we did not intend to take the land from them; but 
only to drive the French away. They said, they knew better ; for 
that they were informed so by our greatest traders; and some Jus- 
tices of the Peace had told them the same, and the French, said 
they, tell us much the same thing, — 'that the English intend 
to destroy us, and take our lands; but the land is ours, and 
not theirs; therefore, we say, if you will be at peace with us, we 
will send the French home. It is you that have begun the war, 
and it is necessary that you hold fast, and be not discouraged, in 
the work of peace. We love you more than you love us; for when 

Shingas, King Beaver and Pisquetomen 299 

we take any prisoners from you, we treat them as our own chil- 
dren. We are poor, and yet we clothe them as well as we can, 
though you see our children are as naked as at the first. By this 
you may see that our hearts are better than yours. It is plain that 
you white people are the cause of this war; why do not you and 
the French fight in the old country, and on the sea? Why do you 
come to fight on our land? This makes every body believe you 
want to take the land from us by force, and settle it.' 

"I told them, 'Brothers, as for my part, I have not one foot 
of land, nor do I desire to have any; and if I had any land, I had 
rather give it to you, than take any from you. Yes, brothers, if 
I die, you will get a little more land from me; for I shall then no 
longer walk on that ground, which God has made. We told you 
that you should keep nothing in your heart, but bring it before the 
council fire, and before the Governor, and his council; they will 
readily hear you; and I promise you, what they answer they will 
stand to. I further read to you what agreements they made about 
Wyoming, and they stand to them.' 

"They said, 'Brother, your heart is good; you speak always 
sincerely; but we know there are always a great number of people 
that want to get rich; they never have enough; look, we do not 
want to be rich, and take away that which others have. God has 
given you the tame creatures; we do not want to take them from 
you. God has given to us the deer, and other wild creatures, which 
we must feed on; and we rejoice in that which springs out of the 
ground, and thank God for it. Look now, my brother, the white 
people think we have no brains in our heads; but that they are 
great and big, and that makes them make war with us; we are but 
a little handful to what you are; but remember, when you look for 
a wild turkey you cannot always find it, it is so little it hides itself 
under the bushes; and when you hunt for a rattlesnake, you can- 
not find it; and perhaps it will bite you before you see it. How- 
ever, since you are so great and big, and we so little, do you use 
your greatness and strength in completing this work of peace. 
This is the first time that we saw or heard of you, since the war 
begun, and we have great reason to think about it, since such a 
great body of you comes into our lands. It is told us, that you 
and the French contrived the war to waste the Indians between 
you; and that you and the French intended to divide the land be- 
tween you; this was told us by the chief of the Indian traders; and 
they said further, brothers, this is the last time we shall come 

300 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

among you; for the French and the English intend to kill all the 
Indians, and then divide the land among themselves.' 

"Then they addressed themselves to me, and said: 'Brother, 
1 suppose you know something about it; or has the Governor stop- 
ped your mouth, that you cannot tell us?' 

"Then I said: 'Brothers, 1 am very sorry to see you so jeal- 
ous. I am your own flesh and blood, and sooner than 1 would tell 
you any story that would be of hurt to you, or your children, I 
would suffer death; and if I did not know that it was the desire of 
the Governor, that we should renew our old brotherly love and 
friendship, that subsisted between our grandfathers, 1 would not 
have undertaken this journey. I do assure you of mine and the 
people's honesty. If the French had not been here, the English 
would not have come; and consider, brothers, whether, in such a 
case, we can always sit still.' 

"Then they said: 'It is a thousand pities we did not know 
this sooner; if we had, it would have been peace long before now.' 

"Sept. 2nd. — I bade Shingas to make haste and dispatch me, 
and once more desired to know of them, if it was possible for them 
to guide me to the General. [General Forbes, who was then 
marching against Fort Duquesne]. Of all which they told me 
they would consider; and Shingas gave me his hand, and said, 
'Brother, the next time you come, I will return with you to Phila- 
delphia, and will do all in my power to prevent any body's coming 
to hurt the English more.' 

"6th. — Pisquetumen, Tom Hickman and Shingas told me, 
'Brother, it is good that you have stayed so long with us; we love 
to see you, and wish to see you here longer; but since you are so 
desirous to go, you may set off tomorrow; Pisquetumen has 
brought you here, and he may carry you home again; you have 
seen us, and we have talked a great deal together, which we have 
not done for a long time before. Now, Brother, we love you, but 
cannot help wondering why the English and French do not make 
up with one another, and tell one another not to fight on our land.' 

"King Beaver and Shingas spoke to Pisquetumen. 'Brother, 
you told us that the Governor of Philadelphia and Teedyuscung 
took this man [Post] out of their bosoms, and put him into your 
bosom, that you should bring him here; and you have brought 
him here to us; and we have seen and heard him; and now we give 
him into your bosom, to bring him to the same place again, before 
the Governor; but do not let him quite loose; we shall rejoice 
when we shall see him here again.' They desired me to speak to 
the Governor, in their behalf, as follows: 

Shingas, King Beaver and Pisquetomen 301 

' 'Brother, we beg you to remember our oldest brother, Pis- 
quetumen, and furnish him with good clothes, and reward him well 
for his trouble; for we shall look upon him when he comes back.'" 

While at Kuskuskies, on this first peace mission to the Western 
Indians, Post received from Shingas, King Beaver, Delaware 
George, Pisquetomen, John Hickman, Killbuck, Keckenapaulin, 
and eight other chiefs, a "speech belt" of eight rows, by which the 
western tribes agreed to the peace with the English. The accept- 
ance of this belt by the Governor of Pennsylvania would make 
peace effective with these Indians. Pisquetomen and John Hick- 
man delivered the belt at the Grand Council at Easton, in October, 

On Post's second journey to the Ohio (Autumn of 1758), he 
again met Shingas and held council with him at Kuskuskies, Sau- 
conk, and Logstown, finding him anxious to make peace with the 
English on behalf of the Western Indians. Before Post left for 
Eastern Pennsylvania, the French had abandoned and set fire to 
Fort Duquesne, November 24th. The next day the advance troops 
of the army of General John Forbes took possession of its smould- 
ering ruins, and this "Gateway of the West", which had cost 
Pennsylvania and the English great sacrifies of blood and treasure 
to possess, was named Pittsburgh, in honor of William Pitt. Had 
not Shingas and his associate chiefs, welcomed the peace message 
of the gentle Moravian missionary, who can tell how different 
would have been the result? Would the Anglo-Saxon today have 
the ascendancy in the Western World? Would America be speak- 
ing French today? Logstown and Sauconk were filled with war- 
riors, and in the villages in the valleys of the Tuscarawas and 
Muskingum were hundreds of others. One word from Shingas or 
King Beaver, and they would have arisen in savage wrath. But 
that word was not spoken, because Post, whom they loved and in 
whom they had confidence, held them silent and kept them from 
assisting the French, as the army of General Forbes marched over 
the mountains and through the wilderness to dislodge the French 
from the beautiful and fertile valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny, 
and to end the French and Indian War in Pennsylvania. 

Shingas at Fort Pitt 

On July 5th, 1759, a council was held, at the newly erected 
Fort Pitt, between George Croghan, Captain William Trent, and 
Captain Thomas McKee, on the one hand, and the representatives 

302 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawnees, and Wyandots. This 
was the first large gathering of Indians at Fort Pitt. Andrew 
Montour was the interpreter, while Colonel Hugh Mercer and the 
garrison were also present. The Delawares were represented by 
Shingas, King Beaver, Delaware George, Killbuck, and The Pipe; 
and the Six Nations by Guyasuta. Croghan informed the assem- 
bled chiefs of the terms of the Treaty of Easton. These were con- 
firmed, and the Indians promised to return the captives held in 
their villages. 

On August 12th, 1760, General Monckton held a conference 
at Fort Pitt with the Western Indians, for the purpose of assuring 
them that the English had no design of taking the Indians' lands. 
In the first part of September, Shingas and Andrew Montour went 
to Presque Isle (Erie) to join Croghan and Major Robert Rogers 
in leading an expedition to take possession of Detroit and other 
western posts surrendered by the French. 

Shingas Attends Lancaster Treaty of 1762 

After the erection of Fort Pitt in 1759 Shingas retired to Kus- 
kuskies, and later to the Muskingum and the Tuscarawas. 

Early in February, 1762, Governor James Hamilton received 
a letter from Shingas and King Beaver, through their faithful 
friend, Christian Frederick Post, advising the Governor that they 
desired to hold a treaty with him in the following spring. 

The Colonial Authorities had made many efforts after Post's 
mission to the Western Indians in 1758, to induce Shingas and 
King Beaver to come to Philadelphia for a conference. Shingas 
had declined to come, fearing that the English would retaliate 
upon him for the terrible atrocities that he had committed upon 
the frontier settlements during the French and Indian War. Now, 
however, that peace was secure and the Indian raids upon the bor- 
der had stopped, Shingas wanted to meet the Governor in con- 

In March, the Governor sent a reply to Shingas and Beaver 
through Post, inviting these two chiefs to come to Lancaster to 
hold a conference at that place, inasmuch as smallpox was 
raging in Philadelphia. Post was appointed as the guide 
and escort, not only for the two chiefs and their delegation of 
Indians, but also for the captives which were to be returned by the 
Indians from the villages on the Muskingum and Tuscarawas, as 
well as the villages on the Beaver and Ohio. Post immediately 

Shingas, King Beaver and Pisquetomen 303 

went to the villages of Shingas and Beaver on the Tuscarawas, and 
began preparations for their return on the 25th of June. He was 
beset with many troubles. He had difficulty in getting Shingas 
and Beaver to return with him and also in keeping the captives 
from running away and returning to the Indian villages. Dr. 
George P. Donehoo, in "Pennsylvania A History" thus comments 
upon the reluctance of the white captives to return to the settle- 

"One of the most remarkable facts in the relation of the Eng- 
lish with the Indians during this entire period is that these cap- 
tives, whose parents or husbands or wives had been most cruelly 
killed and scalped by Indians, had to be guarded and oftentimes 
fettered in order to keep them from running back to the captivity 
from which they had been released. One explanation of this most 
peculiar condition has been attempted by some writers, who have 
dealt with the topic, saying that the captives were men and women 
of the lower sort, and had not been accustomed to anything differ- 
ent from that which had been their condition in the villages of 
their Indian masters. But this is an absolutely false statement. 
Some of them had been taken from the best class of frontier fami- 
lies. The great majority of them, as shown by their names, be- 
longed to the hardy, religious Scotch-Irish families along the 
frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia, which furnished the lead- 
ing men and women of the Colonial period. The only explanation 
is to be found in the statements made by the captives and by the 
Indians, that these adopted relations were treated with the utmost 
kindness and respect by their captors." 

When Post, Shingas, Beaver, the other Indians, and the white 
captives reached Fort Pitt, Post held a conference with King 
Beaver in which this chief advised him that the Indians had 
already delivered seventy-four prisoners at that fort. After many 
difficulties, Post, Shingas, Beaver, the other Indians, and the re- 
maining captives reached Lancaster, on August 8th, where the 
great conference began on the 12th of that month. Further details 
of this conference are given in Chapter XXII, but in this connec- 
tion, we state that the principal matters discussed were the return 
of the prisoners and the claim on the part of the Delawares that 
they had been defrauded out of their lands by the Pennsylvania 
authorities. The conference was closed by giving the Indian 
delegation many presents. 

304 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Shingas in Pontiac's War 

After a few year's of peace between Pennsylvania and the 
Indians, Pontiac's War, which opened in May, 1763, desolated the 
frontier. On the opening of this war, Shingas was living on the 
Tuscarawas, and Fort Pitt was commanded by Captain Simon 
Ecuyer. On May 31st, Captain Ecuyer received the following 
account from Shingas and King Beaver, which they had delivered 
to Thomas Calhoun, a trader at Tuscarawas, at eleven o'clock, on 
the night of May 27, 1763: 

"Brother, King Beaver, with Shingas, Windohala, Wingenum, 
Daniel, and William Anderson, out of regard to you and the 
friendship that formerly subsisted between our grandfathers and 
the English, which has been lately renewed by us, we come to in- 
form you of the news we had heard, which you may depend upon 
as true. All the English that were at Detroit were killed ten days 
ago; not one left alive. At Sandusky, all the white people there 
were killed five days ago, nineteen in number, except the officer, 
who is a prisoner, and one boy who made his escape, whom we 
have not heard of. At the mouth of the Mamee River, Hugh 
Crawford with one boy was taken prisoner and six men killed. At 
the Salt Licks [on the Mahoning in Ohio], five days ago, five white 
men were killed. We received the account this day. We have 
seen a number of tracks on the road between this and Sandusky, 
not far off, which we are sure is a party come to cut you and your 
people off; but as we have sent a man to watch their motions, re- 
quest you may think of nothing you have here, but make the best 
of your way to some place of safety; as we would not desire to see 
you killed in our town. Be careful to avoid the road, and every 
part where Indians resort. Brother, what goods and other 
effects you have here, you need not be uneasy about them. We 
assure you that they will take care to keep them safe for six 
months. Perhaps by that time we may see you, or send you word 
what you may expect of us." 

As set forth in Chapter XXI II, Shingas took part in the siege 
of Fort Pitt, in July, 1763. On July 26th, he and Turtle Heart, 
held a parley with Captain Ecuyer, the commandant, under a flag 
of truce, and requested him to withdraw the troops from that place. 
Soon after this Shingas disappears from history. What became 
of him or when he died is not known, though some authorities have 
endeavored to identify him with Buckongehelas, a Delaware chief, 

Shingas, King Beaver and Pisquetomen 305 

who was living in Ohio as late as 1800. Some have suggested, too, 
that Shingas commanded the Indians at the battle of Bushy Run, 
Westmoreland County, on August 6th, 1763, but this is very im- 
probable, as both he and King Beaver were not in entire sympathy 
with Pontiac's uprising. It is much more likely that Guyasuta, an 
account of whom is given in Chapter XXIII, commanded the 
Indians at this battle. 


King Beaver, or Tamaque, a chief of the Turkey Clan of 
Delawares, was, as has been seen in this chapter, a brother of 
Shingas and Pisquetomen, and possibly a nephew of the great 
Sassoonan. Upon the death or abdication of Shingas, he succeeded 
to the kingship of the Delaware tribe. 

King Beaver's first important appearance in history is when 
George Croghan and Andrew Montour were at Logstown, in May, 

1751, delivering the present of Pennsylvania to the tribes of the 
Ohio and Allegheny. On this occasion, King Beaver requested 
that Pennsylvania would build a "strong house on the River Ohio, 
so that in case of war with the French, the Indians of the Ohio 
Valley might have a place of security." 

On this occasion, too, he replied to a suggestion that the Dela- 
wares should comply with the promise that they had made the 
Governor of Pennsylvania, three years before to choose a new chief 
to succeed Sassoonan, who, as we have seen, died in the autumn of 
1747. King Beaver said that, inasmuch as all the wise men of the 
Delawares were not gathered together, it would take considerable 
time to select a man competent to rule over them, but that as soon 
as possible they would make a selection, which he trusted would 
be satisfactory, not only to the English, but also to the Six Na- 

He was also present at the treaty which the Virginia com- 
missioners held with the Western Indians at Logstown, in June, 

1752. On this occasion he stood proxy for his brother, Shingas, 
when Tanacharison as the representative of the Six Nations crown- 
ed Shingas King of the Delawares, as was seen earlier in this chap- 

King Beaver at Aughwick Conferences 

As was related in the latter part of Chapter XIV, King Beaver 
attended the conferences with Conrad Weiser, George Croghan, 
Tanacharison, and Scarouady, held at Aughwick in September, 

306 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

1754. It will be recalled that upon Washington's defeat at the 
Great Meadows in the early part of July of that year, the friendly 
Indians assembled at Aughwick, where supplies were distributed 
to them by George Croghan, and that Weiser was sent to Augh- 
wick to investigate the manner in which Croghan was distributing 
the supplies, and make a report thereon to the Pennsylvania 

Tanacharison and Scarouady were the principal Indian 
speakers at these conferences; but King Beaver, as the representa- 
tive of the Delawares, also took part. A speech which he made at 
Aughwick on this occasion sheds some light on the time of the 
subjugation of the Delawares by the Iroquois. 

Said he: "I must now go into the depth and put you in mind 
of old histories and our first acquaintance with you when William 
Penn first appeared in his ship on our lands. We looked in his 
face and judged him to be our brother and gave him a fast hold to 
tie his ship to; and we told him that a powerful people called the 
Five Nations had placed us here and established a fair and lasting 
friendship with us, and that he, the said William Penn, and his 
people shall be welcome to be one of us, and in the same union, to 
which he and his people agreed; and we then erected an everlasting 
friendship with William Penn and his people, and we on our side, 
so well as you, and observed as much as possible to this day. We 
desire you will look upon us in the same light, and let that treaty 
of friendship, made by our forefathers on both sides, subsist and 
be in force from generation to generation." 

King Beaver in the French and Indian War 

There are very few records of the activities of King Beaver 
during the French and Indian War; but there is no doubt that he 
assisted in many an incursion against the Pennsylvania frontier. 
Egle in his "History of Pennsylvania" states that it was King 
Beaver who led the band of Delawares who captured Bingham's 
Fort in the Tuscarora Valley in Juniata County, on June 12, 1756, 
an account of which was given in Chapter XVIII. We have 
already seen, in this chapter, the important part that he played in 
the peace missions of Christian Frederick Post to the Western 
Indians in the summer and autumn of 1758. 

King Beaver was the principal speaker at the great council 
held at Fort Pitt on July 5, 1759, referred to earlier in this chapter, 
which gathered the fruits of Post's mission of the preceding year. 

Shingas, King Beaver and Pisquetomen 307 

He was also present at the great Indian conference with 
General Monckton at Fort Pitt on August 12, 1760, held for the 
purpose of assuring the Western Indians that the English had no 
design of taking their lands upon the close of the French and 
Indian War. In the spring of 1761 he sent White Eyes, (also 
known as Grey-Eyes) and Wingemund to meet Governor Hamil- 
ton in council at Philadelphia and to advise him that a number of 
chiefs of the Western Indians proposed coming to Philadelphia to 
cement the bond of peace established between them and the 
Colony at the close of the French and Indian War. 

As we have seen in the present chapter, in 1762 King Beaver, 
Shingas, and a number of other chiefs from the Mukingum, Tus- 
carawas, and Ohio, accompanied Christian Frederick Post to the 
great conference which was held at Lancaster in August of that 
year, where they delivered up the white captives which had been 
taken during the French and Indian War, and held in various 
villages on the Muskingum and Tuscarawas. His speech at this 
conference, that he knew nothing of the basis of the charge which 
Teedyuscung made as to the fraudulent character of the Walking 
Purchase, had no doubt much to do with Teedyuscung's finally 
agreeing to withdraw the charge of fraud. 

On the outbreak of Pontiac's War, in May, 1763, King 
Beaver was one of the chiefs who, as related earlier in this chapter, 
warned Thomas Calhoun, a trader at Tuscarawas, to flee toward 
the eastern settlements. What part, if any, he took in Pontiac's 
uprising is not definitely known, though both he and Shingas had 
warned the English that a war 'would result if they remained on 
the Ohio. From all the data that can be found, we are justified 
in assuming that King Beaver was not in hearty sympathy with 
Pontiac's aims and purposes, at least at the beginning of the up- 
rising. When Colonel Bouquet led his expedition to the Musk- 
ingum and Tuscarawas in the summer and autumn of 1764, King 
Beaver was one of the principal Delaware chiefs in that region, 
and Colonel Bouquet compelled him and the other chiefs of the 
western tribes to surrender the prisoners which had been taken in 
Pontiac's War. 

King Beaver's next appearance in the history of Pennsylvania 
is when he, with New Comer, Wingenund, Custaloga, Guyasuta, 
White-Eyes, Captain Pipe, and other chiefs of the western tribes, 
attended the great conference which opened at Fort Pitt, on May 
10th, 1765, held for the purpose of resuming trade relations be- 
tween Pennsylvania and these Indians after the close of Pontiac's 

308 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

War. Andrew Montour, it will be remembered, was the interpreter 
on this occasion. 

King Beaver also attended the great council at Fort Pitt 
April 26th to May 9th, 1768, held between Pennsylvania, the west- 
ern tribes, and Six Nations, for the purpose of adjusting the diffi- 
culties growing out of the fact that settlements were being estab- 
lished in the valleys of the Youghiogheny and Monongahela, on 
territory not purchased from the Indians. Over one thousand 
Indians attended this council, which led to the great purchase at 
Fort Stanwix (Rome, New York), on November 5th of this year, 
more particularly described in Chapter XX. 

King Beaver had various residences during that part of his life 
spent in Western Pennsylvania — Logstown, Sauconk, and Kuskus- 
kies. The Beaver River bears his name. As early as 1756, he 
established the town of Tuscarawas on the river of the same name 
in Ohio, a town which was later known as King Beaver's Town. 
Here he died in 1771, admonishing his people to accept Christian- 
ity. In the latter years of his life, he had come under the influence 
of the Moravians, and invited them to establish missions among 
the Delawares of Ohio. Upon his death, Captain Johnny, or 
Straight Arm, succeeded to the kingship of the Turtle Clan of 
Delawares, but White Eyes, an account of whom is given in Chap- 
ter XXV, was the actual ruler. 


As we have seen also, in this chapter, Pisquetomen, a chief of 
the Turkey Clan of Delawares, was a brother of Shingas and King 
Beaver, and possibly a nephew of Sassoonan. His first important 
appearance in Pennsylvania history is when he, Sassoonan, and 
other Delaware chiefs conveyed to the Penns, in September, 1732, 
"all the land along the Schuylkill between the Lechay Hills and 
Kittochtinny Hills, from the Branches of the Delaware to the 
Branches of the Susquehanna." He was also one of the chiefs 
who attended the great conference at Carlisle in October. 1753, 
mentioned in former chapters. 

We have seen in this chapter the important part that Pisqueto- 
men played in Post's mission to the Western Indians in the summer 
and autumn of 1758. It is on account of these services that this 
chief especially claims our remembrance. 

We close this sketch of these three distinguished brothers by 
calling attention to the statement which Kins Beaver and Shingas 

Shingas, King Beaver and Pisquetomen 309 

made to Pisquetomen at Kuskuskies just before Post left for the 
East upon the completion of his first mission to the Western 

"Brother, you told us that the Governor of Pennsylvania and 
Teedyuscung took this man [Post] out of their bosoms and put 
him into your bosoms, that you should bring him here; and you 
have brought him to us; and we have seen and heard him; and now 
we give him into your bosom, to bring him to the same place again 
before the Governor." 

*■■£■ 3>-v 

§ 4 > % 

# c S $ 


Madam Montour and Her Son, 
Andrew Montour 


ADAM MONTOUR was the first of a family whose name is 
closely connected with the Indian annals of Pennsylvania. 
There is much doubt as to her birth. She claimed to 
be the daughter of an Indian woman, probably a Huron, 
and one of the governors of Canada. Whether this is true or not, 
about 1664, a Frenchman, Montour by name, settled in Canada, 
where he married an Indian woman by whom he became the father 
of a son and two daughters. The son grew up among the Indians, 
who were, at that time, allies of the French. In 1685, while in the 
service of the French, he was wounded in a fight with two Mo- 
hawks on Lake Champlain. Later, he deserted the French, and, in 
1709, he was killed while inducing twelve of the western tribes 
to support the English. 

So much for the son of the nobleman, Montour. One of the 
daughters married a Miami Indian, and became lost to history. 
The other daughter, the noted Madam Montour, was born prior 
to 1684. When a child of ten years, she was captured by the 
Iroquois, and adopted, probably by the Seneca tribe, for, upon 
reaching womanhood, she married a Seneca, named Roland Mon- 
tour, according to the "Hand Book of American Indians," by 
whom she had the following children: Andrew, Robert, Louis, 
and Margaret. Upon the death of her Seneca husband, she mar- 
ried the noted Oneida chief, Carondowanen, or "Big Tree", who 
later took the name of Robert Hunter, in honor of the Governor 
of New York. He was killed, about the year 1729, in North 
Carolina, in the war between the Iroquois and the Catawbas. 

Madam Montour's first appearance as an official interpreter 
was at the Albany Treaty, in August, 1711. Her first appearance 
as an official interpreter in Pennsylvania was at a conference held 
in Philadelphia, July 3rd to 5th, 1727, between the Provincial 
Council and chiefs of the Six Nations, mostly Cayugas, in which 
the chiefs requested that no English settlements be made up the 
Susquehanna farther than Paxtang (Harrisburg), explaining that 

Madam Montour and Her Son, Andrew Montour 311 

this territory was on the road by which the Six Nations went to 
war against the Catawbas, and that they feared that misfortunes 
would befall their warlike activities, if their warriors were fur- 
nished with rum by the settlers along the route. She became a 
noted interpreter, and was uniformly friendly to the Colony of 
Pennsylvania. Her sons, too, were loyal to the Colony, and 
Andrew, received large grants of donation lands lying along Chilli- 
squaque Creek, in Northumberland County, and on the Loyalsock, 
where Montoursville, Lycoming County, is situated. A creek, a 
river, a town, a county, and a mountain range — all in Pennsyl- 
vania — are named for her, or members of her family. She lived 
for many years at the village of Ostonwackin, sometimes called 
Frenchtown, at the mouth of Loyalsock Creek, in Lycoming 

She was living at Ostonwackin when she and her son, Andrew, 
welcomed Count Zinzindorf, the Moravian missionary, upon his 
visit to that place, in 1742. Upon hearing the Count preach the 
Gospel and relate the history of the Saviour's life upon earth, she 
burst into a flood of tears, as the almost forgotten truths flashed 
upon her mind. It was learned that she believed that Bethlehem, 
the birthplace of Christ, was situated in France, and that it was 
the English who crucified Him, — a perversion of the truth that it 
is believed, she had heard in her youth from French teachers among 
the Indians. It is thought that she died in 1752 at the home of her 
son, Andrew. 

Madam Montour and two of her daughters attended the Lan- 
caster Treaty of June and July, 1744. One daughter, known as 
French Margaret, was the wife of Keteriondia, alias Peter Quebec, 
and lived near Sunbury prior and subsequent to 1733. Another 
daughter was one of the converts at the Moravian Mission, at New 
Salem, Ohio, April 14th, 1791. This daughter spoke English, 
French, and six Indian languages. A granddaughter was Cath- 
erine, of Catherine's Town, near the head of Seneca Lake, New 
York, destroyed by General Sullivan, on September 3rd, 1779. 
Catherine was a daughter of French Margaret. Esther Montour, 
known as Queen Esther, "the fiend of Wyoming," was a grand- 
daughter of Madam Montour and a daughter of French Margaret. 

It is claimed that Madam Montour was a lady of education, 
of genteel manners, and handsome of face and form. It is said, 
too, that, on her various trips to Philadelphia as interpreter at 
Indian conferences, she was entertained by ladies of the best 
society. But, inasmuch as she was twice married to an Indian 

312 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

warrior, it is probable that her education and refinement have been 
overstated. Some have made the claim that she had no Indian 
blood, and that, for some unknown reason, she preferred the life 
and dress of the Indian. Near the end of her life, she became 
blind, but had sufficient bodily vigor to go on horseback from 
Logstown to Venango in two days, a distance of about seventy 
miles, her son, Andrew, leading the horse. She and this son are 
among the most picturesque characters in the Indian history of 


Andrew Montour, whose Indian name was Sattelihu, was the 
oldest and most noted of the children of Madam Montour. We 
have met Andrew many times thus far in these sketches, but we 
devote the remainder of this chapter to additional information 
concerning this interesting character. 

The first glimpse that we get of the "Half Indian", as Mon- 
tour is frequently called, is when Count Zinzindorf, the Moravian 
missionary, visited Ostonwackin in September of 1742. Zinzin- 
dorf writes of his meeting with Montour as follows: 

"On September 30, 1742, as we were not far from Oston- 
wackin, Conrad Weiser rode to the village. He soon returned in 
company with Andrew, Madam Montour's oldest son. Andrew's 
cast of countenance is decidedly European, and had his face not 
been encircled with a broad band of paint applied with bear's fat, 
we would certainly have taken him for one. He wore a brown 
broadcloth coat, a scarlet damasken lapel waistcoat, breeches, 
over which his shirt hung, a black cordovan neckerchief decked 
with silver bangles, shoes and stockings, and a hat. His ears were 
hung with pendants of brass and other wires plaited together, like 
the handle of a basket. He was very cordial; but on addressing 
him in French, he, to my surprise, replied in English." 

Montour's Activities Prior to Braddock's Campaign 

Andrew Montour's first important appearance in Colonial his- 
tory was in February, 1743, at a conference held at Shikellamy's 
house, in Shamokin, between Conrad Weiser and the Indians of 
that place. At this conference Montour acted as interpreter for 
the Delawares. In 1744, he was captain of a party of warriors of 
the Six Nations, who marched against the Catawbas of Carolina. 
On this expedition, he fell sick on his way to the James River in 
Virginia, and was obliged to return to Shamokin. 

In May, 1745, as has already been seen, he accompanied 

Madam Montour and Her Son, Andrew Montour 313 

Shikellamy, Conrad Weiser, and Bishop Spangenberg on their 
mission to the Onondago Council, in an effort to induce the Six 
Nations to make peace with the Catawbas. In June, 1748, Conrad 
Weiser introduced him to the President and Provincial Council of 
Pennsylvania, and informed them that he had employed Montour 
in various matters of importance and found him faithful and 
prudent; "that he [Weiser] had, for his own private information, 
as Andrew lives among the Six Nations between the branches of 
Ohio and Lake Erie, sent a message to him in the winter, desiring 
him to observe what passed among those Indians on the return 
of Scarouady, and come down to his home in the spring, which he 
did." The Council then voted Montour a reward for his trouble, 
and employed him to meet a deputation of Shawnee chiefs from the 
Allegheny then on their way to Philadelphia. He then assisted as 
interpreter at the conference held with these chiefs and others of 
the Six Nations and Miamis (Twightwees) at Lancaster in July, 
1748, as was related in Chapter XIII. In August, 1748, he ac- 
companied Weiser on his mission to Logstown. In May, 1750, he 
came from the Allegheny Valley, possibly Kuskuskies, and took 
part in the conference held at George Croghan's house at Penns- 
boro, Cumberland County, with some chiefs of the Six Nations and 

Montour's next appearance in the history of Pennsylvania is 
when he accompanied George Croghan to Logstown in November, 
1750, as was also related in Chapter XV, where they succeeded in 
counteracting, in a measure, the intrigues of the French, and 
promised the Indians of that place that a present from the 
Colony of Pennsylvania would be brought for them the following 
spring. After leaving Logstown, Montour and Croghan proceed- 
ed by way of the Lower Shawnee Town, at the mouth of the Sioto, 
to the Miami village of Pickawillany in the lower Ohio Valley, 
on a mission to strengthen the alliance between the English and 
Ohio Indians. They returned in the spring of 1751, and were 
sent in May of that year to carry the present to the Indians at 
Logstown, which had been promised on their visit to that place in 
the preceding November. As stated in Chapter VI K, Montour 
and Croghan, by means of the Pennsylvania present, were able to 
make quite a favorable impression upon the Indians of Logstown 
in favor of the English on this occasion, and some French, who 
were present, were virtually ordered away by a speech which a 
certain speaker of the Six Nations delivered to the French Indian 
agent, Joncaire. 

