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Full text of "The Indian empire: history, topography, geology, climate, population, chief cities and provinces; tributary and protected states; military power and resources; religion, education, crime; land tenures; staple products; government, finance, and commerce. With a full account of the mutiny of the Bengal army; of the insurrection in western India; and an exposition of the alleged causes"

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VOL. I. 



97, 98, 99, ft 100, ST. JOHN STREET, LONDON; AND 55, DET STREET, NEW YORK. 




AbifaUig, or Dooranis, 173. 
Abul Fazil, author of Aiher Namah, 
and Ayeen Akhery, 91, 108; assassi- 
nation, 114. 
Adit Shah dynruty at Beejapoor — ori!?in, 
96 ; war with Humayun, 130 ; extinc- 
tion by Aurungzebe, 150. 
Adminiiifration ofjujitice, 550, 551. 
Afyhans, or Patans, 86. 
Afyhan war — opinions thereon, 435. 
Afghanistan, 11 ; reception of Moham- 
medanism, 56 ; war with Aurunazebe. 
147 , Shah Soojah restored by British 
troops, 437 ; British beleaguered in 
Cabool cantonments, 440 ; capitula- 
tion and retreat, 442 ; massacre in the 
Jugduliuck Pass, 443; British reoccu- 
pation of Cabool, 445 ; proceedings of 
" army of retribution" denounced by 
Lord Brougham, 447 ; destruction of 
Great Bazaar and Mosque, 448 ; evacu- 
ation of the country, 448. 
Agra occupied by Baber, 81; captured by 

Lake, 396; topography, 481. 
Ahalya Dye. (See Holcar Principality). 
Aheer, or shepherd, 249. 
.4hmedmiggur, 98; kingdom subjugated 

by Shah Jehan, 130. 
Ahmed Shah {Emperor), accession, 173; 

deposition, 175. 
Ahmed Shah Doorani, King of Afgha- 
nistan, 3; invades India, 173; obtains 
cession of the Punjab, 175; gains the 
battle of Paniput, 179. 
Ajmeer, 106. 

Akber {Emperor), birth, 88 ; early perils, 
91; accession, 107; Hindoo marriages, 
110; conquests, 110; character, 115; 
personal appeai-ance, 116; death, 116; 
vast wealth, 119. 
Akber Khan, the Wallace of Cabool, 440, 

442, 445. 
Alexander the Great, 21, 25; invades 
India, 27; Indian marches, 29, 36; 
departure and death, 35; cities or mili- 
tary stations founded by him, 37 ; his 
commercial policy, 37. 
Ali Verdi Khan, or Mohabet Jung, vice- 
roy of Bengal, 170, 243; death, 271. 
Allahabad and Corah, sold by E. \. Com- 
pany to Shuja Dowlah, 326. 
Almora (see Kumaon), 413. 
Alumgeer II. {Emperor), accession, 175; 

assassination, 176, 
Amber, or Jeypoor, 106; Rajah Jey Sing 
II. builds Jeypoor, 162; condition of 
principality in 1745, 249. 
Amboyna; Dutch government torture and 

execute English factors, 209. 
Ameer Khan, Mohammedan adventurer, 

392, 393, 408, 416. 
Ameer-ool-Omra ; Ameer, Emir, or Mir, 

Ameers of Sinde, division of power, 449; 
patriarchal administration, 450; con- 
quered and deposed by British, 452 ; 
case of Ali Morad, 452, 459. 
Amercot, Rajpoot principality, 88, 106, 

Amrut Rao, 393, 394. 
Anjengo settlement, 253. 
Arcot, founded, 251; occupation and de- 
fence by Clive, 264. 
Aria {Kingdom of), 48. 
Armegaun, station formed there, 211. 
Army {Anglo-Indian), state in 1765. 
304 ; increased to enforce collection of 
taxes, 312 ; hired by Shuja Dowlah to 
extirpate Rohillas, 329 ; arrears of pay, 
352; sepoys faithful, though nearly 
starving for want of pay, 361 ; arrears 
in 1786, 365; state in 1798, 378; 
European and native force join British 
in Egypt, 388 ; dissatisfaction of Euro- 
peans at Madras, 409; state in 1817, 
416; military expenditure, 422; con- 
dition before the mutiny of 1857, 553 — 
555 ; tabular view of Europeans and 
natives employed, 565. 
Arracan, ceded to E. I. Company by King 

of Ava, 425. 
Artillery, early use in India, 96. 
Aseerghur, ^04, 105; obtained possession 
of by the first Nizam, 159; captm'ed 
by the English, 398. 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, 375. 
Asoca, edicts of, 86. 
Asiif Jah (see Cheen Kilich Khan), 150 ; 

meaning of term, 160. 
Attoci Fort, 113. 

Auningzebe {Emperor), 6; character, 133 ; 
usurpation, 135; imprisons his father, 
135 ; procures the death of his brothers 
and nephews, 135 — 139; illness, 140; 
Hindoo insurrection, 147 ; rebellion of 
his son. Prince Akber, 148 ; personal 
ajjpearance, 151 ; his armies, 151 ; last 
campaign in the Deccan, 152; death, 
153; will, decreeing division of empire 
among his sons, 153; peculiar direc- 
tions for his funeral, 153; farewell 
letters, 153; conduct to Hindoos and 
to conquered enemies, 154; anecdote, 
Auto da Fe'at Goa, 193. 
Ayeen AJcbery, 570. 

Baber {Emperor), early history, 79 ; 
invasion of India, 80 ; autobiogra- 
phy, 80 — 82 ; foundation of Mogul 
empire, 83 ; death, character, and 
career, 84. 

Bactria {Kingdom of), 48 — 50. 

Bahadur Shah, or Alum Shah Bahadur, 
Emperor (Prince Mauzim), 140; gene- 
rous mediation O'l behalf of King of 
Golconda, and seven years* imprison- 
ment, 150; accession, 154; wars and 
death, 155. 

Bahadur Shah, King of Guzerat, opposes 
Humayun, 84 ; killed by Portuguese, 

Bahair, or Behar (Magadha), 15, 18, 107. 

Bahmani kings of the Deccan, origin of 
dynasty, 93 ; good King Mahmood 
Shah I., 93, 94 ; Humayun the Cruel, 
94 ; extinction of dynasty, 96. 

Baird {Sir David), 381, 382. 

Bandu, Seik lewder, 155 ; capture and 

execution, 157. 
Banians, native bankers, 218, 
Banks {Indian), 565, 
Bappoo Gokla (Mahratta general), 417, 

Bareed Shah dynasty of Bedar, 101. 
Barlow {Sir George), provisional admin- 
istration, 406 ; breach of treaties, 406. 
Batecala, defended by Ranee against 
Portuguese, 191 ; massacre of English 
for slaughter of a cow, 230. 
Batta, extra pay, 304, 428. 
Battles, Paniput (1526), 81; Paniput 
(1556), 108; Huldighat (1592), 112; 
Samaghur(1658), 134; Cujwa (1659), 
137; Kurnaul (1738), 164; Paniput 
(1759), 179; Plassy (1757), 278; 
Buxar (1764), 299 ; Chercoolee (1771), 
319; Barcilly (1774), 329; Porto 
Novo (1781), 354; Poliloor (1781), 
355; .\ssaye (1803), 395; near Delhi 
(1803), 396; Laswaree (1803). 397; 
Argaura (1803), 398 ; Kirkee (1817), 
417; Corvgaum (1818), 418; Ashtoe 
(1818), 419; Mahidpoor (1817), 420 ; 
Tezecn (1818), 420; Meanee (1843), 
451 ; Hyderabad (1843), 452 ; Maha- 
rajpoor (1843), 452; Puniar (1843), 
452 ; Moodkee and Ferozshah (1845), 
454 ; Aliwal and Sobraon (1846), 455 ; 
Chillianwallah (1849), 456; tabular 
view of principal battles, 460 — 463. 
Beechioa, Mahratta weapon, 143. 
Beejanuggur, Hindoo kingdom, 95 ; ex- 
tinction, 97. 
Beejapoor, conquered by Aurungzebe, 150. 
Beera. or pan, HI. 

Benares, 17 ; Rajah Cheyte Sing deposed 
by Warren Hastings ; resistance, de- 
feat, and banishment ; annexation of 
principality by E. I. Company, 360 — 
362 ; natives resist a house-tax, 410. 
Benfleld {Paul), intrigues in the Car- 

natic, 347. 
Bengal, 106; state of presidency in 1707, 
234 ; in 1757, 271—282; revenue and 
expenditure in 1760, 290; corruption 
of officials, 294 ; general profligacy, 
1760 to 1770, 307; civil service in 
1772, 322 ; supreme council, 331. 
Bentinck {Lord William), character given 
by Jacquemont, 428 ; administration, 
Berar, or Nagpoor (see Bhonslay family), 
invaded by Patans and Pindarries, 409, 
414 ; subsidiary force established in 
Berar, 414; annexation, 459. 
Bemadotte, captured by British at Cud- 

dalore, 358. 
Bemier, Shah Jehan's French physician, 

Bhamalpoor {Khan of), rewarded by Lord 

Ellenborough, 450. 
Bheels, 141. 

Bhonslay family establish principality in 
Berar, 168; Pursojee, 168; Ragojee, 
394 ; Cuttack and Balasore surren- 
dered to E. I. Company, 399 ; Appa 




Sahib usurps the throne, *M ; joins 
Peishwa against English, 418; defeat, 
flight, and obscure death, -420. 

Bhopal. 416. 

BhOK (Mahratta term), 177. 

Bkurtpoor {Jat /ortres* of), 249, 406, 

BiJtmeer (Rajpoot slate of), 106. 

Buhopa of Ca/cK//o— Middleton, 421 ; 
Heber, 421 ; James, 421 ; Turner, 421. 

Bombay, island ceded by Portugal, 216; 
transferred by crown to E. I. Company, 
217; population, 217; presidency, 
315, 340—345 ; topography, 481. 

Boodlium,\i,\<i; Alompra, 422; Shwe- 
da-gon, or Boodhist temple, 424- 

Bort, Macedonian galleys injured by 
phenomenon. 34. 

Boughton (Gabrifl), obtains trading pri- 
vileges from Shah Jehan, 214. 

Brakminism, 13, 15. 

Brahmim, character of, by Abul Fazil, 

Brigffs (Colonel), translation of Ferishta*s 
History of Mohammedan India, 55 ; and 
of the Siyar ul Mutakherin, 156. 

Brinjarriet, itinerant corn dealers, 370. 

Brvce'i Annals of E.I. Company, 231. 

Brydon (Dr.), survivor of Cabool mas- 
sacre, 443. 

Bullaee, Bullawa, or Dher, Hindoo func- 
tionary, 572. 

Bundelcund, 106, 395; annexation, 398. 

Buonaparte, letters to Tippoo Sultan 
and Zemaun Shah, 377. 

Burman Empire, 423 ; migration of 
Mughs, 423 ; first Burmese war, 423 ; 
titles of kings of Ava, 423 ; English 
invasion, 424 ; second Burmese war, 

Burnet (Sir Alexander), 438, 439. 

Bwsy, Frencli commander-in-cjiief, 261, 
263 ; captured by English, 285. 

Byadhee, Hindoo functionary, 572. 

Caaba, or Kaaba, at Mecca, 52. 

Cabool, severed from Mogul empire by 
Nadir Shah, 167 ; Zemaun Shah, 377, 
388, 433 : Shah Soojah and Dost Mo- 
hammed, 433. (See Afghanistan). 

Cabot (Giovanni or John), 197. 

Calcutta — settlement formed, and Fort 
William built, 221 ; presidency created, 
235; soil purchased in fee-simple, 240; 
Mahratta ditch formed, 243 ; Fort 
William besieged and taken by Surajah 
Dowlah, 273 ; the " Black Hole," 273 ; 
Fort William recaptured by Clive and 
Watson, 274; supreme court in 1780, 
337; topography, 481. 

Cttli, consort of Siva, 253 ; human heads 
offered at her shrine at Chittledroog, 

Calicut (Hindoo principality of), 182 ; 
Portuguese defeated, 186. 

Cananore (Hindoo principality of), 184. 

Candahar, conquered by Baber, 80 ; lost 
by Shah Jehan, 131 ; kingdom founded 
by Ahmed Shah, an Afghan, 172; 
Cashmere incorporated with Candahar, 
219; city occupied by Shah Soojah 
and the English, 436. 

Canovj, anci;nt Hindoo city, 65. 

Carcuont, or clerks, 141. 

Cumatic, extent, 93 ; singular misnomer, 
25 1 ; English and French support rival 
nawaba, 263 ; history during the iSth 
century, 270; renewal of hostilities, 
283; oufferings of popuUtion, 315; 
annexation, 387 ; Carnatic debt and 
firm of Palmer and Co., 421. 

Cathmere, 41 ; history of, 113; " aafiron 

meads," 127 ; favourite retreat of suc- 
cessive emperoro, 249; severance from 
empire, 249. 

Caste, 14 ; interference with, at Vellore, 

Cazi, or Mohammedan judge, 117. 

Champaneer hill-fort, 102. 

Chanderi, 106. 

Chandemagore, French settlement, cap- 
tured by English, 275 ; condition in 

Chandragiri (Rayeel or RojaJit of), 213, 
218, 250, 253. 

Changi, standard of Mewar, 112. 

Chamock (Job), 222. 

Cheen Kilich Khan, 1 56 ; known as 
Nizam-ool-Moolk, the Nizam, and 
Asuf Jah — intrigues at Delhi, 158 ; 
governor of Malwa, 158; founds an 
independent power in the Deccan, 159; 
becomes vizier, 160; called " the old 
Deccani baboon," 160 ; quits Delhi in 
disgust, 160; returns to the Deccan, 
and establishes his government at Hy- 
derabad, 160; courted back to Delhi, 
162 ; character, 162, 167 ; death, 173. 

Chelah, 118. 

Child (John and Josiah), 220. 

Cholera, or Black Death, traverses India 
in 1817, 419. 

Chout, levied by Sevajee, 146, 249. 

Chowkeedar, Hindoo functionary, 572. 

Christianity in India, 529 — 535. 

Chunar fortress, captured by Humayun, 

Cities (principal Indian), 481 — 485. 

Clavcring (General), 331 ; quarrel with 
M'arren Hastings, 336 ; death, 337. 

CTima/e, 486— 491. 

Clive (Robert, Lord), birth and early 
career, 258 ; attempts suicide, 258 ; 
narrow escape at Arcot, 264 ; marriage, 
268 ; obtains jaghire from Meer Jaffier, 
and great wealth, 281, 287 ; created 
Baron of Phissy. 301 ; subdues mutiny 
of English officers, 305 ; traits of 
character, 305 ; irregular gains, 306 ; 
parliamentary inquiry, and suicide, 307. 

Cochin, 184; rajahs ill-treated by the 
Dutch, 244 ; tribute to English, 410. 

Coins, 565 ; dihnar, 62 ; dirhem, 62, 69 ; 
fanam, 75; gold fanam, 311; boon, 
97 ; pagoda, 75, 235, 384 ; pice. 217 ; 
rupee, 217; sicca rupee, 294; shah- 
ruki, 81 ; tunklia, 570. 

College of Fort William, 402. 

Combermerc (Viscount), at Bhurtpoor, 

Commanders-in-chief — Coote, 355, 357, 
35.S — (see Comwallis and Harris) ; El- 
phinstone — captivity, 439 ; dnath, 445 ; 
Gough, 415. 

Commerce (Indian), 560, 562. 

Conolly, three brothers, 441; John, 441; 
Arthur martyred at Bokhara, 447. 

Coolcumy, hereditary village accountant, 

Coolies (Hill), 141. 

Coorg, 253; captured by Hyder AH, 348; 
insurrections under Tippoo Sultan, 
367 ; Rajah Veer Rajundra supplies 
the English with grain in the invasion 
of Mysoor, 379 ; annexation, 430 ; 
ex-rajah in England, 430 ; daughter 
god-child to Queen Victoria, 430 ; 
question regarding rajah's funded pro- 
perty, 430 ; landed tenure in, 569. 

Comwallis (Lord), governor-general and 
commander-in-chief, 366 ; establishes a 
fixed land rent throughout Bengal, 
366 ; zemindar settlement, 573 ; judi- 
cial system and foreign policy, 367 — 

373 ; second administration, 405 ; 

death, 406. 
Covenanted and uncovenanted services, 

Crime, statistics of, 542 — 544. 
Crishna, or Krishna, 17,253. 
Crishna Kumari, Princess of Oodipoor, 

Cunjee, or rice-water, 265. 
Currency, insufficient, 31 1. 
Cutwal, or magistrate, 101. 

Dacoits, or Deceits, 330. 

Dalhousie (Marquis of), review of ad- 
ministration, 459. 

Danish E. I. Company, 205 ; settlement!! 
in the 18th century, 234, 245. 

Debt (Indian), 365, 374, 422. 

Deccan, sufferings of inhabitants during 
wars of Aurungzebe, 152. 

Dehra Doon annexed by E.I. Company, 

Delhi, 41 ; slave kings of, 72 ; sacked by 
Timur, 78 ; captured by Br.l)er, 81 ; 
new city built by Shah Jehan, 135; 
earthquake, 159; seized by Nadir Shah 
— massacre of citizens, 165; captured 
by Mahrattas, 178 ; Seized by Rohillas, 
emperor blinded, and his family tor- 
tured, 373 ; taken by Lake, 397. 

Dellon (French physician), imprisoned by 
Inquisition at Goa, 19,3. 

Dennie (Colonel), 436. 444. 

Deo, a good spirit, 175. 

Desmookhs, 141 ; meaning of word, 15/. 

Devicotta, capture of, 258 ; occupation 
by English, 259. 

Deu'annec, 300 ; of Bengal, Bahar, and 
Orissa, obtained from Shah Alum. 303. 

Dhar (Puars of). 161, 320. 

Dhungurs of Maharashtra, 249. 

Dhitrna, species of dunning, 169. 

Diamonds, and other precious stones, 497. 

Diseases (Indian), 491. 

Diu occupied by Portuguese, 190. 

Doet Mohammed, 433, 436, 437. 448. 

Duelling prohibited by E. I. Company, on 
penalty of dismissal, 366. 

Duff's (Captain Grant), History of the 
Maliratlas, 149. 

Duleep Sing (Maharcfjak), 454. 

Dupleix, French governor-general, 248 ; 
political intrigues of Madame Dupleix, 
259 ; brilliant success, 263 ; reverses, 
268; supersession and death, 269. 

Durrahs, or camps, 239. 

Dnstucks, or passports, 416. 

Dutch power, rise of, 195; Cornelius 
Houtman, 195 ; E. I. Companies, 196 ; 
dividends, 206; position in the ISth 
century, 233 ; lucrative trade, 245 ; 
hostilities with English, 288 ; decreased 
importance, 317; cession of settlements 
to English, 421, 427. 

Dyt, an evil spirit, 175. 

East Indiamen, 227. 

Education, 537, 538. 

Edwardes (Major Herbert), 455. 

Ellenburough (Earl of), orders evacua- 
tion of Afghanistan, 445; ** song of 
triumph,' 448 ; recall, 453. 

Elphinstone (Mountstuart), British resi- 
dent at I'oona, 416; embassy to A - 
ghanistan, 434. 

English E. I. Companies, origin, 5, 6, 
197; first company, 196; chartered 
and protected by Elizabeth, 200 ; terms 
of charter, 201 ; first fleet, 202 ; in- 
crease of navy, 204, 227 ; commence- 
ment of trade with Bengal, 212; par- 
liamentary discussions, 212 ; statistics, 



212, 213; dividends, 213; hostilities 
with Aurungzebe, 221 ; convoy pilgrim 
vessels to Mecca, 227 ; hostility of 
rival companies, 228 ; rival agencies at 
Mogul court, 229 ; large importation of 
piece goods, 229 ; union of companies, 
233 ; war with French, 254 ; bribery 
and corruption, 301 ; parliamentary 
interference, 309 ; company on verge 
of bankruptcy, 312 ; " regulating act" 
of parliament, 312 ; breach of faith with 
the emperor, 324 ; renewal of charter 
(1793), and financial position, 374; 
finances, 422, 428 ; renewal of charter 
(1833), 431. 

English Rtissian Company, chartered by 
Queen Elizabeth, 198. 

Knglish Turkey Company, 199. 

Etal Rao, faithful Mahratta leader, 314. 

Eunuchs, 120. 

Eusofzie Afghans, 113. 

Execution by blowing from guns, prac- 
tised by Lally, 283 ; by Munro, 299. ' 

Famine in 1661, 139; in Bengal, 1769- 
'70, 310 ; in the Carnatic, 35C ; in the 
Deccan, 400. 

Fedeyan, zealots of Almowut, 72. 

Feizi, brother of Abnl Fazil, 115. 

Fei-dousi, author of Shah Namah; death, 

Ferishta, Mohammedan historian, 55 ; his 
works, 102 ; definition of Christian 
doctrines, 232. 

Feroksheer (Emperor), 156; accession, 
and free use of the bow-string, 156 ; 
war with Sciks, 157; murdered by 
Seyed brothers, 158. 

Fish (Mogul Order of the), 262. 

JFoujdar, or military governor, 117. 

Francis (Sir Philip), 331 ; reputed author 
of Junius' Letters; wounded in duel 
with governor-general, 339 ; resigns, 
and returas to England, 339. 

French East India Companies, 7, 205 ; 
company formed by Colbert, 218 ; un- 
successful as traders, 227 ; position in 
India in the IBtli century, 235 ; Dumas 
governor-general, 246 ; war with Eng- 
lish, 251 ; proceedings in the Carnatic, 
261; power at its height, 263; no 
military post left, 286 ; extinction of 
company, 287. 

French oncers in native service — Per- 
ron, 390 ; Ventura, Court, and Allard, 

French possessions in India, 319, 350 
(see Buonaparte); republic negotiate 
with Tippoo .Sultan, 379 ; Pondicherry 
seized by British, 389. 

Gadi, or Hindoo throne, 162. 

Galloicay (Generat), 427. 

Ganges, steam navigation, 430; source, 
Icngtli, &c., 480. 

Geography of India, extent and bounda- 
ries, 464, 4G5 ; aspect of provinces and 
districts. 510, 511. 

Geology, 492—494. 

Ghaut (Bala and Payeen), 251. 

Ghazis, or Ghazees, 94, 96, 108, 436. 

Gheria captured from the Angria family, 

Ghor (House of), 71. 

Ghuznee (House of), 59; population, 66 — 
69 ; termination of dynasty, 70 ; city 
taken by English, 436; sandal-wood 
gates, 445 ; destruction of fortress, 447. 

Gillespie (Hollo), 411. 

Goa captvired by Portuguese, 97, 187 ; 
Inquisition established, 193. 

Gohnd (Rana of), ill-treated by E. I. 

I Company, 405 ; Lord Lake's appeal on 
I his behalf, 405. 

j Golconda, last independent Mohamme- 
dan state destroyed by Aurungzebe,150. 

Gomastahs, or native agents, 295. 

Gombroon, 203. 

Gonedulees, 174. 

Goorkas, spread over Nepaul, 410; 
origin of dynasty, 411 ; infantry, 445. 

Gosaen, Hindoo religious mendicant, 

Government (Anglo-Indian), 545—548. 

Governors - general — Warren Hastings, 
331 — 365 ; Marquis Cornwallis, 366 — 
374 ; Sir John Shore (afterwards Lord 
Teignmonth), 374, 375 ; Earl of Morn- 
ington (afterwards Marquis Wellesley), 
376 — 404 ; Marquis Cornwallis, 405 — 
406 ; Sir George Barlow (provisional), 
406, 407; Earl of Minto, 408—410; 
Lord Moira (afterwards Marquis of 
Hastings), 410; John Adam (provi- 
sional), 422; Earl Amherst, 422— 
428 ; Butterworth Bayley (provisional), 
428; Lord William Bentinck, 428— 
431 ; Sir Charles Metcalfe (provi- 
sional), 431 ; Lord Auckland, 431 — 
433 ; Earl of Ellenborough, 44.3—452 ; 
Sir Henry (afterwards Lord) Hardinge, 
453 — 455; Earl (afterwards Marquis) 
of Dalhousie, 456—459. 

Great Moguls, Emperors, or Padshahs, 
of the House of Timur. (See Timur, 
Baber, Humayun, Akber, Shah Jehan, 
Shah Alum, Aurungzebe, Bahadur 
Shah, Jehander Shah, Feroksheer, 
Mohammed Shah, Ahmed Shah, Alnm- 
geer //.) Enormous wealth of (jreat 
Moguls, 119; crown and throne, 120; 
peacock throne, 135 ; seized by Nadir 
Shah, 166. 

Grunth, Seik scriptures, 155.* 

Gunpoicder (alleged use in India, a.d, 
1008), 64. 

Guru, 155 ; Guru Govind, 1^5. 

Guzerat, kings of, 101 ; Mahmood Be- 
garra, 103; Bahadur Shah, 85, 103; 
conquered by Akber, Ilfl ; chout and 
surdeshmooki granted to l^Iahratta^, 
161, 249. 

Gwalior, 106; Gwalior fortress, a state 
prison, 120, 128 ; Bastille of Hindoo- 
stan, 136 ; taken by Rana of Gohnd, 
344 ; permanent occupation by Sindia 
—standing camp established, and city 
founded, 416. 

Hafiz, poet of Shiraz, 94. 

Halhed's Digest of Hindoo Laws, 323. 

Hamilton's (Captain), New Account of 
the East Indies, 211. 

Hamilton (Surgeon), cures Feroksheer, 
and obtains privileges for E. I. Com- 
pany, 239. 

Hanway (Jonas), 172. 

Harauti, Rajpoot principality, 106. 

Harbours (Principal), 512, 513. 

Harris (Lord), commander-in-chief, 398 ; 
governor of Madras, 582. 

Hastings (Marquis of), character of his 
administration, 421; death, 422 ; his 
wife, the Countess of Loudon, 422. 

Hastings (Warren), 296; advocates na- 
tive ' rights, 299; early history, 321 ; 
made governor of Bengal, 322 ; sells 
children of robbers as slaves, 330 ; 
appointed governor-general, 331 ; per- 
son and (character, 331 ; charges of 
peculation, 332 ; contest with Nunco- 
mar, 335 ; repudiates resignation ten- 
dered by his agent 336 ; marries 
Baroness Imhoff, 337 ; duel with Fran- 

cis, 339 ; conduct to Rajah of Benares, 
360 ; flies by night from Benares, 361 ; 
extorts money from Begums of Oude, 
363 ; tortures their aged servants, 363 ; 
private purse of Mrs. Hastings, 364 ; 
return to England, 365 ; impeachment, 
365 ; acquittal, poverty, and death, 

Heber, Bishop of Calcutta, 421. 

Hedaya, Mohammedan law code, 323. 

Herat, seized by Dost Mohammed, 433. 

Heroic, or vanguard, 122. 

Hetkurees, Concan mountaineers, 151. 

Hindoo authors, 153. 

Hindoo. Koosh, 25, 26, 466. 

Hindoos, character of, by Abul Fazil, 117. 

Hindoostan, 13. 

Holcar, or Indore Principality, origin of 
family, 161; Mulhar Rao, 161 ; suc- 
cessful administration of the good prin- 
cess Ahalya Bye ; person, character, 
and administration, 390—392, 580 ; 
Jeswunt Rao, 392 ; sack of Indore by 
the Pindarries, 393 ; predatory war with 
the English, 399 ; idiocy and death, 
408 ; Jeswunt Rao's concubine, Toolsae 
Bye, 419 ; her career and death, 420. 

Hooghly taken by Shah Jehan from Por- 
tuguese, 130; made the royal port of 
Bengal, 131 ; trading post established 
by English, 213. 

Humayun (Emperor), 84 ; memoirs, 85 ; 
exile, 87 ; restoration, 92 ; death and 
character, 92. 

Hyderabad, capital of the Deccan, his- 
tory during tlie 18th century, 270. 

Hyder Ali, of Mysoor — early career, 285 ; 
agreement with Lally, 285 ; seizes Bed- 
nore and Malabar, 310; detects con- 
spiracy for his assassination, 317 ; op- 
• posed by Peishwa, 319; quarrels with 
Tippoo, 31 9 ; extortion and economy, 
345; confidence in Swartz, 350; French 
officers in his service, 353 ; avoidance 
of pitched battles, 354 ; flight from 
Polliloor, 355; death, 356; treatment 
of English prisoners, 359 ; tyrannical 
assessment, 571. 

Imad Shah dynasty ofBerar, 101. 

Imaum Hussyn and family murdered, S8 ; 
fate of Imaum Hassan, 265. 

Impey (Sir Elijah), 331 ; condemnation 
of Nuncomar, 334 ; recall, 338. 

Imports and Exports, 563. 

India, 113; Arrian's account, 36; Me- 
gasthenes' account, 38 ; edicts of Asoca, 
38 ; early divisions, 40 — 44 ; social 
condition, 43 ; laws, 44 ; position of 
women, 44 ; astronomy, trigonometry, 
geometry, decimal notation, chrono- 
logy, 45 ; geography, medicine, litera- 
ture, 46 ; music, painting, sculpture, 
architecture, fetes, police system, dress, 
currency, 47 ; condition when Akber 
began to reign, 93 — 107 ; commercial 
intercourse with Europe, 181 ; condi- 
tion in the middle of the 18th century, 
219, 253, 308 ; state at the close of 
Lord Dalhousie's administration, 459. 

Indo -Mohammedan dynasties (table of), 

Indus river, crossed by Alexander, 228. 

Inquisition in Portuguese settlements, 193. 

Interest (legal rate), 313. 

Interlopers, 203 ; favoured by Cromwell, 
216; Skinner's case, 217; treated a.s 
pirates, 225. 

Invasion of India — Serairamis, Sesostris, 
Hercules, and Cyrus, 19; Alexander 
theGreat. 26; Seleucus,3"; Arahinv:'.- 
sion of Western India, 56 ; Mahmood 



of Ghuznee, 62 — 6S ; Shaliab-oo-Deen, 
of Ghor, 71; Moguls from Tran- 
Boxiana, 73 ; Timur Beg, or Tamerlane, 
77 ; Baber, 80 ; Persians under Nadir 
Shah, 162 ; Afghans under Ahmed 
Shah Doorani, 175, 176 j thieatened by 
Zemaun Shah, 317. 

Investment (mercantile) of E. I. Com- 
pany, 237; Bengal investment of 1771, 

blanii on the coast of India, 511. 

Jaghire, origin and conditions, 306. 
Jain religion, 16. 
Jami, or JAansie, 162, 459. 
Jats, Jits, or Juts, C8 ; rise under Au- 
rungzebe, 152, 249; agriculturists, 177; 
progress, 249. 
Jebbum, magical incantation said to have 
killed Lord Pigot and Hyder AH, 357 ; 
performed by order of Tippoo Sultan, 
' 3«0. 

Jee, Mahratta adjunct, 141. 
Jehander Shah {Emperor), accession, 

155; violent death, 15C. 
Jehangeer {Emperor), Prince Selim, 114; 
autobiography, 119; accession, 120; 
habits of intoxication, 190; edict against 
use of tobacco, 121 ; captivity and 
rescue, 126 ; death and character, 127. 
Jellttlabad (see Sieges), destruction of for- 
tress, 447. 
Jengis, or Ghengis Khan, 72. 
Jessulmer, Rajpoot principaJity, 106. 
Jeypoor (see Amber), 106. 
Jezail, Afghan rifle, 443. 
Jezia, or capitation-tax on infidels, abo- 
lished by Akbcr, 118; reimposed by 
Aurungzebe, 147. 
.fhalor, Rajpoot principality, 106. 
Jhetum, or Hydaspes river, crossed by 

Alexander, 29. 
Johur, Hindoo self-immolation. 111. 
Jojies {Sir Harford), Persian embassy, 

Jones {Sir William), 165 ; death, 375. 
Jooitaree, coarse grain, 161. 
Juanpoor {Kingdom of), 107. 
Jugdulluek Pass, massacre of English, 

Jummoo {Lords of), 453. 

Kumaon, taken from Goorkas ; annex- 
ation, 413. 

Kur7wul, Patau chief of, 253, 261 ; 
annexation of principality, 443. 

Kurpa, Patau chief of, 253 ; captured 
by Hyder Ali, 349. 

Kurrachee, annexation, 450. 

La Sourdonnais, governor of the Mau- 
ritius, 247; able administration, 247; 
capture of Madras, 255 ; imprisonment 
and death, 255. 
Lahore, capital of Punjab (Sangala), 31, 
41; occupied by Mahmood, l>7; royal 
residence transferred from Ghuznee to 
Lahore, 70 : burnt by Baber, 80. (See 
Runjeet Sing). 
Lake {Lord), noble conduct at Liis- 
waree, 397 ; intervention on behalf of 
native princes, 405 ; resignation on ac- 
count of breach of treaties, 406; death, 
Lallg {Count), 282; surrender to Eng- 
lish, 286 ; return to France ; death by 
the guillotine, 286. 

Lambert's {Commodore) proceedings at 
Rangoon, 457. 

Land, tenure of, 323 ; Warren Hastings' 
method of raising revenue, 323 ; Lord 
Cornwallis' perpetual settlement in 
Bengal, 366, 307 ; Munro's ryotwar 
assessment, 421 ; general account of 
land tenures, 567 — 582. 

Land-revenue in each presidency, 566. 

Land-tax in each presidency, 581. 

Languages of India, 503 ; Pali or Ma- 
gadhi, 38, 39 ; Tamul, Canarese, Mah- 
ratta, and Urya, 41; Persian, 124; 
Hindoostani, 124; Mahratta, 250. 

Latter {Major), success in war with Ne- 
paul, 4H. 

Latter {Captain), assassinated at Prome, 

Law {John), Scottish adventurer — E. L 
Company, and other projects, 246. 

Laws — Digests of Hindoo and Moham- 
medan codes, 323. 

Lodi {House qf), 79. 

Lucknow, capital of Oude, 276. 

Luhburs, plundering expeditions, 416. 

Lushkur, or Leskar, Indian camp, 124. 

Kalloras, Persian adventurers, 449. 

Kanhojee, or Canojee Angria, of Kolaba, 
168 ; piracies of his sons, 243. 

Katiwar, or Surashtra peninsula, 101. 

Khaji Khan, the Mohammedan historian, 
135 ; true name and position, 139 ; 
negotiations with English at Bombay, 

Khan Jehan Lodi, and his sons, 129. 

Khans of Candeish, 105. 

Khilji {House of), 73 ; Khiljies, 437, 442. 

Khillut, or Khelal, 168; form of recog- 
nition necessary to legal succession, 

Kholbah, 93, 107. 

Khgber Pass, 444. 

Kidd {Captain), executed for piracy, 227. 

Kidnapping of native children by Euro- 
peans, 330. 

Koh-i-Noor diamond, 433, 434, 435. 

Kolapoor {Rajah of), 174; principality, 

Koord-Cabool Pass, massacre of English, 

Kootb Shah dynasty at Oolconda — origin, 
99 ; extinction by Aurungzebe, 150. 

Koran, 53. 

Kotah Principality, 400; Regent Zalim 
Sing, 400, 401. 

Kudapa {Nabob of), 261, 262. 

Maajun, intoxicating confection, 116. 
Macartney {Lord), governor of Madras, 

355 ; probity, 366 ; duels, 366. 
Macherri (treaty with rajah), 406. 
Macnaghten {Sir W.), 437 ; Lady Mac. 
nagliten, captivity and rescue, 446. 

Madras, founded, 213; raised to a presi- 
dency, 213 ; formed into a corporation, 
221; first English church erected by 
Streynsham Masters, 232 ; state of 
presidency at beginning of 18th 'cen- 
tury, 234, 235; salaries of officials, 
236 ; captured by French, 255 ; re- 
stored, 257; history, 1701 to 1774, 
315 — 320; incursions of Hyder Ali, 
318; money transactions of English 
officials with Mohammed Ali, 345; 
dealings with Hyder Ali, 351 ; his 
second invasion, 352 ; Colonel Baillie's 
detachment cut off by Hyder, 353, 
topography, 481. 

Maha Bharat, or Great War, 17. 

Maha Rajah, 325. 

Maharashtra, 140, 250. 

Mahi, or Order of the Fish, 262. 

Mahmood of Ghuznee, person and cha- 
racter, 61 ; thirteen expeditions to 
India, 62—68 ; death, 69. 