Montour and Croghan returned to Pennsboro early in June. 

314 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

In a letter which George Croghan wrote the Governor on June 
10th, enclosing a journal of his and Montour's transactions at Logs- 
town, he said: "Mr. Montour has exerted himself very much on 
this occasion, and as he is not only very capable of doing the busi- 
ness, but looked on amongst all the Indians as one of their chiefs, 
I hope your Honor will think him worth notice, as he has em- 
ployed all his time in the business of this Government." 

Montour then returned to the Ohio some time in the summer 
or autumn of 1751, where he remained until near the beginning 
of the year 1752. His next act of importance was to act as in- 
terpreter at the Virginia treaty at Logstown, in June, 1752. In 
April of that year, he had received a grant of one hundred forty- 
three acres of land lying on what is still called Montour's Run, near 
its junction with Sherman's Creek, in Perry County; and on the 
same day that he received the grant, he requested of Governor 
Hamilton permission to interpret for the Governor of Virginia at 
the Logstown Treaty. The Virginians were so well pleased with 
his services that they allowed him thirty pistoles, and offered to 
give him a tract of one thousand acres if he would remove to Vir- 
ginia and settle within the grant of the Ohio Company. At this 
treaty Montour was addressed by the Six Nations as one of their 

Early in 1753 we find Montour visiting the Great Council of 
the Six Nations at Onondaga, at the instance of Governor Din- 
widdie, to invite the Iroquois to hold a treaty with Virginia at 
Winchester. In August of that year, he stopped at John Frazer's 
trading post near Braddock, Allegheny County, on his way back 
to Virginia with a number of chiefs of the Six Nations, Picks, 
Shawnees, Wyandots, and Delawares. Captain William Trent 
accompanied the party and spent some time in viewing the ground 
near the Forks of the Ohio, on which the Ohio Company con- 
templated erecting a fort. As we have already seen, Virginia 
made a treaty with the Iroquois chiefs at Winchester in September 
of that year. Andrew Montour was the interpreter on the oc- 
casion, as has been seen in former chapters. 

The Indians who had attended the Winchester Treaty in Sep- 
tember held a treaty with the Pennsylvania Commissioners at Car- 
lisle in October. Andrew Montour also attended this treaty. 
Toward the close of the conference, Scarouady presented a large 
belt of wampum to Montour, addressing the Pennsylvania com- 
missioners as follows: "Since we are now here together, with a 
great deal of pleasure, I must acquaint you that we have set a 
horn on Andrew Montour's head; and that you may believe what 

Madam Montour and Her Son, Andrew Montour 315 

he says to be true between the Six Nations and you, they have 
made him one of their counsellors and a great man among them, 
and they love him dearly." 

At the close of the Carlisle conference, Montour went to his 
home on Sherman's Creek, where he remained until early in Novem- 
ber. He was then joined, at that place, by his brother, Louis, 
bringing two messages from the Indians of the Ohio, one for the 
Governor of Pennsylvania, and the other for Governor Din- 
widdie of Virginia. These messages were sent by Tanacharison 
and Scarouady from Old Town, which Louis Monour explained 
was Shannopin's Town, on October 27th. Andrew then sent mes- 
sengers to carry the Virginia message to its destination, and Louis 
brought the other to Governor Hamilton. These messages, which 
have been referred to in Chapters XIII and XV, contained the 
urgent request that Pennsylvania and Virginia join with the In- 
dians on the Ohio in prohibiting the French from occupying the 
valleys of those streams. 

Governor Hamilton replied to Tanacharison and Scarouady's 
letter on November 20th, advising that he would communicate with 
the Governor of Virginia in an effort to carry out their wishes. 
The Governor's letter was sent to Andrew Montour and George 
Croghan to be taken by them to the Ohio. On January 13, 1754, 
Croghan reached Shannopin's Town, at which place he was over- 
taken by Montour, and they proceeded to Logstown the next day, 
where, as stated at the end of Chapter XIII, they held council with 
Tanacharison and Scarouady, who requested both Pennsylvania 
and Virginia to build forts on the Ohio. Montour then left for 
Philadelphia, leaving Croghan at Logstown to interpret for Cap- 
tain William Trent, who had "just come out with the Virginia 
goods and has brought a quantity of tools and workmen to begin 
a fort." 

On February 20th, 1754, Montour was closely examined by 
the Governor and Assembly as to the location of Shannopin's 
Town, Logstown, and Venango. Montour proved that these towns 
were all within the limits of the Province of Pennsylvania; but the 
Assembly decided that the encroachments of the French on the 
Ohio and Allegheny did not concern Pennsylvania any more than 
Virginia. Montour then returned to his home on Sherman's 
Creek, at which place he wrote to Secretary Richard Peters, on May 
16th, advising that the Indians of the Ohio did not look upon their 
friendship with Virginia as sufficient to engage them in war with 
the French, and urged Pennsylvania to send assistance to these 
Indians at once, as if they were to be retained in the interest of 

316 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Pennsylvania. "I have delayed my journey to the Ohio," said he, 
"and waited with great impatience for advices from Philadelphia, 
but have not yet received any. 1 am now obliged to go to Colonel 
Washingon, who has sent for me many days, to go with him to 
meet the Half-King [Tanacharison], Monacatooth [Scarouadyj, 
and others, that are coming to meet the Virginia Commissioners, 
and, as they think, some from Pennsylvania." 

Before the above letter was written, Governor Dinwiddie had 
given Montour a captain's commission "to head a select company 
of friendly Indians, as scouts, for our small army." Montour, 
however, did not organize a company of Indians, as he had been 
instructed, but raised a company of traders and woodsmen, who 
had been driven from the valley of the Ohio on the approach of 
the French. His company consisted of eighteen men, and with 
these, he and Croghan joined Washington at the Great Meadows 
on the 9th of June. Montour and his forces assisted Washington 
in the battle of Fort Necessity, on July 3rd and 4th, where two of 
his men, Daniel Lafferty and Henry O'Brien, were taken prisoners. 

On August 31st, Montour met Weiser at Harris' Ferry and 
accompanied him and Tanacharison to Aughwick, where, as has 
been seen in Chapter XIV, Weiser held conferences with Croghan, 
Tanacharison, and Scarouady, in September. On the way to 
Aughwick, Montour became intoxicated several times, and abused 
Governor Hamilton for not paying him for is trouble and expenses. 
Weiser reprimanded him when sober, and he begged Weiser's par- 
don and desired him not to mention the matter to the Governor. 
"I left him drunk at Aughwick," said Weiser; "on one leg he had 
a stocking and no shoe; on the other, a shoe and no stocking. 
From six of the clock till past nine, I begged him to go with me, 
but to no purpose. He swore terrible when he saw me mount my 
horse." On Weiser's way home Montour met him at Carlisle, hav- 
ing arrived there the day before. He again begged Weiser's par- 
don, and left for Virginia. 

Montour either remained in Maryland or Virginia until the 
middle of December, or else returned there before that time, inas- 
much as Governor Sharp mentions his being at Wills Creek (Cum- 
berland, Md.,) on December 10th. He then came back to his 
home in Sherman's Valley. 

We next hear of him in the spring of 1755, when he and George 
Croghan joined Braddock's army at Fort Cumberland with about 
fifty warriors. After Braddock's army began to advance on Fort 
Duquesne, many of the Indian allies under Montour and Croghan 
deserted, or were dismissed by Braddock; and when the army 

Madam Montour and Her Son, Andrew Montour 317 

reached the Little Meadows, near Grantsville, Maryland, there 
were but seven in the company. Both Montour and Croghan con- 
tinued with Braddock and took part in the terrible defeat at the 
mouth of Turtle Creek, on the Monongahela, on July 9th. We 
have already seen how the seven faithful Indians were thanked 
by the Provincial Council, in August, 1755, for the assistance which 
they rendered in Braddock's campaign. 

Montour's Activities in the French and Indian War 

Montour and Scarouady, after leaving Philadelphia, in Aug- 
ust, 1755, went to Shamokin, from which place Scarouady sent a 
message to the Governor, on September 1 1th, advising that the Six 
Nations had ordered the Delawares at Shamokin to take up arms 
against the French. 

The next glimpse we get of Montour is when he met John 
Harris at Shamokin, on the night of October 24th, in full war 
paint, and he and Scarouady advised Harris' party to keep on the 
east side of the Susquehanna on their return to Paxtang. It will 
be recalled that, as stated in Chapter XVI, John Harris had led a 
party to bury the dead of the Penn's Creek Massacre of October 
16th, but finding that they were already buried, had come to Sha- 
mokin to ascertain the sentiments of the Indians at that place. Dur- 
ing the month of October, Montour and Scarouady, as was also seen 
in Chapter XVI, attended the Indian council at Big Island (Lock 
Haven), where they found six Delawares and four Shawnees, who 
informed them that they had received a hatchet from the French 
to be used against the English "if they proved saucy." 

Montour and Scarouady then went to Philadelphia, where, on 
November 8th, they gave the Governor the details of their trip to 
Big Island. In the middle of November, Montour and Scarouady 
left Philadelphia on a trip up the North Branch of the Susque- 
hanna to Onondaga, on a mission from Pennsylvania to the chiefs 
of the Six Nations. The details of this trip have already been 
given in Chapter XVI, and need not be stated at this point. We 
have also seen, in Chapter XVI, that Montour and Scarouady re- 
turned to Philadelphia in March, 1756, from their mission to the 
Six Nations, and held conferences with the Governor and Pro- 
vincial Council, which resulted in Pennsylvania's declaring war 
against the Delawares, April 14, 1756. 

We saw in Chapter XVI that shortly after Pennsylvania's 
declaration of war against the Delawares, Scarouady went to the 
territory of the Six Nations, carrying Pennsylvania's peace mes- 
sage. He was accompanied on this mission by Montour, who, be- 

318 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

fore leaving Philadelphia, put his children under the Governor's 
care, "as well the three that are here, to be independent of the 
mother, as a boy twelve years old, that he had by a former wife, a 
Delaware granddaughter of Allompis [SassoonanJ". 

Montour acted as interpreter at the conference at Fort John- 
son, on May 10, 1756, between Sir William Johnson, Scarouady, 
and a number of other Oneida chiefs. In June, he acted as inter- 
preter at the camp on Lake Onondaga; and on July 25th, at Fort 
Johnson, he was appointed Captain of the Indian allies of Sir 
William Johnson. On September 10th, he appears once more as 
interpreter at Fort Johnson, and on the 20th of that month, he 
marched with Sir William Johnson to the relief of the army be- 
sieged at Fort Edward. He was ordered back, however, by Gen- 
eral Webb, and reached Fort Johnson on the 2nd of November, 
where on the 17th to the 23rd of that month, he acted as interpreter 
at a conference with a number of chiefs and warriors of the Six 

We find Montour at Fort Johnson once more, on June 13, 
1757, attending a conference in which it was brought out that he 
had been sent during the preceding winter by Sir William John- 
son to Onondaga Castle, to let the Six Nations know that he "ex- 
pected that they should use the hatchet against the French." 
Another conference was held at Fort Johnson, on September 12, 
1757, at which Montour offered five chiefs of the Mohawks and 
Senecas and four deputies of the Cherokees, the calumet of peace. 

On November 12th, 1757, the French burned the settlement at 
the German Flats, in the Mohawk Valley; whereupon General 
Johnson sent Montour and Croghan to the Oneida Castle to learn 
why the Oneidas had not given the English notice of the approach 
of the French. They met the leading Oneida chiefs at Fort Herki- 
mer, on November 30th, who advised them and also some German 
officers present, that the Oneidas had sent a warning to the settlers 
at the German Flats more than two weeks before, and that the 
settlers had paid no attention to it. 

It is not clear as just how long Montour remained in the ser- 
vice of Sir William Johnson; but it is likely that he took part in 
the attack on Fort Ticonderoga and witnessed the terrible slaughter 
of the English troops under General Abercombie. Montour then 
returned to Pennsylvania, and with George Croghan, took part in 
the Great Council at Easton in October, 1758, between the Gov- 
ernors of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, on the one hand, and the 
chiefs of the Six Nations, Delawares, Nanticokes, Tutelos, and 
other tribes on the other hand. He acted as the interpreter of the 

Madam Montour and Her Son, Andrew -Montour 319 

Delawares and Six Nations at this Council, but in the minutes of 
the same, his name is erroneously set forth as Henry Montour. 

At the close of the treaty, Montour and Croghan at once went 
to the Ohio. As has been seen in Chapter XIX, the French burned 
Fort Duquesne on November 24th, and General Forbes' army occu- 
pied its site the next day. Two days later (November 27th), 
Montour and Croghan crossed the Allegheny, and reached Logs- 
town on November 28th. On the 29th they reached Sauconk, at 
the mouth of the Beaver, where they were joined by some Dela- 
wares from Kuskuskies, accompanied by Christian Frederick Post. 
Here they conferred with Post, Shingas, and King Beaver, respecting 
the message that General Forbes had sent to these Indians. On 
December 2nd they returned to Logstown, and on the 3rd, reached 
Killbuck, or Smoky Island, opposite Pittsburgh. On the 4th, they 
crossed the river to Fort Pitt and held a conference with Colonel 
John Armstrong and Colonel Henry Bouquet. 

Montour and Croghan then returned to Philadelphia, where 
the former was interpreter at a conference on February 8th and 9th, 
1759, between General Forbes and some Indians from Buccaloons, 
an Indian town in Warren County. On February 20th, Montour 
reported to the Governor that these Indians were dissatisfied with 
the answer that they had received from General Forbes, and desired 
that he should return with them to the Allegheny, but that he had 
told them that he was an officer subject to General Forbes and 
could not go without his written consent. These Indians wished 
to learn fully the intentions of the English after driving the French 
from the Ohio and Allegheny. 

Montour's Activities From the Close of the French 
and Indian War to the Outbreak of the Pontiac- 
Guyasuta War 

In May, 1759, Montour was sent by Croghan to collect all the 
Indians he could for the purpose of meeting the latter in council at 
Fort Pitt; and on July 5th to 1 1th the conference took place there 
between Croghan as Sir William Johnson's deputy, Col. Hugh 
Mercer, and Captain William Trent, and the chiefs of the Six Na- 
tions, Delawares, Shawnees and Wyandots, at which conference 
Montour acted as interpreter. The chiefs were advised of the 
terms of the Treaty of Easton, and promised to return the prisoners 
taken during the French and Indian War. On October 24, 1759, 
he acted as interpreter at a conference at Fort Pitt between General 
Stanwix and the Western Indians. Still another conference with 

320 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

these Indians was held at the same place, by General Monckton, on 
August 12, 1760, at which Montour acted as interpreter. 

Montour then accompanied Shingas to Presque Isle (Erie) to 
join the expedition which Major Robert Rodgers and George 
Croghan were leading to Detroit to take possession of the western 
posts, which had been surrendered by the French. On November 
4th, 1760, Rodger's expedition left Presque Isle, consisting of a 
flotilla of nineteen whale boats and batteaux and a shore party of 
forty-two rangers, as well as twenty Indians of the Six Nations, 
Shawnees, and Delawares, under the command of Montour. De- 
troit surrendered on November 29th, and on December 8th, Major 
Rodgers and Montour set off with a party of Indians to take pos- 
session of Mackinaw. After proceeding about ninety miles, the 
Indians declared that it was impossible to proceed further without 
snow-shoes, and returned to Detroit. 

Montour's next important work was to act as interpreter at a 
conference held at Philadelphia, on May 22, 1761, between the Gov- 
ernor and a number of Indians from the Allegheny. In the sum- 
mer and autumn of this year, he accompanied Sir William Johnson 
to Detroit, narrowly escaping death by drowning, when his boat 
overturned on Lake Erie. On December 22nd of this year, he re- 
ceived a grant of two hundred acres of land in Sakson's Cove, be- 
tween Kishacoquillas Creek and the Juniata River. He also 
acted as interpreter at the great conference at Lancaster on August 
23, 1762, between the Provincial Authorities and King Beaver, 
Shingas, and other chiefs of the western tribes, who accompanied 
Christian Frederick Post to that place, as related in Chapter XIX. 

Montour's Activities in Pontiac's War 

Pontiac's War began in May, 1763. On the 5th of this 
month, Sir William Johnson directed Montour to proceed to 
Chillisquaque, on the West Branch of the Susquehanna, to en- 
deavor to allay the fears of the Indians of that vicinity concerning 
their lands and to co-operate with Thomas McKee, the assistant 
deputy Indian Agent. In July, John Harris wrote Colonel Bou- 
quet, at Carlisle, that Montour had arrived at Paxtang from a tour 
of the villages of the upper Susquehanna, where he found the 
Indians "inveterate and inclined for war", and that he, (Harris), 
would have Montour go to Carlisle and give this information to 
Colonel Bouquet personally. Soon thereafter Colonel Bouquet 
wrote Governor Hamilton from Carlisle that Montour reported 
that at the time of his leaving, neither he nor Johnson knew any- 
thing of Pontiac's uprising. Montour, on July 23rd, was at Fort 

Madam Montour and Her Son, Andrew Montour 321 

Augusta (Sunbury) on his way up the Kest Branch of the Sus- 
quehanna, returning on August 7th with the news of the attack on 
Fort Pitt and Fort Ligonier. 

Montour's next important act was to deliver, on December 19, 
1763, to the newly arrived Governor, John Penn, an address of 
welcome from the Conestoga Indians, of Conestoga, Lancaster 
County. The unfortunate Conestogas had sent this address just a 
few days before this massacre, on December 14th, by the Paxtang 

Early in 1764, Sir William Johnson sent Montour with a 
force of nearly two hundred Tuscaroras, Oneidas, and a few 
rangers, against the Delawares on the upper Susquehanna, to pun- 
ish them for their hostility against the settlers. On their way to 
Kanestio, (a Delaware village in Steuben County, New York,) they 
encountered a force of Delawares going against the English settle- 
ments, and captured twenty-nine of them. These prisoners, 
among whom was Captain Bull, son of the famous Teedyuscung, 
were sent by way of Fort Stanwix (Rome, New York), to Johnson 
Hall; and later Captain Bull and thirteen of his associates were 
sent to New York, and confined in jail. On April 7th, Montour 
wrote from Tioga concerning the success of his expedition, stating 
that the Delawares had fled before his arrival at Kanestio, but 
that, with one hundred and forty warriors, he had destroyed three 
large Delaware towns, all the outlying villages, and one hundred 
and thirty scattered Delaware houses, together with horses and 
cattle. The houses were well built of square logs, with good 
chimneys, and many had four fire places. 

Later Activities of Montour 

We hear little of Montour for the next three years. Part of this 
time, he assisted Sir William Johnson in New York, and part was 
spent in Pennsylvania. By many it is thought that he accom- 
panied George Croghan and his party from Fort Pitt to New 
Orleans in the summer and autumn of 1766. On May 19, 1767, 
he received a large grant of land on the head of Penn's Creek, above 
the Great Spring. Montour's next appearance in history is when 
he attended the council at Fort Pitt, April 26th and May 9th, 1768, 
between George Croghan, Deputy Agent of Indian affairs, John 
Allen, and Joseph Shippen, Commissioners of Pennsylvania, and 
eleven hundred and three chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, 
Delawares, Munsees, Shawnees, Mohicans, and Wyandots. He 
acted as interpreter on this occasion. The matters taken up at 
this conference or treaty were the difficulties growing out of the 

322 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

fact that the whites were settling on lands west of the Allegheny 
Mountains that had not been purchased from the Indians. It led 
to the purchase at Fort Stanwix, in October, 1768, to be mentioned 

Atrocious Murder of Indians By Frederick Stump 

Shortly before the treaty at Fort Pitt, above mentioned, great 
consternation was caused throughout Pennsylvania and great fear 
of Indian outrages following the atrocious murders committed by 
Frederick Stump. On Sunday morning, January 10, 1768, six 
Indians, namely, White Mingo, Cornelius, John Campbell, Jones, 
and two squaws, came to Stump's cabin on Stump's Run, near 
Middleburg, Snyder County, in a drunken condition. Stump and 
his servant, John Ironcutter, after endeavoring without success to 
persuade them to leave, killed them all, dragging their bodies to 
the creek, where they cut a hole in the ice, and pushed them into 
the stream. Then fearing that the news of these murders might be 
carried to other Indians in the vicinity, Stump went the next day 
to their cabin fourteen miles up the creek, where he found a squaw, 
two girls, and a child, killed them all and threw their bodies into 
the cabin and burned it. One of the bodies which he had pushed 
through the hole in the ice on the preceding day, floated down Mid- 
dle Creek to the Susquehanna, and then down this stream, finally 
lodging against the shore opposite Harrisburg, just below the loca- 
tion of the present bridge on Market Street of that city. 

Several Indians who had escaped the murderous wrath of 
Stump, chased him toward Fort Augusta, at Sunbury. Stump did 
not enter this fort, but ran to a house occupied by two women, 
whose protection he implored, alleging that he was pursued by 
Indians. The women did not believe his story, but he begged very 
piteously. They then hid him between two beds. His pursuers 
were only a moment behind him. To their questioning, the wo- 
men replied that they knew nothing of Stump. Before the Indians 
left the house of the two women, they seized a cat, pulled out its 
hair, and tore it to pieces, thus illustrating what they would have 
done with Stump, had they found him. 

Shortly after the atrocious murder committed by Stump, the 
Delaware chief, Newahleeka, residing at the Great Island (Lock 
Haven), sent a message to Governor John Penn, advising that the 
Delawares and other Indians at the Great Island were much dis- 
pleased on account of the fact that five white men had lately been 
seen marking trees and surveying land in that region not yet pur- 

Madam Montour and Her Son, Andrew Montour 323 

chased from the Indians. This message was delivered by a Dela- 
ware named Billy Champion. Governor Penn then took occasion 
to send a message to Newahleeka, advising him that the Province 
had offered two hundred pounds as a reward for the capture of 
Stump. Said Penn: "Brother, I consider this matter in no other 
light than as the act of a wicked, rash man, and I hope you will 

also consider it in the same way There are among you 

and us some wild, rash, hot-headed people who commit actions of 
this sort." Then Shawnee Ben, a chief of the Shawnees at Great 
Island, sent word to Captain William Patterson: "As it was the 
Evil Spirit who caused Stump to commit this bad action, I blame 
none of my brothers, the English, but him." 

Stump and Ironcutter were apprehended and lodged in jail at 
Carlisle on Saturday evening, March 23rd. On the following Fri- 
day, a company of settlers from Sherman's Valley, where he had 
lived, marched to Carlisle, surrounded the jail, entered it with drawn 
pistols, and released the murderers. After their rescue, they both 
returned to the neighborhood of their shocking crime, where they 
found their presence very disagreeable to the inhabitants. They 
then left the neighborhood. They were never again arrested for 
their crime. Both went to Virginia, where Stump died at an ad- 
vanced age. 

Penns Make Last Purchase at Fort Stanwix 

Montour was also one of the interpreters at the Great Con- 
gress with the Indians at Fort Stanwix (Rome, New York), in 
October, 1768, in which the Six Nations conveyed to the Proprie- 
taries of Pennsylvania all the land, within the boundaries of the 
Province, extending from the New York line on the Susquehanna 
River, past Towanda and Tyadahgon Creeks, up the West Branch 
of the Susquehanna, over to Kittanning, and thence down the 
south side of the Allegheny and the Ohio to the mouth of the Ten- 
nessee River. 

By this purchase, for a consideration of ten thousand pounds, 
the Proprietaries acquired the present counties of Green, Washing- 
ton, Fayette, Somerset, Westmoreland, Cambria, Susquehanna, 
Sullivan, and Wyoming, and parts of Beaver, Allegheny, Arm- 
strong, Indiana, Clearfield, Center, Clinton, Lycoming, Bradford, 
Lackawanna, Wayne, Luzerne, Columbia, Montour, Union, Pike, 
and Snyder. The date of executing and delivering the deed was 
November 5, 1768. This was the last purchase made by the Penns. 

During the year 1769, Montour was granted a tract of three 
hundred acres situated on the south side of the Ohio River oppo- 

324 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

site Montour's Island, about nine miles below the mouth of the 
Monongahela. This is the last definite reference that we have to 
this distinguished and picturesque character, except that, on Sep- 
tember 7, 1771, Richard Brown made an affidavit in which he men- 
tioned that a certain Andrew McConnell had recently seen and 
talked with Montour at Fort Pitt concerning the murder of two 
Indians by a white man. His death occurred some time prior to 
1775. Some claim that he ended his days at the home of his 
niece, who was the wife of White Mingo, a Six Nation's chief, who 
lived near the mouth of Pine Creek on the Allegheny, five or six 
miles above the mouth of the Monongahela, from 1759 to 1777. 
Others believe that he died on Montour's Island in the Ohio River 


We have met George Crogan, the "King of Traders," fre- 
quently in these sketches. At this point, it will be well to devote 
a few paragraphs to this influential man of the frontier. His 
name was one of the most conspicuous in the western annals in 
connection with Indian affairs at the time of which we are writing, 
and for many years thereafter. Bore in Ireland and educated at 
Dublin, he came to America somewhere between the years 1740 
and 1744. He engaged in the Indian trade and appears to have 
been first licensed as an Indian trader in Pennsylvania, in 1744. 
In 1746, he was located in Silver Spring Township, in the present 
county of Cumberland, a few miles west of Harris' Ferry, now 
Harrisburg. During the same year, he was made a counsellor of the 
Six Nations at Onondaga, according to his sworn statement; and in 
March, 1749, he was appointed by the Governor and Council of 
Pennsylvania one of the justices of the peace in Common Pleas for 
Lancaster County. 

As early as the years 1746 and 1747, he had gone as far as the 
southwestern border of Lake Erie in his trading expeditions. In 
1748, he had a trading house at Logstown, which was made the 
headquarters of Weiser upon his visit to the Indians of that place, 
in the month of September, 1748. He had also branch trading 
establishments at the principal Indian towns in the valleys of the 
Ohio and Allegheny, one being on the northwestern side of the 
Allegheny River, at the mouth of Pine Creek, five or six miles 
above the forks of the Ohio. From this base of operations and from 
Logstown, trading routes "spread out like the sticks of a fan." 
One of these routes went up the Allegheny past Venango, (Frank- 
lin), where Crogan had a trading house and competed with John 

Madam Montour and Her Son, Andrew Montour 325 

Frazer, another Pennsylvania trader, who for some years, had 
traded at this place, maintaining both a trading house and a gun- 
smith shop. 

Croghan's abilities and influence among the Indians soon 
attracted the attention of Conrad Weiser, who, in 1747, recom- 
mended him to the Council of Pennsylvania, and, in this way, he 
entered the public service of the Colony. We have already seen 
the part he played in Washington's campaign of 1754. The out- 
break of the French and Indian War ruined his prosperous trading 
business, and brought him to the verge of bankruptcy. To add to 
his financial troubles, the Irish traders, because most of them were 
Roman Catholics, fell under suspicion of acting as spies for the 
French, and Croghan was unjustly suspicioned by many in author- 
ity. He was granted a captain's commission to command the 
Indian allies during Braddock's campaign. He resigned his office 
early in the year 1756, and retired from the Pennsylvania service, 
going to New York where his distant relative, Sir William Johnson, 
chose him deputy Indian agent, and appointed him to manage the 
Susquehanna and Allegheny tribes. From this time forward, he 
was engaged in important dealings with the Western Indians, and 
had much to do in swaying them to the British interest and mak- 
ing possible the success of Forbes in 1758. In 1763, he went to 
England on private business, and was shipwrecked upon the coast 
of France. Upon his return to America in 1765, he was dispatched 
to Illinois, going by way of the Ohio River, and was taken prisoner 
near the mouth of the Wabash, and carried to the Indian towns 
upon that river. Here he not only secured his own release, but 
conducted negotiations putting an end to Pontiac's War. He also 
took part in the Great Treaty of Fort Stanwix (Rome, New York), 
in 1768, and, as a reward, was given a grant of land in Cherry 
Valley, New York. Shortly prior to this, however, he had pur- 
chased a tract on the Allegheny, about four miles above the mouth 
of the Monongahela, where he entertained George Washington in 
1770. When the Revolutionary War came on, it seems he em- 
barked in the patriotic cause, and later was an object of suspicion; 
and, in 1778, Pennsylvania proclaimed him a public enemy, and 
his place as Indian agent was conferred upon Colonel George 
Morgan. He continued, however, to reside in Pennsylvania — the 
scene of his early activities and the Colony which he rendered such 
signal service — and died at Passayunk on August 31, 1782. His 
funeral was conducted at the Episcopal Church of St. Peter's in 
Philadelphia, but the place of his burial remains unknown. 



|EEDYUSCL'NG was one of the famous, able chiefs of the 
Delawares. He was the son of the Delaware chief, 
Captain John Harris, of the Turtle Clan, and was born 
at Trenton, New Jersey, about 1705. The early part of 
his life is clouded in obscurity; but, when he was about fifty years 
of age, he was chosen chief of the Delawares on the Susquehanna, 
and from that time until his tragic death on April 16th, 1763, he 
was one of the chief figures in the Indian history of Pennsylvania. 
He was one of the founders, if not the actual founder, of the 
Delaware town of Wyoming, in 1742 or 1743. He came under the 
influence of the Moravian missionaries, and was baptized by them 
as Brother Gideon. Honest John was also a name applied to him 
by the Moravians and others. Later he became an apostate, and 
endeavored to induce the Christian Delawares of Gnadenhuetten to 
remove to Wyoming, actually succeeding in gaining a party of 
seventy of the converts, who left Gnadenhuetten, April 24th, 1754, 
and took up their abode at Wyoming. 