Mahratta stale, rise of, 140; reign of 
Rajah Sevajec, 145 — 149 ; Rajah Sum- 

bajee, 149 — 151; national flag, 151; 
mode of fighting, 152 ; Rajah Shao, 
155; chout levied in the Deccan, 155, 
157; power at its zenith, 177; condi- 
tion in 1772, 321; in 1800, 3b'9; mili- 
tary force in 1816, 415. 
Mahrattas, 140; characteristics, 370. 
Malabar- — Portuguese proceedings, 184 ; 
Syrian Christians persecuted by Portu- 
guese, 193. 
Malcolm {Sir John), life of Clivc, 305 ; 
Persian embassy, 388, 409 ; political 
agent at Poona, 416. 
Malwa, kings of, 104 ; Mandu founded, 
104 ; conquered by Akber, 109 ; revolt 
of governor Cheen Kilich Khan, 158. 
Maritime stations {British), 513. 
Maruar, Rahtore principality, 106. 
Massulah boats, 235. 
Mauritius, or Isle of France, 247 ; French 
governor assists Tippoo against the 
English, 377 ; takeu by English, 409. 
MaU'Ulees, 141,151. i 

Mecr add, Mohammedan judge, 117. 
Meeran (the Chuta Nabob), career, cha- 
racter, and death, 281 — 289. 
Meer Cossim Khan made Nabob of Ben- 
gal, 290 ; able administration, 292 ; 
deposition, 297 ; war with English, 
298 ; defeated at Buxar, 299.' 
Meer Jafper Khan conspires with English 
against Surajah Dowlah, 275 ; made 
Nawab of Bengal, 280 ; deposed, 290 ; 
replaced on the musuud, 297 ; death, 
Menu {Institutes or Code of), 14, 669. 
Merut, or Meerut, 100. 
Metealfe {Sir Charles, afterwards Lord), 

421, 573. 
Mewar, Rajpoot principality, 106, 249. 
Mildenhall {John), embassy to Jehangeer, 

Military contingents of Amative states, 525. 
Military resources of India, before the 

mutiny, 525. 
Military stations {British), 513. 
Mineralogy, 495. 

Mir Gholam Hussein, Mussulman his- 
torian, 150. 
Miras, form of landed tenure, 572. 
Missions {Christian), 529 — 535. 
Missionaiies {American) — Price and Jud- 
son negotiate with the King of Ava, 
Missionaries {Danish) — Swartz, the only 
ambassador Hyder Ali would receive, 
Missionaries {Lvtch) — Baldieus, 231. 

{French) — Zavier, 191. 

Mogul Empire at the death of the Em- 
peror Akber, 117. 
Moguls, as distinguished from Turks and 

Tartars, 81, 82. 
Mohammed — birth, person, character, 
career, 52 ; Hejira, or flight, 53 ; 
death, 54. 
Mohammedanism — rise in Arabia, pro. 
pagation in Africa and Europe, 54, 55 
in India, 56. 
Mohammed Ali, Nawab of Carnatic, 266 ; 
maladministration, 315; puts Moham- 
med Esoof to death, 316 ; a worse ruler 
than Hyder Ali, 345. 
Mohammed Shah {Emperor), accession, 
158; politic mother, 159; triumphs 
over Seyed brothers, 159 ; just and 
merciful, 166; his death, 173. 
Mohun Lai {Moonshee), 438, 447. 
Monetary system, 559. 
Monsoon, 487. 

Moollah, Mohammedan priest, 104. 
Moorsaun {Rajah of), in Alighur, 580. 


Moorshed Kooli Khan, viceroy of Bengal, 
character and conduct, 240 j death, 243. 

Moptah, or Manilla, 317. 

Morari Rao, leader of Mahratta mer- 
cenuries. 204; establishes himself at 
Giioty, 2fi7; surrender to Hyder Ali, 
and death 348. 

MouHan, or MooUan, 77, 107, 4.')6. 

Mountains — extent, position, elevation, 
and geology, 466- — 470, 

Mountain passes, 471.- 

Munro (Sir Hector), at PoIIiloor, 355. 

Muuro {Sir Thomas), governor of Ma- 
dras — exorbitant land assessment, 421 ; 
death, 422 ; description of ancient vil- 
lage system, 573. 

Murtsrubdars, 118, 

Mvesulman authors, 153. 

Mutiny of English soldiers at Bombay. 
220; of sepoys under Munro, 298 ; of 
English officers under Clive, 305 ; 
sepoys at Vellore, 407 ; sepoys at 
Barrackpoor, 424. 

Mvitra, 65 ; capture by Ahmed Shah 
Doorani, and massacre, 175, 

Mynpoorie {Rajah of)- 580, 

Mysoor, origin of state and name, 253 ; 
historical summary, 270 ; restoration 
of Hindoo dynasty, 383; revenue in 
1799, 384 ; Poornea, good and able 
Hindoo minister, 384, 

Nal/ob, or Nawab, 221, 

Nadir Shah, of Persia, 3 ; early career, 
163; invasion of India, 165; immense 
plunder obtained in Delhi, 166; re- 
turns to Persia, 167 ; character, ap- 
pearance, and strong voice, 167; crimes 
and assassination, 172, 

Kagyour. (See Berar). 

Nagai. or Snake yods, 113. 

Kaik. 169. 

Naik Sulahdar, 156, 

Nairs of Malabar, 183. 

Nm^a Pumavese, 390, 

Nanuk, first Guru of the Seiks, 155. 

Napier {Sir Charles), proceedings in 
Sinde, and controversy with Outram; 

Narwar {Principality of), 106, 

Navy {Indian). 555. 

Nearchus, Alexander's admiral, 32 ; 
voyage from the Indus to Persian 
gulf, 35. 

Nemud, religious impostor. 159. 

Nepaul, wai with Goorkai:. or Nepaulese, 

Nizam-ool-Moolk. (See Cheen Kilich 

Nizam Shah dynasty at Ahmednuygur, 
origin, 98 ; regency of Cband Beeby, 
99; extinction of kingdom, 139. 

Nizams of the Veccan, or Hyderabad — 
declaration of independence, 158 ; 
French corps of Nizam Ali disbanded 
by Marquis Wellesley, 378; military 
strength in 1816, 415. 

Nizamut Suddur Adawlut, 324. 
Northern Circars, 209. 

North-Westem Provinces — ^land revenue, 
area, and population, 514, 515; land 
tenure, 579. 

Nour Mahal (afterwards Empress Nour 
Jehan), birth, early life, 121 ; her jewels, 
122; rescues the emperor, 120 ; widow- 
hood and death. 127. 

Nuknra, or state drum, 120. 
Nwicomar — history, 313, 335; heard in 
council against governor-general, 333 ; 
trial and execution, 335. 
Nviceree battalions, 413, 
Nuzur, ur Nuzzur, 168, 

Ochterlony {General Sir David), 409, 
411,413; death, 421, 426. 

Omichnnd procures release of survivors of 
Black Hole, 274, 277; intrigues with 
English, 276,277; deceived by forged 
treaty, 279 ; discovery of deceit, insanity, 
and death, 280. 

Oorcha, in Bundelcund, 106. 

Opium monopoly, 365 ; growth or use of 
opium prohibited by Tippoo Sultan, 
377; not used by Ameers of Sinde, 450. 

Ormuz {Island of), 208. 

Orry, his Indian policy, 246, 254. 

Ostend E. I. Company, 241. 

Oude, or Ayodhya, 15, 17; Sadut Khan, 
viceroy, 164; his death, 166; Shuja 
Dowlah, nawab-vizier, 314 ; obtain- 
ment of Rohilcund, 329 ; death, 330 ; 
Asuf-ad-Dowlah — character, 362; Be- 
gums of Oude ill-treated by Hastings, 
363 ; tribute reduced by Cornwallis. 
367 ; disputed succession, 375 ; Sadut 
Ali chosen, 375 ; Vizier Ali causes 
death of British resident — escapes, is 
captured, and imprisoned for life, 386 ; 
Ghazi-oo-deen lends money to E. I. 
Company, 4 13 ; is suffered to assume title 
of king, 421 ; financial transactions, 
422 ; annexation, 459. 

Oudipoor, or Oodipoor, capital of Mewar, 
founded, HI; Rana Pertap, 111 ; Rana 
Umra, 123 ; Rana Raj Sing rescues the 
intended bride of Aurungzebe, 148 ; 
restoration of territory by Bahadur 
Shah, 155 ; condition in 1745, 249 ; in 
1772, 320; excellent minister, Umra 
Chund, 320 ; sacrifice of Prince.?s 
Chrisna, 408. 

Ousety {Sir Gore), Persian embas-sy, 409. 

Outram {Sir James), controversy with 
Napier, 449. 

Overland Route, 430. 

Palibothra, King Chandra Gupta, 38. 

Pan. HI. 

Panna, in Bundelcund, 106. 

Parker {Chouans of), 106. 

Paropamisus. 25. 

Parthia (Kinydom of), 48, 50. 

Patels, Hindoo village functionaries, 141. 

Peyu, annexation of, 458. 

Peons, native police, 221. 

Pepper, sale of, 200 ; demand for, 208 ; 
stock of E. I. Company seized by 
Charles I., 213 ; Malabar pepper, 232 ; 
Ranee of Garsopa, '' the pepper queen,'' 
253 ; Company agree with Hyder Ali 
for monopoly of purchase, 319. 

Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, 43. 

Perron, 395, 396. 

Peshawer, or Peshawur, 65. 

Peshwaa, or Peishwas, 98 ; Brahmin 
dynasty at Poona founded by Balajee 
"W'ihwanath, 160; Bajee Rao, character 
and person, 161; defies Nadir Shah, 
169; desith, 169; Balajee Bajee, cha- 
racter and death, 1 79 ; summary, 270 ; 
Mahdoo Rao opposes Hyder Ali, 317, 
319; death, 320; Narrain Rao (Peishwa) 
murdered, 340 ; traits of character, 
341 ; Ragoba supported as Peishwa by 
English, 341; Anundee Bye, wife of 
Ragoba, 340, 390 ; Bajee Rao (the last 
Peishwa), 390 ; faithlessness and un- 
popularity, 394 ; concessions to E. I. 
Company, 415; hostility — defeat at 
Kirkee, 417; flight from Poona, 418; 
surrender, and residence at Beithoor, 
or Bithoor, as a British stipendiary, 

Pellah, native town, 33. 

Piyot (Lord), governor of Madras, 347; 

attempt to bribe, 347; arrest, and death 
in prison, 347, 

Pindarries, 319, 390; etymology, 414; 
suppression by Lord Hastings, 415 — 
420; fate of leaders, Heeroo and Bur- 
run, 416; Kureem Khan, Wasil Mo- 
hammed, and Cheetoo, 420. 

Pitt diamond, 238, 

Polyyars, 571, 

Pondicherry, capital of French posses- 
sions, founded, 247; wise government 
of M. Martin, 246; surrendered by 
Lally to Coote, 280. 

Poona, 141; made Mahratta capital by 
Peishwa Balajee Bajee, 174, 250, 270 ; 
annexation, 419. 

Poj02(/o«ow, 498— 503; 514—525. 

Portuguese dominion, rise, 182; Vasco 
de Gama, 182; Alvarez Cabral, 183; 
Duaite Pacheco, 185; conquest of 
Malacca, 187; bigotry and corruption, 
194 ; position at the end of the 1 6th 
century, 194; position in the 18th 
century, 233. 

Portuguese viceroys, or governors-general ■ 
— Almeida, 185; Albuquerque, 186; 
Soarez, 188 ; Vasco de Gama, 189 ; 
De Sousa, 190. 

Poms, 29 ; defeated by Alexander, 30, 

Potail, or Patel, 141, 572, 

Pottinger {Eldred), 434, 446, 

Pottinger {Sir Henry), 449, 450, 458. 

/■ows/a, deadly drink, 139. 

Press — deportation of Silk Buckingham, 
422 ; restrictions, 428 ; restrictions re- 
moved, 431 ; English and Native, 539. 

Prester {John), 192. 

Prithee nidhee, meaning of term, 161. 

prize-money obtained at Gheria (1750), 
271; ill efl'ects, 298; Benares (1?81), 
362 ; Seringapatam (1 799), 382 ; Agra 
(1803), 396; Bhurtpoor (1826), 427; 
Sinde (1843), 449—451. 

Puar {Udojee), origin of principality of 
Dhar, 161, 320. 

Puggee, Hindoo village detective, 572. 

Punchayet, Hindoo village jury, 324. 

Punjab, invaded by Alexander, 29 ; divi- 
sions, 41 ; invaded from Ghuznee, 63 ; 
Mahrattas expel Dooranis, 177; pos- 
sessed by Seiks, 321 ; annexation, 450. 

Puranas, H indoo sacred writings, 1 6. 

Purdhans, ministers of state, 161. 

Pursaee, Hindoo village functionary, 572, 

Putuarree, village registrar, 572. 

Railways, 505. • 

Rajast'han, or Rajpootana, 106 ; condition 
in 1772,320, 

Rajpoots, 42; character, 71, 122, 170. 

Ramayana, Hindoo epic poem, 10, 

Ranwosies, mountain tribe, 141. 

Rampoor (Fyzoolla Khan, chief of), 330. 

Ram Shastree, Mahratta judge, 341. 

Rangoon, capital of Pegu, 422. 

Ranies, or Ranees, of Malabar and 
Canara, 97. 

Religion, 527, 535. 

Revenue and Expenditure, 556 — 558. 

Rf:venuesystem^.iol^)\.eA byAkber,117,570. 

Rivers of India, 472 — 477. 

Rivers of Afghanistan, and the north- 
west frontier, 478. 

Roe {Sir Thomas), 120, 123; mission to 
Jehangeer, 205 ; advice to E. I. Com- 
pany regarding official salaries, 302. 

Rohilcund and the Rehillas, 171; founder, 
249 ; Nujeeb-oo-Dowlah, 313 ; pos- 
sessions of various chiefs, 327 ! English 
troops hired by Shuja Dowlah, to ex- 
tirpate Rohillas and conquer country, 
329 ; Hafiz Rehmet slain, 329. 



Sohtat Fort, in Behnr, 85. 

SoAtat Fort, near the Indus, 88. 

Sousienia, a religious sect, 113. 

Jiumbold {Sir Thomas), governor of Ma- 
dras, 348 ; favoured by Lord Hastings, 
421; connexion with the house of 
Palmer and Co., 421. 

Runjeet Sinff,o/ La/iore,i09,iM ; undue 
concessions made by Lord Auckland, 
435 ; death 436, 453. 

Kunn of Cutch, 68. 

Ryotwar settlemeiit in Madras, 573. 

Sadhs, or Satfiamis, 147. 

Sadras, Dutch settlement. 268. 

Salaries of E. I. Company's servants, 

Sale (Sir Robert), 424; Lady Sale 
wounded in the Koord-Cabool Pass, 
442 ; her captivity and rescue, 446. 

Sal forest, bordering Nepaul, 413. 

Salt monopoly, established by Clive, 306, 
310; profits, 365. 

Sanitaria, at hill-stations, 513. 

iSfl//flra, capital of Mahratta rajahs. 161, 
174, 251; administration of Rajah 
Pertab Sein, 431 ; deposition of rajah, 
432 ; annexation of principality, 459. 

Savanoor, Patan chief of, 253, 261. 

Seiis, or Sikhs, revolt during reign of 
Aurungzebe, 152 ; origin and early pro- 
ceedings; doctrines; Gurus or chiefs — 
Nanuk, Guru Govind. and Bandu; 15.i ; 
number and position, 321. 

Seinnghur, portion of Delhi citadel, 136. 

Senapnttee, commander-in-chief, 161. 

Senassiet, religious mendicants, 330. 

Sepah sillah, Mohammedan viceroy, 117. 

Sepoys, 235; gallantry at A root, 264 ; at 
Je'llalabad, 444. 

Seringapatam,hov populated, 349 ; situa- 
tion, 371 ; state when captured by 
Lord Harris, 382. 

Sevajee, birth, parentage, and education, 
141; daring boyhood, 142; rebels 
against Beejapoor government, 142 ; 
assassinates Afzool Khan, 143; wars 
with Aurungzebe, 144 ; surprises Mogul 
camp, 144; plunders Surat, 144; es- 
tablishes seat of government at Raighur, 
144; assumes title of rajah, 145; en- 
thronement, and costly gifts to Brahmins, 
219; treacherously captured by Au- 
rungzebe, 145 ; escapes from Delhi in a 
basket, 145; first levies chout, 146; 
civil policy, 146; conquers territory 
from Beejapoor, 148 ; sudden death, 
148 ; character, 148, 149. 

Seyeds, lineal descendants of Mohammed, 
156 ; Seyed rulers of Delhi, 78. 

Seyed brothers — Abdullah Khan and 
Hussein Ali ; political career, 156, 158 ; 
their death, 159. 

Shah Alum {Emperor), 176, 289; ar- 
rangement with E. I. Company, 293, 
303 ; enters Delhi under Mahratta pro- 
tection, 315; blinded by Rohillas, 273 ; 
taken under British protection, 396. 

Shahamet Ali, author of Sikhs and Af- 
ghans, 447. 

Shah Jehan {Emperor), or Prince Khoo- 
rum, 119; rebels against his father, 
125; refuge in Oudipoor, 125; ac- 
cession, 128 ; murders his brothers, 
128; revenue survey, 131 ; his children, 
132; deposition, 135; review of his 
reign, 135; miserable captivity, 139; 
death, 146. 

Shah Soojah, of Cabool, 433 — 445. 

Shajttroji, Hindoo scriptures, 414. 

Sheer Shah, Afghan usurper, 88. 

Sheiaht, followera of Ah, 62, 98, 133; 

denounced by Nadir Shah, 164; strife 
with Sonuites or Sunnis, in Delhi, 175. 

Sheik-til-Jubbxil, or Old Man of the 
Mountain, 72. 

Shipping (India built), 402. 

Shroffs, native bankers, 218. 

Sicca, royal right of stamping coin, 93. 

Siddee, or Seedee, of Jinjeera, 220. 

Sici/es— Chittore (1568), HI; Hooghly 
(1632), 131; Raighur (1690), 151; 
Devicotta (1748), 259; Arcot (1751), 
264; Pondicherry (1760), 280; Rock 
of Amboor, 318; Wandewash (1781), 
354; Cuddalore (1784), 359; Mangalore 
(1784), 359; Savendroog (1791), 370; 
Seringapatam (1792), 371; Seringa- 
patam (1799), 380; Alighur (1803), 
395; Agra (1803). 396; Aseerghur 
(1803), 398; Gawilghur (1803), 398; 
Delhi (1804), 401; Bhurtpoor (1804), 
401 ; Kalunga, or Nalapanee (l814)i 
411 i Deothul (1814), 412; Almora 
(1816), 413; Maloun (1816), 413; 
Aseerghur (1818), 420; Malligaum 
(1819), 421 ; Bhurtpoor (1825-'6), 426; 
Herat (1838), 434; Khelat-i-Nuseer 
(1839), 447 ; Ghuznee (1842), 444 ; 
Candahar (1842) 444; Jellalabad 
(1842), 444; Mooltan (1849), 456; 
Rangoon (1852), 458. (For statistics 
of Sieges, see 460 — 463). 

Simla first resorted to by Lord Amherst, 

Sinde., Arab conquest of, 57, 58 ; its rulers, 
106 ; taken possession of by Nadir 
Shah, 167; Tatta pillaged by Portu- 
guese, 193 ; rule of the Ameers, 434 ; 
exactions of E. I. Company, 435 ; an- 
nexation, 449 — 452. 

Sindia, or Gicalior Principality, origin of 
family, 101 ; Jeiapa Sindia, 171; Ma- 
hadajee Sindia's force disciplined by 
European officers, 373 ; De Boigne, 
373, 390 ; arrogance of Mahadajee, 
374 ; Dowlut Rao, 374, 390, 392 ; war 
with Holcar, 393 ; Oojeen and otlier 
places captured and rifled by Holcar, 
393 ; troops commanded by M. Perron, 
(see Perron), 395 ; subsidiary force 
stationed at Gwalior, 399 ; Dowlut 
Rao's character, 416 ; supports Pindar- 
rics, 416; death, 427; his favourite 
wife, Baiza Bye, adopts a son and as- 
sumes the regency, 427; death of 
adoptee, prince, and new adoption, 432 ; 
war with English — Gwalior captured ; 
fortress permanently occupied by Eng- 
lish, 452, 

Slavery in India, 117, 1 18, 349, 507. 

Somnanth {Temple of), 67 ; sandal-wood 
gates taken by Mahmood to Ghuznee, 
67; restored by order of Lord EUeu- 
borough, 445. 

St. Helena occupied by English, 216. 

St. Thomas, or Mcliapoor (near Madras), 
occupied by Englisli, 257. 

Stuart (General), treacherous arrest of 
Lord Pigot, 347 ; misconduct at Cudda- 
lore, 358 ; arrested and sent to England 
by Lord Macartney, 359 ; duel with 
Lord Macartney, 366. 

Subsidiary forces (British) — Nizam, 371 ; 
Peisliwa, 373 ; general view, 526. 

Suddur Deuiannee Adawlut, 324. 

Svmroo, German adventurer, 297 ; Begum 
Sumroo faithi'ul to Shah Alum, 373. 

Sirjee, or Shirzee Rao (Jhatkay, 393, 400. 

Sirohi, Rajpoot state, 106. 

Sirpa, dress of honour, 163. 

Siyar-ul'Mutakherin, 156; translations 
by General Briggs, and a Frenchman, 
170. I 

Smith (Sir Harry), at Aliwal, 455. 

Sonnites or Sunnis, traditionists, 62 ; 
strife with Shciahs, 99. 

Sonthal insurrection, 459. 

Stoddart (Colonel), cruel death at Bok- 
hara, 446. 

Subahdar, native officer, 117. 

Sumbajee, rajah of the Mahrattas, son of 
Sevajee, 149; capture and execution, 151. 

Sunnud, edict, 287. 

Surajah Dowlah, viceroy of Bengal — cha- 
racter, 271,275; deceivedby Clive, 276; 
betrayed by Meer .Taffier at Plassy, 
278 ; defeat, flight, capture, and assas- 
sination, 282 ; fate of conspirators, 335. 

Suraj Mul, chief of the Jats, 177. 

Sural, 103; fort burned by Portuguese, 
189; visited by Dutch, 208; annexed 
by English, 387. 

Surdeshmooki — Aurungzebe negotiates its 
payment to the Mahrattas, 153; ex- 
planation of term, 157. 

Suttee or Sati, of Muchta Bye. 391 ; 
self-immolation prohibited, 428. 

Swedish E. I. Company, 242. 

Tabular view of Anglo-Indian army, 5G5. 

Battles and sieges, 460 — • 


' East India banks, 565. 

Importsand exports, 563, 

Indo-Mohamraedan dy- 
nasties, 180. 
• Land revenue of each 

presidency, 566, 582. 
■ Land revenue, area, and 

population, 5 1 4 — .'i 1 8. 

Mountains, 466 — 4 70. 

Mountain passes, 471. 

■ Population, 500, 501, 

Rivers in India, 472 — 


Rivers in Afghanistan. 

and on the north-vrest 
frontier, 478. 

Table-lands of 

India, 479. 

• Table-lands of Afghanis- 
tan and Beloouhistan, 

Tributary and protected 

states, 519—524. 

Toj Mahal, erection of the, 130. 

Talookdars, 571. 

Talpoors of Sinde, 449. 

Tajijore, 252 ; native troops disciplined by 
Flemish officer, 253 ; English interfere 
in a case of disputed sovereignty, 258. 
259 ; historical summary, 270 ; capture 
and restoration by E. I. Company, 
347 ; Rajah Serfojee, the a<!complislied 
pupil of Swartz, 387 ; annexation, 3»7. 

Tara Bye, Mahratta princess, 153; cha- 
racter, 175 ; death, 179. 

Tariff, 505. 

Tatla, 34. 

Taxila, 26. 

Taailes, 26, 29. 

Tea, first importation into England, 217. 

Tegnapafam, or Fort St. David, fouudcJ, 
223 ; progress, 236. 

Tenasserim ceded by King of Ava, 423. 

Thorne (Robert), 197. 

Thornton's (Edward) History of India, 

Thugs, or Phansigars, 429. 

Tilac, the accursed number. 111. 

T'imnr Beg, or Tamerlane, 76 ; auto, 
biography, 77; capture of Delhi, 78; 
person and character, 77, 78 ; House of 
Tiraur. 81. 



Jlppoo Sultan menaces Madras, 318; 
character, 357 ; cruelty to English 
prisoners, 359 ; persecutes the '• Portu- 
guese Nazarenes," 367 ; circular hunt, 
367 ; forcible conversions, 367 ; his 
work, T/ie King of Histories, 367; 
intrigues with French republic, 377 ; 
killed in defending his capital, 380 ; 
person and government, 382 ; liberal 
provision made by Lord Wellesley for 
Tippoo's family, 383. 

Tod's {Colonel) Annals of Rajast'han, 

Todar Mul (Raja/i),'ilmdLOO financier, 570. 

Toghlak {Home of), 74 ; cruelties of Mo- 
hammed Toghlak, 75 ; circular hunt, 

Tomb of Humayun at Delhi, general re- 
ceptacle for murdered princes of the 
House of Timur— Emperor Feroksheer 
buried there, 158. 

Topasses, 235. 

Torture Commission, Madras, 577. 

iravancore, sovereignty inherited by 
Tamburetties, or princesses of Attinga, 
253 ; historical summary, 270 ; appeal 
to E. I. Company against Tippoo 
Sultan, 368 ; annexation, 410. 

JVea^es— English and French (1754), 269. 
E. I. Company with Surajah Dowlah, 
(1757), 274 ; " Red Treaty" with Omi- 
chund (1757)7 280 ; with Meer Jaffier 
(1757), 280 ; of Allahabad, with the 
emperor (1765), 326; with Hyder Ali 
(1769), 319; of Benares, with Nawab- 
vizierof Oude(I773),327; of Poorunder, 
with the Mahrattas(1776), 342; conven- 
tion of \Vurg!mm(1779), 343; of Salbve 
with Sindia, (1782), 356; with Tippoo 
Sultan (1784), 359; of Chuuar with 

Oude (1781), 363; Tippoo Sultan 
(1792), 372; of Bassein with Peisliwa 
(1802), 393 ; of Deogaum with Ragojee 
Bhonslay (1803), 398; Surjee Anjen- 
gaum with Sindia (1803), 399; with 
Jeypoor, Joudpoor, Boondi, Macherry, 
Bhurtpoor, and Rana of Gohud (1803), 
399; with Runjeet Sing (1810); Se- 
goulee with Nepaul (1816), 413 ; Poona 
with the Peishwa (1816), 415 ; with 
Burmah (1826), 425; with Ameers of 
Sinde (1838), 435, 449, 450; with 
Runjeet Sing and Shah Soojah (1838), 
434 ; with the Nizam (1853), 459. 

Tributary and protected States before the 
Mutiny — area, population, revenue, 
amount of subsidy or tribute, and 
military resources, 519 — 524. 

Trichinopoly, 251 ; historical summary, 

Tuquazu, species of dunning, 169. 

Turaee or Terai {Plain of), 410, 413. 

Uma, " the august bird," 382. 
XJngool, annexation of, 459. 
Uzbeks, 80. 

Vakeel-i-Mootlui, 60, 95. 

Vedas, Hindoo scriptures, 13, 498 ; Sama 

Veda, 14 ; Rig Veda, 497. 
Vellore fortress, residence of Tippoo 

Sultan's family, 383 ; and of Vizier 

Ali, 383 ; mutiny at, 407. 
Vicramaditya, King of Malwa, 40. 
Village system {Hindoo), 571. 
Vyasa, alleged compiler of the Vedas, 12. 

Wadeyar (lord of thirty-three villages), 

Wagnuci, Mabratta weapon, 143. 

Watson {Admiral), refuses to sign a fcUa 
treaty, 277 ; signature forged by order 
of Clive, 277 ; death, 279. 

Wave-offering, 159. 

Weights and Measures, 565. 

Wellesley {Marquis), birth and early life 
as Lord Mornington, 376 ; person and 
character, 377; subsidiary system, 385 ; 
protects Rajpoot principalities against 
Mahratta aggressions, 399 ; eradicates 
French influence in India, 402 ; recall, 
and character of administration, 403, 
407; attacked by PauU ; grantof money 
by E. I. Company ; death, 404 ; views 
on land-tenure, 578. 

Wellesley {Colonel), afterwards Duke of 
Wellington, 382 ; military command in 
Mysoor, 383 ; pursuit and death of 
Dhoondea Waugh, 383 ; war with 
Mahrattas, 394 ; Assaye, 395. 

Willoughby {Sir Hugh), voyages, 197 ; 
death, 198. 

Wulsa, immigration in war-time, 315. 

Wutun, inheritance, 160. 

Yogees, Hindoo ascetics, 28. 

Zamorins of Calient, or Tamnri rajahs, 
182 ; wars with the Dutch, 243 ; Maan 
Veeram Raj driven to suicide by Hyder 
Ali, 318 ; secret name of the Zamorins, 

Zavier {Francois), comes to India, 191. 

Zemaun Shah, projected invasion of India, 
377, 388; deposed and blinded, 433; 
vicissitudes of fortune, 433, 448. 

Zemindar, 107, 571. 

Zemindar system, established in Bengal, 
and Bahar. 573. 

Zinar, Brahminical cord. 111. 


Page 388, heading : for Anglo-Indian army join 
British in India., read Egypt. 

,, 396, „ for hattte of Alighur — gallant de- 
fence, of Delhi— 1803, read gal- 
lant defence of Alighur — battle 
near Delhi — 1803. 

,, 401, ,, iov ulcge of Bhurfpoor — defence of 
Delhi, read defence of Delhi — 
siege of Bhurtpoor. 

,, 413, co\. \, Vine II, (or Maroun, read Maloun. 

)) 426, „ 1, line 6, dele words nothing but. 

„ 489, huRiWng: for decrement, reml diminutimi. 

,, 489, col. 2, line 52, for congelation, read coiv- 

„ 492, „ 1, line 19, for rerepresentatives, read 

Page 503, Table : alter heading from resume of 
censuses to population returns, 
and dele tnales and females. 
„ 506, col. 2, line 3, for Southals, read Son- 

» 507, „ 2, line 16, for homogenety, read 
Pages 550, 55], headings : nXlurmodes of administer. 
i»(/ justice in India, and i/iode 
of administering justice in 
India, to administration of jus- 
tice in India. 
Page 552, heading : for codification, read code. 
„ 553, note, col. 2, line 4 (of note), for a honour, 
read an honour. 


Trontispi*ce—ljord Palmerston. 

riyw^-Wr— Encampment on the Sutlej, 

Map of British India - - To face page 

View of the Palace of Agra from the 

River - . - - Tofacepage 112 
View of Bombay, showing the Fort - - 217 

View of Madras - - - Tofacepage hi 
Table of Distances to be placed at end of Vol. 


Trontispxect—lMtd Clyde. 
Vignette — Death of General Neil. 
Lord Viscount Canning - Tofacepage 

The Kind's Palace at Delhi - - - - 116 

Map of Northern India - - - -125 

Mutinous Sepoys dividing- Spoil - - - 215 

Ceneral Sir Henrj' Havclock, K.C.B. - - 276 

The Nana Sahib leaving Luckuow - - 346 

The Palace at Agra - - To face page ^o^ 
Capture of the Guns by the Highlanders - 377 
Portrait of Kooer Sing _ _ _ - 400 
The Relief of Lucknow by General Have- 
lock 420 

Blowing up of the Cashmere Gate at Delhi - 442 
Capture of the King of Delhi by Captain 
Hodson ------- 447 

Seik Troops dividing the Spoil taken from 

Mutineers - . - - Tofacepage 479 

Times' Correspondent looking on at the 

Sacking of the KaLserbagh - - - 479 
Death of Brigadier. Adrian Hope - - - 493 
Mahomed Suraj-oo-deen Shah Ghazee - 159 
Zeenat Mahal, Begum or Queen of Delhi • 453 


JVon(i>^i>cf— Hindoo and Mohammedan 

Vignette— 'Acene near ChillahTarah Ghaut, 

Troops encamped at the Entrance of the 

Keree Pass. - - . To face page 1 

The Ganges entering the Plains near I lurd war 2 

Hurdwar, a place of Hindoo Pilgrimage - 3 

Assemblage of Pilgrims near Hurdwar - 4 

Hurdwar, the Gate of Ilari, or Vishnoo - 5 

MuBsooree and the Dhoon, from Landour - 6 

The Abbey and Hills from near Mussooree - 8 

Snowy Range from Landour . - - 9 

Snowy Range from TjTiee - - - - 11 

Village of Naree ------ 12 

Bridge at Bhurkote - - - - - 13 

View near Kursalee ----- 14 

Knrsalee, a Village in the neighbourhood 

of Simla - - - - - - -15 

View on the River Jumna - - - - IG 

FalUnearthosourceofthc Jumna, above Delhi 18 
Fugitive Sepoys taking refuge in a Mountain 

Fastness, near Jumnootrcc, on the Jumna 18 
Snowv Mountains, Northern Bengal j source 

of the Jumna ------ 19 

Fugitive Sepoys crossing the River Tonse 

by Rope Bridge ----- 20 
Gongootree, the sacred source of the Ganges 21 
The Village of Khandoo, Himalaya Moun- 
tains 23 

Village of Roghera and Deodar Forest - 24 

The Choor Mountains ----- 25 

Jerdair, a Hill Village ; Ghurwal - - 26 

Grasa-ropc Bridge at Teree, Ghurwal - - 27 

View near Jubberah, Northtrn Bengal - 28 

View at Deobun, near Umballah - - - 29 

Mohima, near Deobun ----- 30 

Valley of the Dhoon, Himalaya Mountains • 31 

The Fortress of Nahun, in the dominion of 

Oude ----- Tofacepage 32 

Fortress of Bowrie, in Rajpootana - - 33 

The Pass of Makundra - - - - 34 

Scene in Kattea war— Travellers and Escort 36 
Zanghera, or the Fakeer's Rock, on the 

Ganges -------37 

Colgong, on the Ganges - - - - 38 

Seik Irregular Cavalry - - - - 39 

Tomb of Shere Shah, Sasserain - - - 41 

City of Benares ------ 43 

Benares --,--.-44 

Hindoo Temple, Benares - - - - 46 

Saniat, a Boodh Monument, near Benares - 47 

View of Cawnpoor from the River - - 48 
Agra, the scene of the late insurrectionary 

outbreak -------50 

Taj Mahal, Agra 51 

Jumma Musjid, Agra - - - - - 52 

Agra— from the Jahara Bang - - - 53 

Akber's Tomb, Secundra - - - - 54 

Futtehpoor Sikri ------ 55 

An old Fort at Muttra - - - - 57 

Delhi, showing the entrance to the Palace - 58 

Cootub Minar, Delhi ----- 59 

Tomb of Humayun, Delhi - - - - 60 

A ruin on the banks of the Jimma, above Delhi 61 

Ruins, old Delhi 62 

Ruins, south side of old Delhi - - - 63 

Calcutta from the Esplanade. No. 1 - - 64 

Ditto Ditto No. 2 - - 66 

Fort George, Madras ----- 70 

Bombay Harbour in the Monsoon - - 74 

Simla, near Belaspoor ----- 76 

Fortress of Shuhur, Jeypoor, Rajpootana - 80 

Hindoo Temple at Chandgoan - - - 81 

Perawa, Malwa ------ 82 

King's Fort, Boorhanpoor - - - - 83 

Jumma Musjid, Mandoo - To face page 84 
The Water Palace, Mandoo. - - - 58 

The Fortress of Dowlutabad - - - 86 

Aurungzebe's Tomb, Rozah - - - 87 
View of Sassoor, in the Deccan - - - 88 
Tombs of the Kings, Golconda - - - 89 
The British Residency at Hyderabad - - 91 
Bej apoor -------92 

Sultan Mahomed Shah's Tomb, Bejapoor - 94 
Seven-storied Palace, Bejapoor - - - 96 
Palace of the Seven Stories, Bejapoor - - 97 
Mosque of Mustapha Khan, Bejapoor - - 98 
Tomb of Ibrahim Padshah, Bejapoor - - 99 
Taj Bowlee, Bejapoor ----- 101 

Asser Mahal, Bejapoor - - _ - io2 

Singham Mahal, Torway, Bejapoor - - 104 
Hindoo Temples and Palace, Madura - - 105 
Entrance to the Cave of Elephanta - - 106 
Triad Figure, interior of Elephanta - - 107 
Cave of Karli - - - - - -111 

Front View of Kylas, Caves of Ellora - - 112 
Excavated Temple of Kylas, Caves of 

Ellora 113 

Dus Outar, Ellora 115 

Rameswur, Caves of Ellora - - - - 115 
Skeleton Group in the Rameswur, Caves of 

Ellora 116 

Interior of Dhcr Warra, Ellora - - - 117 
Sutteeism on the banks of the Ganges - - 119 
View of Allahabad, showing the Fort - - 122 
View of Lucknow ----- 124 
Dewan Khass, or Hall of Audience, Palace of 

Delhi 128 

Agra — View of the Principal Street - - 130 
Tomb of Elmad-ud-Dowlah, Agra - - 132 
The Residency, Lucknow - - - - 134 
The Hill Fortress of Gwalior - - - 140 
View of Delhi, from the Palace Gate - - 143 


The Anglo-Indian Empire ! what do these words represent in the minds of the 
people of Britain ? 