In April, 1755, he attended a conference with the Provincial 
Authorities at Philadelphia, assuring them of his friendship for 
the English. At that time, he was still living at Wyoming. His 
friendship for the English and Pennsylvania did not continue long 
after the conference of April, 1755. When the Delawares and 
Shawnees took up arms against Pennsylvania following Braddock's 
defeat, Teedyuscung, at Nescopeck with Shingas and other leaders 
of the hostile Indians, planned many a bloody expedition against 
the frontiers of Eastern Pennsylvania. In Chapter XVIII, we saw 
that, on New Year's Day, 1756, he led a band of twenty-five hostile 
Delawares into Lower Smithfield Township, Monroe County, at- 
tacking the plantation of Henry Hess, killing several persons and 
capturing several others. 

!n March, 1756, he and the Delawares under him left the 
town of Wyoming and removed to Tioga (now Athens, Bradford 
County), followed at about the same time by the Shawnees from 
their town where Plymouth, Luzerne County, now stands, under 
the leadership of Paxinosa. After the death of Shikellamy, in 

Teedyuscung 327 

1749, some of the Shamokin Delawares had settled at Tioga, and 
upon Teedyuscung's removal to that place, they and the Delawares 
of the Munsee Clan chose him "King of the Delawares". He was 
at that time busily engaged in forming an alliance between the 
three clans of Delawares and the Shawnees, Nanticokes, and Mohi- 
cans of Northwestern Pennsylvania. 

Teedyuscung Agrees to Enter Into Peace Negotiations 

As was stated in Chapter XVI, Scarouady and Andrew Mon- 
tour were sent by the Governor of Pennsylvania, in November, 
1755, on a mission to the Six Nations, going as far as Fort Johnson, 
New York, where, in February, 1756, they held council with the 
Iroquois chiefs. On their way up the Susquehanna Valley, they 
found Teedyuscung with a number of Delawares and Nanticokes 
at the Indian town of Chinkanning, now Tunkhannock, Wyoming 
County, shortly before taking up his residence at Tioga. We have 
also seen, in Chapter XVII, that Canachquasy, shortly after Penn- 
sylvana's declaration of war against the Delawares, in April, 1756, 
carried the Governor's peace message to the Indians at Tioga, at 
which place he held conference with Teedyuscung. We saw also, 
in the same chapter, that Canachquasy returned from this mission 
early in June, and laid before the Governor and Provincial Coun- 
cil the favorable report that the Delawares, Nanticokes, and Shaw- 
nees under Teedyuscung, were willing to enter into negotiations for 
peace. Likewise it was seen, in the same chapter, that the Gov- 
ernor then drafted a proclamation for a suspension of hostilities 
against the Indians in the Susquehanna Valley, for a period of 
thirty days, and sent Canachquasy once more to Tioga with this 
information, where he held a number of conferences with Teedyus- 
cung, persuaded this renowned warrior to lay aside the hatchet, 
and returned to Philadelphia in July, where he laid before the 
Provincial Council the result of his second mission to Tioga. 

Teedyuscung at Easton Treaty of July, 1756, 

Declares Delawares are No Longer Slaves of 

the Six Nations 

Immediately upon Canachquasy's return to Philadelphia from 
his second mission to Tioga, arrangements were made for a con- 
ference with Teedyuscung at Easton, which place Governor Morris 
with the Provincial Council, reached on July 24, 1756. The con- 
ference formally opened on July 28th, Conrad Weiser in the mean- 

32$ The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

time having posted his troops in the vicinity of Easton. Teedyus- 
cung's insistent request that he have his own interpreter was grant- 
ed. He and the fourteen other chiefs accompanying him were for- 
mally welcomed by Governor Morris. Teedyuscung made the 
following reply: 

"Last spring you sent me a string [of wampum j, and as soon 
as 1 heard the good words you sent, 1 was glad, and as you told us, 
we believed it came from your hearts. So we felt it in our hearts 
and received what you said with joy. The first messages you sent 
me came in the spring; they touched my heart; they gave me 
abundance of joy. You have kindled a council fire at Easton. 
I have been here several days smoking my pipe in patience, wait- 
ing to hear your good words. Abundant confusion has of late 
years been rife among the Indians, because of their loose ways of 
doing business. False leaders have deceived the people. It has 
bred quarrels and heart-burnings among my people. 

"The Delaware is no longer the slave of the Six Nations. I, 
Teedyuscung, have been appointed King over the Five United 
Nations and representative of the Five Iroquois Nations. What 
I do here will be approved by all. This is a good day; whoever 
will make peace, let him lay hold of this belt, and the nations 
around shall see and know it. I desire to conduct myself accord- 
ing to your words, which I will perform to the utmost of my power. 
I wish the same good that possessed the good old man, William 
Penn, who was the friend to the Indian, may inspire the people of 
this Province at this time." 

In the conferences that followed, the Governor insisted that, as 
a condition for peace, Teedyuscung and the Indians under his com- 
mand should return all the prisoners that they had captured since 
taking up arms against the Colony. But, inasmuch as only a small 
delegation of chiefs had accompanied Teedyuscung to Easton, it 
was desired that he and Canachquasy should go back among the 
Indians, give the "Big Peace Halloo", and gather their followers 
together for a larger peace conference that would be more represen- 
tative of the Indians, and to be held in the near future. 

The Governor then gave Teedyuscung a present, informing 
him that a part of it "was given by the people called Quakers, who 
are descendants of those who first came over to this country with 
your old friend, William Penn, as a particular testimony of their 
regard and affection for the Indians, and their earnest desire to 
promote the good work of peace, in which we are now engaged." 


What Caused Teedyuscung to Declare That 
the Delawares Were No Longer Women? 

We saw in, Chapter XVII, that, at the council held at Otsen- 
ingo (Binghampton, New York), in the spring of 1756, the Dela- 
wares broke away from the Iroquois and declared: "We are men 
and are determined not to be ruled any longer by you as women; 
and we are determined to cut off all the English except those that 
make their escape from us in ships." Teedyuscung, therefore, at 
the Easton conference, simply was the spokesman expressing the 
determination of the Delawares to remain free from the domination 
of the Iroquois; and he also made the statement that the Iroquois 
had authorized him as their spokesman at this conference. 

What were the causes of Teedyuscung's assertion that the 
Delawares were no longer women but men? Many answers have 
been given to this question. The Quakers endeavored to make the 
Delawares ascribe their bold stand against their conquerors, the 
Iroquois, and the taking up of arms against the Colony, to the 
Walking Purchase of 1737, in which they had undoubtedly been 
overreached; and as we shall see, Teedyuscung bitterly complained 
of this notorious purchase. 

Others, including George Croghan, were of the opinion that it 
was because the Quaker Assembly, of 1751, had refused to build a 
"strong-house" at the Forks of the Ohio, when the Delawares and 
Shawnees of the Ohio Valley were still united in the English inter- 
est, and, as we have seen in former chapters, had repeatedly asked 
that a fort be built in that region. 

The Governor of Pennsylvania said that it was because, when 
Scarouady appeared before the Governor and Assembly on 
November 8, 1755, and implored that Pennsylvania give the hat- 
chet to the Shawnees and Delawares on the Susquehanna, then 
faithful in the English interest and anxious to take up arms against 
the French, the Assembly did not permit Governor Morris to give 
these Indians the hatchet and join them against the French, the 
consequence being that the Delawares and Shawnees of the Susque- 
hanna became greatly dissatisfied and went over to the French. 

The great English statesman, Edmund Burke, said that it was 
because it was "an error to have placed so great a part of the Gov- 
ernment in hands of men who hold principles directly opposite to 
its end and design; as a peaceable industrious people the Quakers 
cannot be too much cherished; but surely they cannot themselves 
complain that, when by their opinions they make themselves sheep. 

330 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

they should not be entrusted with office, since they have not the 
nature of dogs." 

Benjamin Franklin said it was because "these public quarrels 
were at the bottom owing to the Proprietaries, our hereditary Gov- 
ernors, who, when any expense was to be incurred for the defense 
of their Province, with increditable meanness, instructed their 
deputies to pass no act for levying the necessary taxes, unless their 
vast estates were in the same act expressly excused." 

No doubt all of the reasons, enumerated above, contributed to 
the remarkable change in the character of the Delawares, as did 
also the Albany purchase of 1754, which, as we have seen in Chap- 
ter XIV, caused the Delawares and Shawnees of the West Branch 
of the Susquehanna and of the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny 
to complain bitterly that their lands had been sold from under 
their feet. 

Then, the Delawares received a message purporting to come 
from the Six Nations that their petticoats should be shortened to 
reach only to their knees, and that they should again receive the 
hatchet to defend themselves; but this was no doubt a message 
from the Senecas and not from the whole Iroquois Confederation. 

Teedyuscung Boastful 

Teedyuscung was very boastful at this Easton conference of 
July, 1756, conceiving himself to be a great man, and pompously 
asserting that he appeared in the name of ten nations, meaning the 
six clans of the Iroquois and the four tribes on the Susquehanna. 
The Moravian missionary, Zeisberger, attended the conference, 
and, during the six days of negotiations, moved among the Indian 
delegation pleading that they accept Christianity; but Teedyuscung 
had no ear for this message. 

After Teedyuscung was given a present by the Governor, at 
the Easton conference, he and his followers were given a grand 
entertainment with which he was greatly pleased, and declared fre- 
quently that he would go forth, and do all in his power for peace. 
After the entertainment, when some of the Quakers, who attended 
the conference, came to bid him farewell, "he parted with them in 
a very affectionate manner." He plead strongly for peace, insist- 
ing that he and his people on the Susquehanna were not responsible 
for the actions of the Indians on the Ohio. 

The peace belt, which he had brought to the conference and to 
which he urged that the white people hold fast, was then produced. 

Teedyuscung 331 

It contained "a square in the middle, meaning the lands of the 
Indians, and at one end the figure of a man, indicating the English, 
and at the other end another, meaning the French." Teedyuscung 
said that the Iroquois told the Delawares that both the English 
and the French coveted their lands, and urged the Delawares to 
join the Iroquois in defending against both the English and the 
French. Governor Morris was suspicious of this statement, called 
together his Council, and secretly consulted with Conrad Weiser 
as to whether it would be proper to keep the belt. Weiser said 
that he doubted the statement of Teedyuscung and sought advice 
from New Castle (Canachquasy), who told him that the Six 
Nations had sent the belt to the Delawares, who, in turn, sent it to 
the Governor of Pennsylvania. Canachquasy advised that Teedy- 
uscung be liberally supplied with wampum, if peace was expected 
to be brought about. Weiser seconded this advice, and called 
attention to the fact that the French gave great quantities of wam- 
pum to their Indians, and that the English would have to outbid 
the French in the length of wampum belts. A messenger was then 
sent to the Moravian mission at Bethlehem to bring material for 
making a belt to be given Teedyuscung, and the Indian women 
converts were called in and set to work making the belts. The 
belt that was to be given to Teedyuscung was to be a fathom long 
and sixteen beads wide, in the center of which was to be the figure 
of a man, typifying the Governor of Pennsylvania, and on each 
side five other figures typifying the ten nations, which Teedyus- 
cung claimed to represent. 

While the Indian women were making the belts, Teedyuscung 
became very angry. He supposed that the Governor had invited 
Indian women into his councils. Said he: "Why do you council 
in the dark? Why do you consult with women? Why do you 
not talk in the light?" The Governor replied: "My councils are 
set on a hill; I have no secrets. The Governor never sits in 
swamps, but speaks his mind openly. The squaws are here mak- 
ing belts, not holding council." This answer appeased the anger 
of the great chief. 

Before the end of the conference, the Governor, holding the 
two belts in his hands and addressing Teedyuscung and Canach- 
quasy, declared them to be messengers of peace for the Province 
of Pennsylvania, to go among the hostile tribes on the Susque- 
hanna in an effort to persuade them to desert the French and 
unite with the English. Giving each of these peace messengers an 
armload cf wampum, the Governor bade them Godspeed on the 

332 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

important mission undertaken by these two chiefs, — a mission 
fraught with much difficulty and danger, as the secret emissaries 
of the French were using every device to thwart their designs. 

As was related in Chapter XVII, Teedyuscung and Canach- 
quasy, after the conference, started to give the "Big Peace Halloo" 
among the hostile tribes, but Teedyuscung remained for a time at 
Fort Allen, where he secured liquor and remained intoxicated for 
a considerable time. Lieutenant Miller was in charge of the fort 
at this time, and Teedyuscung brought sixteen deer skins which he 
said he was going to present to the Governor "to make him a pair 
of gloves." Lieutenant Miller insisted that one skin was enough 
to make the Governor a pair of gloves, and after supplying 
Teedyuscung liberally with rum, he secured from him the entire 
sixteen deer skins for only three pounds. The sale was made 
while the chief was intoxicated, and afterwards he remained at 
the fort demanding more rum, which Miller supplied, Canach- 
quasy in the meantime having gone away in disgust. 

On August 21st, Teedyuscung and his retinue went to Bethle- 
hem, where his wife, Elizabeth, and her three children desired to 
remain while the "King" went on an expedition to the Minisinks,for 
the purpose of putting a stop to some depredations which they 
were committing in New Jersey. Returning from this expedition, 
he went to Wyoming, where he sent word to Major Parsons at 
Easton requesting that his wife and children be sent to join him. 
Upon Parson's making known the King's desire, the wife deter- 
mined to stay at Bethlehem. He then made frequent visits to 
this place, much to the annoyance of the Moravian missionaries. 

When the Provincial Authorities learned of the cause of 
Teedyuscung's detention at Fort Allen, Lieutenant Miller was dis- 
charged, and Teedyuscung went to Wyoming, thence up the North 
Branch of the Susquehanna, persuading the Indians to lay down 
their arms, and to send deputies to a second conference to be held 
at Easton. in October. However, in the meantime, the Governor, 
becoming suspicious of the chief's long delay at Fort Allen and 
being influenced, no doubt by the statements of many Indians on 
the border that Teedyuscung was not sincere in his peace profes- 
sions, that he was a traitor, and that the Easton conference was 
but a ruse to gain time, sent Canachquasy secretly to New York 
to ascertain from the Six Nations whether or not they had depu- 
tized Teedyuscung to represent them in important treaties. 
Canachquasy returned with the report that the Six Nations denied 
Teedyuscung's authority, as was related more fully in Chapter 

Teedyuscung 333 

Obstacles in the Way of Peace 

J. S. Walton, in his "Conrad Weiser and the Indian Policy of 
Colonial Pennsylvania", thus sets forth the obstacles which con- 
fronted Pennsylvania in her efforts to make peace with the hostile 

"The prospects of peace were growing more and more embar- 
rassing. England, now that war was declared with France (April, 
1756) sent Lord Loudon to America to take charge. Indian 
affairs were placed under the control of two men, Sir William 
Johnson for the northern, and Mr. Atkins for the southern colon- 
ies. Loudon's policy was to secure as many Indians as possible 
for allies, and with them strike the French. To this end Mr. 
Atkins secured the alliance of the Cherokee and other southern 
tribes. These were immediately added to the armies of Virginia 
and Western Pennsylvania. This act stirred the Northern Indians. 
The Iroquois and the Delawares declared that they could never 
fight on the same side with the despised Cherokees. This southern 
alliance meant northern revolt, and threatened to crush the peace 
negotiations at Easton. At this critical juncture, Lord Loudon, 
whose ignorance of the problem before him was equalled only by 
his contempt for provincialism, ordered the Governor of Penn- 
sylvania to have nothing whatever to do with Indian affairs. Sir 
William Johnson, only, should control these things. Moreover, 
all efforts towards peace were advantages given to the enemy. John- 
hon, however was inclined towards peace, but he seriously compli- 
cated affairs in Pennsylvania by appointing George Croghan his 
sole deputy in the Province. Croghan and Weiser had quite different 
views upon Indian affairs. The Indians were quick to notice 
these changes. Jonathan, an old Mohawk chief, in conversation 
with Conrad Weiser said: 'Is it true that you are become a fallen 
tree, that you must no more engage in Indian affairs, neither as 
counsellor nor interpreter? What is the reason? Weiser replied, 
'It is all too true. The King of Great Britain has appointed 
Warruychyockon [Col. William Johnson] to be manager of all 
Indian affairs that concern treaties of friendship, war, etc. And 
that accordingly the Great General (Lord Loudon) that came over 
the Great Waters, had in the name of the King ordered the Gov- 
ernment of Pennsylvania to desist from holding treaties with the 
Indians, and the Government of Pennsylvania will obey the King's 
command, and consequently I, as the Government's servant, have 
nothing more to do with Indian affairs.' Jonathan and his com- 

334 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

panion replied in concert, 'Ha! Ha!' meaning 'Oh ,sad.' The two 
Indians then whispered together a few minutes, during which 
Weiser politely withdrew into another room. When he returned 
Jonathan said, 'Comrade, I hear you have engaged on another 
bottom. You are made a captain of warriors and laid aside coun- 
cil affairs and turned soldier.' 

"To this Weiser replied with some spirit, setting forth his 
reasons for self-defense, the bloody outrages of the Indians, the 
reception of the first peace messengers. 'You know,' said Weiser, 
'that their lives were threatened. You know the insolent answer 
which came back that caused us to declare war. I was at Easton 
working for peace and if I had my wish there would be no war at 

all So, comrade, do not charge me with such a thing as 

that.' The Indians thanked Weiser for the explanation and went 
away satisfied. But at the same time Weiser was shorn of his 
power among the Indians. Making him commander of the Pro- 
vincial forces robbed Pennsylvania of her most powerful advocate 
at the council fires of the Indians." 

Teedyuscung at the Second Easton Conference 

In August, 1756, Governor Morris was superseded by Gov- 
ernor William Denny. Governor Denny endeavored to have 
Teedyuscung attend a conference in Philadelphia, in an effort to 
continue the peace work begun at the Easton Conference of July 
of that year. Teedyuscung sent the following reply by Conrad 
Weiser to Governor Denny's invitation: "Brother, you remember 
very well that in time of darkness and danger, I came in here at 
your invitation. At Easton, we kindled a small council fire. . . . 
If you should put out this little fire, our enemies will call it only a 
jack lantern, kindled on purpose to deceive those who approach it. 
Brother, I think it by no means advisable to put out this little 
fire, but rather to put more sticks upon it, and I desire that you 
will come to it [at Easton] as soon as possible, bringing your old 
and wise men along with you, and we shall be very glad to see 
you here." 

Upon Teedyuscung's refusal to go to Philadelphia, Governor 
Denny decided to meet the chief at Easton, where the second great 
conference with him and the Indians under his command opened 
on November 8, 1756. "The Governor marched from his lodgings 
to the place of conference, guarded by a party of Royal Americans 
on the front and on the flanks, and a detachment of Colonel 

Teedyuscung 335 

Weiser's provincial's in subdivisions in the rear, with colors flying, 
drums beating, and music playing, which order was always ob- 
served in going to the place of conference." Says Dr. George P. 
Donehoo, in his "Pennsylvania — A History": 

"Teedyuscung opened the council with a speech and with all 
of the usual formalities of an Indian council. This Indian chief, 
called a 'King', was a most gifted orator and talented diplomat. 
His one most bitter enemy was his own vice of drunkenness which 
led to all of his troubles and to his death. The one marvel about 
him was that when he had been on a drunken spree all night and 
kept so by his enemies, he would appear the next day with a clear 
head, fully fit to deal with all of the complex problems which arose. 
His foes among the Indians and among the English kept him filled 
with rum in the hope that he could be rendered so drunk that he 
could not attend to his business. He would sleep out all night, 
under a shed, anywhere, in a drunken stupor, and appear the next 
day with a clear head and an eloquent tongue to 'fight for peace, 
at any price.' In his opening address, in referring to the tales 
which had been told about him he says: 'Many idle reports are 
spread by foolish and busy people; I agree with you that on both 
sides they ought to be no more regarded than the chirping of birds 
in the woods.' What great orator today could express himself 
more perfectly and beautifully?" 

In his opening address, Teedyuscung gave the following addi- 
tional assurances of his desire to make peace with Pennsylvania: 

"I remember well the leagues and covenants of our forefathers. 
We are but children in comparison with them. What William 
Penn said to the Indians is fresh in our minds and memory, and I 
believe it is in yours. The Indians and Governor Penn agreed well 
together; this we all remember, and it is not a small matter that 
would then have separated us, and now you fill the same station 
he did in this Province; it is in your power to act the same part. 
I am sorry for what our foolish people have done. I have gone 
among my people pleading for peace. If it cost me my life, I 
would do it." 

Teedyuscung Charges That Delawares Were 
Defrauded Out of Their Lands 

Governor Denny in his reply to Teedyuscung's speech, asked 
him why the Delawares had gone to war against the English. 
Teedyuscung in his reply stated that great injustice had been done 

336 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the Delawares in various land purchases. The Governor then 
asked him to be specific in his statements and point out what land 
sales, in his opinion, had been unjust. Then Teedyuscung stamp- 
ed his foot upon the ground and made the following heated reply: 

"I have not far to go for an instance; this very ground that 
is under me [striking it with his foot] was my land and inheritance, 
and is taken from me by fraud. When I say this ground, I mean 
all the land lying between Tohiccon Creek and Wyoming, on the 
River Susquehannah. 1 have not only been served so in this 
Government, but the same thing has been done to me as to several 
tracts in New Jersey over the River. When I have sold lands 
fairly, 1 look upon them to be really sold. A bargain is a bargain. 
Tho' I have sometimes had nothing for the lands I have sold but 
broken pipes or such triffles, yet when I have sold them, tho' for 
such triffles, I look upon the bargain to be good. Yet 1 think 
that I should not be ill used on this account by those very people 
who have had such an advantage in their purchases, nor be called 
a fool for it. Indians are not such fools as to bear this in their 

Governor Denny then asked him if he (Teedyuscung) had 
ever been dealt with in such a manner, and the chief replied: 

"Yes, I have been served so in this Province; all the land 
extending from Tohiccon, over the great mountain, to Wyoming, 
has been taken from me by fraud; for when I agreed to sell the 
land to the old Proprietary, by the course of the River, the young 
Proprietaries came and got it run by a straight course by the 
compass, and by that means took in double the quantity intended 

to be sold I did not intend to speak thus, but I have done 

it at this time, at your request; not that I desire now you should 
purchase these lands, but that you should look into your own 
hearts, and consider what is right, and that do." 

It is thus seen that Teedyuscung referred directly to the notor- 
ious Walking Purchase of 1737. Governor Denny then consulted 
Richard Peters and Conrad Weiser about the transactions com- 
plained of. Peters said that Teedyuscung's charges should be 
considered, inasmuch as they had been made before; but Weiser 
advised that none of the Indians attending Teedyuscung at this 
second Easton conference had ever owned any of the lands in ques- 
tion; that if any were living who had at one time owned the lands, 
they had long since removed to the valleys of the Ohio and Alle- 
gheny. Weiser further told the Governor that the land in question 
had been bought by the Proprietaries when John and Thomas 

Teedyuscung 337 

Penn were in the Colony; that a line was soon after run by 
Indians and surveyors; and that, when a number of the chiefs of 
the Delawares complained about the Walking Purchase after- 
wards, the deeds were produced and the names of the grantors 
attached to them examined at the council held in Philadelphia, in 
1742, at which council, after a long hearing, Canassatego as the 
speaker of the Six Nations declared that the deeds were correct, 
and ordered the Delawares to remove from the bounds of the pur- 

The Governor then advised Teedyuscung that the deeds to 
which he referred were in Philadelphia; that he would examine 
them upon his return to the city, and if any injustice had been 
done the Delawares, he would see that they should receive full 
satisfaction. Some days later, however, Governor Denny denied 
that any injustice had been done the Delawares by the Walking 
Purchase, but offered a very handsome present to make satisfac- 
tion for the injuries which they complained of. This present 
Teedyuscung refused to receive; and the matter was then placed in 
charge of an investigating committee. 

It was then decided that a general peace should be proclaimed, 
provided that the white prisoners were delivered up, and that the 
declaration of war and Scalp Act should not apply to any Indians 
who would promise to lay down their arms. 

Teedyuscung then made the following promise in regard to the 
delivery of the captives: 

"I will use my utmost endeavors to bring you down your 
prisoners. I have to request you that you would give liberty to 
all persons and friends to search into these matters; as we are all 
children of the Most High, we should endeavor to assist and make 
use of one another, and not only so, but from what I have heard, 
I believe there is a future state besides this flesh. Now I en- 
deavour to act upon both these principles, and will, according to 
what I have promised, if the Great Spirit spare my life, come next 
spring with as great a force of Indians as I can get to your satis- 

At the close of the conference, Teedyuscung's delegation was 
given a present to the value of four hundred pounds, the Governor 
advising that the larger part of it was from the Quakers. Teedy- 
uscung in his reply urged that the work of peace be continued. 
Said he: 

"Hear me with patience; I am going to use a comparison in 
order to represent to you better what we ought to do. 

338 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

"When you choose a spot of ground for planting, you first 
prepare the ground, then you put the seed into the earth; but if you 
don't take pains afterwards, you will not obtain fruit. To in- 
stance, in the Indian corn, which is mine, I, as is customary, put 
seven grains in one hill, yet without further care it will come to 
nothing, tho' the ground be good; tho' at the beginning I take 
prudent steps, yet if I neglect it afterwards, tho' it may grow up 
to stalks and leaves, and there may be the appearance of ears, 
there will be only leaves and cobs. In like manner in the present 
business, tho' we have begun well, yet if we hereafter use not pru- 
dent means, we shall not have success answerable to our expecta- 
tions. God that is above hath furnished us both with powers and 
abilities. As for my own part, I must confess to my shame I have 
not made such improvements of the power given me as 1 ought; 
but as 1 look on you to be more highly favored from above than 
1 am, 1 would desire you that we would join our endeavours to 
promote the good work, and that the cause of our uneasiness, begun 
in the times of our forefathers, may be removed; and if you look 
into your hearts, and act -according to the abilities given you, you 
will know the grounds of our uneasiness in some measure from 
what I said before in the comparison of the fire; tho' I was but a 
boy, yet I would according to my abilities bring a few chips; so 
with regard to the corn; I can do but little; you may a great deal; 
therefore, let all of us, men, women, and children, assist in pulling 
up the weeds, that nothing may hinder the corn from growing to 
perfection. When this is done, tho' we may not live to enjoy the 
fruit ourselves, yet we should remember our children may live and 
enjoy the good fruit, and it is our duty to act for their good." 

The second conference at Easton closed on November 17th. 
In the minutes of this great council, we read: "Teedyuscung 
showed great pleasure in his countenance, and took a kind leave of 
the Governor and all present." 

Teedyuscung's Activities After the Second 
Easton Conference 

Conrad Weiser accompanied Teedyuscung and the Indian 
delegation to Fort Allen at the close of the conference, reaching 
that place after dark. The old chief's wife was at that time 
among the Moravians at Bethlehem, and the next morning she de- 
clared that she would not live with Teedyuscung any longer on 
account of his drunkenness. Teedyuscung then took all the chil- 

Teedyuscung 339 

dren away from her but one. Whereupon Weiser, induced by the 
Moravians, urged his influence in persuading the wife to live once 
more with her husband. In this task Weiser succeeded, and he and 
the Indian delegation left Bethlehem for Fort Allen. At Hessey's 
Inn at Bethlehem, the Indian delegation had dined on cider and 
beef, and a ten gallon keg of rum had been sent along for them to 
drink after they had gotten beyond Fort Allen. However, when 
the party came near the fort, some Indians came to meet Teedy- 
uscung, to receive their share of the presents which had been given 
at the Easton conference, constantly importuning that the chief 
treat them with rum. In spite of all that Weiser could do, five 
gallons of rum were consumed by them before they reached the 
fort; and then Teedyuscung demanded that the remaining five 
gallons be given him to have a frolic with the Indians. After 
much importuning, Weiser surrendered the keg, on condition that 
the Indians stay away from the fort while engaged in their frolic, 
to which terms Teedyuscung agreed. 

"I ordered a soldier to carry it [the rum] down to the fire," 
said Weiser. "About the middle of the night he [Teedyuscung] 
came back and desired to be let in and it was found that he was 
alone; orders were given to let him in, because his wife and children 
were in the fort; he behaved well. After awhile we were alarmed 
by one of the drunken Indians that offered to climb over the 
stocaddoes. I got on the platform and looked out the porthole and 
saw the Indian and told him to be gone, else the sentry should fire 
upon him. He ran off as fast as he could and cried, 'damn you 
all, I value you not;' but as he got out of sight immediately we 
heard no more of it." 

After the rum was consumed, Teedyuscung parted with tears 
in his eyes, desiring Weiser "to stand a friend to the Indians and 
give good advice, till everything that was desired was brought 
about." "Though he is a drunkard and a very irregular man," 
wrote Weiser, "yet he is a man that can think well and I believe 
him to be sincere in what he says." 

Teedyuscung then went out among the Delawares and other 
Indians of the Susquehanna Valley, to hunt up the white captives 
and to work for peace. By this time, as we say in Chapter XVII, 
his great collaborator in the work of peace, Canachquasy, was no 
more. Teedyuscung continued pleading for peace. The charge 
that he had made concerning the Walking Purchase caused consid- 
erable civil strife in the Colony. The Governor had promised 
that the chief's charges would be investigated, and the Quakers 

340 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

were determined that the committee in charge of the investigation 
should not shirk their duty. 

The Lancaster Treaty of May, 1757 

At about this time, Sir William Johnson, who, as we have 
seen, had been put in charge of Indian affairs in the colonies, ap- 
pointed George Croghan as his deputy in charge of Indian affairs 
in Pennsylvania. Following Croghan's desire, a treaty with a 
large number of the Susquehanna Indians was held at Lancaster 
during May, 1757. Teedyuscung, however, did not attend, being 
still among the Indians, working for peace. It was the desire of 
Johnson and Croghan that all friendly Indians should take up 
the hatchet in the English cause; but Teedyuscung opposed this, 
and contended that the friendly Indians should be asked no more 
than to remain neutral. While the delegation of chiefs were wait- 
ing near Lancaster for Teedyuscung, Governor Denny received 
orders from Lord Loudon not to take part in Indian treaties, and 
to forbid the Quakers from attending such treaties or contributing 
thereto in any manner. The Governor then declined to take part 
in the Lancaster treaty. 

Says Walton: "Letters and petitions now poured in upon the 
Governor. William Masters and Joseph Galaway, of Lancaster, 
voiced the sentiment of that vicinity in a letter urging the Gover- 
nor to come to Lancaster immediately, and use every possible 
means to ascertain the truth or falsity of Teedyuscung's 
charges. 'The Indians now present have plainly intimated 
that they are acquainted with the true cause of our 
Indian war.' The Friendly Society for the Promotion of 
Peace Among the Indians asked permission of the Governor 
to examine the minutes of the Provincial Council and the Proprie- 
taries' deeds, in order to 'assist the Proprietaries in proving their 
innocence of Teedyuscung's charges.' The Governor positively 
refused to show them any papers. The Commissioners in charge 
of Indian affairs were also refused the same request. The Gov- 
ernor then lost his temper and charged the Quakers of Pennsyl- 
vania with meddling in affairs which did not concern them. The 
Assembly then sent a message to the Governor, denying that the 
people of the Province ever interfered with his majesty's preroga- 
tive of making peace and war Their known duty and 

loyalty to his majestiy, notwithstanding the pains taken to mis- 
represent their actions, forbids such an attempt. It is now clear 

Teedyuscung 341 

by the inquiries made by your Honor, that the cause of the present 
Indian incursions in this Province, and the dreadful calamities 
many of the inhabitants have suffered, have arisen in a great 
measure from the exorbitant and unreasonable purchases made or 
supposed to have been made of the Indians, that the natives com- 
plain that there is not a country left to hunt or subsist in.' " 

Governor Denny was compelled by pressure of the people to 
go to the Lancaster conference. At this time, the Cherokees, who 
were serving in the army at Fort Loudon and Fort Cumberland, 
were particularly opposed to any peace the Delawares, and as 
a consequence, while the conferences were in progress at Lancaster, 
some Indian outrages occurred within a few miles of that place, so 
exasperating the people that they brought the mutilated body of a 
woman, whom the Indians had scalped, and left it on the court 
house steps as the silent witness, as they said, of the fruits of an 
Indian peace. All these matters, together with the absence of the 
great Teedyuscung, made it impossible to accomplish anything defi- 
nite at Lancaster. George Croghan was anxious that the Western 
Indians be taken into a treaty of peace at Lancaster, and this 
question was therefore postponed on account of the absence of 

While Teedyuscung did not attend the Lancaster treaty, he 
sent a message complaining bitterly of the Moravians at Bethlehem, 
as follows: 

"Brothers, there is one thing that gives us a great deal of con- 
cern, which is our flesh and blood that live among you at Bethle- 
hem and in the Jersies, being kept as if they were prisoners. We 
formally applied to the minister at Bethlehem [probably meaning 
Bishop Spangenberg] to let our people come back at times and 
hunt, which is the chief industry we follow to maintain our 
families; but that minister has not listened to what we said to him, 
and it is very hard that our people have not the liberty of coming 
back to the woods where game is plenty, and to see their friends. 
They have complained to us that they cannot hunt where they 
are. If they go to the woods and cut down a tree, they are abused 
for it, notwithstanding that very land we look upon to be our own; 
and we hope, brothers, that you will consider this matter and let 
our people come back into the woods, and visit their friends, and 
pass and repass, as brothers ought to do." 

The Moravian missionaries resented this message of Teedy- 
uscung, claiming that he well knew the sentiments of the Indian 
converts at Bethlehem, and that they were there of their own free 

342 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

will. The Colonial Government paid no attention, however, to 
this message. In June, 1757, the Governor received a message 
from Teedyuscung, asking that four or five horseloads of pro- 
visions be sent to Wyoming, not by white people, but by Indians. 
Said he: 

"I desire you to be careful. I have heard and have reason to 
think it will grieve both you and me to the heart. Though many 
nations belonging to the French can go round me, and as I have 
heard and have reason to believe that they know and have under- 
stood that I have taken hold of your hand, their aim is to break 
us apart and to separate us. When I visited the Indians over the 
Great Swamp and told them my message of peace, they said it was 
a bait, and that the English would kill us all; but, however, when 
they saw me come back safe the first time, they dropped their 
tomahawks and said, 'If the English are true to you they will be 
true to us.' " 

The matter of the fradulent land sales came up at this confer- 
ence at Lancaster. One of the chiefs of the Six Nations, Little 
Abraham, spoke as follows concerning the frauds upon the Dela- 

"They lived among you, brothers, but upon some difference 
between you and them, we [the Six Nations] thought proper to 
remove them, giving them lands to plant and hunt on at 
Wyoming and Juniata on Susquehanna. But you, covetous of 
land, made plantations there and spoiled their hunting grounds. 
They then complained to us, and we looked over those lands and 

found the complaints to be true The French became 

acquainted with all the causes of complaint that the Delawares 
had against you; and as your people were daily increasing their 
settlements, by this means you drove them [the Delawares] back 
into the arms of the French, and they took the advantage of 
spiriting them up against you by telling them: 'Children, you 
see, and we have often told you, how the English, your brethren, 
did serve; they plant all the country, and drive you back; so that 
in a little time you will have no land. It is not so with us. 
Though we built trading houses on your land, we do not plant it. 
We have our provisions from over the great waters.' ' 

The Six Nations' chiefs at this conference then advised that 
part of the lands of the Delawares be given back to them and 
promised to make both the Delawares and Shawnees return the 
captives. They further urged that another invitation be sent to 
Teedyuscung to come and bring some Senecas with him, in order 

Teedyuscung 343 

that the land question might be fully settled. Governor Denny 
followed the suggestion of the chiefs of the Six Nations made at 
the Lancaster conference, and accordingly arranged for the third 
council or treaty at Easton, where the complaints of the Delawares 
might be more fully heard. This treaty we shall discuss in the 
next chapter. 

We close this chapter by calling attention to the following 
events which took place in the spring of 1757, while Teedyuscung 
was working for peace: 

Atrocities in Monroe County 

On March 25th, the Delawares made an incursion into Monroe 
County, in which Sargeant Leonard Den was killed. This was 
followed by another on April 20th when Andreas Gundryman,a boy 
aged seventeen, who had gone to bring some fire wood from the 
neighborhood of Fort Hamilton to his father's house near the fort, 
was killed. In the same incursions, Peter Soan and Christian 
Kline were killed and several others carried into captivity. 

Murder of John Spitler and Barnabas Tolon 

On May 16th, John Spitler while fixing up a pair of bars on 
his farm a few miles from Stumpton, was shot and his body cruelly 
mangled. His body was buried in the graveyard at Hebron, near 
Lebanon. The following account of his murder and burial is 
contained in the records of the Hebron church: 

"1757, May den 16, wurde Johannes Spitler, Jr., ohnweit von 
seinem Hause, an der Schwatara von moerderischen Indianern 
ueberfallen und ermordert. Er war im acht unddreisigsten Jahr 
seines Alters, und verwichenes Jahr im April, an der Schwatara auf- 
genommen. Seine uebelzugerichtette Leiche wurde den 17ten May 
hieher gebracht, und bei einer grossen Menge Leute begleitet auf 
unsern hiesigen Gottesacker beerdigt." 

The following is the translation of the record: 

"On the 16th of May, 1757, John Spitler, Jr., was fallen upon 
and murdered by savage Indians not far from his house on the 
Swatara. He was in the thirty-eighth year of his age, and had 
taken up his residence on the Swatara in the preceding April. His 
badly mangled body was brought here on the 17th of May, accom- 
panied by a large concourse of people, and buried in the graveyard 
of this place." 

On May 22nd, Barnabus Tolon was killed and scalped in 

344 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Hanover Township, Lebanon County. "We are," says the editor 
of the Pennsylvania Gazette, "well informed that 123 persons have 
been murdered and carried off from that part of Lancaster 
[Lebanon] County by Indians since the war commenced, and that 
lately three have been scalped and are yet living." 

Massacre on Quitapahilla Creek 

"Londonderry Township (Lebanon County) being more 
towards the interior, was not so much exposed to the depredations 
of the savages as those on the northern frontiers. Nevertheless, in 
the more sparsely settled parts they committed various murders. 
June 19, 1757, nineteen persons were killed in a mill on the Quita- 
pahilla Creek, and on the 9th of September, 1757, one boy and a 
girl were taken from Donegal Township, a few miles south of 
Derry. About the same time, one Danner and his son Christian, 
a lad of twelve years, had gone into the Conewago hills to cut down 
trees; after felling one, and while the father was cutting a log, he 
was shot and scalped by an Indian, and Christian, the son, taken 
captive into Canada, where he remained until the close of the war 
when he made his escape. Another young lad, named Steger, was 
surprised by three Indians and taken captive whilst cutting hoop- 
poles, but, fortunately, after remaining with the Indians some 
months made his escape." — (Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania). 

Murder of Adam Trump 

On June 22nd occurred the murder of Adam Trump, in 
Albany Township, Lancaster Cunty, thus referred to in a letter of 
James Read, from Reading, on June 25th: 

"Last night Jacob Levan, Esq., of Maxatawney, came to see 
me and showed me a letter of the 22d inst. from Lieutenant Engel, 
dated in Allemangel, by which he advised Mr. Levan of the mur- 
der of one Adam Trump in Allemangel, by Indians, that evening, 
and that they had taken Trump's wife and his son, a lad nineteen 
years old, prisoners; but the woman escaped, though upon her fly- 
ing, she was so closely pursued by one of the Indians, (of which 
there were seven) that he threw his tomahawk at her, and cut her 
badly in the neck, but 'tis hoped not dangerously. This murder 
happened in as great a thunderstorm as has happened for twenty 
years past; which extended itself over a great part of this and 
Northampton counties. * * * * 

"I had almost forgot to mention (but I am so hurried just 

Teedyuscung 345 

now, 'tis no wonder), that the Indians after scalping Adam Trump 
left a knife, and a halbert, or a spear, fixed to a pole of four feet, 
in his body." 

News From Fort Duquesne 

In the spring of 1757 Lieutenant Baker with five soldiers and 
fifteen Cherokee Indians made a scouting expedition into the 
vicinity of Fort Duquesne. His force encountered a party of three 
French officers and seven men on the headwaters of Turtle Creek, 
about ten miles from the fort. They killed five of the Frenchmen 
and took one officer prisoner, who gave the information that 
Captain Lignery was then commandant of the fort, and that there 
were six hundred French troops and two hundred Indians at that 
place. This is the latest definite information received as to the 
conditions of Fort Duquesne until it was captured in November of 
the next year by General Forbes. 




Teedyuscung at the Third Easton Council 

HE third council with Teedyuscung at Easton opened on 
July 21, 1757, and continued until August 7th. There 
were almost endless discussions about Teedyuscung's 
having a secretary of his own, deeds, frauds, and other 
matters which had come before Indian councils for many years 
prior to this council. Finally, John Pumpshire was selected by 
Teedyuscung as his interpreter, and Charles Thomson, master of 
the Quaker school in Philadelphia, as his clerk. Thomson, in writ- 
ing of this affair to Samuel Rhodes, says: 

"I need not mention the importance of the business we are come 
about. The welfare of the Province and the lives of thousands 
depend upon it. That an affair of such weight should be trans- 
acted with soberness, all will allow; how, then, must it shock you 
to hear that pains seem to have been taken to make the King 
[Teedyuscung] drunk every night since the business began. The 
first two or three days were spent in deliberating whether the King 
should be allowed the privilege of a clerk. When he was resolute 
in asserting his right and would enter into no business without 
having a secretary of his own, they at last gave it up, and seem to 
have fallen on another scheme which is to unfit him to say any- 
thing worthy of being inscribed (?) by his secretary. On Satur- 
day, under pretense of rejoicing for the victory gained by the King 
of Prussia and the arrival of the fleet, a bonfire was ordered to be 
made and liquor given to the Indians to induce them to dance. 
For fear they should get sober on Sunday and be fit next day to 
enter on business, under pretense that the Mohawks had requested 
it, another bonfire was ordered to be made, and more liquor given 
them. On Monday night the King was made drunk by Conrad 
Weiser, on Tuesday by G. Croghan; last night he was very drunk 
at Vernon's, and Vernon lays the blame on Comin and G. Croghan. 
He did not go to sleep last night. This morning he lay down under 
a shed about the break of day and slept a few hours. He is to 

Teedyuscung 347 

speak this afternoon. He is to be sure in a fine capacity to do 
business. But thus we go on. I leave you to make reflections. 
1 for my part wish myself at home." 

Teedyuscung Renews Charge of Fraud 

Teedyuscung entered this third Easton council with his mind 
made up not to reiterate the charge of fraud concerning the Walk- 
ing Purchase, doubtless fearing the Six Nations. His advisors told 
him that he could afford to wait until peace was fully established, 
before asserting the Delaware rights to lands drained by the Dela- 
ware River. However, Governor Denny was determined to make 
the great chief deny that any fraud had been practiced upon the 
Delawares in land purchases. When pressed for the cause of the 
alienation of the Delawares, Teedyuscung unequivocally asserted 
that it was the land purchases. Said he: 

"The complaint I made last fall I yet continue. I think some 
lands have been bought by the Proprietors or his agents from 

Indians who had not a right to sell I think, also, when 

some lands have been sold to the Proprietors by Indians who had 
a right to sell to a certain place, whether that purchase was to be 
measured by miles or hours walk, that the Proprietors have con- 
trary to agreement or bargain, taken in more lands than they 
ought to have done, and lands that belonged to others. I therefore 
now desire that you will produce the writings and deeds by which 
you hold the land, and let them be read in public, and examined, 
that it may be fully known from what Indians you have bought 
the lands you hold; and how far your purchases extend; that 
copies of the whole may be laid before King George, and published 
to all the Provinces under his Government. What is fairly bought 
and paid for I make no further demand about. But if any lands 
have been bought of Indians to whom these lands did not belong, 
and who had no right to sell them, I expect a satisfaction for 
those lands; and if the Proprietors have taken in more lands than 
they bought of true owners, I expect likewise to be paid for that." 

Teedyuscung Requests Benefits of Civilization 

Said Teedyuscung: "We [the Delawares] intend to settle at 
Wyoming, and we want to have certain boundaries fixed between 
you and us, and a certain tract of land fixed which it shall not be 
lawful for us or our children ever to sell, nor for you or any of 
your children ever to buy To build different houses from 

348 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

what we have done before, such as may last not only for a little 
time, but for our children after us; we desire you will assist us in 
making our settlements, and send us persons to instruct us in build- 
ing houses and making such necessaries as shall be needed, and that 
persons be sent to instruct us in the Christian religion, and to in- 
struct our children in reading and writing, and that a fair trade be 
established between us, and such persons appointed to conduct 
and manage these affairs as shall be agreeable to us." 

Walton's Account of the Council 

The remaining matters taken up at this great conference are 
thus succinctly set forth by J. S. Walton, in his "Conrad Weiser 
and the Indian Policy of Pennsylvania": 

"Teedyuscung then asked that the territory of Wyoming be 
reserved to the Indians forever. That it might be surveyed and 
a deed given to the Indians, that they might have something to 
show when it became necessary to drive the white men away. 
After these charges were again made the Governor called Croghan 
and Weiser together to know what was the best thing to do. Each 
of these men with his large share of experience in Indian affairs 
agreed in the opinion that some outside influence had induced 
Teedyuscung to revive these charges. They also united in the 
opinion that the Indians merely wanted a glimpse of the old deeds, 
and would be satisfied with a cursory examination of the signa- 

"Upon these assertions the Governor and Council were induced 
to grant Teedyuscung's request and to show him the deeds of 1636 
and 1637 from the Delawares, and of 1749 from the Iroquois. 
When the Governor applied to Mr. Peters for the papers and deeds 
they were again refused. Peters declared that he held them as a 
sacred trust from the Proprietors and would neither surrender 
them nor permit himself to be placed under oath and give testi- 
mony. These two things could only be done, he insisted, in the 
presence of Sir William Johnson, before whom as a final arbitrator, 
the Proprietors desired that these charges should be laid. James 
Logan immediately opposed Richard Peters. He insisted that all 
deeds relating to lands which the Indians claimed were fraudu- 
lently purchased, sould be shown. To refuse this would be unjust 
to the Indians and dangerous to the cause of peace. Logan ex- 
plained that the Proprietary instructions should not be too liter- 
ally construed and obeyed. The Indians were opposed to having 

Teedyuscung 349 

their case settled before Sir William Johnson. After an animated 
discussion in council it was reluctantly agreed that the deeds should 
be shown. The Council only consented to this after Conrad 
Weiser had assured them that Teedyuscung did not insist upon 
seeing all the deeds, but only those pertaining to the back lands. 
R. Peters again protested, but was overruled. The deeds were laid 
on the table August 3, 1757. 

"Charles Thomson, at Teedyuscung's request, copied these 
deeds. The chief said he would have preferred to have seen the 
deeds of confirmation given to Governor Keith in 1718, but the 
great work of peace was superior to the land dispute, and if the 
Proprietors would make satisfaction for the lands which had been 
fraudulently secured, he would return the English prisoners held 
captive among the Indians. The peace belt was then grasped by 
the Governor and Teedyuscung, and the two years' struggle for 
peace was crowned with victory. After much feasting and danc- 
ing, drinking and burning of bonfires the treaty closed. 

"Teedyuscung promised to fight for the English on condition 
that his men should not be commanded by white captains. The 
Governor and his party returned to Philadelphia, deeply worried 
over the publicity of the Indian charges of fraud which had occur- 
red at the Easton conference. Peace to the Proprietors was dearly 
purchased, if the people of the Province were confirmed in their 
belief that the Indian outrages had been caused by fraud in land 

The council ended on Sunday, August 7th. Governor Denny 
then returned to Philadelphia realizing that two things were im- 
perative. One was to disprove Teedyuscung's charge of fraud, in 
order to remove from the Proprietaries of the Colony the respon- 
sibility for the hostility of the Delawares and Shawnees; the other 
was to make peace with the Indians of the valleys of the Ohio and 
Allegheny, in order that the expedition of General Forbes then 
planned might be a success. The Governor was very apprehensive 
that, on account of the allegiance of the Western Indians with the 
French, the proposed expedition of General Forbes would meet with 
the same fate as the expedition of the ill-fated Braddock in the 
summer of 1755. Besides, unless the hostile Indians of the Ohio 
and Allegheny could be persuaded to sever their allegiance with 
the French, there was little chance of ending the barbarous raids 
which they were making on the frontier settlements. How these 
Western Indians were induced by the Moravian missionary, 
Christian Frederick Post, to sever their allegiance with the French, 

350 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

as General Forbes was marching on Fort Duquesne in the autumn 
of 1758, has already been told in Chapter XIX. 

Atrocities of the Summer of 1757 

Indian atrocities still continued as Teedyuscung worked for 
peace. In August, 1757, incursions were made into Lebanon 
County. John Andrews' wife and child were captured while going 
to a neighbor's house. John Winklebach's two sons and Joseph 
Fischbach were fired upon by fifteen Indians, while bringing in the 
cows at sunrise. The boys were killed, and Fischbach was badly 
wounded. At about the same time, Leonard Long's son was killed 
and scalped while plowing in his father's field, and Isaac Williams' 
wife was killed. In September, Christian Danner was killed and 
his son, aged twelve, captured and carried to Canada, where he 
made his escape after three years, as related in Chapter XXI. 

During this summer, incursions were also made into Dauphin 
County. At the time of one of these incursions, a Mr. Barnett 
and a Mr. Mackey were at work on the former's farm near 
Manada Creek, when news reached them that their families were 
murdered in the block house nearby. They at once started for the 
scene of horror, but had not gone far until they were ambushed by 
a party of Indians who killed Mackey and severely wounded 
Barnett who, nevertheless, was able to escape, owing to the swift- 
ness of his horse. He concealed himself until the Indians left the 
neighborhood the next day, when he learned that his family was 
safe with the exception of his son, William, aged nine, whom the 
Indians had captured, together with Mackey's son about the same 
age. The Indians proceeded westward with the two little boys. 
Upon learning that one of the boys was the son of Mackey, whom 
they had just killed, they forced him to stretch his father's scalp. 
For a time, the little Mackey boy carried his father's scalp, which 
he would often stroke with his little hand, and say, "My father's 
pretty hair." 

Mr. Barnett at length recovered from his wound. In the hope 
of recovering his son, he accompanied George Croghan to Fort 
Pitt, and attended the council which Crogan, Colonel Hugh Mercer, 
Captain William Trent, and Captain Thomas McKee held with 
the Shawnees, Delawares, and other Indians at that place on July 
5th, 1759. One day during his stay at the fort, he wished to get 
a drink of water from Grant's Spring, above the fort, so named 
from the defeat of Major James Grant at that place in the preced- 
ing September. He had proceeded only a short distance, when 

Teedyuscung 351 

something told him to turn back. At the same instant, he heard 
the report of a rifle, and looking towards the spring, saw the smoke 
of the same and an Indian scalping a soldier, who had gone to the 
spring for a drink. 

Mr. Barnett returned home without recovering his son, but 
Crogan promised to use every endeavor to obtain the child. At 
length the boy was brought to Fort Pitt, but so great was his inclin- 
ation to return to the Indians that it was necessary to guard him 
closely until there would be an opportunity to send him to his 
father. On one occasion, he jumped into a canoe, and was half 
way across the Allegheny River before he was observed. Quick 
pursuit followed; but he reached the other side and hid in the 
bushes, where it took a search of several hours to find him. Soon 
thereafter, he was sent to Carlisle, where the father received him 
with tears of joy, and took him home to the arms of the mother. 
During his captivity, the Indians frequently broke the ice on 
rivers and creeks, and dipped him in "to make him hardy". This 
treatment impaired his constitution. He sank into the grave in 
early manhood, leaving a wife and daughter. Shortly thereafter, 
the mother died. Then Mr. Barnett, the elder, removed to Alle- 
gheny County, where he died at the great age of eighty-two years. 
His dust reposes in the church yard of Lebanon, Mifflin Township, 
Allegheny County. 

But, to return to the Mackey boy. The Indians gave this 
child to the French, and at the close of the French and Indian War, 
he passed into the hands of the English, was taken to England, and 
later, became a soldier in the British army, and was sent to America 
during the Revolutionary War. He procured a furlough, and 
sought out his widowed mother, who had mourned him as dead. 
As he stood before her in the strength of robust manhood, she was 
unable to see in him any trace of her long lost boy. "If you are 
my son," said she, "you have a mark upon your knee that I will 
know." He then exposed his knee to her view; whereupon she 
threw her arms around his neck in unrestrained joy. He never 
returned to the British army, but remained with his mother to the 
end of her days, often meeting William Barnett, and recounting 
with him their experiences while captives among the Indians. 

Teedyuscung's Activities After the Third Easton Council 

Two days after the third Easton conference closed, Teedyus- 
cung and his family went to Bethlehem, where he tarried for sev- 
eral days. Reichel, in his "Memorials of the Moravian Church," 
says of this visit: 

352 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

"Some of these unwelcome visitors halted for a few days, and 
some proceeded as far as Fort Allen and then returned, undecided 
as to where to go and what to do. During the month full 200 were 
counted — men, women and children — among them lawless crowds 
who annoyed the brethren by depredations, molested the Indians 
at the Manakasy, and wrangled with each other over their cups at 
'The Crown'." 

After the third Easton treaty was over, and as Teedyuscung 
was returning to Tioga, he met three messengers from the Ohio 
Indians, who stated to him that they were sorry that they had taken 
up arms against the English, and would do whatever he told them; 
whereupon, he informed them of the peace that had been estab- 
lished by the treaty at Easton, and that he would give them the 
tomahawk against the French, and bring them down to Philadelphia 
for a treaty. He then proceeded to Philadelphia, where he laid this 
information before the Governor and Provincial Council on 
August 30th, and advised them that he had sent his son, Amos, 
and another Delaware back to the Ohio with the three messengers. 

Teedyuscung again appeared before the Governor and Pro- 
vincial Council on September 5th, and asked for a copy of the 
Delaware deed of release, which Sassoonan and six other chiefs of 
the Delawares had executed on September 17, 1718, by the terms of 
which they acknowledged that their ancestors had conveyed to 
Pennsylvania, in fee, and had then paid for all the land between 
"the Delaware and the Susquehanna, from Duck Creek to the moun- 
tains on this side of Lechay [Lehigh River]". He also asked why 
the Easton treaty had not been published. Governor Denny ex- 
plained that it was Sir William Johnson's business to order any 
publication of the treaty, and that George Croghan had reminded 
the Governor of this fact. Teedyuscung then declared that 
Croghan was a rogue, and that he (Teedyuscung) would have 
nothing to do with either Croghan or Johnson. The Governor 
then handed over the copy of the deed of 1718, and assured Teedy- 
uscung that the treaty would be published. 

Teedyuscung appeared before the Governor and Provincial 
Council on December 1st to urge that, as winter was coming on, 
houses should speedily be built for the Indians at Wyoming. He 
also visited the Governor and Provincial Council on January 17, 
1758, in which he advised them that they might be assured that: 
"I shall use my utmost endeavors to establish the peace so happily 
concluded at Easton between the people of this Province and their 
brethren, the Indians." 

Teedyuscung 353 

Teedyuscung Again Asks for Benefits 
of Civilization 

Teedyuscung again came to Philadelphia on March 13, 1758. 
On this visit he was very spirited and asked for a clerk. The 
Council having debated for more than an hour whether this request 
should be granted, Teedyuscung sent a message that he was tired 
of waiting, was at dinner, and would bring his clerk, or would not 
speak at all. A public conference was then held in the council 
chamber of the State House, which many persons of the city 
attended. He advised the Council that, in compliance with his 
promise at the third Easton conference, he had given the "Big 
Peace Halloo", and had secured the alliance of eight nations of the 
Western Indians, who had taken hold of the peace belt, in addi- 
tion to the ten for which he had spoken at the Easton treaty. The 
calumet which these recent allies had sent Teedyuscung in reply 
to the publication of peace was smoked by himself, the Governor, 
and members of the Provincial Council and the Assembly. 

A week later, when Governor Denny made his reply accepting 
the alliance of the eight nations and thanking Teedyuscung for his 
great work in behalf of peace, the great chief repeated the request 
for the benefits of civilization, which he had made at the third 
Easton treaty. Said he: 

"Brother, you must consider 1 have a soul as well as another, 
and I think it proper you should let me have two masters to teach 
me, that my soul may be instructed and saved at last. Brother, 1 
desire moreover two school maste'rs, for there are a great many 
Indian children who want school masters. One therefore is not 
sufficient to teach them all, so that they may be sufficiently in- 
structed in the Christian way. Brother, I have a body as well as a 
soul. I want two men to instruct me and show me the ways of 
living, and how to conduct temporal affairs, who may teach me in 
everything to do as you do yourselves, that I may live as you do, 
and likewise who may watch over me and take care of my things, 
that nobody may cheat me. You tell us the Christian religion is 
good, and we believe it to be so, partly upon the credit of your 
words, and partly because we see that some of our brother Indians 
who were wicked before they became Christians live better lives 
now than they formerly did." 

He added that he asked the liberty of choosing the masters and 
that he wanted two instructors in temporal affairs, so that if one 
should prove dishonest, the other might prevent him from doing 
injury to or impose upon the Indians. 

354 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Teedyuscung's Appeal Led to Post's Being Sent 
on Mission to the Western Indians 

During the conferences that attended the above visit of Teedy- 
uscung to the Governor and Provincial Council, the old chief 
urged that the Provincial Authorities should not neglect the oppor- 
tunity to do everything possible to strengthen the alliance with the 
eight western nations who had agreed to his peace proposal. He 
said: "I have received every encouragement from the Indian 
nations. Now, brother, press on with all your might in promoting 
the good work we are engaged in. Let us beg the God that made 
us to bless our endeavours, and I am sure if you assert yourselves, 
God will grant a blessing, and we shall live." 

Teedyuscung then urged that a messenger should be sent to his 
friends on the Ohio and Allegheny, warning them to sever their 
allegiance with the French. Teedyuscung's appeal was the first 
move towards the daring mission of Christian Frederick Post to 
the Indians of the Ohio in the summer and autumn of 1758, in 
which he succeeded in persuading the western tribes not to give 
further assistance to the French. 

At this same conference, he also requested that a messenger be 
sent to stop the Cherokees from coming any further. These Indians 
were coming to assist in the expedition of General Forbes against 
Fort Duquesne, much to the displeasure of the Delawares and 
Shawnees. We have already seen, in Chapter XVII, that it was 
the coming of the Cherokees to assist the English that caused 
Paxinosa to leave for the Ohio. At the time of which we are writ- 
ing, there was great danger that the presence of the Cherokees at 
Fort Cumberland, Fort Littleton, Carlisle, and other places, with 
the English forces, would seriously complicate any proceedings for 
peace. Therefore, the Governor and General Forbes later sent 
Christian Frederick Post on a mission to Wyoming, for the purpose 
of explaining the situation concerning the Cherokees, and to request 
the Indians on the Susquehanna to call the friendly Indians east 
of the mountains while the General advanced against Fort Du- 

Post, accompanied by Charles Thomson and three friendly 
Indians, left Philadelphia on June 7th and, reaching Bethlehem 
the next day, they employed three others to accompany them. 
From that place they went to the Nescopeck Mountain, about 
fifteen miles from Wyoming, where they met a party of nine 
Indians on their way to Bethlehem, who warned them not to go to 

Teedyuscung 355 

Wyoming, as the woods were full of strange Indians. It was then 
decided to go back to the east side of the mountain, and to send 
two messengers forward to invite Teedyuscung to meet them. The 
next day Teedyuscung came from his new residence at Wyoming. 
Post complained to him that the path to Wyoming was closed, and 
it was his (Teedyuscung's) business to keep it open. The Dela- 
ware "King" replied that the road had been closed by the Six 
Nations. He told Post that he expected a great many Mohicans 
and Wanamis to come during the summer to live with him at 
Wyoming; and he begged for corn and flour for them, and that 
arms and ammunition might be sent to Shamokin, whence they 
might be transported by way of the river to Wyoming. He assur- 
ed Post that a belt repeating an invitation to the Senecas to join 
in the English interest would reach their head chief in eight days, 
and that there must be a great treaty during the summer. 