They speak of dominion over a far-distant sunny land, rich in barbaric gold, 
precious stones, and architectural beauty, occupying upwards of a million square 
miles of the most varied, fertile, and interesting portion of this globe, and 
inhabited by more than one hundred million of the human race. 

The early history of this wonderful country lies hid in deep obscurity. Not 
the obscurity that naturally attends insignificance, but, far otherwise, caused by 
the dense veil which Time drew around Ancient India, in thickening folds, during 
centuries of deterioration; leaving the ruins of magnificent cities, and widely- 
scattered records graven in mysterious characters on almost imperishable 
materials, to attest the existence of civilised races — regarding whom even 
tradition is silent — at a date long prior to the Christian era. 

Whence India was peopled, is quite unknown ; but thirty different lan- 
guages, and an equal diversity of appearance and character, dress, manners, 
and customs, seem to indicate long-continued immigration from various quarters. 

The Alexandrine era (b.c. 330) throws light on little beyond the Macedonian 
invasion of the north-western frontier ; the Ai-ab incursions (a.d. 709) afford 
only a few glimpses of the borders of the Indus ; and the thirteen expeditions of 
Mahmood the Ghuznivede (a.d. 1000 to 1025), give little beyond a vague and 
general idea of the wealth of the country and the dense population of the 
Western Coast, whose idolatry Mahmood was empowered to scourge with the 
strong arm of an Iconoclast; though he himself was but an instrument in the 
hands of Providence ; and in battering down guardian fortresses and destroying 
temples and shrines dedicated to false gods, had evidently no higher motive 
than that of pillaging the dedicated treasures, and carrying away the worshippers 
into slavery. 

From this period we can faintly trace the progress of Mohammedan con- 
quest in India, to the establishment of the dynasty known as the Slave Kings 
of Delhi (a.d. 1208.) Its founder, Kootb-oo-deen, originally a Turki slave, 
established the centre of Moslem dominion in the grand old Hindoo capital, 
chiefly by reason of the disunion which had arisen among the leading Rajpoot 
princes upon the failure of a direct heir, and the consequent jealousies and 
disputes regarding the succession. 


Then the jiage of history becomes more and more legible until it records 
the invasion of Timur or Tamerlane (a.d. 1398), the terrible details of the siege 
of Delhi, and the general massacre in which it terminated ; and all the horrors 
enacted before "the apostle of desolation " took his departure, carrying off men 
and women of all ranks and ages into slavery, and leaving the devoted city 
without a government, and almost without inhabitants. 

The succeeding Indian annals, though confused, are tolerably full to the 
commencement of that important epoch which comprises the reigns of the 
Great Moguls. This brings us within the pale of modern history : we can note 
the growth and decay of Mogul dominion, and trace, at least in measure, the 
operating causes of its extension and decline. Viewed as a mere series of 
biographies, the lives of the Great Moguls attract by incidents, which the 
pen of fiction, fettered by attention to probability, would hardly venture to 
trace. The members of this dynasty had a decidedly literary turn, and several 
of them have left records not only of the public events in which they played a 
leading part, but also of the domestic scenes in which they figured as sons, 
husbands, or fathers. 

The value of these memoirs in elucidating or corroborating the histories of 
the period, is, of course, very great, and their authenticity rests on solid grounds, 
apart from the strong internal evidence they afford of having been actually 
written by the persons whose names they bear. 

Nothing can be more characteristic than the intense self-adulation with 
which Timur, or Tamerlane, narrates his perfidious and sanguinary career, 
except perhaps the peculiar power of observation and analysis brought to bear 
on new scenes which mark the autobiography of his descendant Baber, who, 
following in his footsteps, invaded India from Cabool, and, after a fierce struggle 
on the plains of Paniput (a.d. 1526), gained easy possession of Delhi and Agra, 
and succeeded in laying the foundation of an extensive empire. 

Humayun (a.d. 1530), Akber (a.d. 1556), Jehangeer (a.d. 1605), Shah Jehan 
(a.d. 1628), all encountered vicissitudes of the most singular and varied character; 
and the Mogul history increases in interest until it culminates in the long reign of 
Aurungzebe (a.d. 1658), the ablest and most powerful, but the most ambitious and 
bigoted of his race. During his sway the predatory hordes of Maharashtra were 
formed by the Hindoo adventurer, Sevajee, into a powerful state ; the hated and 
despised Mahrattas grew strong upon the spoil of independent kingdoms demolished 
by the haughty emperor ; and finally, his troops, worn by incessant toil, became 
mutinous for want of pay and provisions, and suffered their aged leader to be 
hunted even to the death by foes he had been accustomed to treat as utterly 
contemptible. The decay of the empire, which commenced several years before 


the death of Aurungzebe (a.d. 1707), then became rapid; usurping viceroys, 
rebelling against their government and warring with the rulers of neighbouring 
states or provinces, aggravated the internal disorganisation. Nor were external 
foes wanting to complete the work of destruction : adventurers of all creeds and 
complexions fought fiercely over the ruins; while, distancing meaner com- 
petitors. Nadir Shah (a.d. 1739) and Ahmed Shah (a.d. 1759), the robber 
kings of Persia and AfFghanistan, swooped down like vultures to secure 
their share of the carcass ; and the chief cities of India, especially Delhi, 
repeatedly witnessed the most sanguinary enormities, and continued to do so 
until, one by one, they became gradually included in the widening circle of 
British supremacy. 

And why dwell thus on the past at such a crisis as this, when the mag'ic 
circle of our power has been rudely broken — when Delhi, filled to overflowing- 
with all the munitions of war, has been treacherously snatched from our 
unsuspecting- hands — and when the Crescent, raised ag-ain in deadly strife 
against the Cross, has been reared aloft as if in testimony that the Moslems 
who came into India proclaiming- war to the death against idolatry, have 
quite abandoned their claim to a Divine mission, and are affecting- to make 
common cause with the Hindoos, whose creed and practice they formerly 
declaimed against with so much horror and disgust? Now Mohammedans 
and Hindoos unite in committing crimes of a character so deep and deadly, 
so foul and loathsome^ that we find no parallel for them ; not in the relentless, 
inventive vengeance of the Red Indians ; not even in that crisis of civilised 
infidelity, that fierce paroxysm of the French Revolution, still shudderingly 
called the " Reig-n of Terror." The Red Republicans made public avowal of 
atheism; and awful was the depravity into which they sank, world-wide the 
shame they incurred : but recantation soon followed. These treacherous 
Sepoys, who have so suddenly risen in a body, violating every oath of fidelity, 
every tie of feeling- and association — they, too, have their watchword : it is 
not " There is no God ;" it is " Death to the Christians !" 

As in France, no religious persecution, but' rather a state of conventional 
apathy, leavened by the poison of Voltaire, Diderot, Condorcet, and their 
clique, preceded the atheistical and sang-uinary outburst ; even so has it 
been with India. Efforts for the extension of Christianity have been wholly 
exceptional; the rule has been tolerance, amounting to indifference, in all 
religious matters. Few who have been in the habit of reading Indian 
periodicals, much less of mixing in Indian society, will deny that, however 
manifest the desire for the diffusion of the Gospel might be in individuals, the 
government had remained markedly neutral. 


The Mussulmans, let it be repeated, subjug-ated and governed India in 
the character of anti-idolaters. They tolerated— and barely tolerated — the 
heathenism around them, to which their aversion was, for the most part, 
quite undisguised; and they were always eager for individual conversions. 
Their open assertion of the superiority of their faith was viewed as natural 
by the Hindoos; nor does any angry feeling appear to have been excited, save 
in exceptional cases of actual persecution. Aurungzebe certainly alienated a 
large portion of his subjects by reviving a long-abandoned capitation-tax on 
infidels; and Avhether he did this from a desire to refill the treasury emptied 
by incessant warfare, or from sheer bigotry, the result was the same. Many 
causes (among which may be named, not as the avowed ones, but certainly 
not as the least poAverful — sloth and sensuality, fostered by an enervating 
climate) have concurred in rendering the Indian followers of Mohammed 
comparatively regardless of that integral portion of their creed which 
enjoins its extension by all and every means. But no earnest believer in 
the Koran can be tolerant of idolatry ; and therefore, when we hear of 
Moslem and Hindoo linked together in a most unprovoked crusade against 
Christians, it is manifest that the pretext is altogether false, and that the 
Mussulman, who is taught by the book he deems inspired never to name our 
Blessed Lord without reverence, or idols without abhorrence, cannot now be 
actuated by an}'' religious motive, however perverted or fanatical, in violating 
the first principles of his faith and by affected sympathy with the professors 
of a creed heretofore declared utterly polluted and debasing, using them 
as dupes and tools in carrying out an incendiary plot, the planned details 
of which only Devil-worshippers, possessed by unclean spirits, could have 
been supposed capable of conceiving and executing. The conspiracy, be3'ond 
a doubt, has originated in the desire of the Mohammedans to recover their 
lost supremacy in India. Its immediate and secondary causes are involved 
in temporary obscurity ; but the primum mobile must be sought for in the 
pages of history. It is true the flame has spread like wildfire : but the 
important question for those who are capable of grapjjling" with the com- 
plicated bearings of this all-eng-rossing subject, is not — what hand applied 
the match 1 but how came such vast masses of combustibles to be so widely 
spread, so ready for ignition ? 

To understand this in any satisfactory degree, the inquirer must be 
content to begin at the beginning, by carefully weighing the fragmentary 
records we possess of the history and character of the Hindoos as a distinct 
people, noting the causes which led to their gradual subjugation by the 
Moslems ; next, those which paved the way for the introduction of European 


Powers ; and, lastly, the establishment and operation of British supremacy 
throug-hout India. 

The indifference which the British nation and its rulers have so 
long- evinced to the study of Asiatic historj', has been most unfortunate. 
Wrapped in fancied security, we have been too ig'norant to be anxious, too 
indolent to be watchful ; and the few Avho have felt it an imperative duty to 
speak words of warning' by bring-ing the experience of the past to bear upon 
the signs of the present, have found themselves set down as alarmists on this 
point at least, whatever their general character for ability and sound judg- 
ment. Yet the fact is certain, that almost every leading authority from the 
date of our earliest assumption of territorial power, has dwelt forcibly on the 
necessity for unsleeping vigilance in the administration of Indian affairs. 
This conviction has been the invariable result of extensive acquaintance with 
the natives, and it is abundantly corroboi*ated by the recorded antecedents 
of both Hindoos and Mohammedans. 

The history of India, whether in early times or during the Mohammedan 
epoch, is — as the brief outline sketched in preceding pages was designed to 
indicate — no less interesting- as a narrative than important in its bearing on 
the leading events of the present epoch, which, in fact, cannot, without it, be 
rendered intelligible. The strug-gles of European Powers for Asiatic ascen- 
dancy, form leading features in the annals of each of tbese states. Portugal 
was first in the field, and long- and fierce Avas the combat she waged to 
maintain exclusive possession of the rich monopoly of Oriental commerce. 
The Dutch (then known as the Netherlanders) enjoyed a share of the 
profits in the capacity of carriers between the Portuguese factories and the 
northern nations of Europe ; but when, in 1579, they formed themselves into a 
separate government in defiance of the power of Philip of Spain, that 
monarch, who then governed with an iron sceptre the united kingdoms 
of Spain and Portugal, forbade the employment of the Dutch as inter- 
mediaries — a prohibition which led to their trafficking on their own account, 
forming various trading settlements in the East in the commencement of 
the seventeenth century, and supplanting their former employers. 

The first attempts of England were made, at the same period, by a 
company of London merchants, warmly encouraged by the Queen, who 
signed a charter on their behalf on the last day of the sixteenth century. 
During the following century the English continued to be simply traders, 
with no cravings for political or territorial aggrandisement — absorbed in the 
business of buying and selling, and anxious only for the safety of their fleet, 
which rapidly became more formidable and extensive in proportion to the rich 



freight' it was destined to bear throug-h seas infested with pirates, and fre- 
quently preoccupied by hostile European squadrons. 

The eighteenth century opened upon an entirely new phase of Indian 
annals. The decay of Mogul power, which had, as has been stated, com- 
menced before the death of Aurungzebe in 1707, was g;reatly accelerated by 
that event, and by the war of succession which followed, as a natural con- 
sequence, the death of a Mog-ul emperor. The will of the deceased ruler 
decreed the division of his dominions among his sons ; and had they consented 
to this arrangement, and cordially united in carrying it out, their allotted 
portions might possibly have been consolidated into distinct kingdoms. But 
brotherly love rarely flourishes under the shadow of a despotic throne ; and 
the House of Timur formed no exception to this rule, having evinced a 
remarkable tendency to fratricide throughout the entire period of its Indian 
career. The younger sons of Aurungzebe went to war with their elder 
brother, each on his own account, and died the death they had provoked, 
leaving the survivor, Bahadur Shah, to rule as best he might the scattered 
territories styled the Empire. Anything more devoid of organisation — of any 
approach to unity — than the so-called Empire, cannot well be conceived. When 
Aurungzebe snatched the sceptre from the hands of his father, Shah Jehan, 
and condemned him to life-long captivity, the dominions he usurped were 
comparatively well governed, and might, under the sway of a ruler of such 
unquestionable ability, such indomitable perseverance, have been consolidated 
into a comparatively homogeneous mass But the unhallowed ambition at 
whose shrine he had sacrificed the liberty of his father and the lives of his 
brothers, still hurried him on, rendering him reckless of the internal deca}^ 
which was manifestly at work in the very heart of his kingdom, while 
he was lavishing his resources in spreading desolation and ruin, famine and 
the sword, through every independent kingdom within his reach — extending 
his own only in name, throwing down governments and ancient land-marks^ 
yet erecting none in their stead ; becoming terrible as a destro3-er, when he 
might have been great as a statesman and a consolidator. 

A right view of the character of Aurungzebe, and a patient investigation 
of his career, is absolutely necessary to the obtainment of a clear insight into 
the state of India at the period when the English East India Company began 
to exchange their position of traders on sufferance for that of territorial lords. 
The first steps of this strange transformation can hardly be said to have been 
voluntary. The English merchants were still essentially traders. An exami- 
nation of the East India House records (and no attempt has ever been made 
to garble or hide them away from friend or foe), will prove to the most pre- 


judiced observer, that, as a body, they persistently opposed the acquisition of 
dominion. Nothing short of complete indifference can account for the exces- 
sive ig-norance of Indian politics manifested in their official correspondence. 
It may, indeed, be urged that English factors in a foreign land, in addition to 
their characteristic reserve, are naturally much engrossed by the duties and 
cares of their calling, and, apart from prejudice, may well be excused for a 
degree of preoccupation which prevents them from making any very vigorous 
effort to penetrate the barriers of language and creed, manners and customs, 
which separate them from the people with whom they come to traffic. A 
^ime arrived, however, when the English could no longer be blind to the 
alarming political and social state of India. Every year, much more every 
decade, the disorganisation increased. Certain native Hindoo states, such as 
Mysoor, Travancore, the little mountainous principality of Coorg, and a few 
others, had been exempted, by their position or their insignificance, from 
Moslem usurpation. With these exceptions^ strife and anarchy spread over 
the length and breadth of India. It was no organised struggle of race or 
creed J for Mussulman fought against Mussulman, Hindoo against Hindoo, 
and each against the other j Affghan warred with Mogul, Mogul with 
Rajpoot; Mahratta with all. The hand of every man was raised against his 
neighbour : the peasant went armed to the plough — the shepherd stood ready 
to defend his flock with his life ; the energy and determination of local 
authorities kept up some degree of order in their immediate districts ; but, 
in general, the absence of a government strong- enough to protect its 
innocent subjects from internal vice or external aggression, was manifested 
in the fearful audacity with which the Pindarry, Dacoity, and Thug, the 
trained marauder, thief, and assassin, pursued their murderous avocations, 
in the blaze of noon as in the darkness of midnight. 

The Hindoos fell back upon the ancient village system, which the 
usurping- Mohammedans had vainly striven to destroy; and the internal 
organisation of the^ ^ little municipalities, each possessing its own Potail 
or Mayor, enabled them to parry, or at least rally from, attacks from 

The English laboured for the effectual fortification of the various factories 
gradually established in different parts of India, and included, according to 
their situation, in the three presidencies of Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay. 
Armed neutrality, however, Avould have been barely practicable, even so far 
as the numerous warring native powers were concerned. The conduct of 
their European rivals rendered such a position quite untenable. The French 
East India Company had, so far as trade was concerned, proved a decided 


failure: its employes were very inferior to the Eng-lish as factors; but as 
political ag-ents, they possessed diplomatic instincts peculiar to themselves. 

Dumas, Dupleix, and the gifted La Bourdonnais, saw clearly the oppor- 
tunity afforded for the territorial establishment of their nation, and they 
eao-erly took part in the quarrels around them, making- offensive and defensive 
alliances with the neig-hbouring- states, interfering- in cases of disputed 
succession, and taking-, with bold and unfaltering- steps, the apparent road to 
political power. None of the English functionaries approached their rivals 
in ability; but they could not be blind to the increasing danger of their 
situation ; and the example set by the French, of drilling native troops and 
organising them as far as possible in accordance with European notions, was 
followed throughout the British settlements. Then came the inevitable 
struggle between the two powers whose unsleeping rivalry had so often 
evidenced itself in strife and bloodshed at the very ends of the earth. At 
first they met in indirect hostility as the auxiliaries of native princes ; but the 
first indications of European war were eagerly seized on as a cause for direct 
opposition, and a fierce struggle ensued, which eventually left the English 
complete masters of the field. While the Carnatic, in which Madras is 
situated, was the scene of this contest, the English in Bengal were sub- 
jected to the most oppressive exactions by the usurping Mohammedan 
governor, Surajah Dovvlah, whose seizure and pillage of Calcutta in June, 
1756, was marked by the horrible massacre of the "Black Hole" — a deed 
which, up to that period, even Mohammedan annals can hardly equal in 
atrocity ; but to Avhich, after the lapse of a hundred j^ears, many terrible 
pai-allels have been furnished. 

The tidings spread like wildfire through the British settlements, and the 
conviction became deep and g-eneral, that it would be madness to trust to the 
faith or humanity of such men as the depraved Surajah Dovvlah and his 
Moslem compeers. The Mogul Empire had become an empty name so far 
as the distant provinces were concerned, and there waf. absolutely no native 
state either strong enough to protect the English settlements, or just enough 
to be trusted. Never was the indomitable resolve of Britons in a foreign 
land more sternly tested, or more triumphantly evinced, than when their 
fortunes seemed at the lowest ebb — when the French and the Mohammedans, 
in different quarters, menaced their overthrow and extinction. " To drive 
these dogs into the sea !" was then, as now, the fervent aspiration of eveiy 
Moslem regarding every European. But they wished to squeeze the 
orange before they threw away the rind. They were themselves divided, and 
had nlans of individual ao-o-randizement to carry out against each other, and 


g-enerally over the Hindoos ; and they well knew the value of European 
co-operation and instruction in the art of war. 

The recapture of Calcutta was speedily eiFected by a force of 900 
European troops and 1,500 Sepoys, commanded by a ci-devant writer, who 
had turned soldier, and risen to distinction in the Carnatic war. 

Kobert Clive — for it was he — looked round and saw the opportunity offered 
for exchang-ing; the precarious footing then occupied by his countrymen for 
one of far greater importance and security. The Hindoos were daily becoming- 
more impatient of the Mohammedan yoke, and the haug-hty Mussulmans 
were themselves divided regarding- their ruler, whose reckless proflig-acy and 
violent temper had given many of them provocation of a description which 
excites, in an Oriental, feelings of the fiercest and most enduring revenge. 
The English Avatched the coursie of affairs with deep anxiety, and soon 
ascertained that, in violation of a treaty entered into after the reconquest of 
Calcutta, Surajah Dowlah was plotting- with the French for theii- destruction. 
Unquestionabl}', this procedure justified them in adopting hostile measures 
against their treacherous foe ; though it does not even palliate some of the 
piinor details, in which the crooked policy of Clive appfears in painful contrast 
to his bravery as a soldier and his skill as a general. The result was the 
battle of Plassy (a.d. 1757), rapidly followed by the permanent establishment 
of British dominion in Beng'al. 

After this, the tide of success flowed on fast and full. If the reader will 
patiently peruse the pages of this history, he will see that our power has 
increased with marvellously little effort on our own part. As, when a stone 
is flung into a river, the first small circle expands and multiplies beyond 
calculation — so, in India, have we gone on extending- our limits, as from the 
action of some inevitable necessity ] less from our own will, than because we 
could not stand still without hazarding- the position already gained. True, 
there have been most distressing- instances of injustice and aggression; but 
these are the few and comparatively unimportant exceptions. So far as the 
general obtainment of political ascendancy in India is concerned, we may 
quote the apt comparison used by an old Rajpoot prince to Colonel Tod, in 
1804, as conveying a perfectly correct idea of our process of appropriation. 
Alluding to a sort of melon which bursts asunder when fully matured, Zalim 
Sing said, " You stepped in at a lucky time ; the pyoot was ripe, and you had 
only to take it bit by bit."* 

The manner in which we have acquired power in India, is one thing ; the 
use we have made of it, is another and more complicated question. For my 

• Annals of Hajast'han, Vol. I., p. 766. 


own part, I have long- watched the Ang-lo-Indian g-overnment with feelings 
of deep anxiety, and have laboured to the utmost of my ability to awaken the 
British nation to a sense of the responsible and critical situation they had 
been led to occupy. It is now close upon twenty 3'ears since I was permitted, 
by the East India Company, to edit the official records of a survey made by 
Dr. Buchanan in Eastern India; and the impression on my mind was so 
forcible, that I could not refrain from prefacing- the selections with a declara- 
tion that the handwriting was on the mall, and nothing- but a complete and 
radical alteration of our system of g-overnment, could avert the punishment 
justly merited by our misuse of the g-reat charg-e committed to us. 

The primar}'^ reason of this misuse I believe to be the false and wicked 
assertion, that "we won India by the sword, and must keep it by the 
sword." There is another aphorism, much older and of much higher authority, 
which we should do well to think on — " They that take the sword shall perish 
by the sword." We did not conquer India by violence : we came as peaceful 
traders, and spent long' years in that capacity ; and during- that time we 
succeeded in impressing' on the minds of the natives a livel}"- conviction of 
our energ-y, ability, and integ-rity. When the crisis came — as come it did, 
without our knowledge and g-reatly to our discomfiture — counting--houses were 
turned into barracks, bales of piece-goods helped to make barricades, clerks 
and writers were metamorphosed into military leaders, and, Avhile themselves 
but learners, drilled the natives round them into a state of discipline before 

Thus was formed the nucleus of that army on which we have leaned as 
if that, and that alone, had been the means of our obtaining- dominion in 
India. For the perfect org-anisation of that mig-hty force, which lately 
numbered 300,000 men, we laboured with unwearied patience; and to this 
g-rand object we sacrificed every other. So long- as the Sepoys were duly 
cared for, the condition of the mass of the people was a matter of com- 
parative indifference. It was not the Great Ruler of the Universe, whose 
inscrutable decrees had placed this vast tract of heathendom in the hands 
of a people who professed to serve Him and Him onl}-^; rejecting- every 
tradition of men ; relying- only on the mediation of His Sou ; resting- for 
g'uidance only on His Avritten word ; asking- only the interpretation of His 
Holy Spirit ; — not so ! The Anglo-Indian dominion had nothing whatever to 
do with any such religious speculations. We were not bound to set before the 
people the example of the faith which we affect to believe the very leaven of 
the earth. Until the last few years we did not view it even as a case of 
stewardship. We were not even called upon to exert our energy for developing 


the physical resources of the country, and ameliorating' the condition of the 
mass of the people. And why? Because free Britons, in the middle of the 
nineteenth centur}', have seen fit to assume the position of military despots, 
drowning- the conviction that India was a God-g-iven trust, in the vao"ue 
notion of its heing- " an empire of opinion ;" and then sinking", by an easy 
transition, from rationalism into the more popular notion of sheer force — " an 
empire of the sword," held by the might of our own strong arm. 

Scepticism and cowardice lie at the root of our present disasters : delibe- 
rately have we chosen the fear of man, which blinds and enervates, rather 
than the fear of God, which enlightens and streng-thens. With infatuated 
credulity we have nursed in our bosom the serpent that has stung' us to 
the quick. Tolerance is, indeed, an essentially Christian quality; but who 
shall dare assume that praise for the Christianity which was made in the 
persons of high Protestant (?) officials, to bow its head before the licentious 
profligacy of the Mussulmans, and the heathen abominations and disg'usting' 
impurities of the modern Brahminical priesthood, and to witness, in silence, 
the spiritual enslavement and physical degradation of the mass ? 

We thought, perhaps, both Mussulmans and Brahmins too enervated by 
their respective orgies to be dangerous as enemies. This but proves our 
utter ignoiance of the Oriental character, especially as developed in the 
Mohammedans. Let the reader glance over the history of their founder 
(and I have striven to sketch it in a subsequent pag'e, in faithfulness, and not 
with the pen of a caricaturist), he will see in the False Prophet the type of 
sensuality, bigotry, ambition, g-rounded and rooted in the fiercest fanaticism ; 
and that type has been perpetuall}^ reproduced, and will continue to be so 
until Mohammedanism shall be swept from the face of the earth. 

How soon that may be, none can prophesy ; but the general I'ising now 
taking place among the Mussulmans in Africa and Syria, as well as in India, 
are pointed at by many observers as preceding and indicating the death-throes 
of this once powerful, but already deeply sunken race. j 

For us, if we would hope to conquer, it must be by turning to the Lord 
of Hosts, as a nation, in deep repentance and humility: then only may we 
Justly look for present help, and anticipate for the future that gift in which 
we have been so 'amentably deficient — " a right judgment in all things.'' '■ 
Thus favoured, we shall not shrink from the responsibilities of an evangelized 
nation ; but shall understand, that there is no surer way of obtaining 
respect in the eyes of the quick-witted Hindoos, than by a consistent 
adherence to our religious professions. The means commend themselves to 
every unprejudiced person really versed in Indian aff'airs; and, assuredly, none 


Other will be blessed of God. We cannot hope to pass off indifference for 
tolerance : the Mohammedans see through the flimsy disguise, and bid the 
heathen throw off the ig-nominious yoke of Kafirs (infidels.) Christianity 
the}- reverence, and dread to see us manifest any tokens of it. Well they may; 
for nothing- else will cover our head in the day of battle. That day has come. 
May we now have g-race to control the fearful passions provoked by the most 
horrible outrog-es ; and may the memory of our own shortcoming's towards 
God, enable us, if He g-ives the victory, to use it mercifully. Let us not 
forg-et, that the innocent blood spilt in the last few weeks, cannot blot out the 
memory of the debt which Eng-land owes to India.* The Parliament of 
Britain now must dictate the course to be followed in a matter of vital 
importance to the nation Avhose opinions it represents. The portion of the 
British public impressed with sound and practical relig-ious views, is, happily, 
larg-er and more influential than would appear to superficial observers. The 
fact is indicated in the increase of missionary enterprise, the extension of 
education, and, indirectly, in the progress of public improvements, and the 
initiation of reformatory measures. The faulty judicial system, the partial 
and vexatious land-tenui-e, the defective monetary circulation of India, have 
come under discussion ; and if, as God in mercy g^rant, Britain is permitted 
to retain the brightest jewel in her crown — the most valuable of hei 
transmarine possessions — it is fervently to be desired that we may apply 
ourselves diligently to remedy all deficiencies, to repair, as far as possible, 
past neglects, and provide against future emerg'encies. 

The details of the present terrible episode will be g'iven fully in subsequent 
pages ; day by day that close seems approaching, with the record of which 
the Author hopes to be enabled to terminate this Work. 

* The pecuniary debt is wholly on the side of England. The cost, alike of civil and military government, including 
the payment of the royal troops, hius been entirely defrayed from the Indian revenues : so, if we succeed, must be the 
expenses of the present insurrection. The money remittances to England from the three Presidencies average five 
million sterling for the last sixty years. There is scarcely a country in the United Kingdom but has had the value of 
its landed property enhanced by the investments of fortunes, the fruit of civil or military services or of commercial 
success in Hindoostan. Again, how many British statesmen and commanders have had their genius elicited and 
educated in India. A noble field has been annually opened for the youth of Britain, and an expansive tone given to 
society by the constant discussion of great subjects. 

The merchant and the manufa<turer can best estimate the importance of a large, increasing, and lucrative market, 
free from high or hostile tariffs ; and the advantage of an almost unlimited command of commodities, the regular obtain- 
ment of which is essential to the steady employment of their operations. Nor must it be forgotten, that Indian 
ImporU and Exports to the amount of thirty million sterling, now furnish profitable employment to the best class of 
mercantile shipping. 

i^ g- 


tfl (n U 


ftbnrfs of Ifet pwing. 

The first mutiny (al Berh«mpore),....Feb. 26 

Mutiny »nd mmssore at Meerut, May 10 

Kevolt and massacre at Delhi, 11 

The Mogul empire proclaimed, ■ 12 

Mutiuv and massapre at Lucltnow, 31 

Cawnpore invested by Nana gahib,...June 8 
Surrender of the garrison... " 26 

M The first massacre, 27 

The seomd • July 18 

. Relieved by Gen. Havelock, » 17 



% ^ 

? S! K 

t « « « « < 


It 3 3 "^ fe * 
N^ a S tS S o 







Ancient History, to the time of Alex- 
ander. — India or Hindoostan, with its noble 
rivers, diversified cliraate, productive soil, 
and extensive coast-line, offered advantages 
for colonization, which were availed of at a 
very early period in the history of the 
human race. Of its first inhabitants we know 
little, beyond their being, as it is generally 
believed, still represented by various bar- 
barous tribes who yet inhabit the mountains 
and forests, and follow rude religious prac- 
tices that are no part of the primitive Hin- 
doo system. By whom or at what time 
these were subdued or expelled there is no 
ground to rest anything more than a sur- 
mise ; and of the many that have been, or 
might be, hazarded on this diflScult but in- 
teresting subject, perhaps not the least rea- 
sonable is the supposition based on the varied 
craniological development, and distinct lan- 
guages of the existing Hindoo race — that 
they were originally composed of numerous 
migrating hordes who, at intervals, poured 
in from the wild Mongolian steppes and 
Turkomanian ranges, from the forests of 
Scythia, the arid shores of the Caspian, and 
the sunburnt plains of Mesopotamia ; from 
the plateaux of Persia, the deserts of Arabia, 
and even from the fertile valley of the Nile, 
allured by the extraordinary fertility of this 
most favoured portion of the Asiatic con- 
tinent, or driven from their native land by 
tyranny or want. Time and circumstances 
gradually fused the heterogeneous mass into 
something like homogeneity; the first step to 
which was probably made by the introduc- 
tion, in a rude form, of that village system 
which so markedly characterises India when 
viewed as a whole, and which, under the 
scourge of sanguinary wars, and the heavy 

exactions of native or foreign rulers, has 
ever been the mainstay of the people. The 
invaders, if such they were, probably brought 
with them the elements of civilisation; and 
the peaceful pursuits of pastoral and agri- 
cultural life would necessitate a certain 
amount of concentration, as no single man 
or family could dwell alone in a country 
whose dense jungle required combined la- 
bour, both to clear it for use and guard it 
from wild beasts. All this, however, relates 
to a period concerning which we possess no 
historical record whatever — in which must 
have originated what may be termed Brah- 
minical Hindooism, whose rise and early 
progress is shrouded in dense obscurity. 
From the internal evidence afforded by the 
system itself, so far as we are acquainted 
with it during its early purity, it would seem 
to have been framed by a small confederacy 
of persons, whose knowledge, both religious 
and secular, being far in advance of their 
age, had enabled them to draw up rules for 
the guidance of their countrymen, both as 
regarded their duty to God and their fel- 
lows. Fully aware, as it would appeal, of 
the great fact, that human institutions have 
strength and permanence only when based 
on a religious principle, they set forth their 
own scheme as the direct ordination of the 
" Self- Existent One," the " Great First 
Cause," whose attributes they described in a 
tone of solemn grandeur not unbefitting their 
high theme ; and to enforce their precepts 
and heighten their influence, made much use 
of the rude lyrics extant among the people, 
to which they added others. These were com- . 
piled under the name of the Vedas (a word 
derived from a Sanscrit root, signifying to 
ktiow), by one Vyasa, who lived in the four- 



teenth century before the Christian era. 
In describing the religious creed of the 
Hindoos, and commenting on the opinions 
entertained respecting the comparative an- 
tiquity of Brahminisra and Boodhism, the 
most ancient sacred writings of each of 
these great sects will be noticed ; but here 
it is only necessary to remark, that the 
Vedas bear incontestable evidence of having 
been written at diffeient periods, some being 
in very rugged Sanscrit, others, though an- 
tiquated, coming within the pale of that 
language in the polished form in which Sir 
William Jones found it, when he dechired it 
to be " of a wonderful structure, more per- 
fect than the Greek, more copious than the 
Latin, and more exquisitely refined than 
either."* One only of the Vedas, the Soma 
Veda, has yet been translated into English. 
The translator. Dr. Stephenson, of Bombay, 
leans to the opinion of its having been com- 
posed out of India, but brought there l)y the 
Brahmins from some northern country at 
a very remote period. Another authority, 
after a careful examination of the same book, 
lias arrived at a directly opposite conclusion. f 
He this as it may, there are expressions in 
the Vedas which prove that the majority of 
the detached pieces of different kinds of 
poetic composition which they comprise, 
were written in a country where maritime 
commerce was highly esteemed, where a sa- 
crificial ritual had already been fixed, and 
mythological legends abounded. The fre- 
quent reference to war and to chariots in- 
dicate, moreover, the previous estal)lishment 
of separate states, and the cultivation of 
military art. 

The first comprehensive view of the state 
of society among the Hindoos is afi'orded by 
the code of laws which bears the name of 
Menti, and is supposed, but not on very 
convincing data, to have been compiled in 
or about the nintli century, B.C. J Whe- 
ther Menu himself were a real person- 
age or no is an open question, and one of 
little importance, since his appearance is 
merely dramatic, like that of the speakers 

* Asiatic Researches, vol. i.. p. 422. 

T Artlinr's Missiim to the 3Ii/sore, p. 441. 

t Sir W. Jones supposed the Code to have been 
compiled about 300 years after the Vedas (As. Ji., 
vol. vii., p. 283); but Elphinstone fixes the date at 
some time about half-way between Alexander, in the 
fourth century, B.C., and the Vedas in the four- 
teenth. (Vol. i,, p. 430.) 

§ Cast, the common word, is not Indian, but Eng- 
lish ; and is given in Johnson's JUictionary as derived 
from the Spanish or Portuguese, casta, a breed. In 

in the dialogues of Plato or of Cicero. No 
hint is given as to the real compiler, nor is 
there any clue to the ancient commentator 
Calluca, whose endeavours to gloss over and 
explain away some doctrines of Menu, seems 
to indicate that opinion had already begun 
to change, even in his day; while many suc- 
ceeding commentators, and some of very 
ancient date, S|)eak of the rules of Blenu as 
applicable to the good ages only, and not 
extending to their time. 

The chief feature in the code is its di- 
vision of the people into four classes or 
casts ;§ namely, the Brahmins or sacer- 
dotal ; the Cshatriya or military; the Vai- 
syas or industrial ; and the Soodia)s|| or ser- 
vile. The three first classes were termed the 
" twice-born," their youths being admitted, 
at certain ages, by a solemn ceremony, to 
participate in the religious and social privi- 
leges of their elders ; but the fourth and low- 
est cast was rigidly excluded from all these. 
The degradation of the Soodras has given 
rise to the idea of their being the people 
whom the superior classes had conquered ; 
and similar inferences may be drawn from 
the fact that, while the "twice-born" were all 
strictly forbidden, under any circumstances, 
to leave, what, for want of a better term, 
may be styled Hindoostan Proper; the 
Soodra, distressed for the means of sub- 
sistence, might go where he would. It ap- 
pears, however, from the code, that there 
were still cities governed by Soodra kings, 
in which Brahmins were advised not to re- 
side. From this it seems probable that the 
independent Soodra towns were situated in 
such of the small territories into which 
Hindoostan was divided as yet retained their 
freedom, while the whole of the tracts south 
of the Vindya mountains remained un- 
touched by the invaders, and unpenetrated 
by their religion. On the other iiand, it is 
remarkable that neither the code of Menu, 
nor the more ancient Vedas, so far as we 
are at present acqtiaintcd with their con- 
tents, ever allude to any prior residence, or 
to a knowledge of more than the name of 

Sir W. Jones' Translation of Menu, the word em- 
ployed is "class:" the Brahmins constantly use the 
Sanscrit term as signifying a species. 