Post got much valuable information from Teedyuscung as to 
the situation among the Indians of the Allegheny and Ohio. He 
then returned to Philadelphia on June 16th, and delivered his 
report to the Governor. On June 20th, a peace message from the 
Cherokees was delivered to the Governor, who desired to send it at 
once to Teedyuscung at Wyoming. Post was the messenger 
selected for this purpose, who set out for Wyoming over the same 
course that he had recently traveled, at which place he arrived on 
June 27th, and delivered the message to Tedyuscung. At 
Wyoming Post met a number of chiefs from the Allegheny, to 
whom he explained all about the peace measures that were under 
way. An old sachem, named Katuaikund, upon hearing the good 
news, "lifting up his hands to heaven wished that God would have 
mercy upon them, and would help them to bring them and the 
English together again, and to establish an everlasting ground 
foundation for peace among them. He wished further that God 
would move the Governor and the people's hearts toward them in 
love, peace, and union. ... He said further that it would be well 
if the Governor sent somebody with them at their return home, for 
it would be of great consequence to them who lived above Alle- 
gheny to hear from the Governor's mind from their own mouths." 
At Wyoming, Post learned that the garrison at Fort Duquesne 
consisted of about eleven hundred French, almost starved, who 
would have abandoned the fort, had not the Mohawks sent them 
assistance, and that the commander had recently said that, "if the 
English come too strong upon me, I will leave." Two of the 
messengers who had come from the Allegheny with news concern- 

356 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

ing the situation of the French were Pisquetomen and Keekyus- 

Post then returned to Fort Allen (Weissport) on June 30th; 
and after the Governor heard his report and had talked with 
Pisquetomen and Keekyuscung, it was decided to send these two 
Indians to the Ohio, in order to gain information as to the situation 
among the Indians there, and to advise them of the peace measures. 
Post was requested to accompany these messengers, and he agreed 
to do so, if Charles Thomson were permitted to go with him. The 
Governor replied that "he might take any other person." Post 
then left Philadelphia on June 15th, reaching Bethlehem on the 
17th, at which place he made preparations for his journey to the 
Ohio. On the 19th he reached Fort Allen (Weissport), where 
Teedyuscung tried to dissuade him from going on his dangerous 
mission. Post says: "He [Teedyuscung] was afraid I should 
never return, that the Indians would kill me." Post replied to 
Teedyuscung that he was obliged to go, even if he should lose his 
life. On the 22nd, when Post again prepared to set out, Teedyus- 
cung again protested saying that he was afraid that the Indians 
would kill Post, or that the French would capture him. Post then 
made the final reply to Teedyuscung that he would go on this peace 
mission to the Ohio, even if he died in the undertaking, and that, 
if, unhappily, he should die before completing the mission, he 
hoped that his death would be the means of saving many hundreds 
of lives. Without further delay, he therefore set forth on his first 
mission to the Ohio, accompanied by Pisquetomen and Keekyus- 
cung, as related in Chapter XIX. 

Teedyuscung Continues Working for Peace 

During all the time between the close of the third council at 
Easton, in the summer of 1757, to the opening of the fourth council 
at Easton, on October 7, 1758, Teedyuscung worked steadfastly for 
peace, and insisted from time to time that a strong fort be 
built at Wyoming. However, he was unable to remain neutral, 
and he petitioned the Governor for reward on scalps, believing that 
if the white man could enjoy the profits of such a bounty, there was 
no reason why the Indians friendly to the Province should not 
come in for their share. He even sent friendly Indians to protect 
the frontiers. When Will Sock, a Conestoga, had been over the 
country carrying a French flag, and had murdered Chagrea and a 
German in Lancaster County, Teedyuscung took away the flag, 

Teedyuscung 357 

sent it to Philadelphia, and gave him an English flag. In the 
meantime, also, he kept urging the Provincial Authorities to build 
houses for the friendly Indians at Wyoming, in accordance with 
Pennsylvania's promise at the Easton conference of 1757 to enact 
a law which would settle the Wyoming lands upon him and his 
people forever. 

Mary Jemison, White Woman of Genesee 

While Teedyuscung was thus working for peace, two atrocities 
were committed in Adams County during the month of April, 1758. 
The first of these was the attack on the home of Thomas Jemison 
near the confluence of Sharp's Run and Conewago Creek, Adams 
County, on April 5th, by Indians from the Ohio and Allegheny 
valleys. On the morning of that day, Jemison's daughter, Mary, 
aged about fifteen, had returned from an errand to a neighbor's, 
and a man took her horse to go to his house after a bag of grain. 
Her father was busy with chores about the house, her mother was 
getting breakfast, her two older brothers were at the barn, while 
she, with the smaller children of the family and a neighbor woman, 
were in the house. Suddenly they were alarmed by the discharge 
of a number of guns. Opening the door they found the man and 
the horse lying dead. The Indians then captured Mr. Jemison, his 
wife, his children, Robert, Matthew, Betsy, and Mary, together 
with the neighbor woman and her three children, the two brothers 
in the barn making their escape. The attacking party consisted 
of six Indians and four Frenchmen. They set out with their 
prisoners in single file, using a whip when anyone lagged behind. 
At the end of the second day's march, Mary was separated from 
her parents. During the night her parents and all the other pris- 
oners, except Mary and a neighbor boy, were cruelly put to death, 
and their bodies left in the swamps to be devoured by wild beasts. 
During the next day's march, the unhappy girl had to watch the 
Indians scrape and dry the scalps of her parents, brothers, sisters, 
and neighbors. Her mother had an abundance of beautiful, red 
hair, and she could easily distinguish her scalp from the others, — 
a sight which remained with her to the end of her days. The 
neighbor boy was given to the French, and Mary was given to two 
Shawnee squaws, and carried to the Shawnee towns on the Scioto. 
Here these squaws adopted her, replacing a brother who had been 
killed during the French and Indian War. 

In the autumn of 1759, she was taken to Fort Pitt, when the 

358 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Shavvnees and other western tribes went to that place to make peace 
with the English. She accompanied them with a light heart, as 
she believed she would soon be restored to her brothers who had 
made their escape when she was captured. The English at Fort 
Pitt asked her a number of questions concerning herself, which so 
alarmed her adopted Indian sisters that they hastily took her down 
the Ohio in a canoe. Afterwards she learned that some settlers 
had come to the fort to take her away, but could not find her. 

She married two Indian chiefs of renown. The first was a 
Delaware named Sheninjee, of whom she spoke as "noble, large in 
stature, elegant in appearance, generous in conduct, courageous in 
war, a friend of peace, and a great lover of justice." To this hus- 
band she bore two children. The first died soon after birth, but 
the second, who was born in the fourth year of her captivity, she 
named in memory of her father, Thomas Jemison. Her first hus- 
band died while they were enroute with her child to her new home 
in the Genesee Valley in New York. Several years after the death 
of her first husband, she married Hiokatoo, also known as Gardow, 
by whom she had four daughters and two sons. This second 
husband was a cruel and vindictive warrior. 

Two great sorrows came into her life. The first was when her 
son, John, killed his brother, Thomas, her comforter and namesake 
of her father. The second was when this same John a few years 
later killed his other brother, Jesse. Her grief became somewhat 
assuaged when John was murdered later in a drunken quarrel with 
two Indians. 

Mary Jemison continued to live in the German Flats, New 
York, and upon the death of her second husband, she became pos- 
sessed of a large tract of valuable land. She was naturalized April 
19, 1817, and received a clear title to her land. In 1823, she sold a 
major portion of her holdings, reserving a tract two miles long and 
one mile wide. 

This remarkable lady who preserved the sensibilities of a 
white woman amidst the surroundings of barbaric life, died Sep- 
tember 19, 1833, at the age of ninety-one years, and was buried, 
with Christian rites, in the cemetery of the Seneca Mission on the 
Buffalo Creek Reservation, in New York. On March 17, 1874, 
her body was removed to the Indian Council House Grounds at 
Letchworth Park, where a beautiful bronze statue marks the grave 
of "The White Woman, The Genesee." 

Teedyuscung 359 

Capture of the Family of Richard Bard 

The second atrocity committed by the Indians while Teedyus- 
cung was working for peace, was the attack on the home of Richard 
Bard, on April 13, 1758. The Bard family resided near a place 
later known as Marshall's Mills, in Adams County. A little girl, 
named Hannah McBride, was at the door when the Indians 
approached. She ran screaming into the house where there were 
Bard and his wife and six months' old child, an apprentice boy, 
and a relative of the Bards, Lieutenant Thomas Potter by name, a 
brother of General James Potter. One of the Indians attacked 
Lieutenant Potter with a cutlass, but he succeeded in wresting it 
from the savage. Mr. Bard seized a pistol and snapped it at the 
breast of one of the Indians, but it failed to fire. As there was no 
ammunition in the home, the occupants of the house, fearing a 
slaughter or being burned alive, surrendered, as the Indians 
promised no harm would be done to them. The savages then went 
into the field nearby, where they captured Samuel Hunter, Daniel 
McManiny, and a boy named William White, who was coming to 
a mill near the Bard home. 

The Indians then secured the prisoners, plundered the house, 
and burned the mill. At a point about seventy rods from the 
home, contrary to their promises, they killed Lieutenant Potter, 
and having proceeded over the mountain for several miles, one of 
them sunk the spear of his tomahawk into the breast of the child, 
and scalped it. When they had proceeded with their prisoners 
past the fort into Path Valley, they encamped for the night. The 
next day they discovered a party of settlers in pursuit. They then 
hastened the pace of their prisoners under threat of tomahawking 
them. Reaching the top of Tuscarora Mountain, the party sat 
down to rest, and one of the Indians, without giving any warning 
whatever, buried his tomahawk in the head of Samuel Hunter, and 
scalped him. They then passed over Sidling Hill and the Alle- 
gheny Mountains by Blair's Gap, and encamped beyond Stony 
Creek. Here they painted Bard's head red on one side, indicating 
that a council had been held; that an equal number were for killing 
him and for saving his life, and that his fate would be determined 
in the next council. 

Bard then determined to attempt his escape and, while assist- 
ing his wife in plucking a turkey, he told her of his intentions. 
Some of the Indians were asleep, and one was amusing the others 
by parading around in Mrs. Bard's gown. As this Indian was 

360 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

thus furnishing amusement for the others, Bard was sent to the 
spring for water, and made his escape. After having made an un- 
successful search for Bard, the party proceeded to Fort Duquesne 
and then to Kuskuskies, where Mrs. Bard, the two boys and the 
girl were compelled to run the gauntlet, and were beaten in a most 
inhuman manner. Here also Daniel McManiny was put to death 
by being tied to a post, scalped alive, and pierced through the body 
with a red-hot gun barrel. 

Mrs. Bard was separated from the other prisoners, led from 
one Indian town to another, and finally adopted by two warriors, 
to take the place of a deceased sister. Finally she was taken to the 
headwaters of the Susquehanna, and during the journey, suffered 
greatly from fatigue and illness. She lay for two months, a 
blanket her only covering and boiled corn her only food. She re- 
mained in captivity two years and five months. 

Mr. Bard, after having made his escape and after a terrible 
journey of nine days, during which his only food was a few buds 
and four snakes, finally reached Fort Littleton, Fulton County. 
After this, he wandered from place to place throughout the frontier, 
seeking information concerning his wife. After having made 
several perilous journeys to Fort Duquesne for the same purpose, 
and in which he narrowly escaped capture on several occasions, he 
finally learned that she was at Fort Augusta (Sunbury), where he 
redeemed her. 

During Mrs. Bard's captivity, she was kindly treated by the 
warriors who had adopted her. Before the Bards left Fort 
Augusta, Mr. Bard requested one of his wife's adopted brothers to 
visit them at their home. This he did some time afterwards, when 
the Bards were living about ten miles from Chambersburg, remain- 
ing at the Bard home for some time; but finally he went one day 
to McDowell's Tavern, where he became intoxicated and got into a 
quarrel with a rough frontier character by the name of Newgen, 
who stabbed him dangerously in the neck. Newgen fled from the 
vicinity in order to escape the wrath of Bard's neighbors. The 
wounded Indian, however, recovered after being tenderly nursed 
by his adopted sister, Mrs. Bard. He then returned to his people, 
who put him to death on the pretext of having, as they claimed 
joined the white people. 

Other atrocities than the attacks on the Jemison and Bard 
families, were committed in Eastern Pennsylvania in the month of 
April, 1758. A man. named Lebenguth, and his wife were killed 
in the Tulpehocken Valley. Also, at Northkill, Nicholas Geiger's 
wife and two children and Michael Ditzelar's wife were killed. 

Teedyuscung 361 

Teedyuscung at the Grand Council at Easton 

While Christian Frederick Post was on his first mission to the 
Ohio Indians, Teedyuscung was persuading the Six Nations to send 
deputies to a fourth grand peace conference at Easton. His pur- 
pose was to draw all the Indians into an alliance with the English, 
and to secure a general and lasting peace. As a preliminary, he 
had induced the Minisink Indians and a number of Senecas to go 
to Philadelphia in August and hold a conference with the Governor. 

The Grand Council at Easton, known as the Fourth Easton 
Council, opened on Sunday, October 8, 1758, with more than five 
hundred Indians in attendance, representing all the tribes of the Six 
Nations, the Delawares, Conoys, Tuteloes, and Nanticokes. 
Governor Denny, members of the Provincial Council and Assem- 
bly, Governor Bernard, of New Jersey, Commissioners for Indian 
affairs in New Jersey, Conrad Weiser, George Crogan, and a num- 
ber of Quakers from Philadelphia, made up the attendance of the 

Pennsylvania Deeds Back Albany Purchase of 1754 

Three great land disputes came before this council. The first 
was the Albany purchase of 1754, which, as we have already seen, 
caused the Delawares of the West Branch of the Susquehanna and 
the valleys of the Ohio and Allegheny to go over to the French. 
To the credit of Conrad Weiser, it must be said that he had all 
along insisted that this was not a just purchase; that the Indians 
were deceived, and that the running of the lines had been greatly 
misrepresented. Furthermore, the Six Nations had declared to 
Sir William Johnson in 1755, that they would never consent to 
this sale, pointing out that the West Branch of the Susquehanna 
was held by them simply in trust as a hunting ground for their 
cousins, the Delawares. The matter was adjusted at this treaty by 
Governor Denny, on behalf of the Proprietaries, telling the Six 
Nations that Conrad Weiser and Richard Peters would deed back 
to them all of the Albany Purchase west of the summits of the 
Allegheny Mountains, if the Six Nations would confirm the residue 
of the purchase. This they agreed to, and the mutual releases were 
executed October 24th. 

But before the releases were executed, Christian Frederick 
Post had succeeded in drawing the Shawnees and Delawares of the 
Ohio away from the French, — a fact that shows the greatness of his 
achievement. On his way back from his first mission to the Ohio 

362 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Indians, he sent Pisquetomen and John Hickman to Philadelphia 
to deliver the speech belt which Shingas, Beaver, and other chiefs 
had given him, while he went on from Harris' Ferry to see General 
Forbes. Pisquetomen and Hickman then went to the Great Coun- 
cil at Easton, where Pisquetomen delivered the belt. 

On the afternoon of October 22nd, just as Pisquetomen and 
Hickman were leaving Easton, Post arrived at the Council with the 
news from General Forbes that the General's advance guard, on 
October 12th, was attacked at Loyal Hanning, later known as Fort 
Ligonier, at the present town of Ligonier, Westmoreland County, 
by twelve hundred French and two hundred Indians. Post then 
left Easton on October 25th on his second mission to the Ohio 
Indians, to make known to them the results of.the Easton Council. 

The success of Post's second mission to the Ohio has already 
been told, as has the fact that, in July, 1759, a great conference 
was held at Fort Pitt with all the Ohio tribes by George Croghan, 
Colonel Hugh Mercer, then commander at Fort Pitt, Captain 
William Trent, and Captain Thomas McKee, which gathered the 
fruit and glory of the peace missions of this Moravian missionary. 
King Beaver was the principal speaker of the Indians on this 
occasion. Guyasuta was also present, and Andrew Montour was the 

The second land dispute taken up at the Grand Council was 
the complaint of the Munsee Clan of Delawares (Munseys) that 
their lands in New Jersey had never been purchased. Governor 
Bernard, of New Jersey, when asked by the Munseys what he should 
pay for the New Jersey land, offered them eight hundred dollars, 
saying that it was a very extraordinary offer. The Munseys then 
asked the Iroquois deputies for their opinion as to the price. The 
Iroquois replied that the offer was fair and honorable; that if it 
were their own case, they would cheerfully accept it; but, as there 
were a great many of the Munseys to share in the purchase money, 
they would recommend that the Governor add two hundred dollars 
more. To this Governor Bernard agreed, and so this second great 
land dispute was settled. 

The third land dispute to come before the Grand Council was 
the old complaints made by Teedyuscung concerning the Walking 
Purchase. The Six Nations had not met with the Delawares at 
any public treaty with Pennsylvania since the treaty of 1742, in 
which Canassatego, as the spokesman of the Six Nations, ordered 
the Delawares to remove from the bounds of the Walking Pur- 
chase. Three questions called for an answer at the Grand Council : 

Teedyuscung 363 

(1) Was the Walking Purchase just? (2) Had the Six Nations 
any right to sell lands on the Delaware? (3) Were the Delawares 
subject to the Iroquois, or were they independent? 

Teedyuscung Humbled By Iroquois Chiefs 

Before taking up the matter of the Walking Purchase, the 
Iroquois deputies concluded that the first thing to do was to humble 
Teedyuscung, and break down his influence and standing. The 
great Delaware had entered this council more humbly than he did 
the councils of 1756 and 1757, realizing that his bitter enemy, 
Nickas, a Mohawk chief, was in attendance. 

Nickas began the attack on Teedyuscung, designed to break 
down his influence. Pointing to Teedyuscung, he spoke with great 
vigor and bitterness. Conrad Weiser was ordered to interpret 
Nickas' speech, but declined, and desired that Andrew Montour 
should do it. Weiser clearly saw that the interpretation of his 
speech would cause great discord, and he planned to have the 
interpreation postponed until the anger of the Iroquois had time 
to cool. He therefore advised that the speech be interpreted at a 
private conference, which was arranged to take place the next 
morning, October 14th. The next morning came; but there was 
no conference. Weiser had succeeded in causing more delay to 
avert the threatening storm. However, on the morning of the 
15th, Nickas, at a private conference, said: "Who made Teedy- 
uscung chief of the nations? If he be such a great man, we desire 
to know who made him so? Perhaps you have, and if this be the 
case, tell us so. It may be the French have made him so. We 
want to inquire and know where his greatness arose." 

Nickas was followed by Tagashata, chief of the Senecas, who 
said: "We do not know who made Teedyuscung this great man 
over ten nations, and I want to know who made him so." Then 
Assarandonquas, chief of the Onondagas, said: "I never heard 
before now that Teedyuscung was such a great man, and much less 
can I tell who made him so. No such thing was ever said in our 
towns." Then Thomas King, in behalf of the Oneidas, Cayugas, 
Tuscaroras, Nanticokes, and Conoys, said: "I now tell you we, 
none of us, know who has made Teedyuscung such a great man. 
Perhaps the French have, or perhaps you have, or some among you, 
as you have different governments and are different people. We 
for our parts entirely disown that he has any authority over us, 
and we desire to know from whence he derives his authority." 

364 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Under this concerted attack upon his kingly pretensions, 
Teedyuscung sat like a stoic, never saying a word in reply, and his 
features betraying no signs of emotion. 

The following day, October 16th, after Conrad Weiser had 
time to advise Governor Denny and Governor Bernard as to the 
proper reply to make to these speeches of the Iroquois deputies, 
Governor Denny advised them that he had never made Teedyus- 
cung a great chief. He further told the deputies that, at the former 
Easton conferences, Teedyuscung had spoken of the Iroquois as 
his uncles and superiors; and Governor Bernard also denied mak- 
ing Teedyuscung a great chief, or king. Thus, the skillful guidance 
of Conrad Weiser, in delaying the outburst of Iroquois anger and 
in framing the proper speeches for the Governors, smoothed matters 
over, and prevented the cause of peace from suffering a serious 

After the apologies of Governor Denny and Governor Ber- 
nard, Teedyuscung arose to speak on his land claims. Said he: 

"1 did let you know formerly what my grievance was. I told 
you that from Tohiccon, as far as the Delawares owned, the Pro- 
prietaries had wronged me. Then you and I agreed that it should 
be laid before the King of England, and likewise you told me you 
would let me know as soon as ever he saw it. You would lay the 
matter before the King, for you said he was our Father, that he 
might see what was our differences; for as you and I could not 
decide it, let him do it. Now let us not alter what you and I have 
agreed. Now, let me know if King George has decided the matter 
between you and me. I don't pretend to mention any of my uncles' 
[Iroquois'] lands. I only mention what we, the Delawares, own, 
as far as the heads of Delaware. All the lands lying on the waters 
that fall into the Susquehanna belong to our uncles." 

lie then took another belt and turned to address the 
Iroquois, but these proud sachems had, during his speech to 
Governors Denny and Bernard, noiselessly left the room. Teedy- 
uscung then declined to speak further. The next day, October 
17th, the Indians spent in private conferences. On October 18th, 
after Governor Denny had had a private interview with the Six 
Nations, Teedyuscung came to his headquarters, stating that the 
Delawares did not claim the land high up on the Delaware, as those 
belonged to their uncles, the Iroquois, but that the land which he 
did specifically complain about, was included in the Walking Pur- 
chase. Governor Denny avoided giving Teedyuscung a direct 
reply until he would lay the land dispute before the Six Nations' 

Teedyuscung 365 

He then explained to the deputies that Pennsylvania had 
bought land from them which the Delawares claimed, advising that 
this was a matter which should be settled among themselves. The 
Six Nations replied that they did not understand the Governor. 
They said that he had left matters in the dark; that they did not 
know what lands he meant; that if he meant the lands on the other 
side of the Blue Mountains, he knew that the Proprietaries had a 
deed for them (the Purchase of 1749), which ought to be produced 
and shown to them; that their deeds had their marks, and when 
they should see them, they would know their marks again. Conrad 
Weiser then brought the deed. The Iroquois examined it and 
said: "The land was ours and we can justify it." 

Teedyuscung said no more at the Easton conference concern- 
ing the Walking Purchase, but he charged the Six Nations with 
selling his land at Wyoming to the Connecticut interests at the 
Albany treaty of 1754. In fact, one of the conditions upon which 
he was willing to make peace was that he and his Delawares be 
settled at Wyoming, and that a deed be given to them for these 
lands. Addressing the Iroquois deputies, he said: 

"Uncles, you may remember that you placed us at Wyoming 
and Shamokin, places where Indians have lived before. Now, I 
hear since that you have sold that land to our brethren, the 
English, [meaning the Connecticut commissioners]. Let the 
matter now be cleared up in the presence of our brothers, the 
English. I sit here as a bird on a bough. I look about and do not 
know where to go. Let me therefore come down upon the ground 
and make that my own by a good deed, and I shall then have a 
home forever; for if you, my uncles, or I, die, our brethren, the 
English, will say they bought it from you, and so wrong my pos- 
terity out of it." 

The Grand Council ended on October 26th. Peace was 
secured, and through the efforts of Post, the Ohio Indians had been 
drawn away from the French. Thus the good work inaugurated 
by Canachquasy and furthered by Teedyuscung reached a happy 

The Murder of Dr. John and Family 

In February, 1760, a friendly Delaware, named Doctor John, 
his wife, and two children were massacred near Carlisle. Captain 
Callender, a member of the inquest, was summoned by the Assem- 
bly, and after interrogating him, the Governor offered a reward of 

366 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

one hundred pounds for the apprehension of each person connected 
with the murder. Great excitement prevailed throughout the 
Province, on account of the assassination of these friendly Indians; 
for it was feared that the recently pacified Shawnees and Delawares 
would retaliate by attacking the settlements on the frontiers. A 
letter was sent to Christian Frederick Post, the Moravian mission- 
ary, desiring him "forthwith to make Teedyuscung and the Indians 
at Wyoming acquainted with these murders and the issuing of the 
proclamation, and to assure him that no pains would be spared to 
discover and punish the authors." Similar messages were sent to 
the Delawares and Shawnees in the valleys of the Ohio and Alle- 

Teedyuscung Makes Journey to Western Indians 

Christian Frederick Post and John Hays, under instructions 
from Governor Hamilton, left Easton in May, 1760, for the pur- 
pose of making a journey with Teedyuscung up the North Branch 
of the Susquehanna, thence across to the headwaters of the Alle- 
gheny, and thence down this stream to "some principal Indian 
town over the Ohio", where a great Indian council was to be held. 
Teedyuscung joined Post and Hays at Wyoming, and the party 
then went up the Susquehanna as far as Pasigachkunk, on 
Cowanesque Creek, in Tioga County, where they were stopped by 
Senecas, and the white men were forced to turn back; "for," said 
Hays, "there was an old agreement that no white man should pass 
through their country for fear of spies to see their land." How- 
ever, Teedyuscung and a few Indian companions, among whom 
was his son, Amos, kept on, and attended the great council of the 
western tribes in Ohio. 

On September 15th, Teedyuscung appeared before Governor 
Hamilton and the Provincial Council, and related to them the re- 
sults of his western mission as follows: 

"You may remember that I often promised you to give the 
halloo through all the Indian nations. I have been a long way 
back, a great way indeed, beyond the Allegheny, among my friends 
there. When I got as far as the Salt Lick Town towards the head 
of Beaver Creek [River], I stopped there and sent messengers to 
the chiefs of all the Indians in those parts, desiring them to come 
and hold council. It took three weeks to collect them together; and 
then, having a large number gathered together, I communicated to 
them all that had passed between me and this government for four 

Teedyuscung 367 

years past, at which they were glad and declared that this was the 
first time they had a right understanding of these transactions. 
They said they had heard now and then that we were sitting to- 
gether about peace, but they were not acquainted till now with the 
particulars of our several conferences. I concealed nothing from 
them, and when they had heard all, they were right glad. It gave 
joy to their very hearts. This is all I have to say at this time. 
Tomaquior [Tamaque], the Beaver King (who is the head man of 
the Delawares at the Ohio), did not give me anything in charge to 
say to the Governor. We were all present at the great council held 
at Pittsburgh, and heard him [King Beaver] tell the General that 
he would go to Philadelphia in the summer, and hold a council 
with this government, in compliance with the several invitations 
that he had received from it. I told Tamaque that Pittsburgh was 
no place to hold council as the old fire was there; that Pittsburgh 
was only a place for warriors to speak in, and that he should do no 
council business at Pittsburgh. And accordingly Tamaque told 
the General that he would not say anything to him, but say it at 
the place where their grandfathers were always used to hold coun- 
cil with the English." 

The council referred to by Teedyuscung as being held at 
Pittsburgh, was the great conference held at Fort Pitt, by General 
Monckton, with the western tribes on August 12, 1760. The pur- 
pose of this conference was to assure the Western Delawares, Shaw- 
nees, and other tribes that the English had no design of taking 
their lands. Reference was made to this conference in Chapter 

In 1761, Teedyuscung wished to leave Wyoming, inasmuch he 
despaired of securing a title to that region, for his people. For- 
tunately the Governor was able to persuade him not to do such a 
rash act, and he continued then to reside at Wyoming until the 
end of his days. 

Teedyuscung is Paid for Withdrawing Charge of Fraud 

On April 26, 1762, Teedyuscung attended a conference with 
Governor Hamilton at Philadelphia, in which he was told that, if 
he would withdraw his charges against the Proprietors of fraud in 
the Walking Purchase, he would be given four hundred pounds. 
Teedyuscung replied that he "never did charge the Proprietors 
with fraud, but had only said that the French had informed them 
that the English had cheated them out of their land, that his 

36S The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

young men desired him to mention it at the treaty of Easton, and 
that he did it to please them, and was sorry it had reached their 
hearts." Governor Hamilton then told him that, if he would 
acknowledge this in public, he would make him a present, not on 
account of the lands, which had been bought and paid for, but on 
account of the chief's needy circumstances. Then, when Teedyus- 
cung made his public acknowledgment, the Governor made him the 
present of four hundred pounds. 

Reference was made, in Chapter XIX, to the fact that a great 
conference was held at Lancaster beginning August 12, 1762, be- 
tween the Provincial Authorities and Shingas, King Beaver, and 
other western chiefs whom Christian Frederick Post had brought 
from the Muskingum, Tuscarawas, and the Ohio. King Beaver, 
who was at the head of the Western Indians at this conference, was 
advised "that about six years ago your brother, Teedyuscung, made 
a complaint to the Proprietaries wherein he charged them of de- 
frauding the Delawares of a tract of land lying on the River 
Delaware, between Tohiccon Creek and the Kittatiny Hills. He 
alleged that this complaint was not made by him on his own 
account, but on behalf of the owners of the lands, many of whom 
he said lived on Allegheny. This dispute, brethren, was by mutual 
consent, referred to our great King George, who ordered Sir 
William Johnson to inquire fully into the matter, and make his 
report to him, that justice might be done you, if you had been 
wronged. Accordingly, Sir William Johnson, about two months 
ago (June, 1762), came to Easton, whereupon the Proprietaries' 
commissioners producing and reading sundry writings and papers, 
Teedyuscung was convinced of his error, and acknowledged that 
he had been mistaken with regard to the charge of forgery made 
against the Proprietaries, having been misinformed by his ances- 
tors, and desired that all future disputes about land should be 
buried under ground, and never heard of more, offering that such 
of the Indians as were then present should sign a release for the 
land in question, and that he would endeavour to persuade the rest 
of his brethren who were concerned to do the same at this treaty at 
Lancaster. Now, brethren of Allegheny, as we are face to face, be 
plain and tell whether you are satisfied with and approve of what 
was done at the last treaty of Easton, and whether you lay any 
claims to those lands, that there may be no room left for any future 
dispute about it among our children." 

To this King Beaver replied: "As to my own part, I know 
nothing about the lands upon the River Delaware, but since you 

Teedyuscung 369 

request it I will first speak to my own people about it." Then 
King Beaver, having consulted with his counsellors, further 
replied: "1 must acknowledge I know nothing about lands upon 
the Delaware, and I have no concern with lands upon that river. 
We know nothing of the Delawares' claim to them. I have no 
claim myself nor any of my people. I suppose there may be some 
spots or pieces of land in some part of the Province that the Dela- 
wares claim, but neither I nor any of my people know anything of 
them. As to what you and our brother, Teedyuscung, have done, 
if you are both pleased, I am pleased with it. As to my part, 1 
want to say nothing about land affairs. What I have at heart and 
what 1 came down about, is to confirm our friendship and make a 
lasting peace, so that our children and grandchildren may live 
together in everlasting peace after we are dead." 

Teedyuscung and the Eastern Delawares then conferred to- 
gether, but what was said by them was not made known. The old 
chief then addressed Governor Hamilton as follows: "Before all 
these Allegheny Indians here present, 1 do now assure you that 1 
am ready and willing to sign a release to all the lands we have been 
disputing about, as 1 told you I would at Easton and desire no 
more may be ever said or heard of them hereafter." 