11 There are few things more perplexing in the 
study of Indian history than the various modes of 
spelling jiroper names and otiier words, which have 
resulted from the difficulty of representing them in 
the characters of our alphabet. In the present work, 
the author has deemed it advisable to adopt that 
best known and most easily read, in preference to 
what might have been more critically correct. 



any country out of India. Even mytho- 
logy goes no farther than the Himalaya 
mountains for the location of the gods. 
With regard to the condition of the Soodras, 
it appears to have been in many points 
similar, but in some decidedly preferable, 
to that of the helot, the slave, or the serf of 
the Greek, the Roman, and the feudal sys- 
tems, excepting only its stern prohibition of 
any share in the ordinances of religion. But 
this might have originated in the probable 
circumstance of the conquered people having 
a distinct creed of their own, to prevent the 
spreading of which among their disciples, 
the Brahmins* (in whom, Elphinstone has 
well said, the common interests of their class, 
mingled, probably, with much pure zeal for 
their monotheistic faith, was deeply rooted) 
united religion and rank so closely in their 
able scheme, that to break through, or even 
in minor observances to deviate from the 
strict rules of duty laid down for the guidance 
of the several regenerate classes, was to forfeit 
position, and literally to incur the penalty of 
a civ'il death, far passing excommunication 
in severity, and to place themselves under a 
ban which wearisome penance could alone 
remove. One passion — and it would seem 
only one — was strong enough to break down 
the barriers of cast. A mixed race sprang up, 
who were gradually formed into classes, and 
divided and subdivided, until the result is 
now seen in an almost countless number of 
small communities. In subsequent sections, 
in describing manners, customs, laws, and 
government, it will be necessary to show 
what these were in the days of Menu, and 
the changes which gradually took place up 
to the period of English dominion ; but at 
present we are more immediately concerned 
with that difficult subject, the chronological 
succession of events in Hindoo history. 

Oriental research has, as yet, revealed to 
us but one Hindoo work tliat can be strictly 
considered historical, the Annals of Cash- 
mere, ably translated by Professor Wilson, 
which refers chiefly to a limited territory on 
the extreme northern frontier of India, and 
contains little more than incidental men- 
tion of Hindoostan and the Deccan. There 
is, besides, an evident and not unnatural 
desire on the part of the native writer to 
aggrandize the rulers of Cashmere at the 

• Elphinstone suggests a doubt " whether the 
conquerors were a foreign peop'.e or a local tribe, 
like the Dorians in Greece ; or whether, indeed, they 
were not merely a portion of one of the native stales 
{&. religious sect, for instance,) which had outstripped 

expense of the neighbouring princes, which 
gives an impression of one-sidedness to a 
production possessed, notwithstanding, of 
much value and interest. The student is, 
therefore, compelled to fall back upon the 
wide field, as yet but very partially explored, 
presented in the sacred books, the legislative 
records, and the two great epic poems. The 
knowledge obtainable from these sources is, 
in too many cases, rendered comparatively 
useless, by the misleading chronology taught 
by the Brahmins, apparently as a means of 
sustaining the claim of their nation to a fa- 
bulous antiquity. The periods employed in 
the computation of time are equally strange 
and unsatisfactory, and are rendered pe- 
culiarly puzzling by the astronomical data 
on which they are partially founded. A 
complete revolution of the nodes and ap- 
sides, which they suppose to be performed 
in 4,320,000,000 years, forms a calpa, or 
day of Brahma. In this are included four- 
teen manwantaras, or periods, each contain- 
ing seventy-one maha yugas, or great ages, 
which again comprise, respectively, four 
yugas, or ages, of unequal length. These 
last bear some resemblance to the golden, 
silver, brazen, and iron ages of the Greeks, 
and are alone considered by the Brahmins 
as marking the periods of human history 
since the creation of the existing worhl, 
which they believe to have occurred about 
four million years ago. The first, or satya 
yuga, lasted 1,728,000 years, through the 
whole of which a king named Satyavrata, 
otherwise called Vaivaswata, lived and 
reigned. This monarch is described as 
having escaped with his family from an uni- 
versal deluge, which destroyed the rest of 
the world: From him descended two royal 
lines, one of which, under the designation 
of Soorya, the children of the sun, reigned 
at Ayodhya orOude; the other, Chandra, 
or the children of the moon, at Pratisht'hana 
or Vitora, in the tract between the Jumna 
and Ganges, through the 1,296,000 years of 
the second, or treta yuga; the 8(54,000 years 
of the third, or dwapar yuga j and the' first 
1,000 years of the present, or call yuga, at 
which time both the solar and lunar races 
became extinct ; as also a distinct cotempo- 
rary race, the descendants of Jarasandha,who 
began to reign in Magadha or Behar, at the 

their fellow citizens in knowledge, and appropriated 
all the advantages of the society to themselves."— 
Histnry of India, vol. i., p. 96. 

t It is evident that in the time of Menu there were 
no slaves attached to the soil. 


commeacement of the call yuga. I'he last 
reiguing prince of the Jarasandha family was 
slain by his prime minister, who placed his 
own son, Pradyota, on the throne. Fifteen 
of the usurping race enjoyed the sovereignty 
to the time of Nanda, who, in extreme old 
age (after a reign, it is said, of 100 years), 
was murdered by a Brahman, by whom a 
man of the Maurya race, named Chandra- 
Gupta, was placed on the vacant throne.* 

The genealogies of the two parallel lines 
of the sun and moon are derived from the 
sacred writings called the Puranas.f Sir 
"William Jones framed his list from the Bha- 
gavat Purana; Captain Wilford subsequently 
collated his genealogical table of the great 
Hindoo dynasties from the Vishnu and 
other PuranasjJ and, if critical research 
should eventually succeed in enabling us to 
correct the errors of Indian chronology, 
much information may be obtained by 
means of those lists respecting the early 
rulers. Wanting this clue, the student will 
find abundant material for theory, but the 
historian little that he dares make his own ; 
for the narratives given in the Piiranas 
abound in discrepancies regarding time and 
place, and are so blended with myths and 
allegories, that it is next to impossible, at 
present, to separate truth from fiction, until 
theperiod oftheMaha Bharat or Great War.§ 

The scene of the adventures of the first 
princes, and the residence of the most fa- 
mous sages, appears to be uniformly placed, 
both in the Puranas, and the far older in- 

* According to Mill (vol. i., p. 160) ; but Elphin- 
stone states Chandra Gupta to have been ninth in 
succession from Nanda. — Vol. i., p. 261. 

t There are eighteen Puranas, which are considered 
to have been composed between the eighth and six- 
teenth centuries, A.D. ; but several of the authors 
appear to have made use of much more ancient MS. 
histories to interweave among their own. 

X The lines of the Sun and Moon, and the Magadha 
dynasty, are given at length by Colonel Tod, in the 
first volume of his valuable and voluminous work 
the Annals of Ra/asthan. They were extracted 
from the Puranas by a body of pundits, and (Uffer 
more or less in various parts from those published 
by Sir W. Jones, Mr. Bentley, and Colonel Wilford. 
Tod's view of the vexed question of early Hindoo 
records may be understood from his careful enume- 
ration of various traditions which all "appear to 
point to one spot, and to one individual, in the early 
history of mankind, when the Hindoo and Greek ap- 
proach a common focus, for there is little doubt that 
Adnath, Adiswara, Osiris, Baghes, Bacchus, Menu, 
Menes, designate the patriarch of mankind, Noah" 
(vol. i., p. 22). The solar and lunar lines he con- 
fciders to have been established 2,256 years, B.C., 
about a century and a half after the flood, the former 
bv Ichswaca the son of Vaivaswatoo Menu, the latter 

stitutes of Menu, in a tract called Bramha- 
verta, because of its sanctity, situated be- 
tween the rivers Seraswati (Sersooty) and 
Drishad wati (Caggar), 100 miles to the north- 
west of Delhi ; and about 65 miles long by 20 
to 40 broad. || Probably the next territory ac- 
quired lay between that above-mentioned 
and the Jumna, and included North Behar, 
this country being mentioned in the second 
place under the honoured name of Brahmar- 
shi, while Brahmins born within its boun- 
daries were pronounced suitable teachers of 
the several usages of men.^ At Oude, in 
the centre of Brahmarshi, the Puranas, (in 
which the preceding early stages are not 
noticed,) fix the origin of the solar and lunar 
races, from one or other of which all the 
royal families of ancient India were de- 
scended. Some fifty to seventy generations 
of the solar race, who, in the absence of re- 
liable information, appear little better than 
myths, bring down the Purana narrative to 
Rama, the ruler of a powerful kingdom in 
Hindoostan, and the hero of the oldest Hindu 
epic — the Ramayana. The chief incident is 
the carrying oflf of Sita, the queen of Rama, 
by Ravana, the king of the island of Lanka, 
or Ceylon. Rama leads an army into the 
Deccan, penetrates to Ceylon, and, with the 
assistance of a strange people allegorized as 
an army of monkeys, led by Hooniman, their 
king, gains a complete victory over the ra- 
visher, and recovers his wife, who vindicates 
her fidelity by successfully passing the or- 
deal of fire. According to the system of 

by Boodha, who married Ichswatoo's sister Ella, 
asserted to be the earth personified — Boodha him- 
self being " the parent and first emigrant of the 
Indu [Sanscrit for the moon] race, from Saca Bwipa 
or Scythia to Hindust'han" (p. 45). In another 
place Tod describes Boodha as the great progenitor 
of the Tartars, Chinese, and Hindus, " Boodha 
(Mercury), the son of Indu (the moon), [a male 
deity] became the patriarchal and siiiritual leader, 
as Fo in China ; AVoden and Teutates of the tribes 
migrating to Europe. Hence it follows that the 
religion of Boodha must be coeval with the existence 
of these nations ; that it was brought into India 
Proper by them, and guided them until the schism 
of Crishna and the Sooryas, worshippers of Bal, in 
time depressed them, when the Boodha religion was 
modified into the present mild form, the Jain" 
(p. 58). 

§ See Prinsep's Useful Tables, Professor Wilson's 
edition of the Vishnu Purana, Sir W. Jones and 
Colonel Wilford's articles in Asiatic Researches, 
vols. ii. and v., and l)r. H. Buchanan's Hindoo 

l| Menu, book ii., v. 17, 18: Wilson, preface to 
Vishnu Purana, p.lxvii. 

^ Menu, bookii., v. 19, 20; Elphinstone, vol. i., 
p. 388. 



deifying great men after their decease, which 
gradually crept into Brahrninism, Rama, 
upon his death, was honoured as a god, and 
his image worshipped, his natural form being 
declared to have been an incarnation (the 
seventh) of Vishnu, one of the three persons, 
or principles, of the Hindoo Trinity. 

A remarkable passage occurs in the Rama- 
yana, in which mention is made of certain 
foreign princeSjWho were invited by Dasaratha 
(the father of Rama) to be present at the As- 
wamedha* or solemn sacrifice of a horse about 
to be offered up by the aged monarch, to 
procure from the gods the blessing of male 
posterity. The names mentioned are the 
" sovereign of Kasi or Benares, the rajahs 
of Magadha or Behar, of Sindu and Su- 
rashta (Sinde aud Surat), of Unga and 
Savira (of which one is conjectured to mean 
Ava, the other some district situated on the 
Persian frontier), and, i a fine, the princes of 
the south or the Deccan. Heeren, who 
cites the above passage from the Ramayana, 
adds — " they are represented as the friends, 
and some of them also as the relations of 
Dasaratha, by no means however as his 
vassals. It is therefore evident that the 
author of the most ancient Hindoo epic 
poem considered India to be divided into a 
number of separate and independent princi- 
palities."t This opinion, however, is not 
founded on indisputable grounds, for many 
of his auxiliaries appear to have stood to 
Dasaratha in the relation of viceroys, or at 
least inferior chieftains. The antiquity of 
the poem is unquestioned ; the author, Val- 
miki, is said to have been cotemporary 
with the event he has so ably commemo- 
rated,J but we have no means of fixing the 
date of either poem or poet except as some- 
where between that of the Vedas and the 
Maha Bharat, since king Dasaratha is de- 
scribed as deeply versed in the precepts of 

• Aswa is thought to be the etymon of Asia, 
medha signifies " to isill." 

t Heeren's Historical Researches, Oxford Transla- 
tion; 1833: vol. iii., p. 291. 

\ " Kama preceded Crishna : but as their histo- 
rians, Valmika and Vyasa, who wrote the events 
they witnessed [this point is, however, questioned], 
were cotemporaries, it could not have been by many 
years." — (Tod's Atinals of Mnjasthan, vol. i., p. 457. 

§ The origin of the Pandon family is involved in 
fable, invented, evidently, to cover some great dis- 
grace.' According to tradition, Pandoo, whose capi- 
tal was at Hastinapoora, being childless, his queen, 
by a charm, enticed the deities from their spheres, 
and became the mother of Yoodishtra, IJhima, Ar- 
joona (the famous archer), Nycula, and Sideva. On 
the death of Pandoo, Yoodishtra, with the aid of 
the priesthood, was declared king, although the ille- 

the Vedas and Vedangas, while on the 
other hand an epitome of the Ramayana is 
given in the Maha Bharat. After llama, 
sixty princes of his race ruled in succession 
over his dominions, but as no more mention 
is made of Ayodha (Oude) it is possible that 
the kingdom (which was at one time called 
Cosliala) may have merged in another ; and 
that the capital was transferred from Oude 
to Canouj. The heroic poem, entitled the 
" Maha Bharat" or Great War, affords an 
account of many historical events, in the 
details of a contest between the lines of 
Pandoo§ and of Curoo, two branches of 
the reigning lunar race for the territory of 
Hastinapoora, supposed to be a place on 
the Ganges, north-east of Delhi, which still 
bears the ancient name.[| The rivals are 
supported by numerous allies, and some 
from very remote parts. The enumeration 
of them appears to afford evidence similar 
to that deducible from the above cited pas- 
sage of the Ramayana, that there were many 
distinct states in India among which a con- 
siderable degree of intercourse and connec- 
tion was maintained. Not only are princes 
from the Deccan and the Indus mentioned, 
as taking part in the struggle, but auxilia- 
ries are likewise included belonging to na- 
tions beyond the Indus, especially the 
Yavans, a name which most orientalists 
consider to apply exclusively to the Greeks.^ 
The Pandoos are eventually conquerors, but 
are represented as having paid so dearly for 
their victory, in the loss of their friends and 
the destruction of their armies, that the 
chief survivors quitted their country, and 
are supposed to have perished among the 
snows of the Himalaya.** The hero of the 
poem is Crishna, tlie great ally of the Pan- 
doos, who was deified after his death as 
having been an incarnation of Vishnu, or 
even Vishnu himself. He was born of the 

gitimaey of himself and his brothers was asserted by 
Duryodhanu, the nephew of the deceased sovereign, 
who, as the representative of the elder branch, re- 
tained his title as head of the Curoos. For the whole 
story of the Maha Bharat, and it is a very interesting 
one, see the Asiatic Researches, and the comments 
of Tod in the early part of his Annals of Rajasthan. 

II Elphinstone, vol. i., p. 390. 

^ The Greeks, or lonians, are descended from 
Javan, or Yavan, the seventh from Japhet. — (Tod's 
Rajasthan, vol. i., p. 51. 

** Tod surmises that they did not perish thus, but 
migrated into the Peloponnesus, and founded the 
colony of the Hcraclidoe, stated by Volney to have 
been formed there 1078 years, B.C. See the reason 
for this conjecture, based chiefly on the supposition 
of the Pandoos being the descendants of the Indian 
Hercules, pp. 48, 51. 


royal family of Mattra on the Jumna, but 
brought up by a herdsman in the neigh- 
bourhood, who concealed him from the tyrant 
who sought to slay him. This phase of his 
life is a very favourite one with the Hindoos, 
and he is worshipped in an infant form by 
au extensive sect, as also under the figure 
of a beautiful youth, in commemoration of 
the time he spent among the " gopis" or 
milkmaids, dancing, sporting, playing on 
the pipe, and captivating the hearts alike of 
rural maidens and princesses. Among the 
numerous exploits of his more mature age 
was the recovery of his usurped inheritance, 
whence, being driven by foreign foes, he 
removed to Dwarika, in Guzcrat, where he 
founded a principality. He soon however 
became again involved in civil discord, and, 
according to Tod, was slain by one of the 
aboriginal tribes of Bheels. The Maha 
Bharat describes the sons of Crishna as 
finally returning to the neighbourhood of 
the Jumna. The war is supposed to have 
taken place in the fourteenth century, b.c, 
about 200 years before the siege of Troy, 
and the famous and lengthy poem in which 
it is commemorated is, as before stated, attri- 
buted to Vyasa, the collector of the Vedas. 

The princes who succeeded the Pandoos, 
are variously stated at from twenty-nine to 
sixty-four in number ; they appear to have 
transferred the seat of their government to 
Delhi ; but little beyond a name is recorded 
of any of them. The kings of Magadha 
or Behar (the line mentioned as cotem- 
porary with the latter portion of the dy- 
nasties of the sun and moon), play a more 
conspicuous part in the Purana records; 
they afford a connected chain from the war 
of the Maha Bharat to the fifth century after 
Christ, and present an appearance of proba- 
bility, besides receiving striking confirma- 
tions from various quarters. They are fre- 
quently referred to in inscriptions sculptured 
on stone, or engraved on copper plates, 
conveying grants of land, or charters of 
privileges and immunities, which arc very 
numerous, and not only contain the date 
of the grant, and the name of the prince 
by whom they were conferred, but in most 
cases enumerate, also, certain of his pre- 

The first of the Magadha kings, Jara- 
sandha, is mentioned in the Maha Bharat 
as the head of a immber of petty princes. 
The ruling monarch at the conclusion of 
the war was Sahadeva ; the thirty-fifth in suc- 
cession from him was Ajata Sutru; and in 

his reign, according to high authority,* 
Sakya, or Gotama, the founder of the 
Boodha religion flourished, and died about 
550, B.C. This date, if reliable, does good 
service by fixing the era of Satru ; but 
other eminent writers consider Boodhism 
of much earlier origin ; and some as coeval 
with, or even older than Brahminism.f 
The sixth in succession from Satru was 
Nanda, who, unlike his long line of regal 
ancestors of the Cshatriya, or military class, 
was born of a Soodra mother ; his ninth suc- 
cessor, who bore his name, was murdered 
by Chandra Gupta,J a man of low birth 
who usurped the throne. This Chaudra 
Gupta has been, after much research, identi- 
fied with Sandraeottus, the cotemporary 
of Alexander the Great, and thus a link had 
been obtained wherewith to connect India 
with European history, and also with that 
of other Asiatic nations. The foregoing 
particulars have been given on strictly In- 
dian authority, for although much extrane- 
ous information may be obtained from early 
foreign writers it is difficult to ascertain 
how to separate truth from fiction. § Ac- 
cording to Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, and 
Cicero, the first Indian conqueror was \ 
Bacchus or Dionysus, afterwards deified, 
who led an army out of Greece, subdued 
India, taught the inhabitants the use of 
wine, and built tlie city of Nysa. The Egyp- 
tians, who spared no pains to fortify their 
claim to the highest antiquity and earliest 
civilization, and never scrupled to appro- 
priate the great deeds of the heroes of 
other countries, as having been performed by 
their own rulers, maintained that Osiris, 
their conqueror, having first added Ethi- 
opia to his dominions, marched thence to 
India through Arabia, taught the use of 
wine, and built the city of Nysa. Both 
these stories evidently refer to the same 
person ; namely, the Indian prince Vaisva- 
wata Menu; whom Tod, the pains-taking 
but wildly theoretical Maurice, and other 
writers affirm to have been no other than 
the patriarch Noah. Be this as it may, 
one of the most valuable of ancient writers, 
Diodorus the Sicilian, declares, on the 
authority of Indian tradition, that Bacchus 
(Vaisvawata Menu) belonged to their own 
nation, was a lawgiver, built many stately 
* Elpliinstone, vol. i., pp. 209,261. 
t See note to page 14. 

X Chandra Gupta signifies "protected by the moon." 
§ .Tustin stales that the fecythians conquered a 
great part of Asia, and penetrated to I''.,gypt 1,500' 
years before Niiins, first kinji; of Assyria. 


cities, instituted divine worship, and erected 
everywhere courts of justice. • 

The alleged invasions of Semiramis,* Se- 
sostris,t Hercules, f and Cyrus, are all denied 
by Arrian, except that attributed to Her- 
cules. Strabo disputes even that, adding that 
the Persians hired mercenaries from India 
but never invaded it.§ The whole question 
respecting the nature of the alleged con- 
nection existing between India and Persia, 
^is one which scarcely admits a satisfactory 
.explanation. Before the time of Cyrus the 
Great (the son of King Cambyses, the con- 
queror of Babylon and the Shepherd whose 
coming to perform the pleasure of the om- 
nipotent God of the Hebrews, was foretold 
by Isaiah) II, Persia was no more than an 

• The Assvrian invasion, according to the clirono- 
logy of Capellus, took place about 1970, a.m. It was 
planned by Serairamis, the widow of Ninus, who, 
after consolidating her husband's Bactrian conquests, 
resolved to attempt the subjugation of India, being 
led thereto by the reported fruitfulness of the soil 
and the riches of its inhabitants. She spent three 
years in assembling an immense army, drawn from 
all the provinces of her extensive empire, and caused 
the shipwrights of Phoenicia, Syria, and Cyprus, to 
send to the frontier 2,000 ships or large barks, in 
jiieces, so that they might be carried thence to the 
Indus, and there put in array against the naval force 
of the Indians. All things being ready, Semiramis 
marched from ISactria (Balk) with an army, which it 
has been well .said, " the Greek historians have, by 
their relations, rendered less wonderful than incre- 
dible ;" for they describe it as having consisted of 
3,000,000 foot, 500,000 horse, 100,000 war chariots, 
and 100,000 camels, a portion of the latter being 
made to resemble elephants — by means of a frame- 
work being covered with the skins of oxen ; this 
device being employed to delude the Indians into 
the belief of the invaders being superior to them 
even in this respect. Stabrobates, the king of the 
countries bordering the Indus, on receiving intelli- 
gence of the intended invasion, assembled his troops, 
augmented the number of his elephants, caused 
4,000 boats to be built of cane (which is not subject to 
rot, or to be eaten by worms, evils known to be very 
prevalent at the present day), to occupy the Indus ; 
and headed his army on the eastern bank, in readi- 
ness to support them. The attacking fleet being 
victorious, Stabrobates abandoned his position, leav- 
ing the enemy a free pas.sage; and Semiramis, mak- 
ing a bridge of boats, crossed over with her whole 
force. Tlie counterfeit elephants, which play an 
important part in the narrative, were marched in 
front, and at first created great alarm ; but the 
deception being revealed by some deserters from the 
camp, the Indians recovered their spirits. A fierce 
contest ensued, in which the Assyrians had at first 
the advantage, but were eventually totally over- 
thrown, and Semiramis fled, accompanied by a very 
slender retinue, and escaped with great difiiculty to 
her own dominions. Such is the tale related by 
Diodorus Siculus ; and, however little to be relied on 
In many respects, it may at least be cited in testi- 
mony of the reputation for wealth and civilization 

inconsiderable kingdom, afterwards compre- 
hended in a single province, retaining the 
ancient name of Fars ; but the conquests of 
the youthful general, on behalf of his uncle 
and father-in-law, Cyaxares, King of Media, 
whom he succeeded, enabled him to unite 
the thrones of Persia and Media, as well as 
to sway neighbouring and distant states, to 
an extent which it is at present not easy to 
define, though it was amply sufficient to 
form what was termed the Persian empire, 
557, B. c. His eastern frontier certainly 
touched the verge of India; but whether it 
encroached yet farther, is a matter of doubt, 
and has been so for centuries. Nor is it 
even an established point where India itself 
terminated; for although Elphinstone and 

enjoyed by India at a very early period. With regard 
to Semii-amis, recent discoveries of ruins and de- 
ciphering of inscriptions have placed hei existence 
as an historical personage beyond a doubt. 

t The invasion of Sesostris, king of Egypt, A.M. 
3023, is alleged to have been as successful as that of 
Semiramis had proved disastrous. Desiring to render 
his subjects a commercial people, he fitted out a fleet 
of 400 ships in the Arabian Gulf, or Red Sea (being 
the inventor, it is alleged, of ships of war), by means 
of which all the countries stretching along the Ery- 
throan or Arabian Sea to India Were subjugated. Mean- 
while he led his army through Asia, and being every- 
where victorious, crossed the Ganges and advanced 
to the Indian Ocean. He spent nine years in this 
expedition, but exacted no other tokens of submis- 
sion from the conquered nations than the sending 
annually of presents to Egypt. Perhaps this story, 
recorded by Diodorus Siculus, and quoted by Harris 
and by Robertson (who discredits it), in his Histo- 
rical Disquisition concerning Ancient India, p. 6, ; 
may have Originated in the efforts of Sesostris for the j 
extension of comm.erce ; but the success of his plans, J 
whether pursued by warlike or peaceful means, could ( 
have been at best but short-lived, since, after his 
death the Egyptians relapsed into their previous 
anti-maritime habits ; and centuries elapsed before 
their direct trade with India became of importance. 

\ The Greek accounts of Hercules having been in 
India is thought to have arisen from the fact of 
there having been a native prince of that name, who, 
according to the Hindoo traditions cited by Diodorus 
Siculus (who wrote 44, B.C.), was after his death 
honoured as a god, having in life excelled all mere 
men in strength and courage; cleared both the sea 
and land of monsters and wild beasts; founded many 
cities, the most famous of which was Palibothia, 
where he built a stately palace strongly fortified, and 
rendered impregnable by being surrounded by deep 
trenches, into which he let an adjacent river. When 
his numerous sons were grown up, he divided India 
equally among them ; and they reigned long and 
liiil)iiily, but never engaged in any foreign expe- 
ditions, or sent forth colonies into distant countries, 
being content with the resourofs of tlieir own fertile 

§ Arrian 's Indica: Strabo, lib. xv. ; Elphinstone, 
vol. i., p. 440. 

• Isaiah ; chap, xliv., v. 28. 


other writers follow Strabo in declaring the 
Indus, from the mountains to the sea, to 
have formed its western limit, other autho- 
rities consider the territory of the Hindoos 
to have stretched far beyond. Colonel Wil- 
ford adduces a verse in their Sacred Writ- 
ings, which prohibits the three upper, or 
" twice-born" classes, from crossing the In- 
dus, but says that they were at liberty to 
pass to the other side, by going round its 
source.* Amid so many difficulties and con- 
tradictory slaterhents, it is only possible to 
note the points which seem most reasonable 
and best authenticated. 

Darius, the son of HystaSpes, was raised 
to the throne of Persia, b.c. 521, by the 
seven nobles who conspired against Gomates, 
the Magian, by whom it had been usurped 
after the death of Cambyses, the son and 
successor of Cyrus, whose daughter Atossa 
he afterwards married. Desiring to know 
the termination, of the Indus, and the state 
of the adjacent countries, with a vieW to 
their conquest, Darius built a fleet at Cas- 
patyrus, in the territory of Pactyica on that 
river, which he entrusted to a skilful Greek 
mariner named Scylax, who fulfilled his in- 
structions by sailing down the whole length 
of the Indus, thence coasting to the straits of 
Bab-el-Mandeb, and ascending the Arabian 
gulf to the port at its northern extremity. 
The account given by Scylaic of the fertility, 
high cultivation, and dense population of 
the country through which his route lay, 
incited Darius at once to attempt its acquisi- 
tion. By the aid of the Tyrians, who were 
intimately acquainted with the navigation, 
he brought a numerous force on the coast, 
while he himself headed a land attack. 
According to Dr. Robertson, he subjugated 
" the districts watered by the Indus ;'t while 
Colonel Chesney speaks of his conquests as 
limited to the " Indian territory westward 
of the Indus. t" Both appear to rely exclu- 
sively on the testimony of Herodotus, who 
states that " the Indians" consented to pay 
an annual tribute of 360 Euboean talents of 

* Asiatic Researches, vol. vi., p. 583. 

t Dr. Robertson's Historical Disquisition, p. 12. 

\ Colonel Chesney's Surrey of the Kivers Tigris 
and Euphrates. London: 1850; vol. ii., p. 180. 

§ Herodotus, lib. iii. and iv. 

II During the reign of Artaxerxes, the third son of 
Xerxes (the Ahasuerus of the book of Esther), Ctesias, 
the king's physician, and the author of a voluminous 
history of the Assyrian, Labylonian, and Persian 
empires, wrote a book on India, founded upon the 
accounts he obtained from the Persians. His works 
are not now extant, though various extracts are to be 

gold, or a talent a day — the Persian year 
being then considered to comprise only 360 
days. The sum would appear to be over- 
stated; for a single talent, at the lowest 
computation, was equal to £3,000 English 
money ; and even, though India may have 
then deserved its high reputation as a gold- 
producing region, this tax would have been 
very onerous. It is, however, certain, that 
at this time the force of Persian gold was 
known and feared by neighbouring states, 
and had a powerful share in enabling the 
successors of Darius to keep together the 
chief part of the widely-scattered dominions, 
which he displayed great ability in even par- 
tially consolidating and dividing into satra- 
pies, or governments ; of these his Indian 
possessions formed the twentieth and last.§ 

Xerxes, the son and successor of Darius, 
had a body of Indian troops in his service ; 
but he discouraged maritime intercourse, 
considering traffic by land more desirable ; 
and indeed he and his successors are said to 
have adopted the Babylonian policy of pre- 
venting invasions by sea, by blocking up the 
navigation of some of the chief rivers, in- 
stead of guarding the coast with an efficient 
naval force. 

We find but few traces of India || during 
the remaining reigns of the Persian mo- 
narchs, until the time of their last ruler, 
Darius Codomanus, who succeeded to the 
sway of a disorganized territory, consisting 
of numerous provinces, or rather kingdoms, 
differing in religion, languages, laws, cus- 
toms, and interests ; and bound together by 
no tie of a permanent character. A power- 
ful enemy was at hand, in the neighbouring 
kingdom of Macedon, which had sprung into 
importance almost as rapidly as Persia, and 
in a similar manner, having been raised by 
the talents of a single individual. Philip had 
acceded to the government of an ordinary 
state, weakened by war and dissension ; but 
taking full advantage of the commanding 
geographical position of the country, and 
the warlike spirit of its hardy sons, he reu- 

found in different authors. They are all unfavour- 
ably commented on, especially that on India, by se- 
veral Greek writers, who pronounce them fabulous. 
Plutarch, Aristotle, and even Strabo, notwithstand- 
ing their severe censures, have, however, not scrupled 
to borrow from the pages of Ctesias such statements 
as appeared to them probable; and Diodorus, as 
well as Herodotus and Athena;us, are said to have 
drawn largely from the same source. Xenophon, 
who was personally acquainted with Ctesias, speaks 
of him with great respect, though differing from many 
of his opinions. 


dered it the centre of arts and civilization, 
second only to Persia in power, and supe- 
rior even to Persia in influence, on account 
of the state of corruption and excessive 
luxury into which that empire had fallen. 

The free Grecian republics, weakened by 
strife and division, became for the most part 
subject to Macedonia, whose ancient consti- 
tution — a limited monarchy, which it was 
the interest of the community at large to 
maintain — ^proved a source of strength alike 
in offensive and defensive warfare. Still 
Macedonia appears to have been in some 
sort tributary to Persia; and it was pos- 
sibly a dispute on this point which had led 
Philip to form the hostile intentions he was 
preparing to carry out, and which Arses, 
King of Persia, was occupied in endeavour- 
ing to prevent, when both were suddenly 
arrested in the midst of their schemes; 
Philip, who had escaped so many dangers 
in the battle-field, being stabbed in his own 
palace during the bridal festivities of his 
daughter Cleopatra, by Pausanias,* a Mace- 
donian youth of rank ; and Arses was poi- 
soned about the same time. 

The tender age of Alexander was for- 
gotten in the enthusiasm raised by his 
manly and powerful eloquence. He assured 
the assembled Macedonians, previous to the 
funeral obsequies of his father, that though 
the name was changed they would find the 
king remained; — and he kept his word, 
elevating none of his personal friends, but 
continuing the able statesmen and generals 
in the positions in which he found them. 
By extraordinary address, this youth (for 

• The motive of Pausanias is variously stated as 
having been the instigation of the Persian monarch 
(in which light Alexander chose to view it) ; a desire 
to revenge a personal insult ; or otherwise, from un- 
governable passion for Olympias, the mother of Alex- 
ander. — Sir John Malcolm's History of Persia, vol. 
i., p. 54. Justin attributes the deed to the incitement 
of the vindictive Olympias, who, immediately after 
her husband's assassination, caused his youngest 
wife and child to be put to a cruel death. 

t Historians agree in describing Darius as amiable 
and equitable. The tale related by the Persian au- 
thor, Zeenut-ul-Tuarikh, concerning his message to 
Alexander, is therefore inconsistent with his cha- 
racter. According to this writer, Philip had agreed 
to furnish an annual subsidy of 1,000 eggs of pure 
gold. The Persian envoy, sent to demand the tri- 
bute from his successor, received the jeering reply 
that " the birds that laid the eggs had flown to the 
other world." Darius thereupon despatched an am- 
bassador, with a bat and ball, as a fit amusement for 
the youthful monarch, and a bag of very small seed, 
called gunjud, as an emblem of the innumerable 
Persian army. Alexander taking the bat, said — 
" This is my power with which I will strike your 

he was but twenty years old (succeeded in 
stifling the disturbances which followed the 
catastrophe at home, and in establishing his 
ascendancy as chief, by the free choice of the 
majority of the Grecian republics, notwith- 
standing the unremitting exertions of De- 
mosthenes and his party. 

Once firmly seated on the throne, having 
brought the Illyrian war to a rapid and suc- 
cessful conclusion and captured Thebes, 
Alexander made ready for a hazardous con- 
test with his powerful compeer Darius, the 
successor of Arses ; who, previous to his ac- 
cession to the throne of Persia, had been 
distinguished for the judicious government 
of a large tract of country of which he 
had been satrap (viceroy) . Although averse 
to war,t he had nevertheless distinguished 
himself in the conduct of military pro- 
ceedings with hostile nations ; and he lost 
no time in preparing for the threatened 
invasion. In the spring of the year 334, 
B.C., Alexander, with very limited resources 
in his possession, but with the riches of the 
East in prospect, crossed the Hellespont at 
the head of a confederated J army, variously 
estimated at 30,000 to 43,000 infantry, and 
5,000 cavalry ; and after a severe contest, 
defeated a Persian army 110,000 strong, 
who disputed with him the passage of the 
river Granicus, near Zelia, in Bithynia. 

In eastern warfare the first victory is of 
incalculable importance — for the satraps and 
inferior governors are ever ready to transfer 
their allegiance to the conqueror, consider- 
ing that he could be such only by the will 
of God, to which they are bound to submit. 

sovereign's dominion ; and this fowl," pointing to 
one which had been hi ought at his command, and 
rapidly devoured the grain, " shows what a mere 
morsel his aniiy will prove to mine." Then, giving 
the ambassador a wild melon, he desired him to tell 
Darius what he had heard and seen, and to give him 
that fruit, the taste of which might indicate the 
bitter lot that awaited him. — Malcolm's Persia, 
vol. i., p. 55. 

\ The Grecian republics, excepting Lacedemonia, 
were favourable to Alexander's proposition of an 
Asiatic expedition ; and his own hopes of success 
rested upon the jealousy and dissension which he 
knew existed among the numerous satraps or vice- 
roys of Damascus, over whom the supreme authority 
of " the king of kings," as the Persian monarch was 
grandiloquently styled, sat lightly enough. The zeal 
of his officers, to whom rewards, almost princely, 
were held out in the event of success, and the admir- 
able discipline of his troops, would, he trusted, pre- 
vail over the opposing force, and probably cause the 
defection of the bands of Greek mercenaries employed 
against him, as well as gain the suffrages of the Greek 
settlements in Asia, whose release from Persian rule 
was one of his avowed objects. 



The consequence of this brilliant opening 
must have exceeded the hopes even of the 
Macedonian, who conducted himself with 
singular moderation — treating the people 
everywhere as subjects, not enemies ; exact- 
ing from them no additional tribute to that 
previously claimed by Darius ; and strictly 
forbidding pillage or massacre. Having ob- 
tained the " sinews of war" in the treasury 
of the Persian monarchs at Sardis, through 
the treachery of Mithrenes, the governor, 
Alexander proceeded on his brilliant career, 
until he became master of the whole of 
Lesser Asia. The possession of Cilicia was 
the next point necessary to his purpose, as 
it comprised the most practicable route be- 
tween Greater and Lesser Asia, as well as 
the communication with Syria by land and 
with Greece by sea. The province was 
gained without difficulty; and Alexander 
(when recovered from a dangerous fever, 
which for a time checked his impetuous 
career) employed himself in securing his 
position, while Darius was straining every 
nerve to form an army, which should deci- 
sively defeat his adversary and re-establish 
the tottering fabric of the Persian empire. 
According to Arrian, he increased his Greek 
mercenaries to 30,000, to whom were joined 
about 60,000 Asiatics, called Cardacs, trained 
like the Greeks for close fight, and the 
middle and light-armed made up a total 
(including the followers) of 600,000, of 
whom perhaps 150,000 to 200,000 were 
fighting men. Darius crossed the Euphrates, 
and with his immense force covered the 
plains of Cilicia. 