Then Teedyuscung was given another present, being two hun- 
dred Spanish dollars, and the value of two hundred pounds in 
goods, — the last chapter in the history of the charge of fraud, made 
by this able Delaware chief to the embarrassment of the Colonial 

Teedyuscung was now approaching the end of his earthly career. 
He was really a great man. It was but natural that he should, for 
a time, have taken up arms against the Province which, by unfair 
means, it must be admitted, had gotten possession of the hunting 
grounds of his ancestors. In appraising his conduct, all honor 
must be given him for his untiring labors in behalf of peace. 
Indeed, the prominence that was his, in these labors, caused him 
to be the object of the hatred of the Mohawks, who could not brook 
the fact that one so much beneath them, a Delaware, should occupy 
such an exalted position. This hatred led to Teedyuscung's death. 

But this grave and dignified chieftain had a sense of humor. 
There is a tradition that, on one occasion, he met, at Stroudsburg, 
a blacksmith, named McNabb, a worthless fellow, who thus ad- 
dressed the great Delaware: "Well, cousin, how do you do?" 
"Cousin, cousin", said Teedyuscung, "how do you make that out?" 

370 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

"Oh, we are all cousins from Adam," said McNabb. "Ah," said 
Teedyuscung, "then I am glad it is no nearer." 

Death of Teedyuscung 

This great leader of the Eastern Delawares, the last of their 
great chiefs, was burned to death on the night of April 16, 1763, as 
he lay in a drunken debauch on a couch in his house at Wyoming, 
which was set on fire by some of his Indian enemies, either Senecas 
or Mohawks. A monument has been erected to this noted chief, 
in Fairmont Park, Philadelphia, which represents him, bow and 
spear in hand, a plume of eagle feathers on his brow, as stepping 
forth on his journey towards the setting sun. 



UYASUTA (Kiasutha) has generally been called a Seneca 
chief, but he was probably of the mongrel Iroquois known 
as the Mingoes, who inhabited the Allegheny Valley and 
region to the westward. We have already met him as 
one of the chiefs who accompanied George Washington from Logs- 
town to Fort LeBouef, when the latter went to that place in Novem- 
ber, 1753, carrying the protest of Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia 
to St. Pierre, the commandant of the French forts. He is referred 
to in Washington's journal of this trip as the Hunter. 

Long years afterward, Washington met Guyasuta near the 
mouth of the Muskingum, when, in October, 1770, accompanied 
by his friend, neighbor, and former companion in arms, Dr. Craik, 
and William Crawford, he journeyed down the Ohio Valley to 
examine the lands apportioned among the Virginia soldiers. 
Guyasuta was at his hunting camp when Washington met him. 
Seventeen years had matured the young ambassador to thoughtful 
manhood; yet Guyasuta held a perfect recollection of him. With 
a hunter's hospitality, he gave Washington, Dr. Craik, and Craw- 
ford a quarter of a buffalo, just killed. He insisted that they 
should encamp together for the night, and not wishing to detain 
Washington, he moved his hunting party to another camp some 
miles down the Ohio. Here the great Virginian and Guyasuta 
held long talks around the council-fire that night. During the 
intervening years, Guyasuta had fought against the English, in the 
French and Indian War, had helped Pontiac form his great con- 
spiracy, in 1763, and was one of the most vindictive in carrying it 
into terrible and bloody execution upon the English forts and 
settlements; while Washington, in both these conflicts, was one of 
the powerful leaders on the side of the English. We cannot but 
wonder what were the subjects of conversation of Washington and 
Guyasuta around that council-fire. 

Guyasuta Goes Over to the French 

Guyasuta was one of the western chiefs, who went over to the 
French shortly after Braddock's defeat. At the head of a party 

372 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

of twenty Senecas, he visited Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor of 
Canada, at Montreal, Joncaire accompanying him as interpreter, 
where they were received with much ceremony, so pleasing to the 
Indians. Guyasuta, as the chief and orator of the Seneca delega- 
tion, addressed the Governor on this occasion. He and his warriors 
remained near Montreal during the winter, it being too late in the 
year to make the journey back to the Ohio. 

Grant's Defeat 

The most important service Guyasuta rendered the French 
during the French and Indian War was leading the Indians in the 
attack on Major James Grant, where the Allegheny County Court 
House, in the city of Pittsburgh, now stands, on September 14, 
1758. When Forbes' army was advancing on Fort Duquesne in 
the autumn of this year, and the advance, under Colonel Bouquet, 
had reached the Loyalhanna and Ligonier, Westmoreland County, 
Major Grant, with a force of thirty-seven officers and eight hun- 
dred and five privates, was sent by Bouquet to reconnoiter the fort 
and adjacent country. Grant's instructions were not to approach 
too near the fort and not to attack it. The wilderness between 
Ligonier and Fort Duquesne was filled with Indians constantly 
watching the movements of Grant's little army; yet he succeeded in 
coming within sight of the fort without being discovered. Late at 
night he drew up his troops on the brow of the fatal hill in the city 
of Pittsburgh, which still bears his name, about a quarter of a mile 
from the fort. 

Not having met with either French or Indians on the march, 
and believing from the stillness of the enemy's quarters that the 
forces in the fort were small, Grant at once determind to make an 
attack. Accordingly, two officers and fifty men were directed to 
approach the fort and fall upon the French and Indians that might 
be outside. They saw none and were not challenged by the senti- 
nels; and as they returned, they set fire to a large storehouse, but 
the fire was extinguished. At the break of day, September 14th, 
Grant sent Major Lewis with two hundred regulars and Virginia 
volunteers to take a position about a half mile back, and lie in 
ambush where they had left their baggage. Four hundred men 
were posted along the hill facing the fort, while Captain Mc- 
Donald's company, with drums beating and bagpipes playing, 
marched toward the fort in order to draw out the garrison. The 
music of the drums and bagpipes aroused the garrison from their 

Guyasuta 373 

slumber, and both the French and Indians sallied out in great 
numbers, the latter led by Guyasuta. 

The French and Indians separated into three divisions. The 
first two were sent under the cover of the banks of the Mononga- 
hela and Allegheny to surround the main body of Grant's troops, 
while the third was delayed awhile to give the others time, and 
then lined up before the fort as if exhibiting the whole strength of 
the garrison. This plan worked admirably. Captain McDonald 
was obliged to fall back on the main body, and at the same time, 
Grant found himself flanked by the detachments on both sides. 
A desperate struggle ensued. The highlanders, exposed to the 
enemy's fire without cover, fell in great numbers. The provin- 
cials, concealing themselves among the trees, made a good defense 
for a while, but not being supported and being overpowered by 
numbers, were compelled to fall back. The result was that Grant's 
forces were overwhelmingly and ingloriously defeated. Many of 
his brave troops were driven into the Allegheny River and drown- 
ed. The total loss was two hundred and seventy killed, forty-two 
wounded, and several taken prisoners. Among the latter was 
Major Grant himself. 

Grant's expedition was a monstrous blunder. General Forbes, 
with the main body of the army was as far in the rear as Bedford, 
and neither he nor Colonel Bouquet had any definite knowledge of 
the strength of the French and Indians at Fort Duquesne. In view 
of these facts, it seems strange, indeed, that Colonel Bouquet per- 
mitted Grant to advance into a death trap. Grant himself showed 
utter lack of judgment in playing the bagpipes and beating the 
drums at daylight, which had only the effect of telling the enemy of 
his advance. Neither the French nor the Indians knew of Grant's 
presence until the music broke the stillness of the autumn morning. 
How Grant's conduct impressed the Indians was expressed by one 
of their chiefs in a conversation with James Smith, at that time a 
captive among them. This chief told Smith that the Indians be- 
lieved that Grant "had made too free with spiritous liquors during 
the night, and had become intoxicated about daylight." 

French and Indians Attack the Camp on the Loyalhanna 

Emboldened by the defeat of Major Grant, Captain 
DeLignery, then commander of Fort Duquesne, sent about one 
thousand French and two hundred Indians, the latter most likely 
led by Guyasuta, against the English camp on the Loyalhanna, at 

374 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Ligonier, hoping to compel them to retreat as did Dunbar after the 
defeat of Braddock. They attacked the camp on October 12th, 
but were repulsed by Colonel James Burd, who was then in com- 
mand of the camp, the English loss being twelve killed, eighteen 
wounded, and thirty-one missing. Colonel Bouquet was not at 
the camp at the time of the engagement, being at Stony Creek with 
seven hundred men and a detachment of artillery. 

Before Forbes' army left Ligonier, a thrilling event in the life 
of George Washington took place. He was a colonel in the army, 
and, on November 12th, was out with a scouting party which 
attacked a number of the enemy about three miles from the camp, 
killing one and taking three pisoners, an Indian man and woman, 
and an Englishman, named Johnson, who had been captured by 
the Indians several years before, in Lancaster County. Captain 
Mercer, hearing the firing, was sent with a party of Virginians to 
the assistance of Washington. The two parties approaching each 
other in the dusk of the evening, each mistook the other for the 
enemy, and fired upon each other, killing several Virginians and 
wounding about a dozen others. Washington, upon recognizing 
the terrible mistake, rushed between the two parties, and knocked 
up the presented muskets with his sword. 

Washington's skirmish, on November 12th, was the last clash 
of arms between the French and Indians on the one side and the 
English on the other, in the Ohio Valley during the French and 
Indian War. It will be remembered that Washington was a lead- 
ing figure in the opening conflict in this war, the attack on Jumon- 
ville, May 28th, 1754. 

The Englishman, Johnson, gave Forbes the information rela- 
tive to the conditions at Fort Duquesne that caused the General 
to decide to press forward against the fort at once, instead of going 
into winter quarters on the Loyalhanna. His army accordingly 
left the Loyalhanna on November 17th, finding the way to the fort 
strewed with the bodies of Major Grant's soldiers who had died on 
the retreat. On the 24th, the French set fire to Fort Duquesne and 
fled, and on the 25th, Forbes, army took possession of its smoulder- 
ing ruins. Says Bancroft: "As the banners of England floated 
over the waters, the place, at the suggestion of Forbes, was with 
one voice called Pittsburg(h). It is the most enduring monument 
to William Pitt. America raised to his name statues that have 
been wrongfully broken, and granite piles of which not one stone 
remains upon another; but, long as the Monongahela and the 
Allegheny shall flow to form the Ohio, long as the English tongue 

Guyasuta 375 

shall be the language of freedom in the boundless valley which 
their waters traverse, his name shall stand inscribed on the gate- 
way of the West." 

Forbes' troops found many of the dead of Grant's defeat 
within a quarter of a mile of the fort. They also found a number 
of stakes driven into the ground on which were stuck the heads and 
kilts of the Highlanders, captured on that fateful September 
morning. Detachments then buried Grant's dead and the bones of 
those who were slain at Braddock's defeat over three years before. 

Guyasuta at Council of July, 1759 

Guyasuta's next act of importance was to attend the council 
held at Fort Pitt, July 5, 1759, mentioned in Chapters XIX, XX, 
and XXII, between George Croghan, Colonel Hugh Mercer, 
Captain William Trent, and Captain Thomas McKee, on the one 
hand, and the representatives of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shaw- 
nees, and Wyandots, on the other, at which the terms of the 
Easton treaty of October, 1758, were confirmed, and the Western 
Indians promised to surrender the prisoners taken in the French 
and Indian War. 

Guyasuta in Pontiac's War 

The fall of Quebec, in the autumn of 1759, practically ended 
the French and Indian War. Then the English came to take pos- 
session of the surrendered French forts. The Indians soon found 
that their new masters had a very different attitude towards them 
than had the French. While the French had lavished presents 
upon them, the English now doled out blankets, ammunition, and 
guns with a sparing hand. The proud-spirited western tribes were 
exasperated at the patronizing air of the English, and their indig- 
nation was encouraged by the Frenchmen among them. 

A few years of discontent, and then Pontiac, the great chief of 
the Ottawas, formed a conspiracy, bold in its design and masterful 
in its execution, to drive the English into the sea. In this plan 
and in its execution, he was ably assisted by Guyasuta. The Dela- 
wares, Shawnees, and, in fact almost all the tribes of the great 
Algonquin family, and one tribe of the Six Nations, the Senecas, 
joined in this uprising, known as Pontiac's Conspiracy, also as the 
Pontiac and Guyasuta War. 

In carrying the Pontiac and Guyasuta Conspiracy into execu- 
tion, these chiefs were ably assisted by Custaloga or Kustaloga, a 

37o The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

chief of the Munsee or Wolf Clan of Delawares. Custaloga was 
living at Venango when John Frazer, the English trader, was 
driven from that place by the French late in the summer of 1753, 
and when Washington stopped there in November of that year on 
his way to St. Pierre, at Fort LeBoueff. However, Custaloga's 
principal seat was Custaloga's Town, located about twelve miles 
above the mouth of French Creek and near the mouth of Deer 
Creek, in French Creek Township, Mercer County. He also ruled 
over the Delawares at the town of Cussewago, or Cassewago, on 
the site of the present town of Meadville, the county seat of Craw- 
ford County. He was one of the chiefs with whom Colonel 
Bouquet dealt when he made his expedition to the Muskingum in 
the autumn of 1764. His successor was Captain Pipe of the Wolf 
Clan of Delawares. 

In May, 1763, the dogs of war were once more let loose on the 
English forts and settlements. Almost every fort along the Great 
Lakes and the Ohio was instantly attacked. Those that did not 
fall under the first onslaught were resolutely besieged. On June 
15th, Fort Presqu' Isle (Erie), commanded by Ensign Price, was 
attacked, and all of the garrison who were not killed, were taken 
to Detroit, except Benjamin Gray, who escaped to Fort Pitt and 
gave the news. On June 18th, Fort LeBouef (Waterford, Erie 
County) was captured; and at about the same time, Fort Venango 
Franklin, commanded by Lieutenant Gordon, was burned and the 
entire garrison put to death. Lieutenant Gordon was tortured 
over a slow fire for several successive nights. 

Fort Pitt was attacked on June 22nd, and later the siege of 
the place was commenced. On the 26th of July a party of Indians 
approached the gate, displaying a flag of truce, among whom were 
Shingas and Turtle Heart. They were admitted, and Captain 
Simeon Ecuyer, the commandant, held a parley with them. The 
Indian delegation complained that the English were the cause of 
the war, saying that they had marched their armies into the country 
and built forts against the repeated protests of the Indians. Said 
the Indian speaker: "My brothers, this land is ours, and not 
yours." Captain Ecuyer refused to leave the place, and told the 
Indians if they would not abandon the siege, he would "throw 
bomb shells, which will burst and blow you to atoms, and fire 
cannon among you loaded with a whole bag full of bullets." 

Says Parkman : "Disappointed of gaining a bloodless pos- 
session of the fort, the Indians now, for the first time, began a 
general attack. On the night succeeding the conference, they 

Author's note on second paragraph, page 376 
Inadvertantly it was stated in above paragraph that Ensign Price was 
in command of Fort Prequ' Isle. He was in command of Fort LeBeouf, 
and Ensign Christie was in command at Fort Presqu' Isle. 

Guyasuta 377 

approached in great multitudes, under cover of the darkness and 
completely surrounded it; many of them crawling beneath the 
banks of the two rivers, which ran close to the rampart, and, with 
incredible perseverance, digging, with their knives, holes in which 
they were completely sheltered from the fire of the fort. On one 
side, the whole bank was lined with these burrows, from each of 
which a bullet or an arrow was shot out whenever a soldier chanced 
to expose his head. At daybreak, a general fire was opened from 
every side, and continued without intermission until night, and 
through several succeeding days. Meanwhile, the women and 
children were pent up in the crowded barracks, terror-stricken at 
the horrible din of the assailants, and watching the fire-arrows as 
they came sailing over the parapet, and lodging against the roofs 
and sides of the buildings. In every instance, the fire they kindled 
was exringuished. One of the garrison was killed, and seven 
wounded. Among the latter was Captain Ecuyer, who, freely 
exposing himself, received an arrow in the leg. At length, an 
event hereafter to be described put an end to the attack, and drew 
off the assailants from the neighborhood of the fort, to the un- 
speakable relief of the harassed soldiers, exhausted as they were by 
several days of unintermitted vigilance." 

Fort Bedford, commanded by Captain Wendell Ourry (Uhrig) 
was also attacked as was Fort Ligonier, commanded by Lieutenant 
Archibald Blane. Indeed, terror reigned on the whole Pennsyl- 
vania frontier. From many fertile valleys rose the smoke of 
burning settlements. The mutilated bodies of slain settlers were 
torn and devoured by hogs and wild beasts. Hundreds of families 
fled over the mountains to the extreme eastern settlements. 

Battle of Bushy Run 

Then Colonel Bouquet was sent with an army to the relief of 
Fort Pitt, composed of five hundred regulars, lately returned from 
the West Indies, and two hundred rangers from Lancaster and 
Cumberland Counties. On his way to Fort Pitt, Bouquet fought 
the terrible battle of Bushy Run, about a mile east of Harrison 
City, Westmoreland County, August 5th and 6th, 1763. Inasmuch 
as it is almost a certainty that Guyasuta commanded the Indians 
at this bitterly contested engagement, we give the following descrip- 
tion of Bouquet's advance and of the battle, from the classic pen 
of Francis Parkman, the great authority on Pontiac's Conspiracy: 

"Orders were therefore sent to Colonel Bouquet, who com- 

378 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

manded at Philadelphia, to assemble as large a force as possible, 
and cross the Alleghenies with a convoy of provision and ammuni- 
tion. With every effort, no more than five hundred men could be 
collected for this service. They consisted chiefly of Highlanders 
of the 42nd Regiment, which had suffered less than most of the 
other corps, from West Indian exposure. Having sent agents to 
the frontier to collect horses, wagons, and supplies, Bouquet soon 
after followed with the troops, and reached Carlisle about the first 
of July. He found the whole country in a panic. Every building 
in the fort, every house, barn, and hovel in the little town, was 
crowded with the families of settlers, driven from their homes by 
the terror of the Indian tomahawk. None of the enemy, however, 
had yet appeared in the neighborhood, and the people flattered 
themselves that their ravages would be confined to the other side 
of the mountains. Whoever ventured to predict the contrary 
drew upon himself the indignation of the whole community. 

"On Sunday, the third of July, an incident occurred which re- 
doubled the alarm. A soldier, riding express from Fort Pitt, 
galloped into the town, and alighted to water his horse at the well 
in the centre of the place. A crowd of countrymen were instantly 
about him, eager to hear the news. 'Presqu'lsle, Le Boeuf, and 
Venango are taken, and the Indians will be here soon.' Such was 
the substance of the man's reply, as, remounting in haste, he rode 
on to make his report at the camp of Bouquet. All was now con- 
sternation and excitement. Messengers hastened out to spread the 
tidings, and every road and pathway leading into Carlisle was beset 
with the flying settlers, flocking thither for refuge. Soon rumors 
were heard that the Indians were come. Some of the fugitives had 
seen the smoke of burning houses rising from the valleys, and these 
reports were fearfully confirmed by the appearance of miserable 
wretches, who half frantic with grief and dismay, had fled from 
the sight of blazing dwellings and slaughtered families. A party 
of the inhabitants armed themselves and went out, to warn the 
living and bury the dead. Reaching Shearman's Valley, they 
found fields laid waste, stacked wheat on fire, and the houses yet 
in flames, and they grew sick with horror, at seeing a group of 
hogs tearing and devouring the bodies of the dead. As they ad- 
vanced up the valley, everything betokened the recent presence of 
the enemy, while columns of smoke, rising among the surrounding 
mountains, showed how general was the work of destruction. 

"On the previous day, six men, assembled for reaping the 
harvest, had been seated at dinner at the house of Campbell, a 

Guyasuta 379 

settler on the Juniata. Four or five Indians suddenly burst the 
door, fired among them, and then beat down the survivors with the 
butts of their rifles. One young man leaped from his seat, snatch- 
ed a gun which stood in a corner, discharged it into the breast of 
the warrior who was rushing upon him, and, leaping through an 
open window, made his escape. He fled through the forest to a 
settlement at some distance, where he related his story. Upon 
this, twelve young men volunteered to cross the mountain, and 
warn the inhabitants of the neighboring Tuscarora Valley. On 
entering it, they found that the enemy had been there before them. 
Some of the houses were on fire, while others were still standing, 
with no tenants but the dead. Under the shed of a farmer, the 
Indians had been feasting on the flesh of the cattle they had killed, 
and the meat had not yet grown cold. Pursuing their course, the 
white men found the spot where several detached parties of the 
enemy had united almost immediately before, and they boldly 
resolved to follow, in order to ascertain what direction the maraud- 
ers had taken. The trail led them up a deep and woody pass of 
the Tuscarora. Here the yell of the war-whoop and the din of 
firearms suddenly greeted them, and five of their number were 
shot down. Thirty warriors rose from their ambuscade, and 
rushed upon them. They gave one discharge, scattered, and ran 
for their lives. One of them, a boy named Charles Eliot, as he 
fled, plunging through the thickets, heard an Indian tearing the 
boughs behind him, in furious pursuit. He seized his powder- 
horn, poured the contents at random down the muzzle of his gun, 
threw in a bullet after them, without using the ramrod, and, 
wheeling about, discharged the piece into the breast of his pursuer. 
He saw the Indian shrink back and roll over into the bushes. He 
continued his flight; but a moment after, a voice earnestly called 
his name. Turning to the spot, he saw one of his comrades 
stretched helpless upon the ground. This man had been mortally 
wounded at the first fire, but had fled a few rods from the scene of 
blood, before his strength gave out. Eliot approached him. 
'Take my gun,' said the dying frontiersman. 'Whenever you see 
an Indian, kill him with it, and then I shall be satisfied.' Eliot, 
with several others of the party, escaped, and finally reached 
Carlisle, where his story excited a spirit of uncontrollable wrath 
and vengeance among the fierce backwoodsmen. Several parties 
went out, and one of them, commanded by the sheriff of the place, 
encountered a band of Indians, routed them after a sharp fight, and 
brought in several scalps. 

380 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

"The surrounding country was by this time completely 
abandoned by the settlers, many of whom, not content with seek- 
ing refuge at Carlisle, continued their flight to the eastward, and 
headed by the clergyman of that place, pushed on to Lancaster, 
and even to Philadelphia. Carlisle presented a most deplorable 
spectacle. A multitude of the refugees, unable to find shelter in 
the town, had encamped in the woods or on the adjacent fields, 
erecting huts of branches and bark, and living on such charity as 
the slender means of the townspeople could supply. Passing 
among them, one would have witnessed every form of human 
misery. In these wretched encampments were men, women, and 
children, bereft at one stroke of friends, of home, and the means 
of supporting life. Some stood aghast and bewildered at the sud- 
den and fatal blow; others were sunk in the apathy of despair; 
others were weeping and moaning with irrepressible anguish. 
With not a few, the craven passion of fear drowned all other 
emotion, and day and night they were haunted with visions of the 
bloody knife and the reeking scalp; while in others, every faculty 
was absorbed by the burning thirst for vengeance, and mortal 
hatred against the whole Indian race. 

"The route of the army lay along the beautiful Cumberland 
Valley. Passing here and there a few scattered cabins, deserted 
or burnt to the ground, they reached the hamlet of Shippensburg, 
somewhat more than twenty miles from their point of departure. 
Here, as at Carlisle, was congregated a starving multitude, who 
had fled from the knife and the tomahawk. 

"By the last advices from the westward, it appeared that Fort 
Ligonier, situated beyond the Alleghenies, was in imminent 
danger of falling into the enemy's hands before the army could 
come up; for its defences were slight, its garrison was feeble, and 
the Indians had assailed it with repeated attacks. The magazine 
which the place contained made it of such importance that 
Bouquet resolved at all hazards to send a party to its relief. 
Thirty of the best men were accordingly chosen, and ordered to 
push forward with the utmost speed, by unfrequented routes 
through the forests and over the mountains, carefully avoiding the 
road, which would doubtless be infested by the enemy. The party 
set out on their critical errand, guided by frontier hunters, and 
observing a strict silence. Using every precaution, and advancing 
by forced marches, day after day, they came in sight of the fort 
without being discovered. It was beset by Indians, and, as the 
party made for the gate, they were seen and fired upon; but they 


threw themselves into the place without the loss of a man, and 
Ligonier was for the time secure. 

"In the meantime, the army, advancing with slower progress, 
entered a country where as yet scarcely an English settler had 
built his cabin. Reaching Fort Loudon, on the declivities of Cove 
Mountain, they ascended the wood-encumbered defiles beyond. 
Far on their right stretched the green ridges of the Tuscarora, 
while, in front, mountain beyond mountain rose high against the 
horizon. Climbing heights and descending into valleys, passing 
the two solitary posts of Littleton and the Juniata, both abandoned 
by their garrisons, they came in sight of Fort Bedford, hemmed in 
by encircling mountains. Their arrival gave infinite relief to the 
garrison, who had long been beleaguered and endangered by a 
swarm of Indians, while many of the settlers in the neighborhood 
had been killed, and the rest driven for refuge into the fort. 
Captain Ourry, the commanding officer, reported that, for several 
weeks, nothing had been heard from the westward, every messen- 
ger having been killed, and the communication completely cut off. 
By the last intelligence, Fort Pitt had been surrounded by Indians, 
and daily threatened with a general attack. 

"Having remained encamped, for three days, on the fields nea; 
the fort, Bouquet resumed his march on the twenty-eighth of July, 
and soon passed beyond the farthest verge of civilized habitation. 
The whole country lay buried in foliage. Except the rocks which 
crowned the mountains, and the streams which rippled along the 
valleys, the unbroken forest, like a vast garment, invested the 
whole. The road was channelled through its depths, while, on 
each side, the brown trunks and tangled undergrowth formed a 
wall so dense as almost to bar the sight. Through a country thus 
formed by nature for ambuscades, not a step was free from danger, 
and no precaution was neglected to guard against surprise. In 
advance of the marching column moved the provincial rangers, 
closely followed by the pioneers. The wagons and cattle were in 
the centre, guarded in front, flank, and rear by the regulars, while 
a rear-guard of rangers closed the line of march. Keen-eyed rifle- 
men of the frontier, acting as scouts, scoured the woods far in front 
and on either flank, so that surprise was impossible. In this order 
the little army toiled heavily on, over a road beset with all the 
obstructions of the forest, until the main ridge of the Alleganies, 
like a mighty wall of green, rose up before them, and they began 
their zigzag progress up the woody heights, amid the sweltering 
heat of July. The tongues of the panting oxen hung lolling from 

382 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

their jaws, while the pine trees, scorching in the hot sun, diffused 
their resinous odors through the sultry air. At length, from the 
windy summit the Highland soldiers could gaze around upon a 
boundless panorama of forest-covered mountains, wild as their own 
native hills. Descending from the Alleganies, they entered upon a 
country less rugged and formidable in itself, but beset with con- 
stantly increasing dangers. On the second of August, they reached 
Fort Ligonier, about fifty miles from Bedford, and a hundred and 
fifty from Carlisle. The Indians who were about the place van- 
ished at their approach; but the garrison could furnish no intelli- 
gence of the motions and designs of the enemy, having been com- 
pletely blockaded for weeks. In this uncertainty, Bouquet resolv- 
ed to leave behind the oxen and wagons, which formed the most 
cumbrous part of the convoy, since this would enable him to 
advance with greater celerity, and oppose a better resistance in case 
of attack. Thus relieved, the army resumed its march on the 
fourth, taking with them three hundred and fifty pack horses and 
a few cattle, and at nightfall encamped at no great distance from 
Ligonier. Within less than a day's march in advance, lay the 
dangerous defiles of Turtle Creek, a stream flowing at the bottom 
of a deep hollow, flanked by steep declivities, along the foot of 
which the road at that time ran for some distance. Fearing that 
the enemy would lie in ambuscade at this place, Bouquet resolved 
to march on the following day as far as a small stream called 
Bushy Run, to rest here until night, and then, by a forced march, 
to cross Turtle Creek under cover of the darkness. 

"On the morning of the fifth, the tents were struck at an early 
hour, and the troops began their march through a country broken 
with hills and deep hollows, everywhere covered with the tall, 
dense forest, which spread for countless leagues around. By one 
o'clock, they had avanced seventeen miles, and the guides assured 
them that they were within half a mile of Bushy Run, their pro- 
posed resting place. The tired soldiers were pressing forward with 
renewed alacrity, when suddenly the report of rifles from the front 
sent a thrill along the ranks; and, as they listened, the firing thick- 
ened into a fierce, sharp rattle, while shouts and whoops, deadened 
by the intervening forest, showed that the advanced guard was 
hotly engaged. The two foremost companies were at once ordered 
forward to support it; but far from abating, the fire grew so rapid 
and furious as to argue the presence of an enemy at once numerous 
and resolute. At this, the convoy was halted, the troops formed 
into line, and a general charee was ordered. Bearing down 

Guyasuta 383 

through the forest with fixed bayonets, they drove the yelping 
assailants before them, and swept the ground clear. But at the 
very moment of success, a fresh burst of whoops and firing was 
heard from either flank, while a confused noise from the rear show- 
ed that the convoy was attacked. It was necessary instantly to 
fall back for its support. Driving off the assailants, the troops 
formed in a circle around the crowded and terrified horses. 
Though they were new to the work, and though the numbers and 
movements of the enemy, whose yelling resounded on every side, 
were concealed by the thick forest, yet no man lost his composure; 
and all displayed a steadiness which nothing but implicit confi- 
dence in their commander could have inspired. And now ensued 
a combat of a nature most harassing and discouraging. Again 
and again, now on this side and now on that, a crowd of Indians 
rushed up, pouring in a heavy fire, and striving, with furious out- 
cries, to break into the circle. A well-dircted volley met them, 
followed by a steady charge of the bayonet. They never waited 
an instant to receive the attack, but, leaping backwards from tree 
to tree, soon vanished from sight, only to renew their attack with 
unabated ferocity in another quarter. Such was their activity 
that very few of them were hurt, while the English, less expert in 
bush fighting, suffered severely. Thus the fight went on, without 
intermission, for seven hours, until the forest grew dark with 
approaching night. Upon this, the Indians gradually slackened 
their fire, and the exhausted soldiers found time to rest. 

"It was impossible to change their ground in the enemy's 
presence, and the troops were obliged to encamp upon the hill 
where the combat had taken place, though not a drop of water 
was to be found there. Fearing a night attack, Bouquet stationed 
numerous sentinels and outposts to guard against it, while the 
men lay down upon their arms, preserving the order they had 
maintained during the fight. Having completed the necessary 
arrangements, Bouquet, doubtful of surviving the battle of the 
morrow, wrote to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, in a few clear, concise words, 
an account of the day's events. His letter concludes as follows: 
'Whatever our fate may be, I thought it necessary to give your ex- 
cellency this early information, that you may, at all events, take 
such measures as you will think proper with the provinces, for their 
own safety, and the effectual relief of Fort Pitt; as, in case of 
another engagement, I fear insurmountable difficulties in protect- 
ing and transporting our provisions, being already so much weak- 
ened by the losses of this day, in men and horses, besides the addi- 

384 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

tional necessity of carrying the wounded, whose situation is truly 

"The condition of these unhappy men might well awaken 
sympathy. About sixty soldiers, besides several officers, had been 
killed or disabled. A space in the centre of the camp was prepared 
for the reception of the wounded, and surrounded by a wall of 
flour-bags from the convoy, affording some protection against the 
bullets which flew from all sides during the fight. Here they 
lay upon the ground, enduring agonies of thirst, and waiting, 
passive and helpless, the issue of the battle. Deprived of the ani- 
mating thought that their lives and safety depended on their own 
exertions; surrounded by a wilderness, and by scenes to the horror 
of which no degree of familiarity could render the imagination 
callous, they must have endured mental sufferings, compared to 
which the pain of their wounds was slight. In the probable event 
of defeat, a fate inexpressibly horrible awaited them; while even 
victory would by no means insure their safety, since any great 
increase in their numbers would render it impossible for their com- 
rades to transport them. Nor was the condition of those who had 
hitherto escaped an enviable one. Though they were about equal 
in numbers to their assailants, yet the dexterity and alertness of the 
Indians, joined to the nature of the country, gave all the advant- 
ages of a greatly superior force. The enemy were, moreover, 
exulting in the fullest confidence of success; for it was in these very 
forests that, eight years before, they had well-nigh destroyed twice 
their number of the best British troops. Throughout the earlier 
part of the night, they kept up a dropping fire upon the camp, 
while, at short intervals, a wild whoop from the thick surrounding 
gloom told with what fierce eagerness they waited to glut their 
vengeance on the morrow. The camp remained in darkness, for it 
would have been highly dangerous to build fires within its pre- 
cincts, which would have served to direct the aim of the lurking 
marksmen. Surrounded by such terrors, the men snatched a 
disturbed and broken sleep, recruiting their exhausted strength for 
the renewed struggle of the morning. 

"With the earliest dawn of day, and while the damp, cool 
forest was still involved in twilight, there rose around the camp a 
general burst of those horrible cries which form the ordinary pre- 
lude of an Indian battle. Instantly from every side at once, the 
enemy opened their fire, approaching under cover of the trees and 
bushes, and levelling with a close and deadly aim. Often, as on 
the previous day, they would rush up with furious impetuosity, 

Guyasuta 385 

striving to break into the ring of troops. They were repulsed at 
every point; but the English, though constantly victorious, were 
beset with undiminished perils, while the violence of the enemy 
seemed every moment on the increase. True to their favorite 
tactics, they would never stand their ground when attacked, but 
vanish at the first gleam of the levelled bayonet, only to appear 
again the moment the danger was past. The troops, fatigued by 
the long march and equally long battle of the previous day, were 
maddened by the torments of thirst, more intolerable, says their 
commander, than the fire of the enemy. They were fully conscious 
of the peril in which they stood, of wasting away by slow degrees 
beneath the shot of assailants at once so daring, so cautious, and so 
active, and upon whom it was impossible to inflict any decisive 
injury. The Indians saw their distress, and pressed them closer 
and closer, redoubling their yells and howlings, while some of them 
sheltered behind trees, assailed the troops, in bad English, with 
abuse and derision. 

"Meanwhile the interior of the camp was a scene of confusion. 
The horses, secured in a crowd near the intrenchment which cover- 
ed the wounded, were often struck by the bullets, and wrought to 
the height of terror by the mingled din of whoops, shrieks, and 
firing. They would break away by half scores at a time, burst 
through the ring of troops and the outer circle of assailants, and 
scour madly up and down the hillsides; while many of the drivers, 
overcome by the terrors of a scene in which they could bear no 
active part, hid themselves among the bushes and could neither 
hear nor obey orders. 

"It was now about ten o'clock. Oppressed with heat, fatigue, 
and thirst, the distressed troops still maintained a weary and wav- 
ering defence, encircling the convoy in a yet unbroken ring. They 
were fast falling in their ranks, and the strength and spirits of the 
survivors had begun to flag. If the fortunes of the day were to be 
retrieved, the effort must be made at once; and happily the mind 
of the commander was equal to the emergency. In the midst of 
the confusion he conceived a stratagem alike novel and masterly. 
Could the Indians be brought together in a body, and made to 
stand their ground when attacked, there could be little doubt of the 
result; and to effect this object, Bouquet determined to increase 
their confidence, which had already mounted to an audacious pitch. 
Two companies of infantry, forming a part of the ring which had 
been exposed to the hottest fire, were ordered to fall back into the 
interior of the camp, while the troops on either hand joined their 

386 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

files across the vacant space, as if to cover the retreat of their 
comrades. These orders given at a favorable moment, were 
executed with great promptness. The thin line of troops who took 
possession of the deserted part of the circle, were, from their small 
numbers, brought closer in towards the centre. The Indians 
mistook these movements for a retreat. Confident that their time 
was come, they leaped up on all sides, from behind the trees and 
bushes, and, with infernal screeches, rushed headlong toward the 
spot, pouring in a most heavy and galling fire. The shock was too 
violent to be long endured. The men struggled to maintain their 
posts, but the Indians seemed on the point of breaking into the 
heart of the camp, when the aspect of affairs was suddenly revers- 
ed. The two companies, who had apparently abandoned their 
position, were in fact destined to begin the attack; and they now 
sallied out from the circle at a point where a depression in the 
ground, joined to the thick growth of trees, concealed them from 
the eyes of the Indians. Making a short detour through the woods, 
they came round upon the flank of the furious assailants, and dis- 
charged a deadly volley into their very midst. Numbers were 
seen to fall; yet though completely surprised, and utterly at a loss 
to understand the nature of the attack, the Indians faced about 
with the greatest intrepidity, and boldy returned the fire. But the 
Highlanders, with yells as wild as their own, fell on them with the 
bayonet. The shock was irresistible, and they fled before the 
charging ranks in a tumultuous throng. Orders had been given to 
two other companies, occupying a contiguous part of the circle, to 
support the attack whenever a favorable moment should occur; 
and they had therefore advanced a little from their position, and 
lay close crouched in ambush. The fugitive multitude, pressed by 
the Highland bayonets, passed directly across their front, upon 
which they rose and poured among them a second volley, no less 
destructive than the former. This completed the rout. The four 
companies, uniting, drove the flying savages through the woods, 
giving them no time to rally or reload their empty rifles, killing 
many, and scattering the rest in hopeless confusion. 

"While this took place at one part of the circle, the troops 
and the savages had still maintained their respective positions at 
the other; but when the latter perceived the total rout of their 
comrades, and saw the troops advancing to assail them, they also 
lost heart, and fled. The discordant outcries which had so long 
deafened the ears of the English soon ceased altogether, and not a 
living Indian remained near the spot. About sixty corpses lay 

Guyasuta 387 

scattered over the ground. Among them were found those of 
several prominent chiefs, while the blood which stained the leaves 
of the bushes showed that numbers had fled severely wounded from 
the field. The soldiers took but one prisoner, whom they shot to 
death like a captive wolf. The loss of the English in the two 
battles surpassed that of the enemy, amounting to eight officers and 
one hundred and fifteen men. 

"Having been for some time detained by the necessity of 
making litters for the wounded, and destroying the stores which the 
flight of most of the horses made it impossible to transport, the 
army moved on, in the afternoon, to Bushy Run. Here they had 
scarcely formed their camp, when they were again fired upon by a 
body of Indians, who, however, were soon repulsed. On the next 
day, they resumed their progress towards Fort Pitt, distant about 
twenty-five miles, and though frequently annoyed on the march by 
petty attacks, they reached their destination, on the tenth, without 
serious loss. It was a joyful moment, both to the troops and to the 
garrison. The latter, it will be remembered, were left surrounded 
and hotly pressed by the Indians, who had beleaguered the place 
from the twenty-eighth of July to the first of August, when, hearing 
of Bouquet's approach, they had abandoned the siege, and marched 
to attack him. From this time, the garrison had seen nothing of 
them until the morning of the tenth, when, shortly before the army 
appeared, they had passed the fort in a body, raising the scalp-yell, 
and displaying their disgusting trophies to the view of the English. 

"The battle of Bushy Run was one of the best contested 
actions ever fought between white men and Indians. If there 
were any disparity of numbers, the advantage was on the side of 
the troops, and the Indians had displayed throughout a fierceness 
and intrepidity matched only by the steady valor with which they 
were met. In the provinces, the victory excited equal joy and 
admiration, more especially among those who knew the incalculable 
difficulties of an Indian campaign. The assembly of Pennsylvania 
passed a vote expressing their high sense of the merits of Bouquet, 
and of the important service which he had rendered to the province. 
He soon after received the additional honor of the formal thanks 
of the king. 

"In many an Indian village, the women cut away their hair, 
gashed their limbs with knives, and uttered their dismal howlings 
of lamentation for the fallen. Yet though surprised and dispirited, 
the rage of the Indians was too deep to be quenched, even by so 
signal a reverse, and their outrages upon the frontier were resumed 

3SS The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

with unabated ferocity. Fort Pitt, however, was effectually re- 
lieved, while the moral effect of the victory enabled the frontier 
settlers to encounter the enemy with a spirit which would have been 
wanting, had Bouquet sustained a defeat." 

Andrew Byerly 

In this connection, we call attention to the fact that Andrew 
Byerly, at the head of a detachment of eighteen of the Royal 
Americans, was in the advance of Bouquet's army when the battle 
of Bushy Run commenced. Also, during the terrible night of 
August 5th, he, at great risk, brought several hatfuls of water from 
a neighboring spring to allay the thirst of Bouquet's wounded. 
This noted man of the Westmoreland frontier had settled in the 
Brush Creek Valley along the Forbes road, in 1759. In the latter 
part of May, 1763, the Indians had warned Byerly to leave this 
settlement. Captain Ecuyer, in a letter written to Colonel 
Bouquet, on May 29th, refers to this fact as follows: 

"Just as I had finished my letter three men came in from 
Clapham's [Colonel William Clapham, who lived near West 
Newton, Westmoreland County] with the melancholy news that 
yesterday, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the Indians murdered 
Clapham and everybody in his house. These three men were out at 
work, and had escaped through the woods. I immediately armed 
them and sent them to assist our people at Bushy Run. The 
Indians have told Byerly to leave his place in four days, or he and 
his family would all be murdered." 

Later, Mr. Byerly and his family escaped to Fort Ligonier, 
as thus related in Cort's "Colonel Henry Bouquet": 

"As Ecuyer states, Byerly had received warning; but his 
family was in no condition to be moved. Mrs. Byerly had just 
been confined and the departure was delayed as long as possible, 
indeed until certain death was imminent, if the flight should be 
any longer postponed. Byerly had gone with a small party [per- 
haps Clapham's men referred to above] to bury some persons who 
had been killed at some distance from his station. A friendly 
Indian who had often received a bowl of milk and bread from Mrs. 
Byerly came to the house after dark, and informed the family that 
they would all be killed, if they did not make their escape before 
daylight. Mrs. Byerly got up from her sick couch and wrote the 
tidings on the door of the house for the information of her hus- 
band when he should return. A horse was saddled on which the 

Guyasuta 389 

mother with her tender babe three days old in her arms, was 
placed, and a child not two years old was fastened behind her. 

"Michael Byerly was a good sized lad, but Jacob was only 
three years old and had a painful stone bruise on one of his feet. 
With the aid of his older brother who held him by the hand and 
sometimes carried him on his back, the little fellow, however, man- 
aged to make good time through the wilderness to Fort Ligonier, 
about thirty miles distant. But although he reached his ninety- 
ninth year, he never forgot that race for life in his childhood, nor 
did he feel like giving quarter to hostile Indians, one of whom he 
killed on an island in the Allegheny in a fight under Lieutenant 
Hardin in 1779, although the savage begged for quarter. 

"Milk cows were highly prized by frontier families in those 
days, and the Byerly family made a desperate effort to coax and 
drive their small herd along to Fort Ligonier. But the howling 
savages got so close that they were obliged to leave the cattle in the 
woods to be destroyed by the Indians. Byerly in some way eluded 
the Indians and joined his family in the retreat. They barely 
escaped with their lives. The first night they spent in the stock- 
ade, and in the morning the bullets of the pursurers struck the 
gates as the family pressed into the fort." 

Attempt to Inoculate Indians with Small-pox 

When Colonel Bouquet was preparing to lead his army over 
the mountains to the relief of forts Bedford, Ligonier, and Pitt, 
General Sir Jefferey Amherst, then in command of all the English 
troops in the colonies, wrote him as follows: "I wish to hear of 
no prisoners, should any of the villians be met with in arms. . . . 
Could it not be contrived to send the small-pox among those dis- 
affected tribes of Indians?" To this Bouquet replied: "I will 
try to inoculate them with some blankets, and take care not to get 
the disease myself. As it is a pity to expose good men against 
them, I wish we could use the Spanish method, to hunt them with 
English dogs who would, I think, effectually extirpate or remove 
that vermin." Then Amherst replied: "You will do well to try 
to inoculate the Indians by means of blankets, as well as to try 
every other method that can serve to extirpate this exorable race." 

Parkman calls attention to the fact that, while there is no 
direct evidence that Bouquet carried into effect the shameful plan 
of infecting the Indians with small-pox, yet a few months after 
Amherst's suggestion, this disease made havoc among the tribes of 

390 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

the Ohio. Also, on June 24th, Captain Ecuyer, the commandant 
at Fort Pitt, after narrating the fact that he and Alexander 
held a short parley that day with Turtle Heart and another 
Delaware chief who had come to the fort for the purpose of terri- 
fying the garrison by reports of great numbers of Indians marching 
against the place, noted the following in his journal: "Out of our 
regard to them [Turtle Heart and his companion], we gave them 
two blankets and a handkerchief out of the Small-pox Hospital. 
1 hope it will have the desired effect." 

Murder of Colonel William Clapham 

In closing the account of Bouquet's expedition to the relief of 
forts Ligonier, Bedford, and Pitt, we call attention to the fact that 
Colonel William Clapham, mentioned above, had taken his family 
to the frontier near the present town of West Newton, in the early 
spring of 1763. On May 28th, the Indians rushed into his house, 
killed and scalped his wife and three children, and another woman. 
The two women were treated with shocking indecency. At the 
time of the murders, three men who were working at some distance 
from the Clapham house, hastened to Fort Pitt, and carried the 
news to the garrison. Two soldiers who were in Clapham's detail 
of scouts, who were stationed at a saw-mill near the fort, were also 
killed and scalped by the same party. It would appear that others 
were slain in this same massacre, for Colonel Burd entered in his 
journal on June 5th that, "John Harris gave me an account of 
Colonel Clapham and twelve men being killed near Pittsburgh and 
two Royal Americans being killed at the saw-mill." Thus it is 
seen that the Indians visited terrible retribution upon Colonel 
Clapham for the expedition which he sent against them in the 
summer of 1756, as related in Chapter XVIII. 

Guyasuta Confers with Bradstreet and Bouquet 

Guyasuta, in August, 1764, attended a conference with Colonel 
Bradstreet, near Erie, in which Bradstreet concluded a peace with 
the Delawares and Shawnees. However, Colonel Bouquet, upon 
learning of this fact, while at Fort Loudon, Franklin County, and 
perceiving that the Delawares and Shawnees were not sincere in 
their intentions, as they continued their depredations, refused to 
ratify the treaty, and pushed on with his army to the Muskingum, 
as referred to in Chapter XIX, where he compelled Guyasuta and 
the other chiefs of the western tribes to surrender the prisoners 


captured during Pontiac's War, as well as many captured during 
the French and Indian War. Bouquet dealt sternly with the 
chiefs, and they were glad to make peace. 

More than two hundred prisoners were yielded up to Bouquet 
by Guyasuta and his associate chiefs. Some of the captives had 
been among the Indians since the early days of the French and 
Indian War, and in many cases, it was with extreme reluctance 
that they consented to accompany Bouquet's army back to the 
Pennsylvania settlements. Indeed, in some cases it was found 
necessary to deliver the captives bound to Bouquet. The Indians 
had become greatly attached to these captives, and had adopted 
them into their families. They shed torrents of tears when they 
were compelled to deliver them up. 

However, Colonel Bouquet, on account of the lateness of the 
season, was obliged to return to Pennsylvania without having 
secured all the prisoners held by the Shawnees. On November 
12th, he held a conference with a number of their chiefs, among 
whom were Nimwha and Red Hawk. At this conference, he took 
hostages from the Shawnees, and laid them under the strongest 
obligation for the delivery of the rest of the prisoners at Fort Pitt 
in the ensuing spring. These hostages escaped soon afterwards, 
thus giving reason to doubt the sincerity of the intentions of the 
Shawnees with respect to performance of their promises. But to 
the credit of the Shawnees it must be said that they punctually 
fulfilled all their promises. Ten of their chiefs, with about fifty of 
their warriors, met George Croghan, then deputy agent to Sir 
William Johnson, at Fort Pitt, on May 9, 1765, and delivered the 
remainder of their prisoners, "brightened the chain of friendship, 
and gave every assurance of their firm intentions to preserve the 
peace inviolable forever." 

i % 






Maiden Foot and Miss Means 

URING the spring of 1763 Lieutenant Blane, in command 
of Fort Ligonier, was visited by several parties of 
friendly Indians, among whom was a young brave named 
Maiden Foot. When Maiden Foot was at the fort on 
one of these occasions, a settler named Means with his wife and 
little daughter, Mary, aged eleven, were there also. Maiden Foot 
seemed much pleased with the girl. The Means' home was about 
a mile south of the fort. On leaving the fort, Maiden Foot gave 
Mary Means a string of beads. He seemed sad and heartbroken 
at the time. 

In the latter part of May or early in June, after the Pontiac 
and Guyasuta War had started, Mrs. Means and Mary started for 
the fort on hearing a rumor that the Indians had become hostile. 
On their way to the fort, they were captured by two Indians, who 
took them into the woods and tied them to saplings. Soon they 
heard the report of rifles, which was the first Indian assault on the 
fort. Later in the afternoon, Maiden Foot appeared before Mrs. 
Means and her daughter, no doubt being the Indian selected to 
scalp them. He recognized them, cut the bands which bound them 
to the tree, and conducted them by a roundabout way to their 
home, where Mr. Means met them. Maiden Foot then told the 
family to flee to the mountains, and pointed to a ravine in which 
they could hide until after the Indian band left the neighborhood. 
On leaving them Maiden Foot took the little girl's handkerchief, on 
which was worked in black silken thread her name "Mary Means". 
Some years afterwards the Means family moved to a point 
near Cincinnati, Ohio, where the parents died; and the girl having 
grown to womanhood, married an officer named Kearney, who 
commanded a company under Wayne at the battle of the Fallen 

Guyasuta 393 

Timbers, August 20, 1794. After this battle, Kearney and some 
companions found an elderly Indian sitting on a log on the battle- 
field and waving a white handkerchief. On their approaching 
him, the Indian said that he had been a warrior all his life; that 
he had fought at Ligonier, at Bushy Run, the Wabash against St. 
Clair, and at the recent battle against Wayne. He then explained 
that he had enough of war, and desired henceforth to live in peace 
with all mankind. Searching in his pouch he brought forth the 
handkerchief of Mary Means. Officer Kearney had often heard 
his wife tell the story of Maiden Foot. He took the old Indian 
home with him. Mrs. Kearney and the Indian immediately recog- 
nized each other, although thirty-one years had elapsed since they 
parted near Fort Ligonier. Maiden Foot now explained that 
shortly before he met Mary Means, he had lost a sister about her 
age and size, and that the giving of the string of beads to her was 
in effect the adopting of her as his sister. He was taken into the 
Kearney family, according to Boucher's "History of Westmoreland 
County", and upon his death four years later, was buried in a 
graveyard at Cincinnati, where a tablet was erected at his grave 
bearing the following inscription: 

"In memory of Maiden Foot, an Indian Chief of the 
Eighteenth Century, who died a Civilian and a Christian." 

Expedition Against Great Island 

At the time of Colonel Bouquet's expedition for the relief of 
Fort Pitt, the Delawares, Shawriees, and other tribes composing 
Pontiac and Guyasuta's confederation, planned to attack the 
interior settlements of Pennsylvania as far as Tulpehocken, their 
main object being to capture Fort Augusta, at Sunbury. Reports 
reaching Carlisle, Paxtang, and other places that Fort Augusta 
would be attacked by a great force of Indians, Colonel John Arm- 
strong, with about three hundred volunteers from Cumberland 
and Bedford counties marched from Carlisle to destroy the Indian 
town at Great Island, [Lock Haven.] At Jersey Shore, Lycoming 
County, Armstrong's force advanced so suddenly upon the Indian 
village located there, that the Indians were scarcely able to escape, 
leaving their food, hot upon their bark tables, which they had pre- 
pared for dinner. Arriving at Great Island, Armstrong found the 
place had been deserted a few days before. His army then de- 
stroyed the village at Great Island together with a large quantity of 
grain and provisions. 

As part of Armstrong's army was returning down the West 

394 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Branch of the Susquehanna, on August 26th, 1763, they encounter- 
ed a force of Indians at Muncy Creek Hill, Lycoming County. A 
hot skirmish followed in which four of Armstrong's men were 
killed and four wounded; while the Indians suffered as severely, 
and carried away their dead and wounded. 

Captains Patterson, Sharp, Bedford, Laughlin, and Crawford, 
with seventy-six of their comrades arrived at Fort Augusta the 
next day, and other stragglers came in that night and the following 
day. These soldiers reported the details of the battle at Muncey 
Creek Hill and also that, after the battle, a party of twelve Indians 
returning to Great Island from a mission to Bethlehem, were 
attacked by them on a hill north of the present town of North- 
umberland, and, they believed, all were killed. 

Attacks on Friendly Indians 

In September and October, 1763, Indian outrages were com- 
mitted as far into the heart of the settled parts of the Province as 
the neighborhood of Reading and Bethlehem; and many of the 
settlers believed that the Moravian Indians were secretly giving 
assistance to their brethren at war against the Province. A party 
of rangers murdered a number of the Moravian Indians as they 
were found asleep in a barn. Among these were an Indian woman 
named Zippora, who was thrown down upon the threshing floor 
and killed, and an Indian man named Zachari, his wife and little 
child, who were put to the sword, although the mother begged 
upon her knees that the life of her child might be spared. 

About the middle of October a party of rangers marched 
against the Moravian Indians at Wichetunk, in what is now Polk 
Township, Monroe County, intending to surprise them by night, 
but their plans were frustrated by a violent storm in the evening. 
The Moravian missionary, Bernard Adam Grube, then led these 
Indians to Nazareth, but Governor Penn suggested that, in order 
to watch their behavior, it would be. better to disarm them and 
bring them into the interior parts of the Province. They were 
accordingly taken to Province Island on the Delaware by the 
Moravian missionary, John Roth. 

Among the troops under the command of Captain Jacob 
Wetterhold, stationed at Fort Allen during the summer and 
autumn of 1763, was Lieutenant Jonathan Dodge, "a most precious 
scoundrel", who committed many atrocious acts against his fellow 
soldiers, and particularly against friendly Indians. One of the 
wron<is he committed against the Indians, is thus described in a 

Guyasuta 395 

letter which he wrote to Timothy Horsfield, on August 4th, 1763: 

"Yesterday there were four Indians came to Ensign Kern's 

I took four rifles and fourteen deer skins from them, weighed them, 
and there were thirty-one pounds." After these Indians had left, 
Dodge continues: "I took twenty men and pursued them; then I 
ordered my men to fire, upon which I fired a volley on them; could 
find none dead or alive." These were friendly Indians, who were 
on their way from Shamokin (Sunbury) to the Moravian mission 
at Bethlehem. 

In the "Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania", we read of another 
attack made by Dodge upon friendly Indians: 

"Jacob Warner, a soldier in Nicholas Wetterholt's company 
made the following statement September 9th: 'That he and 
Dodge were searching for a lost gun, when, about two miles above 
Fort Allen, they saw three Indians painted black. Dodge fired 
upon them and killed one; Warner also fired upon them, and 
thinks he wounded another; but two escaped; the Indians had not 
fired at them. The Indian was scalped, and, on the 24th, Dodge 
sent Warner with the scalp to a person in Philadelphia, who gave 
him eight dollars for it. These were also friendly Indians." 

The Killing of Captain Jacob Wetterholt 

Determined to avenge themselves on account of the atrocious 
acts of Dodge, the Delawares attacked Captain Jacob Wetterholt 
on October 8th, as thus described in Egle's "History of Pennsyl- 

"Before daybreak in the morning of the 8th of October, some 
Delawares attacked the house of John Stenton, in Allen Township, 
(Northampton County), on the main road from Bethlehem to Fort 
Allen, eight miles northwest from the former place, where Captain 
Jacob Wetterhold, of the Province service, with a squad of men, 
was lodging for the night. Meeting with Jean, the wife of James 
Horner, who was on her way to a neighbors for coals to light her 
morning fire, the Indians, fearing lest she should betray them or 
raise an alarm, dispatched her with their tomahawks. Thereupon 
they surrounded Stenton's house. No sooner had Captain Wetter- 
hold's servant stepped out of the house (he had been sent to saddle 
the captain's horse) than he was shot down. The report of the 
Indian's piece brought his master to the door, who, on opening it, 
received a mortal wound. Sergeant Lawrence McGuire, in his 
attempt to draw him in, was also dangerously wounded and fell, 
whereupon the lieutenant advanced. He was confronted by an 

396 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Indian, who, leaping upon the bodies of the fallen men, presented 
a pistol, which the lieutenant thrust aside as it was being dis- 
charged, thus escaping with his life, and succeeding also in repell- 
ing the savage. The Indians now took a position at a window, and 
there shot Stenton as he was in the act of rising from bed. Rush- 
ing from the house, the wounded man ran for a mile, and dropped 
down a corpse. His wife and two children had meanwhile secreted 
themselves in the cellar, where they were fired upon three times, but 
without being struck. Captain Wetterhold, despite his sufferings, 
dragged himself to a window, through which he shot one of the 
savages while in the act of applying a torch to the house. Here- 
upon, taking up the dead body of their comrade, the besiegers 
withdrew. Having on their retreat plundered the house of James 
Allen, they attacked Andrew Hazlitt's, where they shot and scalped 
a man, shot Hazlitt after a brave defence, and then tomahawked 
his fugitive wife and two children in a barbarous manner. Finally 
they set fire to his house, and then to that of Philip Kratzer, and 
crossing the Lehigh above Siegfried's bridge, passed into Whitehall 

"In this maraud twenty-three persons were killed, and many 
dangerously wounded. The settlers were thrown into the utmost 
distress, fleeing from their plantations with hardly a sufficiency of 
clothes to cover themselves, and coming into the town of North- 
ampton (now Allentown), where, we read, there were but four guns 
at the time, 'and three of them unfit for use, with the enemy four 
miles from the place.' At the same time, Yost's mill, about eleven 
miles from Bethlehem, was destroyed, and all the people at the 
place, excepting a young man, cut off. 

"This was ^the last invasion of the present Northampton County 
by a savage foe. Old Northampton, and especially that part of 
it which was erected into Monroe, by act of Legislature, in April, 
1836. suffered subsequent! v, at intervals, from the Indians as late 
as 1765." 

The Murder of the Conestogas 

One of the events of the Pontiac and Guyasuta War, which, 
as Dr. Geo. P. Donehoo remarks, "attracted wide attention and 
has been a source of discussion ever since," was the murder of six 
members of the Conestoga tribe at the town of Conestoga, Lan- 
caster County, on December 14, 1763, by a band of Scotch-Irish 
settlers, "The Paxton Boys", from the neighborhood of Paxtang 
church not far from Harrisburg. Edward Shippen, in a letter to 
Governor Penn, dated at Lancaster December 14th, gives the fol- 

Guyasuta 397 

lowing account of this event: "One, Robert Edgar, a hired man 
to Captain Thomas McKee, living near the Borough acquainted 
me today that a Company of People from the Frontier had killed 
and scalped most of the Indians at the Conestoga Town early this 
morning; he said he had his information from an Indian boy who 
made his escape; Mr. Slough has been to the place and held a 
Coroner's inquest on the corpses, being Six in number; Bill Sawk 
and some other Indians were gone towards Smith's Iron Works to 

sell brooms; but where they are now we can't understand 

Warrants are issued for the apprehending of the murderers, said to 
be upwards of fifty men, well armed and mounted." 

Great excitement was caused in Philadelphia by the murder of 
these Indians. Just a short time before, on November 30th, they 
sent a letter to John Penn, in which they congratulated him on his 
arrival in the Province and asked his favor and protection. The 
Quakers especially were loud in their denunciation of this atrocity, 
seemingly unmindful of the fact that John Harris and Colonel 
John Elder, pastor of the Presbyterian Church at Paxtang, had 
frequently appealed to the Colonial Authorities to remove the 
Conestogas to a place of safety, owing to the excitement prevailing 
in the Paxtang region on account of the many raids of the hostile 

Furthermore, during October, Captain Bull, the son of the 
great Teedyuscung, had led a band of one hundred thirty-five 
Delawares from the Ohio and Allegheny, with whom he had lived 
for ten years, into the Wyoming Valley. They committed many 
atrocities. Many of the Paxton Boys had just returned from an 
expedition against Captain Bull's band and, as Rev. Elder said, in 
a letter written on October 25th, had seen "the mangled carcasses 
of these unhappy people", which "presented to our troops a melan- 
choly scene, which had been acted not above two days before their 
arrival." The Paxton Boys were therefore in a state of excite- 
ment and rage against all Indians, especially when they discovered 
that some of the Indians who were committing outrages along the 
Susquehanna had been traced to Conestoga. Likewise, it must be 
said to the credit of Rev. Elder that, when he learned that a large 
number of the Paxtang settlers were assembling to march against 
the Conestogas, he sent a messenger to them urging them to desist. 

Governor Penn issued a proclamation on December 22nd, 
calling upon judges, justices, sheriffs, and other civil and military 
officers, to make diligent search for the perpetrators of this crime, 
and to place them in the public jails of the Province, the remain- 
ing Conestogas, fourteen in number, in the meantime having been 

398 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

placed in the Lancaster workhouse for protection. How the Pax- 
ton Boys replied to this proclamation of the governor is thus set 
forth in a letter of Edward Shippen to Governor John Penn written 
from Lancaster on December 27th: "I am to acquaint your 
Honor that between two and three of the clock this afternoon, up- 
wards of a hundred armed men from the westward rode very fast 
into town, turned their horses into Mr. Slough's (an In-keeper) 
yard, and proceeded with the greatest precipitation to the work 
house, stove open the door and killed all the Indians, and took 
to their horses and rode off. All their business was done, and they 
were returning to their horses before I could get half way down to 
the Work House." 