After a fierce struggle between the Mace- 
donian phalanx* and the Persian-Greeks, 
the powerful monarchs met face to face : 
Darius, in the centre of the line, in a strik- 
ing costume, and seated on a splendid 
chariot drawn by four horses abreast, had 
been from the first a special object of attack : 
Sabaces, the satrap of Egypt, and many 
illustrious Persians, perished by his side, 

* The famous Macedonian or quadruple |)halanx, 
as it was sometimes called, to mark its division into 
four parts, consisted of a body of 18,000 men, each 
defended by helmet, breast-plate, greaves, and th" 
large shield called the aspis, and armed with a long 
sword and with the famous sarissa, a spear measur- 
ing four-and-twenty feet. The ordinary depth of 
the phalanx was sixteen ranks, the best soldiers 
being placed in the foremost and hindmost ranks, 
which formed as it were the framework of an engine 
whose efficiency depended on its compactness and 
uniformity of movement. — llev. Connop (now Bishop) 
Thirlwall»G/-«ec«, voLvi., p. 147. 

until his wounded horses became so un- 
governable among the heaps of slain by 
which they were hemmed in, that the mo- 
narch was with difficulty rescued from the 
melee, by the valour of his brother Oxathres, 
and placed in another chariot, in which he 
fled, hotly but unsuccessfully pursued by 
Alexander, who had himself been slightly 
injured in the thigh. f 

The loss of the Persians is stated Ijy 
Arrian at 100,000, including 10,000 horse; 
the most valuable part of the baggage had 
been conveyed to Damascus, but was soon 
after captured by Parmenio, Alexander's 
ablest general, through the treachery of its 
governor. J Meanwhile the family of Da- 
rius — his mother, wife,§ and children — fell 
into the hands of the conqueror, who showed 
them much personal kindness ; but when 
earnestly solicited to release them at the 
price of any ransom he might name, haugh- 
tily replied, that he would listen' to that 
request only if asked in person, and on con- 
dition of being addressed as king of Asia, 
and lord of all once possessed by Darius. 
The insulted monarch had no resource but 
once more to prepare for war, which he had 
still ample opportunities of doing with a fair 
prospect of success, for the troops of the 
eastern satrapies, including some of the most 
warlike in his dominions, were on their way 
towards Babylon, and a few months might 
again see him at the head of a more nu- 
merous and more powerful host than that 
defeated at Issus, and Alexander might yet 
meet the fate of the younger Cyrus. Nearly 
two years elapsed before the kingly rivals 
again met. Meanwhile the conqueror 
pursued his meteor-like course, astonishing 
the world by his unequalled daring, yet 
consolidating his successes as he proceeded, 
by the consummate and thoroughly con- 
sistent policy with which he used all things 
as instruments of his great designs ; dili- 
gently and ably promoting the material wel- 
fare of subjects (made such by the sword), 

t Arrian, lib. ii., cap. xii. j 

t A loyal subject, movedVith indignation, slew 
the traitor, and laid his head at the foot of his injured 

§ Statira, the beautiful and beloved wife of Darius, 
died soon afterwards in childbirth, and Alexander 
caused her to be interred with every mark of honour; 
his conduct towards her throughout, so different 
from the usual licentious cruelty of Asiatic con- 
querors, excited a feeling of lively gratitude in the 
breast of her ill-fated husband, who never forgot 
this one redeeming feature in the conduct of his un 
relenting opponent. 


humouring prejudice, flattering national 
vanity, rewarding individual service with 
unbounded munificence, but at the same 
time violating in every action the recog- 
nised rights of men, and showing himself 
throughout utterly unscrupulous as to the 
amount of suffering he inflicted, whether in 
subduing patriots to his will, or inflicting 
signal vengeance on those who, from the 
purest motives, ventured to oppose him. 
The island-city of Tyre, after a seven months' 
siege, was conquered by him, through the 
unconscious fulfilment of a scripture pro- 
phecy, in joining the island to the main, by 
a causeway 800 yards in length. The Ty- 
rians defended themselves to the last with 
unfaltering determination ; and, probably to 
check all thoughts of capitulation, executed 
their Macedonian prisoners and cast them 
into the sea in the sight of the besiegers, 
who, when their hour of triumph arrived, 
made this cruel act the excuse for the most 
unmitigated ferocity. With the exception 
of the king and some of the principal people, 
all were involved in a fearful doom ; 8,000 
perished in the first slaughter, 2,000 pri- 
soners were crucified by order of Alex- 
ander, and 30,000 (including a number of 
foreign residents) were sold into slavery.* 

Gaza was next subdued : the citizens, to 
the last man, died in its defence, and their 
women and children were sold as slaves. 
Alexander then marched upon Jerusalem, 
whose high priest Jaddua, had excited his 
wrath by refusing to violate the fidelity due 
to the Persian monarch in furnishing the 
invader with a supply of troops and pro- 
visions during the siege of Tyre. The 
Chaldeans and Phoenicians — ancient ene- 
mies of the Jews — accompanied the con- 
queror, buoyed up with the hope of sharing 
in the anticipated plunder, but they were 
witnesses of a very different result. When 
the army approached the Holy City, the 
High Priest, attended by the priests and 
Levites in their sacerdotal vestments, fol- 
lowed by a multitude of the inhabitants, 
decked in white feast-day robes, came out 
to meet Alexander, who, recognising, as he 
afterwards declared, in Jaddua, a figure 
shown to him in a dream at Dios, struck 
with pious awe, went up to the temple as a 
worshipper, and sacrificed according to the 

' Arrian. Curfius, however, states that 15,000 
persons were rescued by the Sidonians. 

t They probably showed him Daniel, chaps. 7 & 8. 

X Whiston's Josephus, book xi., chap. viii. 

§ The approach to the harbour of Alexandria was 

Jewish ritual. The priests informed him of 
his position as the fulfiller of the prophecy 
of Daniel,t than which nothing could be 
more gratifying, either to the ambitious 
designs or superstitious tendencies of Alex- 
ander, who took his departure, after making 
munificent offerings, and bestowing extra- 
ordinary privileges on the Jewish nation. J 

In January, 331, the Greeks penetrated 
into Egypt; and the people, whose reli- 
gious prejudices had been cruelly insulted 
by their Persian masters, welcomed the 
approach of the conciliating conqueror, 
whose late worship of the God of Israel did 
not hinder him from sacrificing to their 
monstrous idols — even to Apis. Sailing 
down the western or Canobie arm of the 
Nile, he proceeded to found the greatest of 
the many noble cities which bore his name, 
on a site§ which he saw would render it an 
emporium for the commerce of the eastern 
and western world ; it was colonised with a 
mixed population of Greeks and Romans — 
the abolition of the alienating prejudices of 
race being a marked feature in his mighty 
plan for the establishment of an universal 

After imitating the exploits attributed by 
Greek legends to his famous predecessors, 
Hercules and Perseus, braving the bare rocks 
and burning sands of the Libyan desert, and 
questioning the oracle of the temple of 
Ammon, erected in its famed Oasis, he re- 
turned to Memphis, completed the arrange- 
ments needful for the peaceable government 
of Egypt, and proceeded to Tyre, the ap- 
pointed rendezvous of his fleet and army, to 
prepare for a final contest with Darius. In 
the autumn of the same year (331) he 
crossed the Euphrates, advanced at full 
speed towards the Tigris, where he had 
expected to meet the hostile force, but 
being disappointed, rested a few days on 
the left bank, and then, continuing his 
march, came up with Darius, whom he 
found encamped in one of the wide plains 
between the Tigris and the mountains of 
Kurdistan, at a village named Gaugamela 
(the camel's or dromedary's house), about 
twenty miles from the town of Arbela, 
which gave its name to the battle. To the 
last, Darius had endeavoured to make peace 
with Alexander, offering him the hand ot 

dangerous ; for this reason the famous beacon tower, 
reckoned among the seven wonders of the world, was 
built by the first Ptolemy, on a rock near the eastern 
point of the island of Pharos, and threw a light to n 
distance, it is said, of nsarly forty miles. 



his daughter, with a dower of 30,000 talents 
in gold, and intimating even willingness to 
divide the empire; indeed it was probably 
the hope of some such compromise being 
efiFected that induced him to allow the 
Greeks to cross the Euphrates and Tigris 
unmolested. The numbers of the respective 
armies would seem to have warranted him 
in the expectation of being able to dictate 
rather than solicit peace ; but his munificent 
terms were not the less unhesitatingly re- 
jected by the invader, though Parmenio and 
the Council urged their acceptance. Accord- 
ing to Arrian, Alexander's force amounted 
to no more than 40,000 foot, and 7,000 
horse ; but this is evidently exclusive of the 
Asiatic levies, which there is reason to be- 
lieve he had raised. The Persian army has 
been variously stated by Curtius, Diodorus 
Siculus, and others, at from 200,000 to 
-«00,000 infantry, and from 40,000 to 200,000 
horse, besides the Indian contingent of 200 
war chariots and fifteen elephants, ranged in 
the centre of the mighty host, near the per- 
son of the monarch. During the weary night 
preceding the combat, Darius passed along 
the line by torch-light, cheering his soldiers, 
all of whom were, by a mistaken policy, 
kept continuously under arms, from momen- 
tary fear of a surprise. The dreaded attempt 
is said to have been actually suggested by 
Parmenio to his sovereign after the latter 
had retired to his tent, but rejected on the 
ground that it would be alike ignoble and 
impolitic to steal a victory, instead of gain- 
ing it by a fair trial of strength. In the 
morning the battle commenced, and was 
long and stoutly contested; the Indo-Scy- 
thian troops being, we are expressly told by 
Arrian, among the flower of the Persian 
army, and fighting valiantly to the death. 
The strife became very intricate, hostile 
bodies intermingled with each other in fierce 
combat, and the issue seemed to promise 
little short of annihilation to both parties, 
when a circumstance, slight in itself, turned 
the scale. A dart flung by Alexander, who 
was on horseback, killed the charioteer of 
Darius; and the confusion thus occasioned 
gave rise to the general belief that the king 
himself was slain. A complete panic en- 
sued ; the Persians fled in irremediable con- 
fusion, followed by Alexander — who was, 
however, obliged to renounce the pursuit 
and return to rescue Parmenio, who com- 
manded his left wing, from the critical 
position in which he had been placed by the 
resistless onset of the Massagetian horse. 

There is no credible statement of the amount 
of life sacrificed on this eventful day; for 
that of Arrian, which records the loss of the 
Persians at 40,000, and the Greeks at 100, 
can scarcely be entertained. This contest 
sealed the downfall of one powerful empire, 
and crowned the conqueror with the fallen 
diadem, althoitgh the escape of Darius was 
still felt as aSbrding serious cause for anxiety. 

After allowing his army a brief revel 
among the luxuries of Babylon, and drain- 
ing the treasury of Susa of its vast stores of 
unwrought ingots and golden darics, Alex- 
ander proceeded to Persepolis, and though 
he met with no resistance, suffered the 
stately city to be plundered hj his soldiers, 
excepting only its magnificent palace, (which 
he afterwards set on fire with his own hand,)* 
and the citadel, which ancient writers 
agree in stating to have contained the pro- 
digious sura of 120,000 talents, or more than 
£27,000,000 sterling.f Four months elapsed 
before he resumed the pursuit of Darius, 
who had meanwhile gathered together a 
small force, and intended to take refuge in 
the Bactrian satrapy of Bessus ; but this dis- 
loyal servant, considering his master's for- 
tunes desperate, conspired with the satraps 
of Arachosia and Aria either to kill or to 
deliver him to the Greeks, according as 
might best serve their private purpose — the 
securing independent possession of their 
satrapies. Alexander, after marching rapidly 
through Media, had reached a mountain 
pass called the Caspian Gates, before intelli- 
gence arrived of the plot; he exclaimed bitterly 
against the treachery to which his own am- 
bition had subjected the royal fugitive, and 
pressed eagerly onwards to his rescue. The 
conspirators fled before him, and Darius re- 
solutely refusing to accompany them, was 
left mortally wounded in his chariot, where 
his lifeless body was found by Alexander, who 
buried it with regal honours, provided for 
the maintenance of Sisygambis (his mother) , 
married his daughter Statira, took charge of 
the education of his other children, and 
declared his determination of punishing the 
assassins. Artabazus, the faithful and long- 
tried adherent of Darius, then ninety-five 
years of age, he took into his own service, 
and evinced his respect for his fidelity by 
unremitting kindness to him and to his sons. 

* At the suggestion, it is said, of Thais, an Athe- 
nian courtesan, made to him when heated with wine. 
Both Phitarch and Arrian record bis immediate and 
undisguised regret for the deed. 

t Quintus Curtius, lib. v., cap. 5 ; Diodorus Sicu- 
lus, lib. xvii., cap. 18 ; Tustin, lib. xi., cap. 14. 


Bessus finding himself disappointed in his 
hopes now braved the worst, by boldly as- 
suming the tiara, and the title of Artaxerxes 
King of Asia, in defiance of the pretensions 
of Alexander, who wished to be considered 
as the avenger and rightful successor rather 
than the conqueror of Darius, and to receive 
even from his Macedonian subjects the spe- 
cies of adoration oft'ered by the Persians to 
their king, as a preliminary to the divine 
honours, to which an oracle had declared 
him entitled. The Macedonians viewed 
these pretensions with undisguised aver- 
sion, and several of his bravest subjects, 
including Philotas and his father Parmenio, 
the beloved general of Philip,* became, 
under difierent pretences, victims to tVieir 
opposition to this glaring impiety. f Bar- 
zaentes, one of the confederates of Bessus, 
took refuge among the Indians on the bor- 
der of his eastern satrapy of Arachosia, but 
was delivered up by them to Alexander, who 
caused him to be put to death ; Sartabar- 
zanes, another of the traitors (and a double- 
dyed one, for he had voluntarily sworn alle- 
giance to the conqueror), was slain in 
battle, and the arch conspirator Bessus 
alone remained. He had consulted his 
personal safety by fleeing across the vast 
mountain barrier of India, a part of which 
is there called the Paropamisus,J trust- 
ing that the natural difficulties of the coun- 
try would greatly impede, if not entirely 
block up, the pursuit of a hostUe force. He 
probably little knew the zeal with which, 
from very childhood, Alexander had striven 
for accurate geographical knowledge, eagerly 
questioning the ambassadors of his father's 
court as to the routes they had traversed, or 
heard of, so as to give the wisest of them 
some partial insight into the schemes even 
then passing through his brain. On arriving 
at the root of the chain, he was probably 
well acquainted with its general direction, 
as well as the defiles by which it might be 
traversed, especially since, during his so- 
journ in Phoenicia, he had had abundant 
opportunity of ascertaining the nature of 

* It is recorded by Plutarch, that Philip once said 
the Athenians were lucky to be able to find ten gen- 
erals every year ; he, in the course of many years, 
had only found one, Parmenio. 

f The famous guarrel in which, during a carousal, 
Alexander slew his tried friend Cleitas, who had pre- 
served his life in battle at the risk of his own, arose 
from the same cause; as did also the execution of 
Callisthenes, though on the avowed charge of having 
incited a conspiracy among the royal pages. 

X This range (according to Masson) is distinct 
from the true Indian Caucasus, or Hindoo Koosh; — 

the trade with India, and the means by 
which it was carried on, by land as well as by 
sea. At the foot of the pass by which he 
intended crossing, Alexander founded an- 
other Alexandria (ad Caucasum), where he 
planted a colony of Macedonian veterans; 
then, undeterred by the severity of the yet 
unexpired winter, he avoided the dangerous 
period of the melting snows, by commenc- 
ing his mountain march, which lasted fifteen 
days, and was rendered arduous and haras- 
sing, not only from the natural causes of 
cold and fatigue, but also by scarcity of pro- 
visions. Bessus had laid waste the whole 
country between the lower valleys on the 
northern side, and the left bank of the 
Oxus, before he passed over with his troops, 
after which he burned the boats which had 
conveyed them. Alexander having captured 
the town and fortress of Aorni, and Bactra 
the chief city of Bactria (supposed to be the 
modern Balk), committed the charge of the 
newly-acquired territory to the venerable 
Artabazus; then dismissing some of the 

more infirm, or least willing, of the Mace- 
donian troops and Thessalian volunteers, he 
proceeded across a strip of the great desert, 
which stretches from the Caspian to the 
high table-land, containing the sources of 
the Oxus and Jaxartes. On arriving at the 
former river, no boats or building materials 
could be procured, and the breadth was little 
less than 800 yards ; but even this obstacle 
was overcome, and the whole of the troops 
transported safely over on skins stuffed with 
straw. The passage being accomplished 
after six days' labour, the Greeks pushed 
across the desert in a northerly direction, 
but were met by envoys from two of the 
chief followers of Bessus, who fell a victim 
to the same treachery he had practised to- 
wards Darius; and being delivered up by 
his followers, Spitamenes and others, suffered 
a cruel and ignominious death. § The ob- 
tainment of the avowed object of the expe- 
dition did not put a stop to Alexander's 
progress. According to Plutarch it was 
about this period that he first entertained 

the name is derived from " par" and " pam," signify- 
ing hill and fiat — the region around consisting of 
flat-topped hills. 

§ He was publicly stripped and scourged, his nose 
and ears were cut off, and (according to Curtius and 
Uiodorus) he was eventually surrendered to Oxa- 
thres and other kinsmen of Darius to be executed ; 
but by some accounts he is represented as having 
been, by order of Alexander himself, torn limb from 
limb, by means of two trees, to which he was bound, 
being first bent and then suflered to spring back. — See 
Lan ghome's Plutarch, Life of A lexander, vol. i v., p. 1 86. 


the idea of following up his conquests by 
that of India. He had now reached a de- 
lightful region of great beauty and exuberant 
fertility, whose pastures afforded him fresh 
horses to supply the loss sustained in march- 
ing through mountains and deserts ; thence 
he advanced to the capital of Sogdiana, 
called Maracanda, since known as Samar- 
cand, in whose citadel he placed a Greek 
garrison. Still proceeding northwards, he 
founded another Alexandria on the Jaxartes, 
and was involved in some sharp contests 
with the Asiatic Scythians, in one of which 
a body of Macedonian horse were surprised 
and slain, and in another he was himself 
wounded. After repressing disturbances 
among the Sogdians, on whom he wreaked 
a cruel vengeance for what he thought fit to 
call rebellion t9 his self-constituted autho- 
rity, he proceeded at the close of 339 to 
take up his winter quarters at Bactria or 
Zariaspa. For the next twelve months he 
found ample employment in stifling the 
efforts for independence of the Scythians, 
Sogdians, and the Bactrians, incited by 
Spitamenes, the most active and determined 
enemy he had yet encountered in Asia. 
This chief's motive appears to have been 
dissatisfaction at receiving less reward than 
he had expected for the surrender of Bessus. 
By a remarkable retribution he was in turn 
betrayed by his own troops, who, desirous 

• Taxila must have been a large and splendid 
city, but its site is still a matter of dispute. Schlosser 
places it at Attock, and Rennell at or near the same 
place. On the route leading thence to Lahore, are 
the ruins of a very ancient town of unknown name 
and origin, which is also supposed to have been 
Taxila. Abundance of Greek and Bactrian coins 
have been found in the numerous ruins and cupolas 
or topes which are scattered over the plain on which 
the present small village of Manikyala stands. One 
of these topes or tumuli (examined in 1833-34, by 
Mons. Court, an engineer officer then in the service 
of Runjeet Sing) was 80 feet high, with a circum- 
ference of 320 feet, solidly built of well-dressed 
quarried stones, some of huge size, cemented with 
lime i while a range of small columns, the capitals 
ornamented with rams' heads, surrounded the base. 
The Hindoos resort to the spot to offer up the first 
cuttings of the hair of their male children, a custom 
said to have been prevalent in ancient Greece. There 
are about fifteen smaller topes near the principal 
one ; and, indeed, similar tumuli abound in different 
parts of Affghanistan, at Cabool, Jellalabad, in the 
khyber hiUs, &c. They are generally constructed 
of sandstone, and of a nummulitio limestone (full of 
shell impressions), such as is found in the Egyptian 
pyramids. In one of the topes, which had a height 
of sixty or seventy feet, a cell was discovered at ten 
feet from the ground-level, whose four sides corre- 
sponded with the cardinal points ; it was constructed 
Jn a iolid manner, and covered with a massive slab 

of conciliating their powerful foe, cut off the 
head of their leader, and offered it as their 
own propitiation. Several of his confede- 
rates still lived and took refuge in the 
mountainous region about the upper valleys 
of the Oxus, with other chiefs who perse- 
vered in the struggle for liberty. They 
were not, however, of sufficient importance 
to detain Alexander any longer in the coun- 
tries where he had already spent nearly two 
years, and which had been subdued only with 
much difficulty and large expenditure of 
blood and treasure, as well as by diplomacy ; 
for example, by his marriage with Roxana, 
the daughter of Oxyartes, an influential 
Bactrian chief, he converted a dangerous 
enemy to a firm friend. 

Greek Invasio.v of India.^ — In the spring 
of 327, Alexander prepared to attempt the 
conquest of the almost unknown countries 
bordering and beyond the Indus. The pres- 
tige of his success, and the generosity with 
which he treated all who submitted to his 
sway, induced a native ruler to send a friendly 
embassy before the army quitted Sogdiana. 
The name of this prince was recorded by 
the Greeks (who are unfortunately prover- 
bial for the manner in which they distorted 
foreign words to suit their own pronuncia- 
tion) as Omphis, or Mophis; but he was 
commonly called Taxiles, from Taxila,* the 
capital of his country, which lay between 

containing inscriptions, some resembling the writings 
of the Rajpoots of the Himalaya, others the Etliio- 
pian character. In the centre was a copper urn or 
cylinder, encircled by eight copper medals, (some 
apparently of the Winged-cap Sassanian dynasty,) 
with a wrapper of white linen tightly adhering to the 
surface, which fell into shreds on being exposed to 
the air. The copper enclosed a silver urn, the in- 
tervening space being filled with a moist paste, 
devoid of smell, of the colour of raw umber, in which 
lay a thread of cotton gathered up into a knot. The 
silver, from age, had become quite brittle, and crum- 
bled into bits between the fingers, as the metals found 
at Nineveh have since done. Within the silver ves- 
sel was a much smaller golden one, and seven silver 
medals with Latin characters. The gold cylinder 
contained four small, worn, golden coins of the 
Gra;co-Scythian, or Gr®co-Indian type, but of a far 
inferior fabrication to the silver ones ; there were 
also two precious stones and four perforated pearls 
(which had been pendants of ear-rings), fragments 
of a vitreous nature, and small transparent yellow 
substances, with decayed organic matter. The country 
around, as proved by the quantity of ruins of old 
houses, must have once been very populous. Whether 
these topes or mounds served for royal mausolea, or 
Boodhistical shrines, or both, is doubtful : they were 
possibly the consecrated tombs of kings or of per- 
sons of distinction. Some curious coincidences are 
observable between the ancient monuments and the 
sepulchral tumuli or harrows discovered in Essex 



the upper Indus and the Hydaspes (Behut 
or Jhelum), the westermost of the five great 
tributaries, from which the whole eastern 
basiu of the Indus, down to their confluence, 
is called the Punjaub (five rivers). 

From Bactria and Sogdiana, as also from 
the neighbouring Scythian hordes, auxil- 
iaries were raised to the amount of 70,000 
persons, of whom 30,000 were youths, levied 
to serve at once as hostages and soldiers. 
Altogether the Greek force (exclusive of a 
corps of 10,000 infantry and 15,000 cavalry 
left in Bactria, under the command of the 
satrap Amyntas) consisted of 120,000 foot 
and 15,000 horse. After crossing the Para- 
pamisan chain, in ten days, (apparently by a 
different route to that which had been taken 
in the winter of 329,) through a pass de- 
scribed by Arrian as "high, narrow, and 
short," the troops reached Alexandria ad 
Caucasum, and from thence proceeded to a 
town named Nysa,* which would appear to 
have been the same city alleged to have been 
founded by the Indian Bacchus, or Dionysus. 
The inhabitants are said to have dexterously 
turned Alexander's claim to be considered 
as a son of Jupiter to advantage by entreat- 
ing him to spare and protect the city 
founded by his " celestial brother •" and as 
an evidence of the truth of their statement, 
they pointed to the abundance of vines, wild 
and uncultivated, growing in their valleys, 
and to the ivy and laurel first planted by 
the hand of Bacchus, of which the Mace- 
donians had, until then, seen none since they 
left Greece. Alexander offered sacrifices in 
honour of his divine predecessor, and per- 
mitted Nysa, which is described as an aris- 
tocratical republic under a discreet ruler 
named Acuphis, to retain its liberty and 
laws.f On proceeding to the banks of the 
river Cophenes, he was met at his own re- 
quest by Taxiles, and several chiefs from the 

and other parts of England, which contained, like 
those of the Punjaub, various bronze urns, enclosing 
fragments of burnt bones, coins, glass, and even a 
similar brown or light yellov/ liquid or paste. Virgil, 
also, in the uSneid (vi., 215), describes the Roman 
custom of burning the dead j milk, wine, blood, and 
other munera, supposed to be grateful to the de- 
ceased, were poured on or mingled with the ashes, 
and money was usually added to defray the fee of 
Charon for ferrying the departed spirit across the Styx. 
* The locality of the different towns and rivers 
mentioned by Alexander's historians, is much con- 
tested by modern geographers. The site of Nysa is 
pointed out by M. Court, at Ashnagur (whose sub- 
urbs are scattered over with vast ruins of unknown 
date) ; that of Alexandria ad Caucasum is variously 
placed at Ghuznee and at a place called Siggan ; 
while the Cophenei is supposed to denote either the 

region west of the Indus ; they brought him 
presents, and promised to gratify his desire 
for trained elephants, by the gift of all they 
possessed, which, however, amounted only 
to five-and-twenty. The army was then 
divided ; one portion, under Hephsestion and 
Perdiccas, took the direct road to the Indus, 
with orders there to prepare a bridge of 
boats for the passage of the main body, 
which Alexander conducted by a more nor- 
thern route over difiicult mountain paths, 
to meet the hardy and warlike tribes, men- 
tioned by Arrian under the names of the 
Aspii, the Thrysei, and the Arssei. In a 
contest with the inhabitants of one of the 
towns, he was wounded, and the Greeks in 
their rage (having carried the double walls,) 
gave no quarter, but slaughtered aU without 
distinction, and reduced the place to ashes. 
The whole of this campaign in the high 
lands of Affghanistan was marked by de- 
termined bravery on the part of the moun- 
taineers, and sanguinary cruelty on that of 
the invader, who had no other plan for sub- 
duing a people, who desired — not generosity 
but justice, not to be well governed after 
his fashion, but to remain independent after 
their own. In the country of the unoffend- 
ing AssacenesJ he behaved with especial 
barbarity. Having encamped before their 
capital, Mazagu, he made three determined 
attacks with battering-engines on different 
days, during which he was wounded in the 
leg and arm ; the result of a fourth assault 
was yet doubtful, when the Affghan chief 
was slain, and the garrison were suffered to 
capitulate on the condition that 7,000 mer- 
cenaries from the Punjaub, who had been 
engaged in the service of the deceased 
leader, should join the Greek army. They 
accordingly marched out and encamped on 
a hill for the night, but evinced so much 
reluctance at the thought of fighting against 

river formed by the confluence of the Cabool with the 
Pendjsher, or else the eastern branch of the Ifel- 
mund, now known as the Tarnuck. The reader 
desirous of understanding the grounds upon which 
these and other opposite opinions rest, will find them 
fully discussed by the highest Indian authorities, 
in the pages of the various Asiatic journals, and in 
the works of Rennell, Vincent, Elphinstone, Vigne, 
Burnes, Chesney, Masson, Long, &c. 

t Recorded by Arrian, Quintug Curtius, and Plu- 
tarch in his Life of Alexander. 

X Arrian says they had been subject to the Assy- 
rians, then to the Medes, and subsequently to the 
Persians. The Orita are described by the same 
authority, as a nation whose country extended along 
the sea-coast for about 150 miles ; and who wore the 
dress and arms of the other Indians, but difl'ered 
from theDi in language and manners. 



their countrymen, that Alexander, suspect- 
ing them of an intention to desert, caused 
them to be suddenly surrounded and cut to 
pieces. He then set at nought the capitu- 
lation by storming the defenceless city. 
The strongholds of Ora and Bazira were 
next reduced, the inhabitants of the latter 
place fled to a hill-fort on the right bank of 
the Indus, whose name seems to have been 
lost by the Greeks in that of Aornus,* a 
term indicative of its extraordinary height, 
above the flight of a bird. Here Hercules 
was said to have been defeated, and Alex- 
ander, desirous of excelling the exploits of 
even fabled heroes, and of proving himself 
not to be deterred by natural difiBculties, pro- 
ceeded to the attack; passing, it would ap- 
pear, through the district of Peucelaotis, 
and taking possession of the chief city, 
Peucela, whose ruler, Astes, had fallen in 
the thirty days' siege of the force under 
Hephsestion and Perdiccas on their march 
eastward. Aornus he captured by forming 
a mound across a hollow of no great depth, 
but of considerable width, which separated 
a neighbouring hill from the pyramidical 
rock itself; thus a vantage-ground was gained 
to the surprise and terror of the besieged, 

• Aornus was probably a general name for a 
stockaded mountain, such as that already mentioned 
in Bactria, and most likely Hellenized from the 
Sanscrit Awara, or Awarana, an enclosure. Its 
position is considered by some authorities to have 
been a little distance above Attock, while others con- 
sider it to be found at Peshawer, in front of the 
Khyber Pass, and reconcile this opinion with the 
statement of Arrian and Strabo, that the Indus flowed 
at the base of Aornus, by declaring that these writers 
evidently deemed the Cabool river the true Indus. 

T It seems to have been during his stay at Taxila 
that Alexander had first the opportunity of gratifying 
his curiosity respecting the doctrine and practice of 
the Hindoo ascetics called gymnosophists by the 
Greeks. At Corinth, struck by the imperturbable 
stoicism of a man, who had nothing to ask, but that 
he should stand from betwixt him and the sun, he is 
reported to have exclaimed, that were he not Alex- 
ander he would wish to be Diogenes. In India he 
must have witnessed a far more interesting spectacle. 
The Greek philosopher had no higher object in his 
dogged abstinence from the comforts of civilized life 
than to place himself beyond the reach of what, in 
his blindness, he called chance or fortune ; but the 
Brahmins sought, by self-inflicted tortures, and un- 
ceasing exposure to the severe influences of their 
burning sky, to win by slow degrees a release from 
mortality, and absorption into the Divine essence. 
Alexander was utilitarian in all his views ; it might 
therefore be supposed he could have little sympathy 
with men whom he might have considered as visionary 
enthusiasts,buthewas alsoextremely superstitious: his 
great intellect groped in darkness, unenlightened by 
any ray of revealed truth, which could show him tho 
fundamental error of striving to found a univer- 
la), or at least an Asiatic empire, by means of un- 

who endeavoured to escape at night-fall, 
but were pursued with great slaughter into 
the plains beneath. The accounts given by 
Arrian of the next steps of Alexander's pro- 
gress are scarcely reconcileable with those of 
Diodorus and Curtius ; but it appears that 
he was compelled to return to the moun-' 
tains to suppress insurrection, and that the 
people fled before him. He despatched his 
generals, Nearchus and Antiochus, to scour 
the country towards the north-west, while 
he himself opened a road, which no army 
had ever before trodden, to the banks of the 
Indus, and on his way captured some of the 
fugitives, who, among other information, 
told him that their elephants had been left 
in the thickets on the west side of the river. 
These animals having been obtained by the 
aid of native hunters, vessels were con- 
structed, in which the force dropped down 
the stream to the bridge prepared for them 
by Hephaestion and Perdiccas, with the 
assistance of Taxiles, who came out with his 
army and elephants to meet Alexander on 
his arrival at the eastern shore of the Indus, 
and conducted him with much pomp to his 
capital.-f- Taxiles appears to have been very 
desirous to obtain the assistance of the 

limited conquests, gained at a terrible cost of blood, 
tears, and moral degradation. Still he was no mere 
conqueror ; it was not simply a selfish ambition that 
prompted him — far less any brutal, or rather demonia- 
cal, love of fighting. He ever strove to conciliate 
strange nations, by respecting their religious obser- 
vances, as the best means of retaining permanent 
dominion over them; and it was probably a high 
political motive which rendered him solicitous to 
converse with the Brahmins (or rather Yogees), 
fifteen of whom were congregated in a grove near 
the city. The eldest and most honoured, called by 
the Greeks, Dandamis, refused either to visit or 
write to Alexander, declared (according to Strabo) 
to a total disbelief of his alleged Divine origin, 
and expressed equal indiff'erence to persuasions or 
threats ; gifts he needed not, and he added, 
alluding to the Hindoo doctrine of metemp- 
sychosis — " If he should put me to death, he will 
only release my soul from this old decrepit body, 
which will then pass into a freer and purer state ; so 
that I shall suffer nothing by the change." One of 
the Yogees, named Sphines, called Calanus by the 
Greeks was, however, prevailed upon to go to Alex- 
ander, who, being much pleased with his discourse, 
carried him with him throughout his expedition, and 
even back to Persia. Calanus was there attacked 
with illness ; and considering it as a summons from 
above, being then seventy-three years of age, pre- 
pared to terminate his life. Alexander having vamly 
laboured to dissuade him, caused a magnificent 
funeral pile to be raised, which Calanus, though 
weak with pain and illness, ascended with unfalter- 
ing resolution, singing hymns of prayer and praise. 
He then calmly composed his limbs, and without 
moving, was consumed in the sight of the king and the 
whole army. — ( Vide Arrian, Strabo, and Plutarch.) 


Greeks in carrying on war with a neighbour- 
ing and powerful prince, whose proper name 
has not descended to us, but only that of 
his family, Porus.* Alexander sent a pe- 
remptory summons, requiring tribute and 
allegiance, to which the Indian prince replied 
that he would come to the borders of his 
kingdom to meet the invader, but it should 
be in arms. His kinsman, a neighbouring 
ruler of the same name, whether from 
jealousy or induced by the munificent pre- 
sents made to Taxiles, despatched an em- 
bassy with offers of submission. It is 
probable that Taxiles received an enlarge- 
ment of his territory by the annexation of 
some of the newly-conquered districts on 
the west of the Indus ; but the price paid by 
him was nothing less than the loss of liberty, 
since a Greek satrap was appointed for this 
part of India, and a Greek garrison stationed 
in his chief city. "With forces strengthened 
by 5,000 Indian recruits, led by Taxiles, 
Alexander resumed his march in the middle 
of the year 326 ; for so it would appear from 
the statement of Aristobulus, that he expe- 
rienced the commencement of the summer 
rains, which are not known to fall in the 
Punjaub before June or July. On his road 
to the Hydaspes he was iiitcmjpted, in a 
defile through which his road lay, by a 
nephew of Porus named Spittacus, or Spi- 
taces, with a body of troops. These he soon 
dispersed, and arrived without further oppo- 
sition on the right bank of the river, where 
he beheld the hostile army drawn up on the 
opposite side, the intervening stream being 
deep, rapid, and, at the time he reached it, 
probably little less than a mile broad. Al- 
though well provided with boats, rafts, and 
floats, Alexander was too prudent to attempt 
forcing a passage in the face of an equal if 
not superior enemy, and had therefore re- 
course to stratagem to disarm the vigilance 
of his antagonist. After making excursions 
in various directions, as if uncertain where 
to attempt crossing, he ordered magazines 
of provisions to be formed, as if for a long 

• Tod says that Porus was a corruption of Pooru, 
the patronymic of a branch of the royal Lunar race 
(liajast'lian, vol. i.) ; and Itennell states that the pre- 
decessor of the prince in question reigned in Canoge 
or Canouj, on the Ganges, which, according to Fe- 
rishta, was then the capital of all Hindoostan {Me- 
moir (if a Map of Hindoostan, p. 54). 

t The precise spots at which the army encamped 
upon the Hydaspes, and crossed it, are not ascer- 
tained. Strabo points out that Alexander marched 
as near as possible fo tlie mountains, and this useful 
indication is considered by Masson to establish 
his having followed the high road frora Attock to 

sojourn, and gave out that he intended 
awaiting the termination of the monsoon, 
which it is probable he would have really 
done but for intelligence that auxiliaries 
were on their way to strengthen the enemy. 
Night after night, bodies of cavalry rode 
noisily up or down the right bank, and 
Porus repeatedly drew up his elephants and 
proceeded towards the quarter whence the 
clamour arose ; until, wearied by false alarms, 
he paid no attention to the movements 
upon the opposite shore. Alexander having 
selected a spot a day's march distance above 
the camp,t where the river made a westerly 
bend, and a thickly-wooded island divided 
the stream, left a strong division at the first 
station with orders to remain there until the 
elephants should be withdrawn from their 
menacing position, in which case they were to 
attempt the passage forthwith. The same 
command was given at the series of posts 
(horse and foot), stationed between the 
camp and the place of embarkation. Here 
preparations wer6 made, under cover of the 
wood which clothed the projecting bank of 
the river, the din of axes and hammers, 
which might otherwise have attracted atten- 
tion, (notwithstanding the feints previously 
resorted to) being overpowered by pealing 
thunder and torrents of rain, that lasted 
tlirough the night hours, but ceased at daj'- 
break. Alexander set out, accompanied by 
Perdiccas, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, with 
the flower of the Macedonian cavalry, and 
the Bactrian, Sogdian, and Scythian aux- 
iliaries. In passing the wooded island before 
mentioned, they were first seen by the In- 
dians, who immediately gave the alarm. 
The invaders landed, on what they thought 
to be the river bank, but really on another 
island, separated from the main by a channel 
swollen by floods into a formidable stream, 
which however proved fordable, and the 
whole division was, after some delay, landed, 
and drawn up in order of battle. The cav- 
alry numbered about 5,000, the infantry 
probably nearly 20,000. Porus, perceiving 

Jhelum, which probably was then as now the most 
northerly of the Punjaub routes, and the one almost 
exclusively practicable during the monsoons. Con- 
sequently Porus took up his position on the eastern 
bank of the Jhelum at the point to which he knew 
Alexander must come, that is near the present vil- 
lage of that name, in whose locality, the sites of 
NicajZi and Bucephala, (though on different sides of 
the river) must be sought for. llennell places the 
encampment opposite where the fortress of Rotas 
afterwards stood; and Vincent (who supposes the 
wooded island passed by Alexander to liave ^een 
Jamad) about twenty-eight miles below Rotas. 


that Alexander's tent remained in its place, 
and that the main body were apparently 
still at the encampment, regarded liis actual 
approach as a stratagem to tempt him 
from an advantageous position, and merely 
sent forward his son or brother Hages with 
2,000 horse and 120 war chariots, whom 
Alexander charged fiercely, with the whole 
of his cavalry. Hages and some 400 of his 
followers were slain, and the chariots, which 
had been with great difficulty brought over 
ground turned into a swamp by the rains, 
were all captured. Porus, on learning this 
disastrous commencement, left a part of his 
elephants to contest the passage of the 
Greeks stationed under Craterus at the en- 
campment, and advanced to the decisive con- 
flict, with a force (according to Arrian) of 
30,000 infantry, 4,000 cavalry, and 300 cha- 
riots. Beyond the swampy ground, near the 
river, lay an open sandy tract, affording firm 
footing, and here he awaited Alexander's 
approach ; his 200 elephants, bearing huge 
wooden towers, filled with armed men, being 
drawn up in front of the line, at intervals of 
a hundred feet, occupied with infantry ; while 
one-half of the cavahy was posted at each 
flank, and the chariots (each containing 
six armed men) in front of them. After 
a long and quick march, Alexander arrived 
in sight with his cavalry, and halted to allow 
time for the foot to join him. Observing 
the disposition of the enemy, he instantly 
apprehended the necessity of depriving Porus 
of the advantage he must obtain from the 
almost invincible strength of the elephants 
and chariots when brought to bear in a 
direct attack, as well as the superior num- 
bers of the opposing infantry, by a skilful use 
of the mounted troops, in which his strength 
lay. An attack on the enemy's left wing, 
would, he foresaw, draw the cavalry into 
action for its protection. Therefore, ordering 
the horse-bowmen to advance, he followed 
up the slight disorder caused by their arrows, 
by charging with the rest of the cavalry ; 
while the Indian horse from the right being 
brought up, as foreseen, Ccenus, in accord- 
ance with previous orders, charged them in 
the rear, and the Macedonian phalanx ad- 
vanced to take advantage of the confusion 
that ensued. The engagement became very 
complex ; the elephants hemmed in and 
maddened by wounds, turned their fury in- 
discriminately against friend and foe, until 
many were killed, and the rest, spent with 
pain and toil, ceased to be formidable. 
Another general charge of horse and foot 

was made by the Greeks ; the troops of 
Porus were completely routed, and fled, pur- 
sued by Craterus and the division from the 
right bank, who, having by this time effected 
their passage, engaged with ardour in the san- 
guinary chase. As is usual with Alexander's 
historians,* his loss is stated at an extremely 
small, and that of the enemy, at a proportion- 
ably large amount. The more moderate 
statement of Diodorus Siculus, gives the 
number of the slain on the side of Porus, at 
12,000, including two of his sons and great 
part of his chief officers, besides 9,000 
taken prisoners. The loss of the Macedo- 
nians is given at less than 1,000. Porus 
himself, mounted on an elephant, to the last 
directed the movements of his forces ; and, 
although wounded in the shoulder, (his body 
was defended by a corslet of curious work- 
manship which was proof against all mis- 
siles,) would not retire until his troops were 
hopelessly dispersed ; then he turned his 
elephant for flight, but, being a conspicuous 
object, was speedily captured, and carried, 
while senseless from loss of blood, into the 
conqueror's presence. Alexander, who had 
observed his gallant bearing during a con- 
flict of seven or eight hours' duration, asked 
him how he desired to be treated, but could 
obtain no other answer than "as a king;" 
and, on observing that " this a king must 
do for his own sake," Porus replied that, 
" nevertheless in that all was included." The 
quick perception of character, which was one 
of Alexander's distinguishing and most ser- 
viceable qualities, taught him that Porus 
might prove a valuable and trustworthy 
auxiliary. He reinstated him in royal dignity, 
added considerably to his dominions, and 
brought about a reconciliation, in form at 
least, with Taxiles. On the Ilydaspes or 
Jhelum, the conqueror founded two cities ; 
one near the field of battle, named Nica;a, 
and another near his landing-place, named 
Bucephala, in honour of his famous horse, 
which, having accompanied him thus far, 
sank from fatigue, wounds, and old age, 
in the hour of victory. Craterus was left to 
superintend the building of these cities ; and 
the main body were allowed a month's rest, 
probably chiefly on account of the continu- 
ance of the heavy rains. Alexander himself, 
with a select division of horse and foot, pur- 
sued his aggressive march through the rich 
and populous valleys on the north of the 

* The details recorded by Arrian, Diodorus Sicu- 
lus, Quintus Curtius, and Plutarch, vary conside- 
rably, but the general tenor is the same. 



territory of Porus, to the river Acesines or 
(Chenab,)* receiving, according to the Greek 
historians, the submission of thirty-seven 
cities — none containing less than 5,000 in- 
habitants, — all of which he annexed to the 
kingdom of Porus. The younger Porus, 
called the coward, fled from his dominions, 
from the fear that the favour shown to his 
kinsman portended his ruin, and took re- 
fuge at the court of Nanda, the reigning 
monarch of the Prachii or Prasii — who 
swayed nearly the whole of Eastern India. 
Ambisarcs, the king or chief of a tribe of 
mountaineers, and Doxareus, another native 
rajah or prince are mentioned by Arrian, as 
tendering their allegiance ; the former sent 
a present of forty elephants. After crossing 
the Ilydmotes {Ravee), Alexander traversed 
the country of the Cathaeans to attack San- 
gala, a city of great strength and impor- 
tance, which seems to have occupied nearly 
the same site as the modern capital of the 
Sikh monarchy, Lahore, on a branch of the 
Ravee, near the edge of a small lake.f The 
Cathaeans or Catheri, (supposed, by Sanscrit 
scholars, to be a corruption of Cshatra, a 
mixed race, sprung from females of the 
warrior class, and men of inferior cast,) { had 
confederated with the Malli and Sudraca;, 
or Oxydracse, that is, the people of Moultan 
and Outch. On approacliing Sangala, the 
Greeks found the Cathaeans entrenched on 
an isolated hill, behind a triple barrier of 
waggons. Alexander, at the head of the 
phalanx, forced the three lines, and car- 
ried the place by storm ; but with the loss 
of 1,200 killed and wounded. This vigorous 
resistance was revenged by sanguinary car- 
nage — 17,000 of the Cathasans were slain, 
70,000 made prisoners, and Sangala razed 
to the ground. Despatching Porus {who had 
ari'ived during the siege with about 5,000 
men) to place garrisons in the Cathsean 
t6wns, Alexander continued to advance to 
the south-east, received the submission of 
two princes, called by the Greeks Sopithes§ 
and Phegelus, and arrived at the banks of 
the Hyphasis [Bey ah), just above its junc- 
tion with the Hesudrus [Sutlej). The limit 
of his eastern progress was at length 
reached, for, even under his leadership, 
the weary and home-sick army would pro- 
ceed no farther. He could have given 

• Alexander called it Acesines ; the ancient native 
name was Chandrabagha — the moon's gift. 

t Burnes, vol. i., p. 156. — Masson does not con- 
sider the Sangala of Arrian to have denoted the 
Indian city of Sagala, -whose site is now indicated by 
that of Lahore, but places it at Harecpah. 

them, at best, but unsatisfactory grounds of 
encouragement to continue their course. 
The narrow boundaries assigned by the geo- 
graphers of the day to India, and the eastern 
side of the earth, were manifestly incorrect ; 
the ocean which he had been taught to be- 
lieve was separated by no very vast distanc'e 
from the banks of the Indus, had receded, 
as he advanced to an immeasurable dis- 
tance ; and he had learned that beyond the 
Hydaspes a desert, more extensive than any 
yet encountered, parted the plains of the 
Punjaub from the region watered by the 
tributaries of the Ganges — a river superior 
to the Indus, having on its banks the capi- 
tal of a great monarchy, that of the Prasii 
and Gangarida;, whose king could bring 
into the field 200,000 foot, 20,000 horse, 
and several thousand elephants. The king 
himself is however represented to have been 
looked upon as an upstart and a usurper ; 
and Alexander might probably have hoped 
to be enabled to carry out his object, by 
similar divisions among the natives to those 
which had materially aided him in his par- 
tial conquest of the Punjaub. The very 
dangers and difficulties of the attempt were 
but incitements to one whose object was 
universal empire — to be attained at the 
hazard of life itself, which he unhesitatingly 
imperilled in every battle. With passionate 
eloquence he reminded the Macedonians 
that the Hydraotes had already become the 
limit of their empire, which extended west- 
ward to the ^Egean Sea, and northward to 
the river Jaxartes ; and he urged them to 
cross the Hyphasis ; then, having added the 
rest of Asia to their empire, to descend the 
Ganges, and sail round Africa to the pillars 
of Hercules. — (Arrian, lib. v., cap. 25.) 

Finding this appeal without effect, or at 
least overborne by the recollection of the 
fatigues and privations undergone during 
the preceding campaign in the rainy season, 
Alexander angrily declared that he should 
proceed, attended only by those who de- 
sired to accompany him; the rest might 
return home, and say that they had forsa- 
ken their king in the midst of enemies. 
The silence and deep gloom which pervaded 
the camp at length convinced Alexander 
that no considerable portion of the army 
could be prevailed upon to cross the Hy- 

X Masson dissents, believing them to have been 
the Catti, a nomadic Scythian tribe. 

§ According to Arrian, Sopithes submitted in the 
descent of the fleet from Bucephala, whence three 
days' journey brought Alexander to the territory of 
this prince, where Strabo says there were famous salt 



phasis. He found either a pretext or a 
reason for yielding to the general wish, in 
the unfavourable auspices which attended 
the sacrifices offered for the purpose of con- 
sulting the gods respecting his future ad- 
vance; and, after erecting twelve colossal 
towers or altars, in token of his gratitude 
for having been brought thus far safe and 
victorious, and reviving, by horse-races and 
gymnastic exercises, the drooping spirits of 
his troops, he conferred on Porus the gov- 
ernment of the country towards the Hypha- 
sis,* and commenced retracing his steps. 
At the Accsines he found the city which 
Hephaestion had been ordered to build, ready 
to receive a colony, and there he left the 
disabled mercenaries, and as many natives 
of the neighbouring districts, as were willing 
to join them. At the Hydaspes, he re- 
paired the injuries caused by floods to 
Nicffia and Bucephala, and was reinforced 
from Greece by 6,000 horse and 7,000 in- 
fantry .t The fleet, (comprising 2,000 ves- 
sels of various kiiids, whereof eighty were 
war galleys, which part of the army had 
been employed all the summer in construct- 
ing, while the rest, wanted for transport and 
provisions, had probably been seized from 
the people of the country,) was completed 
and manned, and the command entrusted 
to Nearchus. Having divided his army into 
four corps, of which the main body, with 
about 200 elephants, were to advance along 
the eastern l3ank, Alexander himself em- 
barked, and proceeded mthout impediment 
to the confluence of the Hydaspes and 
Acesines, where, owing to the narrow chan- 
nel and high banks between which the 
united rivers were then pent up, rapid and 
strong eddies were formed, which so asto- 
nished the sailors as to deprive them of the 
self-command necessary to fulfil the instruc- 
tions previously given by the Indian pilots. 
Several of the long galleys were much shat- 
tered, two sank with the greater part of 
their crews, but the shorter and rounder 
vessels sustained no injury. J A headland 
on the right bank aflbrded shelter to the fleet, 
which Alexander left to undergo the neces- 
sary repairs, while he proceeded on an inland 
expedition to the westward against the Scevi 
or Saivas, a people evidently thus named 
from their worship of the second member of 

mines ; — this seems to refer to the Salt range of 
Pindi Waden Khan. 

* According to Arrian (lib. vi., cap. 2), by the 
final arrangement of the affairs of the nortliern Pun- 
jaub, Porus gained a fresh addition of territory, 

the Brahminical Triad, whose symbol they 
marked upon their cattle. Then, crossing 
the river, he marched eastward against the 
Malli and Sudracje, the latter of v/hom ap- 
pear from their designation to have been 
derived from the Soodra caste, while among 
the former the Brahmins decidedly pre.^ 
dominated. They did not intermarry, and 
had little or no friendly intercourse. The 
sudden danger which threatened their inde- 
pendence had driven them to a partial jiuic- 
tion, and their aggregate forces are stated 
at the lowest at 80,000 foot, 10,000 horse, 
and 700 chariots, but want of unanimity iu 
the choice of a leader had prevented their 
combination. The MaUi especially seem to 
have relied confidently on the strength of 
their fortified towns, and on the natural 
advantages of their peninsula, which was 
protected to the north by a desert of con- 
siderable extent. As it was on this side 
that they might be expected to feel most 
secure, Alexander struck across the desert 
into the heart of the country with a division 
of light troops, while two separate corps, un- 
der Hcphajstion and Ptolemy, traversed it in 
other directions to intercept the fugitives he 
might drive before him. By marching day 
and night, with a very short intermission, 
he appeared early on the second morning 
before one of the strongholds, in which, as 
likely to be last attacked, many of the 
natives had taken refuge. A great number 
were surprised unarmed without the walls, 
many were put to the sword, the rest fled 
into the town, which, notwithstanding a 
gallant defence, was speedily stormed, and 
the people massacred without distinction. 
The inhabitants of the neighbouring villages 
forsook them, and some fled to the Hy- 
draotes, pursued in a forced night march by 
Alexander, who, on coming up to the ford, 
made considerable slaughter among those 
who had not yet crossed, and then, plunging 
in the stream, pursued the fugitives on the 
opposite side. Many took refuge in an- 
other fortified town, which is described by 
the Greeks as if inhabited by Brahmins 
only, and these are mentioned as a different 
race from the Malli, who fled to them for 
shelter. Here the most determined resis- 
tance was oflered ; when the besieged could 
no longer defend their walls against the 

and became lord of (in all) seven nations and 2,000 

t Quintus Ciirtius, lib. ix., cap. 3. 

X The chief obstructions appear to have been worn 
away, for the passage is no longer formidable. 




superior skill of the assailants, they re- 
treated to the citadel, and this being 
stormed, set fire to their houses ; and almost 
I all, to the number of 5,000, perished fight- 
ing, or in the flames. The last memorable 
contest with the Malli, occurred in the 
taking of their capital, which Burnes con- 
siders to be represented by Moultan, but 
Rennell supposes to have been at Tolumba, 
nearer the Hydraotes. Having dispersed the 
hostile army drawn up on the high and 
steep banks of this river, Alexander en- 
circled the town with his cavalry, and the 
next morning commenced the attack on two 
sides. The besieged retreated to the citadel, 
and the king and his troops, cutting their 
Way with the hatchet through a postern, 
arrived at the foot of the wall. Here 
Alexander eagerly called for scaling lad- 
ders, but these, from the supposition that 
all resistance was over, had been mostly left 
behind. Two or three were however 
brought; seizing the first, Alexander fixed it 
himself, mounted and gained the top of the 
wall, which it seems was narrow and with- 
out battlements. The soldiers, alarmed for 
his safety, crowded after him with such im- 
patience that the ladders bi'oke with their 
weight, and Alexander, in his splendid 
armour, with but three companions, stood a 
mark for the enemy's missiles from the 
nearest towers and the adjacent parts of the 
fortress. Tlie Macedonians beneath, en- 
treated him to throw himself into their 
arms. He hesitated a moment, but to turn 
his back upon his foes, even under such cir- 
cumstances as these, was a step he could 
not bring himself to take; and, probably 
remembering that his guards would dare a 
thousand deaths for his rescue, he leapt 
down into the citadel, and alighting on his 
feet, took his stand against the wall, shel- 
tered also by the trunk and spreading 
boughs of a tree. Here he defended him- 
self, until joined by his three associates, one 
of whom (Abreas) speedily received a mortal 
wound from an arrow, in the face. Almost 
immediately afterwards another arrow 
pierced Alexander's corslet, lodging deep in 
the right breast ; and, after a short struggle, 
fainting through loss of blood, he sank upon 
his shield. His remaining companions, 
Peucestes and Leonnatus, though both 
wounded, stood over him until they were 

• It must be remembered that cities, so called, are 
very easily founded in the cast. For this purpose 
a fort or castle, and walls of brick or mud, marking 
out the limits of " the Pettah " or town suffice for a 

joined by their friends, who, by various ex- 
pedients, (such as driving pegs into the clay 
walls,) had climbed the top, and forced a 
gate from the inside, through which num- 
bers poured in, carried off their king, and 
in their fury slaughtered every man, woman, 
and child without exception. For some 
time the conqueror lay in his tent, reduced 
to the last extremity by the great loss of 
blood which followed the extraction of the 
barbed steel, while deep anxiety prevailed 
in the camp — inspired partly by true affec- 
tion, and partly by fear for themselves, in 
the event of the death of the only man they 
believed capable of leading them back safely 
through the strange lands they had traversed 
as victors. At length Alexander rallied; 
during his tedious convalescence, such of 
the Malli and Sudracae as had remained in 
arms, tendered submission. The envoys 
consisted of above 100 of their chief men ; 
they were persons of lofty stature and bear- 
ing, all rode in chariots, were clad in linen 
robes embroidered with purple and gold, 
and bore magnificent presents. According 
to Curtius, a tribute of the same amount as 
they had previously paid the Araehosians 
was imposed upon them ; and a thousand of 
their bravest warriors were demanded as 
hostages, or, if they were willing, to serve 
in the Greek army. These were immedi- 
ately sent, together with 500 chariots as a 
free gift, and, among other rarities, several 
tamed lions and tigers. Alexander, pleased 
with their i-cadiness, accepted the chariots 
and sent back the hostages. At tlie con- 
fluence of the Acesines with the Indus, he 
ordered a city,* with docks and arsenals, to 
be constructed ; and sailed down the latter 
river to the chief place of a people, called, 
by the Greeks, Sudracic or Sogdi. Here 
he planted a colony; changed the name to 
Alexandria, built an arsenal, refitted a part 
of his fleet, and, proceeding southward, en- 
tered the rich and fertile territories of a 
powerful ruler, whose real name has been 
apparently perverted into that of Musi- 
canus. This prince proffered allegiance, 
which Alexander accepted, but ordered a 
fortress to be built in his capital, which was 
occupied by a Macedonian garrison ; thence, 
marching to the westward, he advanced 
against a chief, spoken of under the name 
of Oxycanus, or Porticanus, who was con- 
commencement, and population soon follows, brought 
either by coni])ulsion or attracted by the natural ad- 
vantages of the site, to erect there the mud hovels 
which form their ordinary dwellings. 



sidered to have held himself suspiciously 
aloof, and stormed two of his cities — in one 
of which, Oxycanus was himself taken or 
slain; upon this all the other towns sub- 
mitted without resistance. In the adjacent 
high-lands, a chief, called Sambus, whose 
territory is now known as Sindc, fled from 
his capital (according to Arrian) at the ap- 
proach of the invader ; who took possession 
of his elephants and treasure, and proceeded 
to capture a town which ventured to oppose 
him, at the instigation of some Brahmins, 
whom he slew. The same influence, during 
Alexander's absence, had been exerted in 
the court of Musicanus, and he revolted, in 
an evil hour, for himself and his country : 
Being taken prisoner he was crucified 
with the leading Brahmins, and the chief 
towns razed to the ground, or subjected to 
the stern surveillance of foreign garrisons. 
The submission of the king of Pattala, 
named or entitled Moeris, whose rule ex- 
tended over the J>elta of the Indus, com- 
pleted Alexander's command of that river. 
At Pattala, (thought to be now represented 
cither by Tatta or Allore,) he immediately 
prepared to fortify a citadel, form a harbour, 
and build docks sufficient for a large fleet, 
and likewise to dig wells in the neighbouring 
districts, where there was great scarcity of 
water, to render the country habitable, and 
suitable for the passage of troops or tra- 
vellers. According to a modern writer, 
(Droysen,) Alexander's object in so doing 
was nothing less than to facilitate the com- 
munication between Pattala and the east of 
India, and to open it for caravans from the 
countries on the Ganges and from the Dec- 
can; but even supposing him to have obtained 
sufficient geographical knowledge for the 
formation of this plan, he had no present 
means of executing it, and must have con- 
tented himself meanwhile in surveying the 
mouths and delta of the Indus, and taking 
measures for the establishment of com- 
mercial intercourse with the West. With a 
squadron of fast sailing galleys he prepared 
to explore the western branch of the river 
to the sea ; but the voyage proved disastrous, 
the native pilots brought from Pattala made 
their escape, and on the second day a 
violent gale meeting a rapid current of the 
Indus, caused a swell in which most of the 
galleys were severely injured and many 
went to pieces. While the shipwrights were 
engaged in repairing this misfortune a few 
light troops were sent up the coimtry in 
search of pilots, who being obtained, con- 

ducted Alexander safely almost to the mouth, 
when the wind blew so hard from the sea, 
that he took refuge in a canal [nullah) pointed 
out by them. Here the Macedonians, first 
beheld the phenomenon called the " Bore," 
and witnessed with extreme consternation 
the sudden rush of a vast volume of water 
from the ocean up the river-channel, with 
such violence as to shatter the galleys not 
previously firmly imbedded in the mud. 
After again refitting, the fleet was moored 
at an island named Cilluta, but Alexander, 
with the best sailors, proceeded to another 
isle, which lay beyond in the ocean. Here 
he offered sacrifices to various deities ; then, 
putting out in the open sea, to satisfy him- 
self that no land lay within view to the 
southward, he celebrated different rites in 
honour of the sea-god Neptune, whose pro- 
per realm he had now entered. The victims, 
and the golden vessels in which the libations 
had been offered, having been thrown into 
the deep, he rejoined the squadron, and re- 
turned by the same arm of the Indus to 

The navigation of the rivers had employed 
about nine months ; and nearly four appear 
to have been spent in and near Pattala. It 
was toward the end of August 325 b.c.,* 
wlren the preparations were completed for 
the departure of the fleet and army from 
the Indus ; the former, under Nearchus the 
Cretan, being destined to undertake a voy- 
age of discovery to the Persian Gulf; the 
latter, under Alexander, to march along the 
coast — an enterprise of little less danger, in 
which, according to tradition, the armies of 
Semiramis and Cyrus had perished almost 
to a man. Of the real difficulties of the 
route Alexander had probably but a vague 
conception, but he was incited to encounter 
them, by a desire to provide for the exigen- 
cies of the fleet, and to explore and consoli- 
date a portion of the empire which he had 
hitherto at most but nominally subjected. 
The force of either armament is nbt re- 
corded. On invading India it would ap- 
pear the army had consisted of 120,000 
men, and while there had received rein- 
forcements ; allowing therefore for the 
numbers lost or left behind in garrisons 
and colonies, and for the division previously 
sent from Pattala under Craterus, (through 
Arachosia to Carmania,) probably, at least 

* Dr. Vincent in his Voyage of Nearchus, vol. 
i. p. 180, fixes tlie time of departure at a year 
earlier, but 1 have preferred following Thirlwall's 
reading or rather correction of Arrian's chronology. 



50,000 remained under the immediate com- 
mand of the king. Respecting the squadron 
under Nearchus, we have no other guide 
than the list of the tliirty-three galleys be- 
fore referred to as equipped on the Hydas- 
pes ; many of these were fitted cut by in- 
dividuals at their own cost, for it would 
appear that at that period the finances of 
their leader were at a very low ebb, pro- 
bably owing to the unbounded munificence 
with which he lavished upon his friends 
what he had acquired by the sword. Some 
weeks had yet to elapse before the trade- 
winds would set in from the north-east, and 
so become favourable to the voyage. The 
departure of the army was not however de- 
layed on this account, and Alexander set 
out on his return to the West, leaving the 
admiral and fleet to follow at leisure. His 
route need be here but briefly noticed. 
Crossing the chain of mountains which 
descends west of the Indus from the Paro- 
pamisus to the sea, he entered a region sur- 
rounded on three sides by lofty ranges, tra- 
versed by a river called the Arubius, [Foor- 
allee or river of Somneany ,) which separated 
the territory of two independent tribes — the 
Arabitae and Oritaj, the former of whom 
fled to the adjacent desert, but the latter, 
who were more civilised and their lands 
better cultivated, ofifered a formidable resist- 
ance, fighting desperately with poisoned 
arrows. Their country was however overrun 
by the cavalry ; and, in what seems to have 
been the largest of the villages in which 
they lived, named Rambacia, Alexander 
planted a colony. Thence advancing 
through a difficult pass in the western 
naoun tains, he arrived at about the begin- 
ning of October in the wild barren region 
of Gedrosia, the southern Mekran ; the 
whole coast of which as far as Cape Jask, 
is called by the Greeks, the land of the 
Ichthyophagi or Fish-eaters. The heat, 
though beginning to subside, was still ex- 
cessive ; the troops generally moved during 
the night, but often at daybreak were 
obliged to prolong their weary inarch 
under a burning sun, until they should 
reach the next watering-place. Yet their 
road seems to have seldom diverged more 
than two or three days' journey from the sea 
— being frequently within sight of it — with- 
out crossing any part of the Great Sandy 
Desert, bounded by the mountains of 
southern Mekran ; except perhaps for a 
short distance near the confines of Gedrosia 
and Carman ia (Kerman). In the latter 

fruitful* and well-watered province, Alex- 
ander was soon after his arrival joined by 
Craterus and his division, and all anxiety 
respecting Nearchus was subsequently dis- 
pelled by tidings that the admiral had 
landed on the coast within five days' march 
of the camp. He had been compelled by 
the liostility of the natives at Pattala, to 
start before the proper season had arrived ; 
and, though he waited four-aud-twenty days 
on the Arabite coast, three of his vessels 
were afterwards lost in the adverse monsoon. 
On the coast of the Oritief he met Leouuatus, 
who had been left in Rambacia to furnish 
him with a ^en days' supply of corn, and 
who had been meanwhile engaged in a 
sharp conflict with the natives. Nearchus 
does not appear to have lighted on any of 
the magazines stored at various points by 
Alexander for his use ; but, after manifold 
hardships and perils from the dangers of 
an unknown sea, the barrenness of the 
coast, the hostility of the people, and the 
despondency of his own crews, he at length 
with the aid of a Gedrosian pilot reached 
the mouth of the Persian Gulf, and 
eventually landed near the mouth of the 
river Anamis {Ibrahim), not far to the west 
of the island of Ormuz. These happy events 
were celebrated by a solemn festival and 
triumphal procession — enlivened, as usual, 
by gymnastic games, musical and poetical 
contests, which probably gave rise to the 
idea of the march through Carmania having 
been one continued Bacchanalian revel. 
The king urged Nearchus to allow some 
other officer to conduct the fleet to the 
mouth of the Tigris and not expose himself 
to further danger and fatigue ; but he would 
not consent to let another complete his glo- 
rious expedition, and rejoined the squadron 
with orders to meet Alexander at Susa. As 
it was winter the main body of the army 
proceeded thither along the Persian Gulf 
where the climate was mild, and Alexander 
with some light troops and cavalry took the 
upper road through Persepolis. At Susa 
we take leave of this great man ; his career 
so far as India was concerned was quite 
ended, indeed life itself was fast ebbing 
away. In the spring of 323 B.C., in the 
second year after his return to Babylon, 
while planning a fresh capital for his Asiatic 
empire, he caught a fever in the Mesopo- 
tamian marshes, and this disorder being in- 
creased by one of the drinking matches 

• Strabo says the grapes hung in clusters three 
feet long. f See note to page 27. 



which disgraced his court, abruptly termi- 
nated au eventful career at thirty-two years 
of age, the solace of his last days being to 
hear Nearchus relate "the story of his 
voyage, and all that was most observa- 
ble with respect to the ocean."* The long 
and sanguinary contests which ensued 
among his generals, — commencing while his 
body lay uuembalmed and ending not until 
the majority of those disputants themselves, 
as well as all of his kin, (including his half- 
brother and successor Arridasus, his wives 
Statira and Roxana, his posthumous son 
Alexander, and his beloved though wicked 
and intriguing mother Olympias,) had fallen 
victims to the treacherous plots formed by 
the majority of them against each other — 
have no place in these pages. The history 
and triumphs of Alexander have been nar- 
rated at some length, for the sake of show- 
ing the manner in which he was led on, 
first by the pursuit of Darius, and after- 
wards of Bessus, to Bactria and to the 
verge of India. His progress is no mere 
matter of antiquarian rcsearch,t but exer- 
cises an important bearing on the political 
question of the present time, respecting the 
possible advance of an European army 
through central Asia to the Indus, or via 
Syria, the Euphrates, and the Persian Gulf, 
to the shores of the Indian Ocean; a sub- 
ject which will be discussed when examining 
the motives of the British incursions into 
Afghanistan, in 1839-40. 

In the history of the civilized world, the 
epoch of Alexander would ever be memora- 
ble were it only for his exploits in India, 

• Langhorne's Translation of Plutarch's Life of 
Alexander, p. 218. 

t It may be liere well to observe, that in the fore- 
going brief sketch of Alexander's march, written for 
general readers, no attempt has been made to enter 
upon the discussion of the disputed localities at 
which he conquered or founded cities. One such 
point would involve as much space as can here be 
devoted to the whole march — at least, if the varying 
opinions of the several authorities ancient and 
modern, were to be fairly and fully stated. I have, 
therefore (with some slight exceptions), merely given 
the probable sites, leaving the reader to prosecute 
further inquiries in the pages of the oriental scholars 
already repeatedly named. It is greatly to be re- 
gretted that the works of none of the primary his- 
torians have descended to us, save some fragments 
preserved by their .successors. Of these last, Arrian, 
who wrote in tlie early part of the second century 
B.C., is recognized as the most trustworthy, though 
his bald outline contrasts forcibly with the more 
highly-coloured pictures of Qumtus Curtius, who 
8cem« to have followed Alexander's campaigns with 
much diligence. Strabo also is a most valuable 
authority on this as on other geographical questions. 

since by them this great country was first 
placed as it were within reach, and some 
firm ground afforded to European geogra- 
phers whereon to set foot in future investi- 
gations. The Greek historians though often 
contradictory, and censurable in many re- 
spects, have yet recorded much valuable 
information respecting the Indians (as they / 
term the Hindoos), the accuracy of which is ' 
attested by the ancient records revealed to 
us by the labours of oriental students, and 
further by the striking resemblance which 
their descriptions bear, even after the lapse 
of two thousand years, to the existing cha- 
racteristics of the inhabitants of the coun- 
tries then visited. Thus Arrian, whose 
account of Ancient India is unquestionably 
the most to be relied on of any now extant, 
notices among other points the slender 
form of the Hindoos, the classes or sects 
into which they were divided, and the pro- 
hibition of intermarriage, widow burning,^ 
perpetuation of trades in families, vegetable 
diet, faces streaked with colours, men weary- 
ing earrings, veils covering the head and 
shoulders, parti-coloured shoes, umbrellas 
carried only over principal personages, cot- 
ton manufactures of great fineness and 
whiteness, two-handed swords, and other 
matters. The people appear to have been 
extraordinarily numerous, and to have made 
considerable progress in the arts of civilised 
life. Their bravery was strikingly manifest ; 
and it is remarkable, that notwithstanding 
the numbers recorded as having fallen in 
their engagement with Alexander, arc as 
usual incredibly greater on their side than 

Yet the loss of the writings of Bseton or Biton the 
authorised recorder of the marches, is irreparable, 
(especially when we consider the importance attached 
by Alexander to accurate geographical information) 
as also those of the first Ptolemy, and of Apol- 
lodorus the famed historian of Bactria. No conclu- 
sive opinion can be formed regarding the knowledge 
possessed by the Hindoos of this invasion, until we 
are better acquainted with the records still stored up 
and hidden from us in various places. Thus, the 
literary treasures of the libraries of Patau (a city in 
llajpootana) of Jessulmer (a town north-west ot 
Joudpore) Cambay, and the Thibetian monasteries 
remain to be explored, as also many other valuable 
MS. collections, including those of the travelling 
Jain and Boodhist bishops. According to Tod and 
other writers, Alexander is known in India under 
the name of Escander Dhulcarnein (two-horned), in 
allusion to his dominions in what they considered 
the eastern and western extremities of the earth. 
The rajahs of Chittoor are also said to boast of de- 
scent from the sovereign termed Porus who opposed 
the Macedonian conqueror. 

X In the country of Taxiles, but only however as 
an exceptional instance. 


his ; yet he lost a larger proportion of troops 
in battle with tliem than had previously 
fallen in the Persian war. The office of the 
husbandman was invariably held sacred 
among the Hindoos, he was never dis- 
turbed in his labours, and to root up or 
wilfully injure growing crops was a breach 
of a recognised natural law no native prince 
would have ventured to commit. On the 
whole the impression of the Indian charac- 
ter left on the mind of the Greeks was de- 
cidedly favourable; the people were described 
as sober, moderate, peaceable, singularly 
truthful, averse to slavery in any form, and 
attached to liberal municipal institutions. 

The productions of India had by tedious 
routes (which it will be necessary to point 
out in a subsequent section, when depicting 
the present state of their commerce), long 
found a ready market in Europe. The de- 
sire for them now increased tenfold. The 
foresight of Alexander was fully vindicated 
by the rapidity with which the Egyptian 
Alexandria began, under the first Ptolemy, 
to receive and pour forth its full tide of 
wealth; and Babylon also became a great 
emporium. His characteristic policy* in 
freeing the Euphrates and Tigris from the 
physical impediments to navigation placed 
by a weak restrictive government, shattered 
the fetters which had long bound the enter- 
prising spirit of trade in these countries, 
and enabled it to find vent in the passage 
opened up with India, both by sea and land. 

The cities or military stations placed 
near the Indus soon languished, for the 
Europeans left there by the king, on hear- 
ing of his death hastened to escape from 
what they had from the first considered no 
better than hopeless exile. But commerce 
had received a powerful stimulus, and cotton 
and silk manufactures, ivory, gems richly 
set, costly gums, pepper and cinnamon, 
dyes and drugs, were poured rapidly into 
Europe in return for the precious metals,t 
which entered India in coins of many forms 
(now vainly sought for by antiquarians), and 
were there melted down to be shaped into 
idols, or to deck unhallowed shrines, and be 
thus stored up to an incalculable extent, to 
gorge eventually the avarice of the ruthless 
Mussulmans of a later age. 