The details of the massacre of these unarmed and defenseless 
Conestogas are most shocking and revolting. Protesting their 
innocence and their love for the English, they prostrated them- 
selves with their children before their infuriated murderers, and 
plead for their lives. Their appeal was answered by the rifle, 
hatchet, and scalping knife. Some had their brains blown out, 
others their legs chopped off, and others their hands cut off. Bill 
Sawk (Sock) and his wife, Mollie, with their two children, had 
their heads split open, and were scalped. The mangled bodies of 
these Indians, who had never been at war with the whites and had 
always been claimed as friendly Indians, were buried at Lancaster. 

Thus perished the last remnant of the once mighty tribe of 
Susquehannas. The excitement on the frontier at the time, and 
the laxity on the part of the Colonial Assembly in providing for 
the defense, may, in a measure, explain why the harassed frontiers- 
men committed such a horrid and notorious act; but the historian 
searches the records of the time in vain for any justification for 
this atrocity, which is a black spot on the pages of the history of 

Not content with the butchery of the Conestogas, the Paxton 
Boys threatened to go to Philadelphia and kill the Moravian In- 
dians on Province Island. These Indians were then lodged in the 
barracks in Philadelphia. A report reached the city that the 
Paxton Boys were on the march. Cannon were then planted 
around the barracks, volunteers were called into service, and alarm 
bells were rung. About two hundred of the Paxton Boys actually 
crossed the Schuylkill at Swedsford, and advanced to German- 
town, when hearing of the preparations which had been made, they 
wisely proceeded no further. 

Guyasuta 399 

Pennsylvania Offers Bounty For Scalps 

On July 7th, 1764, Pennsylvania offered a bounty for Indian 
scalps, even the scalps of children, "for the better carrying on of 
offensive operations against our Indian enemies", as follows: 

"For every male Indian enemy above ten years old, who shall 
be taken prisoner and delivered at any forts garrisoned by the 
troops in the pay of this Province, or at any of the county towns, 
to the keeper of the common gaols there, the sum of one hundred & 
fifty Spanish dollars, or pieces of eight; for every female Indian 
enemy taken prisoner and brought in as aforesaid, and for every 
male Indian enemy ten years old, or under, taken prisoner, and 
delivered as aforesaid, the sum of one hundred and thirty pieces of 
eight; for the scalp of every male Indian enemy above the age of 
ten years, produced as evidence of their being killed, the sum of one 
hundred and thirty-four pieces of eight; and for the scalp of every 
female Indian enemy above the age of ten years, produced as evi- 
dence of their being killed, the sum of fifty pieces of eight; and 
that there shall be paid to every officer, or officers, soldier, or sol- 
diers, as are or shall be in the pay of this Province, who shall take, 
bring in, and produce any Indian enemy prisoner, or scalp, as 
aforesaid, one half of the said several and respective premiums & 

As a result of the scalp bounties, "secret expeditions", say the 
Pennsylvania Archives, "were set on foot by the inhabitants which 
were more effectual than any sort of defensive operations." 

Murder of Schoolmaster Brown and His Pupils 

One of the most terrible atrocities committed within the 
bounds of Pennsylvania by the Delawares during the Pontiac- 
Guyasuta War is thus described in "Colonel Henry Bouquet and 
His Campaigns", by Cort: 

"In 1764, July 26, three miles northwest of Greencastle, 
Franklin County, was perpetrated what Parkman, the great his- 
torian of Colonial times, pronounces 'an outrage unmatched in 
fiend-like atrocity through all the annals of the war.' This was 
the massacre of Enoch Brown, a kindhearted exemplary Christian 
schoolmaster, and ten scholars, eight boys and two girls. Ruth 
Hart and Ruth Hale were the names of the girls. Among the boys 
were Eben Taylor, George Dustan and Archie McCullough. All 
were knocked down like so many beeves, and scalped by the merci- 
less savages. Mourning and desolation came to many homes in 
the valley, for each of the slaughtered innocents belonged to a dif- 

400 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

ferent family. The last named boy, indeed, survived the effects 
of the scalping knife, but in somewhat demented condition. The 
teacher offered his life and scalp in a spirit of self-sacrificing devo- 
tion, if the savages would only spare the lives of the little ones 
under his charge and care. But no! the tender mercies of the 
heathen are cruel, and so a perfect holocaust was made to the 

Moloch of war by the relentless fiends in human form It 

is some relief to know that this diabolical deed, whose recital 
makes us shudder even at this late date, was disapproved by the 
old warriors, when the marauding party of young Indians came 
back with their horrid trophies. Neephaughwhese, or Night 
Walker, an old chief or half-king, denounced them as a pack of 

cowards for killing and scalping so many children Who 

can describe the horror of the scene in that lonely log school house, 
when one of the settlers chanced to look in at the door to ascertain 
the cause of the unusual quietness? In the center lay the faithful 
Brown, scalped and lifeless, with a Bible clasped in his hand. 
Around the room were strewn the dead and mangled bodies of 
seven boys and two girls, while little Archie, stunned, scalped and 
bleeding, was creeping around among his dead companions, rub- 
bing his hands over their faces and trying to gain some token of 
recognition. A few days later the innocent victims of savage 
atrocity received a common sepulchre. All were buried in one 
large rough box at the border of the ravine, a few rods from the 
school house where they had been so ruthlessly slaughtered. Side 
by side, with head and feet alternately, the little ones were laid 
with their master, just as they were clad at the time of the massa- 

John McCollough, a cousin of Archie, had been captured in 
the same neighborhood just nine year previously, and was living 
among the Delawares at Muskingum when the young warriors re- 
turned with the scalps of the schoolmaster and his pupils. He was 
among the prisoners surrendered to Bouquet, and is the authority 
for the statement concerning the indignation expressed by old 
Night Walker. 

During the same incursion in which Schoolmaster Brown and 
his pupils were killed, Susan King Cunningham, who lived in the 
same neighborhood, was brutally murdered while on her way 
through the woods to call on a neighbor. As she did not return 
when expected, a search was made, and her body was found near 
her home. Not content with murdering and scalping the poor 
woman, the fiends performed a Caesarian operation, and placed 
her child on the ground beside her. 


Guyasuta at the Council at Fort Pitt 

But to return to Guyasuta. His next act of importance was 
to attend the great council at Fort Pitt which opened on May 10th, 
1765, relative to resuming trade relations between Pennsylvania 
and the Western Indians after Pontiac's War. He was one of the 
principal speakers on this occasion, and represented the Senecas. 
The Delawares were represented by New Comer,. King Beaver, 
Wingenund, Turtle Heart, White Wolf, Sun Fish, Thomas Hick- 
man, and many others. George Croghan, as deputy agent of 
Indian affairs, had arrived at the fort on February 28th, accom- 
panied by Lieutenant Alexander Frazer. At the council Guyasuta 
made the following speech: 

"When you first came to drive the French from this place, the 
Governor of Pennsylvania sent us a Message that we should with- 
draw from the French, & that when the English was settled here, 
we should want for nothing. It's true, you did supply us very 
well, but it was only while the War was doubtful, & as soon as you 
conquer'd the French you did not care how you treated us, as you 
did not then think us worth your Notice; we request you may not 
treat us again in this manner, but now open the Trade and do not 
put us off with telling us you must first hear from your great man 
before it can be done. If you have but little goods, let us have 
them for our skins, and let us have a part of your rum, or we can- 
not put dependence on what you tell us for the future." 

To the above speech of Guyasuta and the speeches of the other 
chiefs, Croghan faithfully promised that trade relations would be 
opened without delay. 

When Croghan set out from Philadelphia for Fort Pitt, he gave 
a pass for a large number of wagons and pack horses belonging to 
Boynton and Wharton of Philadelphia, loaded with guns, knives, 
blankets, and other goods intended as presents for the Indians at 
Fort Pitt. However, the people of Cumberland County and the 
valley of the Conococheague, upon whom such terrible atrocities 
had been so recently committed by the Indians, determined to pre- 
vent these war-like supplies being carried to the Indians. Accord- 
ingly, on March 6th, when the pack train had reached Sidling Hill, 
about seventeen miles beyond Fort Loudon, sixty-three horse loads 
were either burned or pillaged by the force of infuriated settlers, 
since known as the "Sidling Hill Volunteers", led by Colonel James 
Smith, who, it will be remembered, was a captive at Fort Du- 
quesne at the time of Braddock's defeat. This action of Smith and 
his followers obstructed communication with Fort Pitt for some 

402 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Guyasuta Attends Council at Fort Pitt, 
April and May, 1768 
Guyasuta also attended the great conference held at Fort Pitt 
from April 26th to May 9th, 1768, for the purpose of adjusting the 
difficulties due to the fact that many settlements had been made in 
the valleys of the Youghiogheny and the Monongahela on land not 
purchased from the Indians. This conference led to the purchase 
at Fort Stanwix (Rome, New York), November 5th, 1768, more 
particularly described in Chapter XX, and needing no additional 
reference at this point, except to point out that, shortly after the 
treaty and purchase of Fort Stanwix, marauds were made into 
Western Pennsylvania. On February 26, 1769, eighteen persons 
were either killed or taken prisoner in the Brush Creek settlement, 
in Westmoreland County. Whether Guyasuta had anything to do 
with these outrages is not known. 

Guyasuta Arouses Anger of White Eyes 

In May, 1774, Guyasuta attended a conference with George 
Croghan at Ligonier. On October 27th, 1775, he was the principal 
speaker at the treaty held at Fort Pitt between the Commissioners 
of the Continental Congress and a few of the chiefs of the Senecas, 
.')elawares, Shawnees, and Wyandots, in an effort to secure their 
neutrality during the Revolutionary War. He represented the 
iroquois, or Mingoes, in the Allegheny Valley and Ohio. As an 
Iroquois, he assumed to speak for all the western tribes, and 
thereby aroused the anger of White Eyes, the great Delaware 
chief, who thereupon declared the absolute indpendence of the 
Delawares. This council was far from harmonious, but the chiefs 
declared their intention to remain neutral; and Guyasuta promised 
'o use his influence at the Great Council of the Iroquois in New 
York, to obtain a decision in favor of peace. 

Guyasuta in the Revolutionary War 

In May, 1776, Sir Guy Johnson and Colonel John Butler held 
a great council with the Iroquois chiefs at Fort Niagara, New 
York, when the overwhelming majority of the sachems voted to 
accept the war hatchet against the Americans. Guyasuta then 
came from his home near Sharpsburg, Allegheny County, to a 
council at Fort Pitt on July 6th of that year, and declared that 
neither the English nor the Americans should be permitted to pass 
through the territory of the Six Nations. This was a conference 
between Majors Trent and Ward, and Captain Neville, on the one 
hand, and Guyasuta, Captain Pipe, a Delaware chief, Shade, a 

Guyasuta 403 

Shawnee chief, and other Western Indians. The object of the 
conference seems to have been to enable Guyasuta, as the out- 
standing representative of the Six Nations in the Ohio and Alle- 
gheny valleys, to define his position in the struggle between Eng- 
land and her American Colonies. 

"I am appointed," said Guyasuta, "by the Six Nations to take 
care of this country, that is of the nations on the other side of the 
Ohio [meaning the present Allegheny River], and I desire you will 
not think of an expedition against Detroit, for, I repeat, we will 
not suffer an army to pass through our country." Captain Neville 
replied that the Americans would not invade Guyasuta's domain, 
unless the British should try to come through the same towards 
Fort Pitt. Detroit was then in the possession of the British, and, 
no doubt, as an actual ally of the British, it was the task assigned 
Guyasuta to prevent an advance against this post by the Ameri- 

At any rate soon thereafter this great chief of the Senecas 
took up arms against the Americans, and led many a bloody 
expedition against the settlements of Western Pennsylvania. Dur- 
ing the summers of 1778 and 1779, he was especially active against 
the settlements of New York and Pennsylvania, and decorated the 
Seneca towns of the upper Allegheny with the scalps of hundreds 
of settlers. 

Broadhead's Expedition Against Guyasuta's Warriors 

In order to put a stop to the raids of Guyasuta's warriors 
Colonel Broadhead, who was in command of Fort Pitt during the 
summer of 1779, begged General Washington for permission to 
lead an expedition into the Seneca country. Early in the same 
summer, Washington directed General John Sullivan to invade 
the territory of the Iroquois from the East; and about the middle 
of July, Broadhead received permission from Washington to under- 
take a co-operating movement up the Allegheny. With sixty 
boats, two hundred pack horses and six hundred and five soldiers, 
he left Fort Pitt on August 11th. Small garrisons were placed at 
Fort Mcintosh (Beaver), Fort Crawford (New Kensington, West- 
moreland County), and Fort Armstrong (Kittanning, Armstrong 
County). A band of friendly Delawares, under Captain Samuel 
Brady and Lieut. John Hardin, accompanied the expedition as 
scouts. Broadhead's small army ascended the beautiful Allegheny, 
whose banks were now clothed in the verdure of midsummer. 

404 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

Majestic stood the river bills, 

Clothed in living green, 

While Allegheny gently rolled 

Its winding way between. 
Reaching the mouth of the Mahoning, Broadhead left the 
river and followed the Indian trail running almost due north 
through the wilderness of what is now Clarion County, and reached 
the Allegheny near the mouth of Tionesta Creek, Forest County. 
A few miles below the mouth of Brokenstraw Creek, Warren 
Count}', Broadhead's force encountered a party of thirty Seneca's, 
under Guyasuta, descending the Allegheny on their way to raid 
the frontier settlements. Both sides discovered each other at 
about the same time, took position behind trees and rocks, and a 
sharp fight commenced, which lasted but a few minutes, when a 
party of Broadhead's scouts, moving over the river hill, attacked 
the Senecas on the flank. The Indians then took to flight, leaving 
five of their number dead on the field. It has been said that Corn- 
planter was the commander of the Indians at this engagement, but 
it is clear that he was at this time in the Genesee country endeavor- 
ing to oppose the advance of Sullivan's army. Broadhead then 
marched up the river, destroyed the Seneca towns, and burned one 
hundred thirty of their houses, some of them large enough for 
three or four families. They also destroyed five hundred acres of 
corn, of which Broadhead said: "I never saw finer corn, although 
it was planted much thicker than is common with our farmers." 

Guyasuta Burns Hannastown 

The hardest blow dealt by the Indians during the Revolu- 
tionary War, within the limits of Western Pennsylvania, was the 
burning of Hannastown, the county seat of Westmoreland, by 
Guyasuta, on Saturday, July 13th, 1782. This historic frontier 
village was located about three miles north of Greensburg. The 
town grew up around the tavern of Robert Hanna, on the old 
Forbes Road, before the Revolutionary War. 

At the time of its destruction, Hannastown contained thirty 
log houses, and, at the northern end, was a stockade fort of logs 
set upright, and erected in 1773. In the centre was a spring 
whose waters still gush forth to quench the thirst of the lover of 
Pennsylvania history, who makes a pilgrimage to the spot where 
the frontier village stood. 

Guyasuta, with a band of one hundred Seneca warriors and 
sixty Canadian rangers, left Lake Chautauqua, New York, 
descended the Allegheny River to a point a short distance above 

Guyasuta 405 

Kittanning, and leaving the canoes on the bank of the river, 
marched overland into the settlements of Westmoreland. While 
the expedition was making its visitation of death and destruction, 
many of these canoes broke loose from their moorings, and floated 
down the river to Fort Pitt, where some of them were picked up 
py the garrison. 

On this midsummer day when Guyasuta's warriors destroyed 
he historic town, one of the harvesters, who were cutting wheat on 
he farm of Michael HufTnagle, the county clerk, about a mile 
lorth of the village, discovered a band of Indians, in war paint, 
reeping through the woods. He informed his companions, and 
11 fled unseen to the stockade. The alarm was spread throughout 
he Hannastown settlement by Sheriff Matthew Jack. About 
ixty persons were in the village, and they took refuge within the 
Drt. Huffnagle carried most of the county records safely into the 

Four young men were sent out to scout. Coming upon the 
Indians creeping through the thick woods in the valley of Crab- 
tree Creek, they narrowly escaped death, and fled back to the fort, 
followed closely by the Indians. It seems that Guyasuta intended 
to take the fort by storm; for his warriors did not shoot or yell 
until they rushed into the village. One man was wounded before 
he reached the fort. 

The Indians then drove into the woods all the horses found 
in the pasture lots and stables, killed one hundred cattle, and 
plundered the deserted houses. From the shleter of the houses, 
they opened a hot rifle fire upon the stockade, defended 
by twenty men with seventeen rifles, only nine of which 
were fit for use. With these, the frontiersmen took turns 
at the loopholes, and succeeded in preventing the Indians from 
assaulting and battering down the gates. At least two of the 
savages were killed, and others wounded; while only one person 
inside the stockade was wounded, a maiden of sixteen summers 
named Margaret Shaw, who received a bullet in her breast while 
exposed before a hole in one of the gates, as she was rescuing a 
child, who had toddled into danger. The young lady died from 
the effects of her wound about two weeks later. Her dust reposes 
in the soil of "Old Westmoreland", a short distance north of Mt. 

The attack on the fort continued until night, when the Indians 
set fire to the village,, and danced in the glare of the flames. The 
county jail and all the other buildings, except the court house and 
one dwelling, were reduced to ashes. These two had been set on 

400 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

fire, but the lire went out; and, as they stood near the fort, the 
unerring rifles of the frontiersmen frustrated an attempt to set fire 
to them again. Happily, the wind blew strongly from the north, 
carrying the flames and burning embers away from the fort. 
After the buildings were burned, the Indians and their white allies 
retired to the valley of Crabtree Creek, and reveled and feasted 
until late at night. 

The attack was not renewed in the morning, and Guyasuta 
and his forces made good their escape. It was not until Monday 
morning that a force of sixty frontiersmen took up the pursuit, 
following them to the crossing of the Kiskiminetas. 

Other places in the neighborhood of Hannastown were also 
attacked with deadly effect. A wedding had taken place, on July 
12th, at the home of Andrew Cruikshank at Miller's Station, two 
miles south of Hannastown; and on July 13th, many friends of 
the happy couple were gathered at the Cruikshank home for the 
wedding party, when Guyasuta's warriors fell upon them, killing 
several and making prisoners of fifteen. Among the latter were 
Lieutenant Joseph Brownlee, his wife and several children, Mrs. 
Robert Hanna and her daughter, Jennie, and a Mrs. White and 
two of her children. As these prisoners were being taken through 
the woods, Mrs. Hanna addressed Lieutenant Brownlee as "Cap- 
tain"; whereupon the Indians killed him, his little son whom he 
was carrying, and nine other captives. The others were taken to 

Also, on Sunday morning, some of Guyasuta's force attacked 
the Freeman settlement on Loyalhanna Creek, a few miles north- 
east of Hannastown, killing one of Freeman's sons and capturing 
two of his daughters. On the same day, an attack was made on 
the Brush Creek settlement west of Hannastown, where many 
farm animals were killed, and several farm buildings burned. 
This attack was promptly reported to General William Irvine, 
then the commander at Fort Pitt, by Michael Huffnagle, the de- 
fender of the Hannastown fort. 

Hannastown never arose from its ashes. Court was held there 
for a few sessions after the burning of the village. Then a new 
road was laid out from Bedford to Pittsburgh, following the course 
of the present Lincoln Highway; and, in January, 1787, the West- 
moreland Court began its sessions in the town of Greensburg, on 
the new road, the present county seat of the historic county of 

It appears that there was a previous attack on Hannastown. 

Guyasuta 407 

Boucher, in his "History of Westmoreland County," refers to this 
former attack, as follows: 

"Eve Oury was granted a special pension of forty dollars per 
year by Act of April 1, 1846. The act itself recites that it was 
granted for heroic bravery and risking her life in defense of the 
garrison of Hannastown Fort in 1778, when it was attacked by a 
large number of Indians, and that by her fortitude, she performed 
efficient service in driving away the Indians, and thus saved the in- 
mates from a horrid butchery by the merciless and savage foe." 

Eve Oury (Uhrig) was the daughter of Francis Oury. She 
died at Shieldsburg, Westmoreland County, in 1848, and is buried 
at Congruity, in the same county. 

Reference has been made to the fact that the Six Nations, 
owing principally to the influence of Sir Guy Johnson, Colonel 
John Butler, and other British sympathizers and agents, were 
overwhelmingly on the side of the British during the Revolutionary 
War. The British offered the Iroquois great plunder and boun- 
ties for American scalps, as an inducement for them to attack the 
Americans. To be specific, the League of the Iroquois voted to 
take no part in the great conflict, but allow each tribe to decide for 
itself. A large part of the Tuscaroras and nearly all the Oneidas, 
owing to the influence of Rev. Samuel Kirkland, remained neutral; 
but the other four tribes of the historic confederation went over to 
the British, and brought desolation and death upon the frontiers 
of New York and Pennsylvania. Witness Cherry Valley, in New 
York, and Wyoming and Hannastown, in Pennsylvania. 

Guyasuta's tribe, the Senecas, were the most numerous and 
warlike of the Six Nations. A recital of the bloody outrages com- 
mitted by them upon the Americans struggling for liberty during 
the American Revolution would fill many pages. While it is not 
to be wondered at that Guyasuta sided along with his nation in 
the American Revolution, it is sincerely to be regretted that one of 
the most noted chiefs that ever trod the soil of Pennsylvania took 
the side of the British in this conflict Terrible was the retribution 
visited upon the Senecas and their allies by General Sullivan — a 
retribution that led to the final extinction of the Iroquois Confed- 
eration. No wonder that the old chiefs declining years were em- 

Last Days of Guyasuta 

After the Revolutionary War, Guyasuta lived in the vicinity 
of Fort Pitt. As old age crept upon him, he became virtually desti- 
tute. In 1790, he sent a pathetic message to the Quakers of Phila- 

4U8 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

delphia, addressing them as the sons of his beloved "Brother Onas" 
and imploring their assistance. Said he: "When I was young 
and strong, our country was full of game which the good Spirit 
sent for us to live upon. The lands which belonged to us were ex- 
tended far beyond where we hunted. Hunting was then not 
tiresome; it was diversion; it was pleasure. When your fathers 
asked land from my nation, we gave it to them, for we had more 
than enough. Guyasuta was among the first people to say, 'give 
land to our brother Onas for he wants it; and he has always been 
a friend to Onas and his children. But you are too far off to see 
him. Now he is grown old. He is very old and he wonders at his 
own shadow; it has become so little. He has no children to take 
care of him and the game is driven away by the white people. . . . 
1 have no other friends but you, the children of our beloved 
Brother Onas." 

From December, 1792, to the middle of April, 1793, General 
Anthony Wayne trained the Legion of the United States at that 
place on the Ohio River, twenty miles below Pittsburgh, since 
known as Legionville. Before leading the Legion from that place 
against the Western Indians, he was visited by Guyasuta. 

In May, 1793, Captain Samuel Brady was tried at Pittsburgh 
for the murder of certain Indians near the mouth of the Beaver, 
in the spring of 1791. Due at least in part to the testimony given 
in his behalf by Guyasuta, he was acquitted. Guyasuta's testi- 
mony was so strongly in favor of the defendant that even Brady's 
counsel, James Ross, Esq., was abashed. At the close of the trial, 
Mr. Ross spoke to Guyasuta, expressing his surprise at the decided 
tone of his testimony. The aged chief then clapped his hand 
upon his breast, and said: "Am I not the friend of Brady?" 

General James O'Hara bought Guyasuta's interest in the large 
tract of land on the west side of the Allegheny near Sharpsburg, 
Allegheny County, and gave the old chief a home on the plantation 
during his declining years. Here he died some time in the closing 
years of the eighteenth century, and his body was placed in the old 
Indian mound on the estate by General O'Hara. Guyasuta station 
on the Pennsylvania Railroad nearby bears the name of this noted 

The claim has been made, however, that Guyasuta died at 
Custaloga's Town on French Creek about twelve miles above its 
mouth and near the mouth of Deer Creek in French Creek Town- 
ship, Mercer County, and was buried at that place. (See Frontier 
Forts of Pennsylvania, Volume Two, pages 322, 323). 


New Comer, White Eyes and Killbuck 


EW COMER, or Nettawatwees, was a chief of the Turtle 
Clan of Delawares, his authority being limited, it seems, 
to that Clan alone, though he was the nominal head of 
the Delaware nation. His first appearance in history is 
when he was a witness to the deed which Sassoonan and six other 
chiefs gave to William Penn, on September 17th, 1718, by the terms 
of which they released all the land "between the Delaware and the 
Susquehanna from Duck Creek to the Mountains [the South 
Mountain] on this side of Lechay [the Lehigh River]", men- 
tioned more particularly in Chapter VII. 

New Comer was one of the chiefs who met George Croghan at 
Logstown in January, 1754, and joined with Scarouady, Tana- 
charison, Shingas, and Delaware George, in requesting both 
Pennsylvania and Virginia to build forts near the Forks of the 
Ohio as a place of security for the Indians of that region in case 
of war with the French. He went to the Muskingum and Tusca- 
rawas near the close of the French and Indian War, from which 
place he joined with King Beaver and Shingas in sending White 
Eyes and Wingenund to Philadelphia in May, 1761, to advise the 
Governor that a large delegation of chiefs from Ohio proposed 
coming to meet him in order to cement the bond of peace. 

When Colonel Bouquet led his expedition to the Muskingum 
and Tuscarawas in the summer and autumn of 1764, to quell 
Pontiac's uprising and to force the Western Indians to deliver up 
the prisoners which they had captured, New Comer, as chief of 
the Turtle Clan was nominally the head of the Delaware nation at 
that time. Bouquet deposed him on this occasion for refusing to 
attend the conference between this resolute soldier and the chiefs 
of the hostile tribes. The deposition, however, was never accepted 
by the Delawares. 

New Comer attended the conference at Fort Pitt, beginning 
May 10th, 1765, relative to resuming trade relations with the 
western tribes after the close of Pontiac's War; also the great coun- 

410 The Indian Chiefs of Pennsylvania 

cil at the same place, April 26th to May 9th, 1768, relative to the 
settlements made at Redstone and other places in the valleys of the 
Monongahela and Youghiogheny, on land not purchased from the 
Indians — the council which led to the Great Congress at Fort 
Stanwix, (Rome, New York,) in October of that year, at which 
Pennsylvania purchased from the Six Nations that part of the 
state known as the "Purchase of 1768", the counties included in 
which were set forth in Chapter XX. 

In his latter years, New Comer came under the influence of 
the Moravian missionaries, and granted them lands on the Tus- 
carawas, in 1772. He was especially friendly to Bishop Zeisberger 
of the Moravian Church. He was much perplexed, however, on 
account of the lack of unity among Christians. He could not 
understand why there were so many different denominations; and, 
in the latter part of 1772, he advised the Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania that he intended to go to England to consult the King on 
this matter which was disturbing his heart, a journey which he did 
not take, however. 

Last Days of New Comer 

When William Wilson, as the ambassador of George Morgan, 
then in charge of Indian affairs at Fort Pitt, was sent in the sum- 
mer of 1776 on a mission to invite the Delawares, Shawnees, and 
Wyandots of Ohio to a conference to be held at Fort Pitt in 
October of that year, he was greatly befriended by New Comer at 
the Delaware town of Coshocton, located on the site of the present 
town of that name, in Coshocton County, Ohio. Wilson, in spite 
of the interference of Hamilton, commander of the British fort at 
Detroit, succeeded in persuading a number of the chiefs of the 
western tribes to attend the conference at Fort Pitt in October 
Among these chiefs was the venerable New Comer. Unusual 
solemnity was given to the conference by the fact that he breathed 
his last at Fort Pitt before the treaty was concluded. 


White Eyes, also sometimes Grey Eyes, became the ruler of 
the Turkey Clan of Delawares upon the death of King Beaver. 
During the winter of 1776-1777, he was elected chief sachem of the 
Delaware nation, following the death of the aged New Comer in 
Pittsburgh in the autumn of 1776. His Delaware name was 

While White Eyes met Post on the latter's first mission to the 

New Comer, White Eyes and Killbuck 41 i 

Ohio in the summer of 1758, his first appearance of importance in 
Pennsylvania history is when he and the Delaware chief, Winge- 
nund, as the ambassadors of King Beaver and New Comer, met 
Governor Hamilton in council at Philadelphia, on May 22nd, 
1761, and delivered the promise of these "chief men at Allegheny" 
to meet the Provincial Authorities in the near future further to 
confirm the peace "that was begun at Easton" [Treaty of Easton, 
October, 1758], "a peace", said White Eyes, "that has a good face, 
and seems to be as well established as that made by William 
Penn. .... at the first settlement of the Province." Andrew 
Montour was the interpreter. The Governor received White 
Eyes and Wingenund very cordially, and requested them to advise 
their superior chiefs to make arrangements for the delivery of the 
white prisoners taken in the French and Indian War, a request, 
which, as was seen in Chapter XIX, was carried out by King 
Beaver and Shingas, at the Lancaster conference of August, 1762. 

Nothing definite is known as to the part taken by White Eyes 
in Pontiac's War. But in Lord Dunmore's War, in the autumn 
of 1774, we find him an earnest advocate of peace. Many of his 
people reviled him and accused him of ingratiating himself with 
the Virginians in his efforts to persuade the Shawnees to make 
peace with Dunmore; but the great chieftain's purpose was to save 
the Shawnees from destruction. Taunts and abuse did not swerve 
him. He was Lord Dunmore's advisor; and, when peace was 
.concluded between the Virginians and the Shawnees, at Camp 
Charlotte, near Circleville, Ohio, in October, Lord Dunmore took 
occasion to extol White Eyes and his people, saying that they had 
been the unflinching advocates of peace, and telling the Shawnees 
that only out of regard for them, the Delawares, as "grandfathers" 
of the Shawnees, had he made the terms of peace so lenient. Both 
the Shawnees and the Virginians had suffered severe losses at the 
battle of Point Pleasant, West Virginia, described in the sketch of 
Cornstalk, Chapter XXVII. 

Reference was made, in Chapter XXIV, to the fact that White 
Eyes attended the treaty held at Fort Pitt on October 27th, 1775, 
in an effort to secure the friendship of the western tribes in the 
Revolutionary War, at which he resented Guyasuta's claim to 
represent the Delawares. White Eyes' sympathy for the Ameri- 
cans gave offense to Guyasuta, who reminded him that the Dela- 
wares were "women". 

"Women!" was the scornful reply of White Eyes. "Yes, you 
say that you conquered me, that you cut off my legs, p