• Alexander's conquests were intended, as has 
been repeatedly stated, as a means of carrying out 
his vast commercial schemes. He hoped out of war 
to bring peace ; and one of his favourite plans to 
promote this ultimate object was, the founding of 
several new cities in Asia and in Europe, the former 
to be peopled with Europeans, and the latter with 

Thk Greek to the Mohammedan Inva- 
sions. — The king of the Prasii (as the 
Greeks termed the Prachi or East) at the 
time of Alexander's campaign in the Pun- 
jaub, was the last Nanda, who, as has been 
shown, both Greek and Hindoo writers agree 
in describing as of low birth. He was slain 
by his successor, Chandra Gupta, or San- 
dracottus, about 310, b.c, who appears to 
have spent a short time when a youth in the 
Macedonian camp, whence he fled to avoid 
the wrath of Alexander, which he had roused 
in some unexplained manner. Chandra 
Gupta was king when Seleucus, to whom 
in the division of power Syria and the 
Bactrian and Indian satrapries had fallen, 
proceeded to claim the sovereignty, though 
at first under the name of the governorship of 
these territories. He marched in person to 
reduce the local authorities to obedience, 
and flushed with victory proceeded at the 
head of a considerable force to India, b.c. 
303. The brief and conflicting accounts of 
his progress which have descended to us, 
indicate that he advanced even to the 
Ganges, but was deterred from warlike pro- 
ceedings, either by the necessity of turning 
back with his strength unimpaired to defend 
another portion of his dominions attacked 
by Antigonus, or else by the formidable 
array drawn out against him by Chandra 
Gupta, who had previously greatly extended 
and consolidated his kingdom. The result 
appears to have been that Seleucus made 
over to the Hindoo sovereign, not only all the 
country conquered by Alexander eastward 
of the Indus, but also that to the westward 
as far as the river Arabius ; while Chandra 
Gupta on his part acknowledged this con- 
cession by a present of 500 war chariots. 
How far Porus and Taxiles, or their succes- 
sors, were consulted in this proceeding, or 
how they acted, is not stated ; but in their 
conduct immediately after the king's death, 
they showed themselves faithful and much at- 
tached to the Greeks. A family connection is 
alleged to have been formed between Seleucus 
and Chandra Gupta, by the marriage of a 
daughter of the former with the latter, (who 
being a Soodra might marry as he pleased ;) 
and it is certain that friendly intercourse ex- 
isted between them, an ambassador named 
Asiatics, so that " by intermarriages and exchange of 
good offices the inhabitants of those two great con- 
tinents might be gradually moulded into a similarity 
of sentiments, and become attached to each other 
with mutual affection." — (Diod. Sic, lib. xviii., c. 4.) 

t Pliny, writing in the first century of the Chris- 
tian era, complains that Rome was exhausted by a 



Megastheiics liaving been sent to Palibothra, 
the capital of the Prasii, where he resided 
many years. It is further stated that the 
Hindoo monarch had Greek mercenaries in 
his service, and placed Greek governors in 
some of his provinces ; that during his reigu 
the foreigners were much respected, but 
afterwards brought general odium upon 
their nation throughout Western India by 
their treacherous and cruel rapacity. Their 
language must have spread and taken root in 
the land — for according to Masson, one of our 
best authorities on this head, " there is suf- 
ficient testimony that the Greek language 
was studied and well known by the fashion- 
able and higher classes during the first and 
second centuries of the Christian Era." 
The embassy of Dimachus to the son and 
successor of Chandra Gupta (called AUitro- 
chidas by the Greek writers), is the last 
transaction recorded between Syrian and 
Indian monarchs, until the lapse of about 
80 years, when Antiochus the Great, after 
the close of his war with the revolted pro- 
vinces of Bactria and Parthia, entered India, 
and made peace with a king named Sophra- 
gasenus (supposed to be Asoca), after exact- 
ing from him elephants and money. 

' The descriptions given by Megasthenes,* 
who had the best means of judging correctly 
on the subjects of which he wrote, are cal- 
culated to convey a high opinion of the 
wealth and power of the kingdom generally, 
but especially of Palibothra.f Yet, ac- 
cording to this writer, India comprised no 
less than 118 independent states; but ithis 
however he only gives on hearsay, and, sup- 
posing the number to be unexaggerated, we 
cannot tell how small the territories may have 
been which this emmieratioa included. 

drain equal to £400,000 per annum, required for the 
purchase of luxuries — the produce of India, Seres, 
and Arabia ; and Robertson, writing in 1791, says — 
" India, from the age of Pliny to the present time, 
has been always considered and execrated as a gulf 
which swallows up the wealth of every other country, 
that flows incessantly towards it, and from which it 
never returns." — (^Historical Disquisition, p. 203.) 
Since the commencement of the present century, the 
golden current has changed its course, and flowed 
with increasing volume from Hindoostan to Britain, 
not, however, by the channel of commerce merely, 
but of compulsory tribute, to an extent and in a 
manner which will be subsequently shown. 

* Megasthenes wrote many works, of which only 
scattered fragments have been preserved. His dis- 
position to exaggerate, and undue love of the mar- 
vellous, were urged as reasons for this neglect ; but 
it is to be doubted whether the critics were always 
competent judges of what they rejected. As it is, 
enough remains to testify, in connection with exist- 

The Soodra successors of Chandra Gupta 
certainly exceeded him in power — and in the 
hyperbolical language of the Puranas, are 
said to have brought the " whole earth under 
one umbrella."! Asoca, the greatest of that 
line, exercised command over the states 
to the north of the Nerbudda river; and 
the edicts § graven on columns at remote 
points prove not merely the extent of his 
dominions but also the civilized character 
of his government, since they include orders 
for the establishment of hospitals and dis- 
pensaries throughout his empire, as well as 
for planting trees and digging wells along 
the public highways. And this too was 
to be done, not only in Asoca's own pro- 
vinces, but also in others occupied by " the 
faithful," (meaning the Boodhists, of whom 
this king was the great patron), "even 
as far as Tambapanni ; (Taprobane, or 
Ceylon,)" and "moreover within the do- 
minions of Antiochus the Greek [Antiochia 
Yona Raja] of which Autiochus's generals 
are the rulers." An edict found on a rock, 
and from its shattered state only partially 
legible, expresses exultation at the ex- 
tension of the doctrines of Asoca (?) 
Pryadarsi (especially with regard to sparing 
the life of animals, which however is not a 
Boodhist tenet) in foreign countries; and 
contains a fragment translated thus : — ■ 
" and the Greek king besides, by whom the 
chapta (?) kings Turamayo, Gongakena, and 
Maga."|| Turamayo was considered by the 
late Mr. James Prinsep to denote Ptolemy 
Philadelphus, who had a brother named 
Magas, married to a daughter of Antiochus 
I., which would establish that the Antiochus 
referred to in the edict previously quoted, 
was either the first or the second of that 

ing Hindoo records, ruins, and inscriptions, that the 
writer was a keen observer, and a valuable witness, 
although occasionally led into the narration of 
fables, or at least gross exaggerations. 

+ Palibothra was described by Megasthenes as 
being eight miles long, and one and-a-half broad, 
defended by a deep ditch, and a high rampart, with 
570 towers and 64 gates. Its site is placed by Ren- 
nell at Patna, by D'Anville at Allahabad, and by 
Wilford at Raj-mehal. 

X Wilson's Hindoo Theatre, vol. iii., p. 14. 

§ Similar mandates are inscribed on a rock on 
Girnar, a mountain in Guzerat; and on a rock at 
Uhauli in Cuttack on the opposite side of India. 
They were deciphered by Mr. Prinsep, and are writ- 
ten in Pali, the dialect in which the sacred books 
of the Boodhists are composed. 

II At Kapur di Ghari, the entire edict exists in 
the Arian language, the word translated by Prinsep 
" Chapta" is there " chatare,"/o«r, Gongakena reads 
Antakana and Maga, Maka. — Masson. 


name ; that is, either the son or grandson 
of Seleucus. It is remarkable that Asoca, 
in his youth, was governor of Oojein or 
Malwa, which must tlierefore have been 
possessed by his father. The reigning 
family was succeeded by three other Soodra 
dynasties, the last of which, the Andras, 
acceded to power about the beginning of 
our era: and, according to two Puranas, 
terminated in Pulimat or Pulomarchish, 
A.D. 436. By a curious coincidence, the 
Chinese annals* translated by De Guignes, 
notice in a.d. 408, the amval of ambassa- 
dors from the Indian prince, Yue-gnai, King 
of Kia-pi-li, evidently Capili (the birth-place 
of Boodha or, according to Colonel Sykes, 
the seventh Boodha, Sakya-muni), which 
the Chinese have put for all Magadha. 
Yue-gnai again bears some resemblance to 
Yaj-nasri, or Yajna, the king actually on 
the throne of the Andras at the period re- 
ferred to. A confused enumeration of 
dynasties succeed, with little attempt at 
historical order, from which a foreign in- 
vasion, followed by a long period of disorder, 
has been inferred, though perhaps not on 
sufficient grounds. At length, after an 
interval of several centuries, Magadha is 
spoken of as subject to the Gupta kings of 
Canouj, and from that period is no more 
distinctly noticed; but its fame has been 
preserved, from its having been, as before 
mentioned, the birth-place of Boodha, and 
from its language (Magadhi, or Pali) being 

• Chi-fa-Hian, a Chinese Boodhist priest, visited 
India at the beginning of the fifth century, on a pil- 
grimage to the chief seats of the religion of Boodha, 
where he spent six years. His travels have been 
translated from the Chinese by M. Remusat. The 
Boodhistical religion, according to his account, had 
then suflered a serious and irreparable decline at 
Mathura and in the eastern districts of Hindoostan ; 
and the Brahminical faith was in the ascendant. 
Temples and towers of past ages still existed, but 
the population had disappeared, and the country was 
in many such places a wilderness. Rajagriha, the 
abode of Jarasaudha, the first of the Magadha kings, 
and the ancient capital, then exhibited the ruins of 
a large city, of which traces were still visible to Dr. 
Buchanan, in 1807-1814. The palace of Asoca, or 
A-yu, at Patali-pootra, or ICusuma-pura, built of stone, 
was entire when seen by Fa-Hian, and presented 
such superior specimens of sculpture and engraving, 
that they were ascribed to superhuman architects — 
genii, who laboured for the patron of Fo. The 
city of Ni-li, built in the neighbourhood by Asoca, 
was embellished by a handsome column, surmounted 
by a lion. Other columns, with lion capitals, were 
seen in different places. Central India is spoken of 
as under the government of one king ; the cities and 
towns large, the people rich, charitable, and just in 
their actions, but given to discussion. In the month 
of May (the birth-day of Sakya-muni) four-wheeled 

employed in the writings of that extensively 
diffused religion, as well as in those of the 
Jains. The claim of universal monarchy in 
India, is found advanced in records and 
inscriptions, not only by princes of the 
Magadha dynasty, but also by those of 
Cashmere, of Delhi, Canouj, Bengal, Malwa, 
Guzerat, and other places ; but the evidence 
cited in favour of their respective claims, is 
pretty generally deemed insufficient, and is 
frequently contradictory. To attempt re- 
ducing the histories of these kingdoms and 
their pretensions into form, would be a 
long and tedious task; which, even if suc- 
cessfully accomplished, could have little 
interest for the general reader, for at best, 
it would be but like arranging the scattered 
fragments of a child's puzzle, of which the 
chief pieces are wanting. At a future but 
perhaps not distant day, the patient and able 
research already so successfully directed to 
the study of oriental literature, may enable 
us to decide upon many points now involved 
in numberless difficulties and to draw a 
correct picture of India, without the dan- 
ger, at present inevitable, of giving undue 
prominence to events of minor interest, 
and omitting altogether many important 
features. Before passing entirely from the 
subject of the condition of India between 
the time of Alexander and the Mohammedan 
era, it is, however, necessary to add a few 
remarks on the chief kingdoms of Hindoostan 
and the Deccan, so as to afford the reader 

cars were drawn about the streets ; they had each 
a building of five stages which looked like a tower, 
were ornamented with gold, silver, coloured glass, 
and embroidery, and hung with carpets and white 
felt, adorned with painted figures of the celestial 
divinities ; on the summits were a figure of Boodha. 
This was a season of great festivity, the streets were 
filled with people who flocked in from the neigh- 
bouring country; there were theatrical representa- 
tions, feats of the athletoe, concerts of music and 
nightly illuminations ; hospitals were opened for the 
sick, cripples, and orphans, who were solaced and 
relieved by the representatives of the different 
chiefs. At Magadha the priest sat himself down in 
a monastery for three years to study the sacred lan- 
guage and copy the MSS. Bengal then carried on 
extensive maritime traffic with the south-west regions 
and other places. Fa Hian took a passage in a large 
trading ship to Ceylon, which he reached (during tlie 
north-west rnonsoon) in fourteen days; thence he 
sailed for Java in a Hindoo ship, with 200 people, 
provisioned for ninety days. Altogether the travels 
of this intelligent Chinese abound in curious infor- 
mation ; they corroborate the accounts of cities, and 
of the manners and customs of their inhabitants, 
given by native writers, and prove the Hindoos were 
then merchants, and even navigators on a consider- 
able scale.— (Abstracted horn, notes on Ancient India. 
By Colonel Sykes. London, 1841 ; p. 6 to 76.) 



some sliglit clue to their relative impor- 
tance, antiquity, and position.* 

That of Bengal is mentioned in the 
Maha Bharat, and the Ayeen Akbery con- 
tinues the succession through five dynasties 
up to the Mohammedan conquest. These 
lists are to some extent supported by the 
inscriptions found in various places, which 
among other matters refer to a series of 
princes with names ending in Pala, who 
reigned apparently from the ninth to the 
latter part of the eleventh century, and are 
asserted to have ruled all India from the 
Himalaya to Cape Comoriu, and from the 
Brahmapootra to and even beyond the 
Indus. They are also asserted to have sub- 
dued Tibet. The dynasty of Pala was suc- 
ceeded by one whose names ended in Sena, 
and this last was subverted by the Moham- 
medans about A.D. 1203. 

The kingdom of Malwa is far less ancient 
than those already mentioned. Its famous 
monarch, Vicramaditya, is the Haroun al 
Raschid of Hindoo tales, of which a great 
number have been collated by the inde- 
fatigable zeal of Colonel WiHbrd. He is 
said to have passed the early part of his life 
among holy men in austere seclusion, and 
even when arrived at regal power, to have 
eschewed all pomp, using utensils of earth 
rather than of gold, and sleeping on a mat 
instead of a bed. There is reason to believe 
that this hero of romance was really a pow- 
erful monarch and conqueror, who ruled a 
civilised and prosperous country, extended his 
sway over the Deccan and even over Cabool, 
and was a distinguished patron of literature. 
Oojeiu became populous on account of the 
great image of Maha-Cali, or Time, which 
he erected there ; but he himself worshipped 
only one invisible God. He was slain, 56 b.c ., 
in old age, in battle with Salivahana, aprinceof 
the Deccan, who will be subsequently referred 
to; and his death formed the commencement 
of an era, which is still current among the 

• The authorities mainly relied on being the valu- 
able summary contained in Elphinstone's India, vol. i., 
pp. 388 to 425 ; the Ayeen Akbery ; Brigg's transla- 
tion of Ferishta ; Todd's Rajast'han ; and Grant 
Duff's History of the Mahrattas. 

■j- Vincent's translation of the PeripUs, p. 111. 

X Malcolm's Persia, vol. i., p. 112. — " 'fhe coun- 
tries beyond the Oxus, as far as Ferghana, all those 
to the Indus, some provinces of India, and the finest 
districts of Arabia, acknowledged the sway of the 
mighty monarch of Persia." Sir John adds that 
the emperors of China and India sent presents, the 
description of which reads more like a chapter from 
the Arabian Nights than the page of even a Persian 
historian. Among the gifts of the first potentate 

countries northward of the Nerbudda. It 
is of Vicramaditya that the traditions of uni- 
versal empire are most common in India. A 
long period of anarchy ensued in Malwa 
upon this abrupt conclusion of his able gov- 
ernment. The next epoch is that of the re- 
nowned Rajah Bhoja; whose reign of forty 
years terminated about the end of the 
eleventh century. His grandson was taken 
prisoner, and his country conquered by the 
Rajah of Guzerat ; but Malwa soon reco- 
vered its independence, which was finally 
destroyed by the Mohammedans, a.d. 1231. 
In Guzerat, from its having been the re- 
sidence of Crishna, and other circumstances, 
an early principality would appear to have 
existed ; and the whole is spoken of as un- 
der one dominion, by a Greek writer of the 
second century.f Colonel Tod mentions 
another principality, founded at Ballabi, in 
the peninsula of Guzerat, in the middle of the 
second century, b.c, by an emigrant of the 
Solar race, which reigned in Oude. This 
dynasty was expelled in 524, by an army of 
barbarians, variously conjectured to have 
been Parthians, Persians of the Sassanian 
dynasty, and Indo-Bactrians. The second 
supposition is probably correct, as Sir John 
Malcolm asserts on the authority of various 
Persian writers, that Nousheerwan, who. 
reigned at or about this period, carried his 
victorious arms into India ; but that the tri- 
bute, which was the fruit of his conquest, 
was after his death no longer paid to his 
degenerate son and successor. { Another 
Rajpoot tribe, called the Chauras, succeeded 
to the rule of Guzerat, and finally estab- 
lished their capital in a.d. 746, at Anhal- 
wara, now Pattan. Failing Chaura, in a.d. 
931, through the death of the last rajah 
without male issue, the succession devolved 
on his son-in-law, a prince of the Rajpoot 
tribe of Salonka ; whose family were chiefs 
of Callian, in the Deccan, above the Ghauts. 
The kingdom was absorbed by the Mussul- 

was the image of a panther, the body covered with 
pearls, and the eyes formed of rubies ; a wonderful 
robe, the border of which was of celestial blue, while 
the centre was occupied by a representation of the 
king himself, clothed in his royal robes, and sur- 
rounded by his attendants ; and lastly, enclosed in 
the same golden box as the robe was a female 
figure, the beauty of the face veiled by long tresses, 
and " overpowering as a flash of day during a dark 
night." The Indian oflferings were a thousand 
pounds' weight of aloe-wood, a vase filled with pearls, 
and formed of one precious stone, on which was 
engraven the figures of a maiden seven hands in 
height, and of a lion ; and a carpet made of a ser- 
pent's skin, delicately fine and exguisilely tinted. 


man conquests of 1297. Canovj, in early 
times, was called Panchala, and seems to 
have been a long but narrow territory, ex- 
tending on the east of Nepaul (which it in- 
cluded) ; and on the west, along the Chum- 
bul and Bunnass as far as Ajmeer. Notwith- 
standing the notice it has attracted as one 
of the most ancient, wealthy, and magnifi- 
cent places in India, its early history is very 
little known.* Its wars with the neighbour- 
ing state of Delhi contributed to accelerate 
the ruin of Hindoo independence ; and it 
was conquered by the Mussulmans in 1193. 
Cashmere is asserted, by its historians, to have 
existed 2,600 years b.c. Its last monarch 
was subdued by Mahmood, a.d. 1015. Its an- 
nals, as before stated, have been written care- 
fully and at length ; and placed within reach 
of the British public by Professor Wilson. 

Delhi is first named in the Maha Bharat; 
it was governed by a Rajpoot line, whose 
last prince was dethroned, a.d. 1050, by an 
ancestor of the Prithwi Rajah, conquered 
by the Mussulmans, a.d. 1192. 

The earliest mention of Benares is found 
in the same poem ; and its independence 
terminated contemporaneously with that of 
Delhi. Mithili existed in Rama's time, and 
was the capital of his father-in-law, Sita. 
It was famous for a school of law, and gave 
its name to one of the chief Indian lan- 
guages. Gour, named in the Maha Bharat, 
seems to have lasted up to about a.d. 1231. 
Sinde, referred to in the same record, was 
independent in the time of Alexander (325 
B.C.); and was finally conquered by the Mo- 
hammedans. Mewar, Jessulmer, and Jeipur, 
founded respectively in a.d. 720, 731, and 
967, still exist as distinct states. Ajmeer is 
traced back by Tod, for seven generations 
I before a.d. 695 ; it fell at the same time as 
I Delhi. The Puvjaub can hardly be spoken 
' of as a distinct kingdom, since it appears to 
i have been generally broken up into various 
small states ; but from a very remote time 
j a great city is thought to have existed near 
Lahore,t though under a different name. 

Our insight into the history of the Deccan 
commences, for the most part, at a much 
later date than that of Hindoostan. The 
five distinct languages — Tamul, Canarese, 
Telugn, Mahratta, and Urya, are considered 
to denote an equal number of early na- 
tional divisions, the first-mentioned indicating 

• The Pala dynasty at Canouj are thought to have 
displaced as paramount rulers in India, the Gupta 
dynasty of I'rayaga and Delhi. Prayaga or Allaha- 
bad, the ancient Gupta capital, contains a column 

the most ancient, viz., the country of Dravira, 
which occupied the extreme south of the 
peninsula ; the earliest colonists from Hin- 
doostan having traversed the bleak plateaux 
of the upper Deccan, and settled down on the 
fruitful plains of the Carnatic and Tanjore. 
The kingdom of Pandya was formed about 
the fifth century. In the time of the " Pe- 
riplus" it comprehended a part of the 
Malabar coast ; but it was usually oounded 
by the Ghauts to the westward, and occupied 
only the territory now known as the dis- 
tricts of Madura and Tinivelly. The seat of 
government was at Madura, in Ptolemy's 
time, and remained there until about a cen- 
tury ago. The last prince was conquered by 
the nabob of Arcot, in 1736. The neighbour- 
ing kingdom of Chola was at one time of 
considerable extent, its princes having, it is 
supposed, about the middle of the eighth 
century, possessed large portions of Carnata 
and Telingana. Their sway was greatly 
diminished in the twelfth century, being re- 
duced to the limits of the Dravira country. 
Chola lost its separate existence about the 
end of the seventeenth century. The capital 
was, for the most part, at Conjeveram, west 
of Madras. Chera comprehended Travan- 
core, part of Malabar, and Coimbatore, and 
seems to have existed about the commeuce- 
mencement of our era. It was subverted in 
the tenth century, and its lands portioned 
among the surrounding states. 

Kerala included Malabar and Carnara. 
About the first or second century of the 
Christian era a colony of Brahmins from 
Hindoostan settled here, divided the country 
into sixty-four districts, and governed it by 
means of a general assembly of their cast ; 
renting allotments to men of the inferior 
classes. The executive government was 
held by a Brahmin elected every three years, 
and assisted by a council of four of the same 
tribe ; but in the course of time, a chief of 
the military class was appointed. The 
northern division appears to have been 
ruled by a dynasty of its own till the twelfth 
century, when it was overturned by the Be- 
lala rajahs; and subsequently became sub- 
ject to the rajahs of Vijayanagar. 

The Concan, in early times, was a wild 
forest tract (as great part of it still remains), 
thinly inhabited by Mahrattas. 

Carnata seems to have been originally 

with an inscription of Samadras Gupta's, which has 
been translated by Mr. Prinsep. 

t When the Pala princes held Canouj, members 
of the family ruled at Lahore, and thence extended 


divided between the Pandya and Chera 
princes and those of Carnara (the northern 
half of Kerala). It was afterwards par- 
titioned among many petty princes, until 
the middle of the 11th century, when one 
considerable dynasty arose — the family of 
Belala — who were, or pretended to be, Raj- 
poots* of the Yadoo branch, and whose 
power at one time extended over the whole 
of Carnata, together with Malabar, the 
Taniul country, and part of Telingana. 
They were subverted by the Mussulmans 
about A.D. 1310. ■ The eastern part of Te- 
lingana appears to have been, from the be- 
ginning of the ninth to nearly the end of the 
eleventh century, in the hands of an obscure 
dynasty known by the name of Yadava. A 
Rajpoot family of the Chalukya tribe reigned 
at Callian, on the borders of Carnata and 
Maharashta. They are traced by inscrip- 
tions, from the tenth to the end of the twelfth 
century ; are supposed to have possessed the 
whole of Maharashta to the Nerbudda,t 
and even to have been superior lords of the 
west of Telingana.J The last king was 
deposed by his minister, who was in turn 
assassinated by some fanatics of the Lingayct 
sect, which was then rising into notice, and 
the kingdom fell into the hands of the Ya- 
doos of Deogiri (Doulatabad). Another 
branch of the Clialukya tribe ruled over 
Calinga, the eastern portion of Telingana, 
which extends along the sea from Dravira 
to Orissa. The dynasty perhaps began 
about the tenth century, and certainly lasted 
through the whole of the twelfth and thir- 
teenth ; it was greatly reduced by the Gana- 
pati kings of Andra, and finally subverted 
by the rajahs of Cuttack. 

Andra is the name of all the inland part 
of the Telingana country, the capital being 
at Varangul, about eighty miles north-east 
of Hyderabad. Its kings, Vicrama and Sali- 
valiana, alleged to have been connected with 
the Andra race in Magadha, are among 
the earliest mentioned. After them, ac- 
cording to local records, the Chola rajahs 
succeeded ; then a race called Yavans,§ who 
reigned from 515, a.d., till 953 ; next came 
the family of Ganapati, who attained great 

their sway to Cabool, where they remained up to the 
time of Sultan Mahmood, the then rajah being named 
Jaya Pala. — Masson. 

* " Some of the Hindoos assert that the tribes of 
Brahmin and Kshelry [Cshatriya] existed from time 
immemorial, but that the Rajpoots are a modern 
tribe, only known since the beginning of the Kulyoog 
fCali Yuga, a.m. 3215.] The rajahs, not satisfied 
with their married wives, had frequently children by 

power about the end of the thirteenth cen- 
tury, and are even afiftrmed to have possessed 
the whole of the peninsula south of the 
Godavery. In 1332 the capital was taken 
by a Mohammedan army from Delhi, and 
the state merged at length in the Mussul- 
man kingdom of Goleonda. 

The history of Orissa, like all others in 
the Deccan, begins with princes mentioned 
in the Maha Bharat, describes in a very eon- 
fused manner the successive occupation of 
the country by Vicramaditya and Sali- 
vahana, and the repeated invasions of Ya- 
vans from Delhi, from a country called Babul 
(supposed to mean Persia), from Cashmere 
and from Sinde, between the sixth century 
before, and the fourth after, Christ. The 
last invasion was from the sea, and in it the 
Yavans were successful, and kept possession 
of Orissa for 146 years, being expelled, a.d. 
473, by Yayati Kesari. This point is thought 
to be the first established, for the traditions 
regardiug the Yavans cannot be satisfactorily 
explained. The natives suppose them to 
have been Mussulmans, but the first Arab 
invasion was not till the seventh century 
after Christ. Others apply the story to 
Seleucus, or to the Bactrian Greeks; while 
Masson suggests the possibility of the people 
of Yava or Java being meant. The Kesari 
family lasted till a.d. 1131, when their 
capital was taken by a prince of the house 
of Ganga Vansa ; his heirs were supplanted 
by a Rajpoot dynasty, of the Sun or Surya 
race. The government having fallen into 
confusion about 1550, was seized on by a 
Telingu cliief, and ultimately annexed to the 
Mogul empire by Akber, in 1578. The 
greatest internal prosperity and improve- 
ment seems to have been enjoyed towards 
the end of the twelfth century ; but during 
several years before and after that date, the 
people of Orissa claim to have made exten- 
sive conquests, especially to the south. In 
the middle of the fifteenth century the gov- 
ernment of Orissa sent armies as far as 
Conjeveram, near Madras; and about the 
same time their rajah advanced to the neigh- 
bourhood of Bidr to assist the Hindoo princes 
of those parts against the Mohammedans. 

their female slaves, who, although not legitimate 
successors to the throne, were styled Rajpoots, or 
the children of the rajahs." — (Briggs' I'ranslation 
of Ferishta. — Introduction, p. Ixiii.). 

t Vide Mr. Walter Elliot's contributions to Jour- 
nal of the Royal Asiatic Societt/, vol. iv., p. 1. 

t Wilson, Introd. to Mackenzie papers, p. cxxix. 

§ The country north of Peshawer was anciently 
called Yava, perhaps these Yavans came thence. 


Maharaslda or the Mahratta country, 
though situated on the frontier of the 
Deccan, and of great size, if we may judge 
from the wide extent over which the lan- 
guage bearing that name is spoken, is only 
vaguely noticed in early records. After the 
legends regarding Rama, whose retreat was 
near the source of the Godavery, the first 
fact mentioned is the existence of Tagara, 
which was frequented by Egyptian mer- 
chants 250 years b.c. It is alluded to in 
inscriptions, as a celebrated place in the 
twelfth century, and is still well known by 
name. It is mentioned by the author of 
the " Periplus,"* but in such a manner as to 
certify little more respecting its site than 
that it lay about 100 miles to the eastward 
of Paitan, on the Godavery. Grant Duff 
supposes it to have been somewhat to the 
north-east of the modern town of Bheer.f 
It is said to have been a very great city, and 
one of the two principal marts of Dachana- 
bades, a country so called from Dachan, 
which in the " Periplus" is stated to be the 
native word for south. The other mart was 
namedPlithana.J Tagara, wherever situated, 
became the capital of a line of kings of the 
Rajpoot family of Silar. The reign of their 
most famous monarch, Salivahana, gave rise 
to a new era, commencing a.d. 77. He is 
stated to have been the son of a potter, and 
to have headed an insurrection which over- 
turned the existing government (whatever 
it might have been), and removed the capital 
to Prutesthan or Paitan, on the Godavery. 
From this period nothing is known of the 
history of Maharashta (except by the in- 
scriptions of the petty princes of Callian 
and Pernala) till the beginning of the twelfth 
century : a family of Yadoos then became 
rajahs of Deogiri, and continued to reign 
until 1317, when the country, which had been 
previously invaded by the Mohammedans 
from Delhi, was finally subjugated. About 
this time the Mussulman writers begin to 
mention the Mahrattas by name ; before 
they had been noticed only as inhabitants 
of the Deccan. Our information regard- 

• The " Periplus [description] of the Erythrean 
Sea," is the title of a Greelt work, issued in 1533, 
from the printing-press of Frobcn, at Basle. It con- 
tains the best account extant of the commerce car- 
ried on from the Erythrean or Red Sea and the coast 
of Africa, to the East Indies, during the time that 
Egypt was a Eoman province. Dr. Vincent, the 
learned Dean o'' Westminster, who, in 1800, wrote 
an elaborate treatise, in two vols., 4to., to elucidate 
a translation of the " Periplus," says — " I have never 
been able to discover from what manuscript the 
work was first edited;" neither could he ascertain 

ing their early attainments so utterly fails 
to elucidate the testimony which the famous 
cave temples of Ellora and elsewhere, bear to 
the capabilities and numbers of the people 
by whom such mighty works were planned 
and executed, that, notwithstanding the use- 
ful labours of their historian (Grant Duff), we 
may believe there is yet much to be learned 
respecting them, probably a very interesting 
portion of their existence as a nation. Re- 
cently they have played a pronuneut but deso- 
lating and destructive part, which has drawn 
from the pen of a modern writer a denunci- 
ation of "those southern Goths, the Mah- 
rattas." — (Tod's Rajast' han. Introduction.) 
Concerning the social condition of the 
inhabitants of Hindoostan and the Deccan 
during these dark middle ages, we have 
certainly not sufficient data on which to 
found any general conclusions, except those 
which may be deduced from the edicts of 
such exemplary monarchs as Asoca — unhap- 
pily rare in all countries — and other col- 
lateral evidence. Our present information 
divides itself into two classes ; and comes 
either through the channel of poetry, that 
is, of history travestied into fable; or else 
through the medium of Brahmin or Bood- 
hist priests : it must consequently be well 
searched and sifted before it can be relied 
on as unbiassed by political motive or sec- 
tarian prejudice. But search and sift as 
we may, little light is thrown on the condi- 
tion of the people, nor probably ever will be, 
at least in the sense given to that phrase in 
the present era of European and American 
civilization. The states noticed in the fore- 
going sketch would each one of them afford 
matter for a volume, full of wars, usurpa- 
tions, change of dynasty, and, above all, ex- 
tension of dominion ; all this resting on local 
records, and reading on smoothly enough; 
but much of it entirely incompatible with 
the equally cherished traditions of neigh- 
bouring states. The code of Menu is per- 
haps an exception to this censure, but the 
uncertainty attached to the epoch at which 
it was written, and the extent to which its 

the name of the author, generally supposed to be 
Arrian the historian, but who, in his opinion, must 
have lived a century before. There is internal evi- 
dence, according to the Dean, that the writer was a 
Greek, a merchant of Alexandria, and that he ac- 
tually made a voyage on board the fleet from Egypt 
as far as the Gulf of Cambay, if not to Ceylon.— 
{See Vincent, vol. ii.) 

t History of the Mahrattas, vol. i., p. 25. 

X Elphinstone conjectures Plithana to be a mis- 
take of the Greek copyist for Paithana or Paitan. 
The word occurs but once in the " Periplus." 


institutes were ever observed, greatly im- 
pairs its value. The first objection applies 
also to the Ramayana and Malia Bharat. 

Thus much perhaps may be reasonably 
inferred, from the concurrent testimony of 
Hindoo and foreign records, of inscriptions, 
and much incidental evidence of various 
kinds — that, at a period long antecedent to 
the Christian era, and while the natives of 
Britain were nude, nomadic savages, the 
people of India had attained a high position 
in arts, science, literature, and commerce, 
and lived under the hereditary rule of their 
own kings or rajahs ; the evils attendant on 
the otherwise irresponsible power of a patri- 
archal and despotic ruler being probably 
counterbalanced by the respective rights of 
the chiefs of the sacred, and of the warrior 
casts, but still more by the municipal insti- 
tutions which seem to have been general 
throughout the country. In many smaller 
states the government appears to have been 
a sort of oligarchical republic. The manners 
and customs of the Hindoos, the influence 
of cast, and the changes gradually brought 
about by Mussulman and British conquerors, 
will, if space permit, be specially though 
briefly narrated in another section. Between 
the time of Menu and the Mohammedan 
epoch, the religious and social habits of the 
people had sadly deteriorated. Their belief 
in an omnipresent or " all-pervasive" God 
had gradually been warped by perverted but 
plausible reasoning, into a belief that be- 
cause God was in everything, therefore any- 
thing might be worshipped, not simply as His 
representative, but actually as Himself. Be- 
ginning probably with those glorious natural 
objects of the Sabsean heresy, the sun, moon, 
and stars, they had at length become so de- 
graded as to fall down before images of wood 
and stone, and had lost sight almost wholly 
of their original doctrine of an indivisible 
triad, by ignoring Brahma (the creating prin- 
ciple) and according to Vishnu (the preserv- 
ing) or Saiva (the destroying),* a paramount 
place in the pantheon of hero-gods, sacred 
animals, and grotesque, or often (to Euro- 
pean eyes) immodest figures, which gradually 
arose, and swallowed up in the darkness 
of heathenism the rays of light which pos- 
sibly shone upon the earliest of the Hindoo 
race in the patriarchal age. Their religious 
observances involved a tedious and almost 

• These are mythologically represented as having 
wives, namely, Seraswati or Devi, Lakshmi or Bha- 
vani, and Parvati or Durga, considered metaphysi- 
cally as the active powers^ which develop the prin- 
ciple represented by each member of the triad- 

impracticable ritual, with abstinence from 
many things which in the christian dispen- 
sations are treated as harmless — but the 
character of Brahmin and also of Boodhist 
teaching, generally distinct, was alike in 
being, with some great and glaring excep- 
tions, merciful and even comparatively moral. 

The laws of the Hindoos, especially for 
civil judicature, have been eulogized by Sir 
W. Jones, Munro, and other authorities, 
though severely criticised by Mill, who on 
this subject was prejudiced, and iu fact pos- 
sessed but a small part of the information 
since revealed. The equal partitionment of 
property, and the consequent disability of 
willing away land or money, has been much 
canvassed as to its eSect in preventing the 
accumulation or improvement of possessions. 
It undoubtedly stimulated the dedication of 
large sums to religious, charitable, or public 
purposes; to the building of temples, of 
' choultries or houses of refreshment for tra- 
vellers,' and to the formation of tanks and 
canals — most necessary works in a land where 
such means, under Providence, can alone 
prevent hundreds, nay thousands, not only of 
cattle, but of human beings, from perishing 
by the maddening pangs of thirst, or in the 
more prolonged agonies of hunger, when the 
parched earth, gaping in deep chasms, plainly 
bids man, if he would be sustained by her 
increase, use the energy and ability with 
which God has blessed him, to supply as 
best he can, the want of kindly dew and 
rain, to renew her strength and fertility. 

The position of women was decidedly supe- 
rior to that of the weaker sex in almost any 
other ancient "nation, with regard to the 
hereditary laws of property : they were, if 
unmarried, to receive portions out of their 
brothers' allotments. Menu ordains that 
whoever accosts a woman shall do so by the 
title of " sister," and that way must be 
made for her, even as for the aged, for a 
priest, for a prince, or a bridegroom ; and in 
his text on the laws of hospitality he enjoins 
that " pregnant women, brides and damsels, 
shall have food before all the other guests." 
The seclusion and ignorance to which females 
are now subjected had their origin in the 
like Mohammedan custom. Formerly they 
were taught to read and write, they were 
the ornament and delight of the social circle ; 
and historic or traditionary annals abound in 
records of their virtuous anJ noble deeds. 
Suttee or widow-burning ; infanticide ; the 
carrying out of the sick, when deemed past 
recovery ; suicide under the same or different 


circumstances, including immolation be- 
neath the car of Juggernaut and self- 
inflicted tortures are almost entirely inno- 
vations which gradually crept in : Jugger- 
naut especially — being of quite modern date. 

The extent of scientific knowledge acquired 
by the Hindoos and the date of its attain- 
ment, is a source of endless discussion ; yet 
the subject is too important to be wholly 
passed over, even in this intermediate stage 
of their history. 

In astronomy, much merit is assigned them 
by Cassini, Bailly, and Playfair, who assert 
that a considerable degree of progress 
had been made 3,000 years before the 
Christian era, as evidenced by observa- 
tions still extant. La Place, De Lam- 
bre, and others dispute the authenticity 
of these observations, but all agree in ad- 
mitting a great antiquity. Mr. Bentley, who 
has examined the calculations very minutely, 
and is one of the most strenuous opponents 
of the claims of the Hindoos, pronounces 
their division of the Ecliptic into twenty- 
seven lunar mansions, to have been made 
B.C. 1443. Mr. Elphinstone is of opinion 
that the Indian observations could not have 
commenced at a later period than the fif- 
teenth century, B.C., or one or two centuries 
before the first mention of astronomy in 
Greece. In the fifth century the Brahmins 
discussed the diurnal revolution of the 
earth on its axis, and they were more cor- 
rect than Ptolemy in their notions regard- 
ing the precession of the Equinoxes. 

In an Indian work (the Surya Sidhanta) 
to which the date of the fifth or sixth century 
is generally assigned, a system of trigono- 
metry is laid down which involves theorems 
that were not known in Europe until the 
sixteenth century. Geometry was probably 
studied long previous to the date of the above 
book, as exemplified in the demonstrations 
of various properties of triangles, the pro- 

* " Mr. Colebrooke has fully established that 
algebra had attained the highest pei-fection it ever 
reached in India before it was known to the 
Arabians, and, indeed, before the first dawn of the 
culture of the sciences among that people." — (El- 
phinstone, vol. i., p. 250). 

t The Samaritan is the most ancient of the orien- 
tal versions of the Scriptures, but its exact age is 
unascertained; it contains only the Pentateuch. 

J The anonymous writer of a Key to the Chrono- 
toyy of the Hindoos, whose opinions are set forth in 
2 Tols. 8vo., printed at Cambridge in 1820; under- 
takes to convince his readers that " the Hindoo 
dates correspond with the Hebrew texts of our 
Scriptures, and that they date the Lotus or creation 
6,817 years from the present time, which is only six 

portion of the radius to the circumferences 
of the circle, and other problems. The in- 
vention of decimal notation is ascribed to 
the Hindoos, who, even in algebra, so earlv 
as the sixth century,* under a celebrated 
teacher, (Brahma Gupta,) excelled all their 
cotemporaries, not merely in propounding 
problems, but in its application to astrono- 
mical investigations and geometrical demon- 
strations. Their chronology has long been a 
stumbling-block (see p. 15), but it is never- 
theless considered by several critical in- 
quirers to admit of satisfactory explanation 
by means of astronomical and arithmetical 
calculations. Megasthenes expressly tieclares 
that the Indians and the Jews were the only 
nations possessed of a rational chronology, 
and that they agreed. Mr. Masson remarks, 
on this statement, — "when I look at the 
enormous sums given of millions of years 
elapsed during the three first yugas, and 
ask how can they be reconciled with the 
dictum of Megasthenes, I call to mind a 
verse somewhere in Menu, which tells us 
that a year of a mortal is but a day with 
the gods, and conceit that these large num- 
bers have been calculated on some such 
base as there suggested — just as in the 
Hebrew Prophets, Daniel, &c., periods are ex- 
pressed by days, weeks, &c. — only in these, 
multiplication is needful, and with the Hin- 
doos division." In the private letter from 
which I have ventured to quote the preced- 
ing passage, Mr. Masson adds, that by the 
use of the multiple 360 and the divisor 
nine (the sacred number of the Tartars and 
other nations), the Hindoo statement can 
be made to agree with that found in one 
(? the Samaritanf version) of the Scriptures 
within a single year. J And he considers 
that the system of Indian chronology was 
framed in some manner intelligible to the 
initiated, § by whom the sacred writings were 
solely, or at least particularly, intended tc 

years from the true period, according to the best 
calculations we have, and only two years according 
to the vulgar era of Christ, a.m. 4004." In an 
elaborate disquisition he contends that the com- 
mencement of the fourth historical age. Call yurja, 
"is correctly placed at B.C. 3182;" the three pre- 
vious ages " contain a period of 900 years only ;' 
and by adding 900 years to the current year of the 
fourth, or Call age, we get the true epoch of creation, 
according to all oriental chronology." The year oj 
the xcorld is computed by the Greek cb'irch at B.C. 
5509 ; by the Aby.ssinian church, 5492 ; by the Jews, 
3760. The Bible chronology givei it as 4004 B.C. 

^ It is stated in the " Key " that some European 
suggested to Sir W. .Tones an explanation by cutting 
the ciphers off the numerals. 


he read, the Brahmins in this respect differ- 
ing essentially from the Boodhists. 

In geography they had, as a nation, made 
little progress, and though unquestionably 
engaged in traffic more or less direct with 
the nations of Europe, Asia, and Africa, pro- 
bably entered, at the utmost, only as indivi- 
duals on the carrying trade beyond their 
own coast, and gave little thought to the 
position or affairs of other countries; and 
this accords with, the metaphysical, rather 
than practical, turn of their minds. There 
is, however, a passage in Menu which 
shows that marine insurance was practised 
his time ; and various writings, poems, plays, 
and tales written during different periods 
from the first to the twelfth century, detail 
adventures at sea, in which Indian sailors 
and ships are immediately concerned. 
That the Hindoos established colonies in 
Java and other places there is reason to 
believe, though we cannot tell at what time, 
or under what circumstances. Bryant, who 
contends that Cluddea was the parent coun- 
try of the Hindoos, asserts, in his Analysis of 
Ancient Mythology , that these people were 
found in Colchis, in Mesopotamia, and even 
in Thrace. Recently they have been met with 
in Arabia, Armenia, and Astracan. 

In medicine they had not merely studied 
the virtues of simples, but had also attained 
considerable skill in chemistry, and knew 
how to prepare (for the most part in modes 
peculiar to themselves) sulphuric, nitric, and 
muriatic acid ; oxides of copper, iron, lead 
(of which they had both the red oxide and 
litharge) tin, and zinc; the sulphurets of 
copper, zinc, and iron, and carbonates of 
lead and iron. They employed minerals 
internally, giving both mercury, arsenic, and 
arsenious acid ; cinnabar was used for fumi- 
gations, to produce safe and speedy saliva- 
tion. They also practised inoculation for 
small-pox. Their surgery is still more re- 
markable, from their ignorance of anatomy — 
dissection or even the touch of dead bodies, 
being deemed the extreme of pollution — yet 
they cut for the stone, couched for cataract, 
and performed other delicate operations;* 
and their early works enumerate no less 
than 127 sorts of surgical instruments, which, 
however, were probably always rude. 

Of the languages and literature of India, 
it would be impossible to convey any idea 
in few words, without appearing to assume 
a dogmatic attitude on the many difficult 

• Vide Dr. Royle's Essay on the Antiquity of the 
Indian Materia Medico. 

questions involved therein. The transla- 
tions of Sir William Jones from the Sanscrit, 
of Sacontala, a pastoral drama of great anti- 
quity, and other poems, together with the 
Hindoo Theatre of Professor Wilson, enable 
English readers to form their own opinions 
of the degree of dramatic excellence very 
early attained in India. Portions of the 
Ramayana, of the Maha Bharat, and the 
whole of the Sama Veda have also been 
translated; the fourth, or Antharva Veda, 
(whose authenticity is disputed), being still 
sedulously withheld by the Brahmins, and 
denounced as a " Black Book," teaching as- 
trology and witchcraft. The six Augras 
or Shastras, are supposed to have been 
written by inspiration to elucidate the sub- 
lime mysteries contained in the Vedas. They 
treat of theology and ritual observances ; of 
grammar, metre, astronomy, logic, law, 
the art of government, medicine, archery, 
the use of arms, music, dancing, and the 
drama. With the eighteen Puranas we are 
not immediately concerned, for two reasons. 
They must be subsequently referred to as ex- 
planatory of the present (would to God that 
we could say the past) idolatrous polytheism 
of the Hindoos ; and moreover in the opinion 
of Professor Wilson, none of them assumed 
their existing state until the time of Sankara 
Acharya, the great Saiva reformer, who 
flourished about the eighth or ninth cen- 
tury, and consequently, subsequent to the 
period of which we are now treating: Wilson 
traces several of them to the twelfth, four- 
teenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries of 
our era. The Puranas have been already 
frequently quoted, because they comprise 
the genealogies of various dynasties, especi- 
ally of the solar and lunar races ; which 
are valuable, although sometimes misleading, 
being evidently a compilation of fragments 
obtained from family records. Many 
historical documents probably yet remain 
uninjured, hidden away from the desolating 
torch of the soldiers of the Crescent, who 
generally did their utmost to destroy the 
writings of an idolatrous people, at least 
any that might appear connected with 
their creed, which all were more or less. 
Doubtless much valuable data has thus ut- 
terly perished; and the loss is now irreparable. 
The remark made by the people of Rajast'han 
to Colonel Tod, when he complamed of 
the numerous deficiencies in their annals, 
was sufficient explanation and apology. 
"When our princes," said they, "were in 
exile, driven from hold to hold, and com- 


pelled to dwell in the clefts of the moun- 
tains, often doubtful whether they would 
not be obliged to abandon the very meal 
preparing for them — was that a time to 
think of historical records ?"* 

In the lighter department of literature 
they excel ; and, indeed, in tales and fables 
appear to have set the example to the rest 
of mankind, since to them may be traced 
the subjects of the most popular Oriental 
and even European fictions. f 

Their music is said to have been syste- 
matic and refined, but it has since greatly de- 
teriorated : painting was probably always at a 
low ebb, unless beautifully illustrated manu- 
scripts may form an exception — in which, 
however, the figures are the worst executed 
portion of the ornaments. Their ancient 
sculpture often presents spirited and some- 
times exceedingly graceful groups; but is 
generally rendered unpleasing, not only by 
the grotesque and many-limbed forms of the 
gods and goddesses, but also by their igno- 
rance of anatomy, and inattention, even as 
copyists, to the symmetrical arrangement of 
the limbs and muscles, and to the mainte- 
nance of proportion between different figures. 

Architecture early became a favourite and 
practical study, J butvaried greatly in different 
parts of India {vide section on topography). 
It is said that the arch was not understood 
before the Mussulman era, but this seems to 
be contradicted by the age of some speci- 
mens which still exist. Tanks or reservoirs 
for irrigation or for bathing were made on a 
scale of great extent and magnificence, and 
also wells of considerable depth and breadth, 
the more ancient of which were square and 
surrounded by galleries, with a broad flight of 
steps from top to bottom. Their triumphal 
columns and massive gateways and pagodas 
take rank among the finest specimens of 
the architecture of any nation. 

Their manufactures and commerce have 
been noticed sufficiently for the present 
purpose : their mode of agriculture was so 
nearly what it is at present, that that sub- 
ject, together with their rights in the land 
and the revenue system generally, may be best 
deferred for examination to a future chapter. 

Chariots were drawn in war by horses, 
but on a march by oxen and sometimes by 
camels. Elephant chariots were also kept as 
a piece of extraordinary magnificence, used 

* Rajast'han, vol. i. p. ix. 

■)• Vide Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
Tol. i. p. 166, on the Indian origin of European 

in their famous festivals, when well appointed 
troops marched in procession; and thrones, 
tables, goblets, lavcrs, set with precious stones, 
and robes of exquisite colours richly em- 
broidered with gold,were borne along in state. 
Tame lions and panthers formed part of the 
show which birds, remarkable for gorgeous 
plumage or sweet song, were made to enliven; 
being conveyed on trees transported on large 
waggons. In short, a Hindoo fete in the 
ancient days, was a thing that even a Parisian 
of the time of the second Buonaparte might 
sigh for — always excepting fireworks, for it 
does not appear that they had any knowledge 
of gunpowder, although in war they are said 
to have used arrows tipped with some com- 
bustible or explosive compound. 

The police system Megasthenes declared 
to be excellent; royal roads are spoken of by 
Strabo, in one place, and mile-stones in ano- 
ther. § The dress, as described by Arrian,|| 
was precisely the two wrappers of cotton 
cloth, still worn by the people of Bengal and 
by strict Brahmins everywhere. 

It is asserted that no Indian coinage 
existed prior to the introduction of that of 
the Greeks or Baetrians. This, if proved, 
would be no criterion of barbarism : the 
Chinese, at the present day, have no gold or 
silver pieces — their only coin being a small 
alloyed copper "cash," of which about a 
thousand are equal to one Spanish dollar. 
All sales have for ages been regulated by 
bars or blocks of the precious metals, with a 
stamped attestation of their respective purity; 
and it is possible that in ancient times a 
similar course was pursued in India. There 
are however passages in a Sanscrit play 
and in the penal code of the Hindoos which 
refer, not only to the standard, but to the 
fabric and stamp of coin, and to the punish- 
ments due to the fabricators and falsifiers of 
the public monies. Small flat pieces of silver, 
square, round, or oblong, weighing from forty- 
eight to fifty grains, with a rude punch, symbo- 
lical of a sun, moon, or star, or a nondescript 
figure, of an unknown age, have been found 
in considerable quantities in various localities. 

Hindoo gc.'d and silver coins, tolerably 
well executed, have been discovered at 
Beghram, Cutch, Benares, and other places 
appertaining to the Balhara dynasty ; which 
is thought to have ruled the country from 
Oojein to thelndus, 375years posterior to the 

\ Essay on Hindoo Architecture by Eim R4z, 
published by the Oriental Translation Fund. 
§ Strabo, lib. xv., pp. 474—494, ed. 1587. 
i| Indica, cap. xri. 



I Vicramaditya era. Coins of the Chandra 
Gupta dynasty have been collected from the 
ruins of Behat near the Doab Canal, and at 
Canouj ; others, of a Jain or Boodhistical 
type, have been procured at Rajast'han and 
at Ilurdwar on the Ganges. 

Recent investigations* have brought to 
light no inconsiderable quantity of Indo- 
Scythian and Sassanian coins, which gradu- 
ally mixed with and at length merged into 
a distinct Hindoo type. This, with modifi- 
cations, lasted to the time of the Moham- 
medan conquerors. A very curious Eng- 
lish collection of Hindoo silver monies con- 
nects two dynasties ; indeed, there are not 
many links wanting to form an entire series 
of Greek, Bactrian, Nys8ean,t Sassanian, 
Indo-Scythian, and HindooJ (Guzerat, Raj- 
poot, Canouj, or Rah tore, &c.) coins, from 
the time of Alexander to that of the Moslems 
in the eleventh century. The Roman coins 
discovered in India extend in antiquity 
through a period of more than 1,000 years, 
from the Augustan age down to the decline 
of the Lower empire ; those generally found 
are of the smaller denominations, consisting 
of the common currency of the eastern parts 
of the empire : many of the copper coins 
are of Egyptian fabrication. 

Bactria, Aria, and Parthia. — The two 
first-named countries, comprising the terri- 
tory lying on either side of the Hindoo 
Koosh, between the Oxus and Indus Rivers, 
are on the high road of Asiatic conquest, 
and have been the battle-field of every tribe 
and nation that has risen to dominion in the 
East. Parthia has been always intimately 
connected with them, and the three have 
iointly and severally exercised an influence 
in India, the extent and nature of which is 
still but imperfectly understood. 

Recent discoveries of coins (above re- 
ferred to) have confii'med and augmented 
the information bequeathed by ancient 

• See Ariana Antiqua, a dascriptive account of 
the antiquities and coins of Afglianistan, with a 
memoir of the buildings, called topes, by C. Masson, 
Esq. Edited by Prof. Wilson, 4to, 1841. Also the 
expositions of J. Prinsep in the Journal of the Jienyal 
Asiatic Socictij ; and H. T. Prinsep's Jlist. Mesults. 

t The features of the sovereigns of the various 
dynasties stamped on these coins are quite distinct, 
and they are generally well executed. The Nysiean 
have a fillet or diadem round the head; reverse, a 
horseman ; the Indo-Scythian an. erect figure of Her- 
cules resting on his club : the Sassanian, a fire altar 
on the reverse. The legends are generally in Greek, 
or in Pehlevi, a language w-hich was contemporary 
with the Parsi (of Persia), and the Zend (of Media), 
five or six hundred years, B.C. It was used in 

authors, and thrown a new light on the 
connection which existed with the kingdom 
of Bactria — that is, of the country watered 
by the Oxus and its tributaries, and sepa- 
rated from Hindoostan by the range of 
mountains whence the Oxus and Indus 
derive their respective sources. It has been 
already stated, that after the first contest for 
the partition of the vast empire of Alexander, 
all his eastern conquests, including Hyrca- 
nia, Parthia, Bactria, Aria,§ &c., were ap- 
propriated by Seleucus. Bactria remained 
subject to his descendants, until civil wars 
and the impending revolt of the Parthians 
induced Diodotus, or Theodotus, the satrap 
or governor of the province, to assert his 
independence and become the first king, 
about 250, or, according to Bayer, 255, B.C. 
Parthia also successfully revolted from the 
sway of the Seleucidse, under Arsaces, || who, 
according to Strabo, was by birth a Bac- 
trian, but is called by other writers a Da- 
hiaii, that is, a native of Sogdiana :% who- 
ever lie was, he appears to have used Greek 
only on, his coins and in his public letters 
and correspondence. 

Bactria itself, however, cannot be sup- 
posed to have been colonised by any great 
body of Greeks, but probably received many 
of the partially-disciplined recruits raised 
by Alexander during the later part of his 
progress. Even the Greeks, by intermar- 
riage with Persian, and doubtless with In- 
dian wives, would soon lose their distinctive 
character; and after the establishment of 
Parthian power, the immigration of adven- 
turers from Greece, and, indeed, all commu- 
nication with that country would cease. This 
accounts for the total silence of Greek 
authors respecting the termination of the 
Bactrian kingdom. Its limits, during the 
most flourishing period, included some parts 
of India. Strabo quotes an ancient author, 
who asserts that the Bactrians possessel 

the region round Assyria, and probably in Assyria 
itself, — but together with the Zend has been a dead 
language for more than two thousand years. 

I The ancient Hindoo coins have various devices — 
a horseman, a horse, an elephant, a lion, a bull, an 
antelope, a goat, the Sankh, or sacred shell, or the 
hieroglyphic called Swastika. 

§ Aria is the territory of which Herat is, the 
capital. Ariana (Eeran) is the general name for the 
country east of Persia and Media to the Indus. 

II Sogdiana designates the mountains which feed 
the Jaxartes and divide that river from the Oxus. 

5[ Arsaces was the title of Parthian princes. The 
Parthians were the Saca; of Asia, and Saca-dwipa 
(the country of the Saca;) lay about the fountains of 
of the Oxus. — Conder's Modern Traveller. {India.) 



" the most conspicuous part of Ariana ^' 

(Khorasan), and conquered more nations in 

; India than even Alexander. In this last 

achievement the principal actors were Me- 

nander, Appollodotus, and Demetrius, who 

are mentioned together by Strabo; but their 

j date and the limits of their sway are not 

• clearly stated. Demetrius is a puzzle, or 

rather the site of his kingdom, for he once 

had one, and was a conqueror besides. Two 

i or three of his coins have been found in 

I Cabool, not sufficient to establish the fact of 

I his rule there, but rather the reverse; two 

or three others — of silver — have been 

brought from Bokhara. Appollodotus and 

Menander* certainly ruled over Cabool, 

their copper coins being found in such 

numbers, and so constantly, as to prove 

they were once a currency there ; but then, 

as regards Appollodotus, Cabool is held to 

have been merely a province, his capital 

j being established elsewhere, to be looked 

for, perhaps, where his copper money was 

circular instead of square, as at Cabool, and 

\ such circular coins arc discovered more 

eastward in the Punjaub, and even at 

Muttra (the old Methora), on the Jumna. 

Masson strongly suspects the kingdom of 

Appollodotus and Menander to have been 

rather Indian than Bactrian ; and Professor 

Lassen supposes three kingdoms to have 

existed besides that of Bactria, of which the 

eastern, under Menander and Appollodotus, 

I comprehended the Punjaub and the valley 

' of the Indus, with Cabool and Arachosia, or 

Candahar, added in times of prosperity. The 

western kingdom, he places conjecturally at 

Heerat and in Seestan, and the third would 

include the Paropamisan region, which, 

however, Prinsep inclines to attribute to 

Bactria.f Unfortunately, no information 

has been obtained to prove how far north 

or west of Cabool the currencies of the 

aforesaid kings spread, otherwise the limits 

of their rule might have been partially 

traced in those directions. The Greeks, 

under Menander, made extensive conquests, 

; subduing the Seres and Shauni to the north 

and north-east of India ; crossing the Hy- 

I panis (Hyphasis,orBeyah), and proceeding as 

' far as the Isamus to the south-eastward ; and 

I * Whether Appollodotus succeeded or preceded 
I Menander is uncertain, but an opinion may be raised 
that although always mentioned first, he really fol- 
lowed Menander, because his circular coins so closely 
resemble in style and fabric those of Azcs (in Bac- 
tro-Pali, Aya) that it is evident the one currency 
i followed the other, in the Punjaub and to the cast, 
I hut not in Cabool, where that of Hermias prevailed. 

on the south-westward reducing Pattalcne, 
that is, the country about Tatta, forming 
the Delta of the Indus. All the interme- 
diate territory appears, from the statement 
of Strabo, to have been vanquished ; and we 
might form a tolerably satisfactory conclu- 
sion as to its extent, but for doubts suggested 
of the meaning of the word Isamus. This 
is by some considered to denote the Jumna 
River, by others the Himalaya Mountains 
(sometimes called Imaus), and, thirdly, with 
perhaps better reason, the Isamutti River, 
which falls into the Hooghly, a western 
branch of the Ganges. 

Bactria Proper, as established by Diodotus, 
appears to have continued through his suc- 
cessors Diodotus II., Euthydemus, Eucra- 
tides, and his successor (supposed by De 
Guignes and Bayer to have been his son 
and murderer, Eucratides II., but by Mas- 
son, Heliocles), until about 125 years b.c, 
when, (according to Chinese records, quoted 
by De Guignes) a great movement which 
took place in Central or Eastern Tartary 
impelled across the Jaxartes (Sir) an irre- 
sistible torrent of Scythian hordes. This 
statement is corroborated by the testimony 
of Strabo, who gives the names of the four 
principal tribes by whom the overthrow of 
the Greek kingdom was effected. From 
these names they would appear to have been 
composed of a mixture of Gette or Goths, 
Dahi or Dacians, Sakarauli or Sakas, and 
Tochari, perhaps, but not certainly, Turks. 
All seized portions of Bactria; and after 
some time the Getse subdued the others, 
and advanced upon India. Crossing the 
Hindoo Koosh, they dispossessed the suc- 
cessor of Hermias, if not the old king him- 
self ; and their presence is very clearly 
indicated by those coins bearing the name 
of that king, with the prefix Su. Soon after 
the coinage was varied ; busts probably in- 
tended to represent their own kings or chiefs 
were introduced, and Bactro-Pali legends on 
the reverse, much differing from the Greek 
ones encircling the busts — the latter, indeed, 
becoming unintelligible. The Getse, more- 
over, we are assured, retained power in the 
countries bordering on the Indus for four 
centuries — liable, necessai'ily, to vicissitudes. 

For this remark, as well as other information inter- 
woven in the text conveying a brief sketch of Bac- 
trian affairs, I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. 
Charles Masson. 

t Because of the bilingual as well as pure Gh-eek 
coins of Heliocles and .\ntimachu5, kings of Bactria. 
—Historical Results dedudhle from recent discoveriet 
in Afghanistan, by H. Prinsep. Esq., p. 66. 


but still maiutuining themselves until finally 
overcome by the Huns. The Parthians 
benefited by the occasion of attacking Eu- 
cratidcs, and deprived him of two satrapies ; 
but although certain coins bearing a national 
tinge, with an attempted imitation of the 
names and titles of Heliocles are fouxid 
in Cabool, there is little other evidence 
of Parthian rule there — while in the Pun- 
jaub, immediately on the banks of the 
Indus, there is inore. It is not impro- 
bable, that they contested the possession of 
Cabool with the Getse, but were unsuccess- 
ful, and directed their attention rather to 
Sinde, and thence ascended the Indus ; but 
it may be doubted if these Parthians were 
those established in Persia — although of the 
same or kindred race — they may have been 
Dahse. Though weakened and disorgan- 
ised, Bactria cannot have been entirely 
overwhelmed by Scythian or Parthian in- 
cursions, that is not in the time of Eucra- 
tides or Heliocles, since Horace, 120 years 
later, deemed it of sufficient importance to 
engage the attention of Augustus. Its final 
disruption by Parthian agency must have 
been of considerably later date. 
. The fortunes of Parthia likewise under- 
went considerable vicissitudes. Arsaces pos- 
sessed only Parthia and Hyrcania, the 
nucleus of his sovereignty being the colo- 
nies planted by Alexander eighty years be- 
fore. His immediate successors were brave 
and valiant, and their empire at one time ex- 
tended from the Euphrates to the Jaxartes ; 
but whether it included or received tribute 
from the ancient soil of the Hindoos is little 
better than matter of conjecture.* The 
sceptre of Persia continued to be wielded by 
this line until a.d. 235, when Ardeshur 
Babakun, or Artaxerxes, a distinguished 
officer of the Parthian army — having been 
slighted by the reigning monarch, Arsaces- 
Artabanus — revolted, and after three severe 
battles, conquered and slew Artabanus, and 

* Milhridates II., who reigned in the early part 
of the century before the Christian era, and whose 
death was followed by an interregnum of civil war, 
or doubtful sovereignty, in Parthia, was the first of 
the Arsacidce who adopted the title of " Great King of 
Kings," which is believed to be of Indian origin, and 
was probably assumed after the acquisition of coun- 
tries bordering on India. — Prinsep's Historical Re- 
tulU, p. 67. 

t Vide Prinsep's Jlitlorical Ilesults, for much in- 
teresting discussion regarding Baclrian coins, espe- 
cially the opinions of Wilson, Masson, and Lassen ; 
also regarding the newly-deciphered language gene- 
rally used in writing, when Greek became quite 
extinct, called Arian, Arianian, Bactrian, and Ca- 

establislied his own dynasty, the Sassanian, 
being crowned at Balkh, where his last vic- 
tory was gained. Thus closed the Greco- 
Parthian dominion in central Asia, after a 
continuance of very nearly 500 years ; and 
the same date marks the end of the tran- 
sition of Parthia back from Hellenism to an 
entirely Asiatic sovereignty and condition of 
society. The system of government had 
been always purely Asiatic ; that is, by sub- 
ordinate satraps or viceroys invested with 
full and absolute authority over the person 
and property of the people committed to their 
charge. Alexander had experienced the evils 
of thus forming an Imperium in imperio 
in every province, in the misconduct of 
several satraps during his absence in the 
Indian campaign ; and, had he lived, would 
probably have introduced a sounder system; 
but his successors had neither the ability to 
plan, nor perhaps opportunity to execute, 
any such radical change in their respective 
governments. They lacked, moreover, the 
prestige of their great master's name and 
character, which had alone enabled him to 
cheek the ambition or rapacity of his vice- 
gerents, by the exercise of an arbitrary power 
of removal. After his death, the method 
generally adopted of controlling, removing, 
or punishing a military satrap, was to turn 
against him the arms of a rival neighbour. 
The result was, of course, the origin of a 
number of irresponsible despots. Keeping 
this in mind, it is the less surprising that 
Parthian coins should be found, asserting 
independence and bearing arrogant titles, 
in Afghanistan, since these may indicate 
nothing but the temporary successes or pre- 
tensions of various petty satraps. t The 
most celebrated of the later Sassanian kings 
was Chosroes, who reigned from 531 to 571 ; 
his grandson was deposed in 628, and after a 
few years of tumult and distraction, Persia 
fell under the power of the Caliphs, by whom 
it has ever since been ruled. 

boolian, according to the supposed locality of its 
native use. Mr. James Prinsep, (whose laborious 
investigations had before been mainly instrumental 
in restoring the language of the ancient Indian kings 
who made treaties with Antiochus and Seleucus,) 
while examining coins with bilingual inscriptions, 
used the names given in Greek on one side, tc find 
out those of tlie unknown language on the other. He 
thus obtained a key to the alphabet, and deciphered 
words which proved to be Pracrit (the vernacular ' 
form of Sanscrit), written semitically from right to 
left. There are still, however, some inscriptions in i 
the Arian characters upon rocks and on the relics 
of topes and tumuli, remaining to reward further 


Mohammedan to British Epoch. — In the 
beginning of the seventh century, when the 
Christian church was torn by dissensions and 
perplexed by heresies, and when the greater 
part of the inhabitants of Asia and of Africa 
were sunk in barbarism, enfeebled by sen- 
suality, or enslaved by idolatry, there arose 
on the shores of the Red Sea, a Power, at 
once religious and militant, which rapidly 
attained and has since continued to exercise 
an extraordinary influence on the condition 
of one-third of the human race. 

Arabia is considered by oriental writers 
to have been originally colonised by the pos- 
terity of Shem and Ham, the former having 
follovved pastoral, the latter agricultural pur- 
suits; to these were subsequently added a 
mixed race — the descendants of Abraham, 
through Ishmael, the son of Hagar the bond- 
woman.* The posterity of Ham, through 
Cush and Nimrod, his son and grandson, 
brought with them from Mesopotamia one 
of the most ancient languages (supposed to 
be the Himyaritic, still spoken in parts of 
the country), and the creed of the Patriarchs, 
or at least a portion of it ; that is, the exist- 
ence of one God, the Creator and Governor 
of the world, and the doctrine of the resur- 
rection of the dead, of future rewards and 
punishments. A sense of sin and unwor- 
thiness probably induced " the adoration of 
heavenly spirits as mediators between man 
and one immutable Holy Being; and to 
these they raised temples and altars for 
sacrifices and supplications, to which were 
subsequently added fastings. "f The sun 
and moon next became the objects of wor- 
ship, at first probably as symbols ; next 
followed the seven planets, the twelve signs 
of the zodiac, and the twenty-four constella- 
tions. Almost every tribe had its peculiar 
idol, dead men were worshipped, and also 
angels or genii ; some even denied all kinds 
of revelation, having sunk into the lowest 
depths of idolatry ; but the descendants of 
Shem passed from pure Theism into Sabae- 
isra, or a belief in the peopling of the 
heavenly bodies with superior intelligences, 
by whom the lives and actions of men were 
resrulated. The immigration of a few Jewish 
and Christian tribes had introduced among 
the more thoughtful, purer notions both of 
faith and practice ; but these had made 
little progress among the mass of the people, 

• Ishmael is said to have married the daughter of 
Mozauz or Modhaugh, the sovereign of Hijaz. — (See 
tabular genealogies of these three tribes in Colonel 
Chesney's work on the Euphrates and Tigris, vol. i.) 

who, as regarded their political and social 
state, were still, as they had been for ages, 
to a great extent isolated by poverty and 
by geographical position, from the rest of 
the world. Their country, consisting of 
some mountain tracts and rich oases, sepa- 
rated or surrounded by a sandy desert, has 
been aptly compared to the coasts and 
islands of a sea. J The desert was thinly 
scattered with small camps of predatory 
horsemen, who pitched their tents wherever 
a well of water could be found; and aided 
by the much-enduring camel, overspread ex- 
tensive regions, to the great peril and anx- 
iety of peaceful travellers. The settled in- 
habitants, though more civilized, were 
scarcely less simple in their habits; the 
various tribes formed distinct communities, 
between whom there could be little commu- 
nication except by rapid journeys on horse- 
back or tedious marches, in the present 
caravanseray fashion. Each tribe acknow- 
ledged as its chief the representative of their 
common ancestor ; but probably little cheek 
was ever imposed upon the liberty of indi- 
viduals, save in rare cases, when the general 
interest imperatively demanded such inter- 
ference. The physical features of the land 
and its scanty agricultural resources helped 
to foster the hardy and self-reliant character 
of its sons, who, unconnected by the strong 
ties of religious or commercial fellowship, 
and never compelled to unite against a 
foreign foe, found vent in the innumerable 
feuds which constantly spring up between 
independent tribes and families, for the 
warlike and roving instincts which seem so 
inseparably bound up with the wiry, lithe- 
some, supple frame, and the fiery, yet ima- 
ginative and sensuous temperament, of the 

Such a people, united for a common pur- 
pose under a common leader, miglit, it was 
evident, accomplish extraordinary results; 
and purpose and leader were presented to 
them in the person of a man, whose fame as 
a subjugator may be mentioned in the same 
page with that of Alexander the Great, and 
who, as a lawgiver, takes much higher rank — • 
higher, that is, in the sense of having used 
and abused powers never entrusted to the 
Macedonian. Mohammed the False Pro- 
phet, was, beyond all doubt, intimately 
acquainted with both the Jewish and Chris- 

The sons of Ham, Cush, Mizraim, Phut, and Canaan 
peopled parts of Western Asia, as well as Africa. 

t Ecchellensis, Chrnn. Otien., App., c. 6, p. 148. 

I Elphinstone, vol. i., p. 488. 



tian scriptures, he recognised the mighty 
truths they contained, and the sharp wea- 
pons those trutlis would afford, wielded 
against idolatry. Incited by strangely- 
blended motives of ambition and fanaticism, 
he boldly defied the curse pronounced on 
those most impious of all deceivers, who 
shall dare to add unto, or take away from, the 
revealed word of God. {Revelation, ch. xxii. 
V. 18, 19.) 

It is necessary to know something of his 
private life, before we can understand the 
steps by which an unknown enthusiast sprang 
suddenly into importance; and, gathering 
together with marvellous skill and energy 
the scattered tribes, formed them into a 
nation, prohibited retaliation without the 
previous sanction of a trial and a sentence, 
and in short, induced them to abandon intes- 
tine strife and combine in a religious crusade. 
Mohammed was born a.d. 569, at Mecca, one 
of the oldest cities in the world, and belonged 
to the head family of the tribe of Koreish, 
who were the hereditary guardians of the 
great temple of Caaba, which is built round 
a well, supposed to be that miraculously 
pointed out to Hagar to save the life of 
Ishmael. Tradition declares the temple 
itself, or at least the first temple which 
existed on this site, to have been vouchsafed 
in answer to the prayer of Adam, who im- 
plored that he might be permitted to have a 
sanctuary like that in which he had wor- 
shipped ii). Eden. The prayer was granted, 
and in curtains of light a model of the para- 
disaical tcmplewas let down, precisely beneath 
the spot where the original had stood. On 
this model Seth built a temple, which was 
swept away by the deluge, but rebuilt by 
Abraham and Isaac. The worship ofl'ered in 
the Caaba was at the beginning of the sixth 
century idolatrous, the chief objects being 
Abraham and Ishmael, to whose images, 
each holding a bunch of arrows, such as the 
Arabs use for divining, regular worship was 
offered. Thus Abraham, the divinely-com- 
missioned witness against idolatry, became 
in process of time the object of the very 
crime he had so zealously condemned. With 
him and his son there appear to have been 
in all 360 gods, the number having pro- 
bably reference to the days of the Persian 

The chief command of the Caaba and of 
the city were vested in the same person, and 
to this double office of priest and chief Mo- 
hammed was presumptive heir, when the 
death of his father Abdallah before liis 

grandfather, cut him off from the succession, 
and threw him a destitute orphan on the care 
of his uncle, Abu Taleb, who taught him the 
business of a merchant, and carried him on 
long trading journeys into Syria, thus giving 
him early insight into foreign countries and 
creeds. When but fourteen, Mohammed 
entered into a rancorous war that had broken 
out among the tribes, and greatly dis- 
tinguished himself for courage and ability. 
Till twenty-five he remained in the service 
of his uncle, and then married Kadijah, the 
richly-endowed widow of a merchant of 
Mecca. Thus raised to independence, he 
was enabled to pursue the objects most con- 
genial to his own mind; but the nature of 
his occupations for many years is unknown. 
Some suppose him to have employed that 
long interval in the study of various manu- 
scripts, although throughout his life he con- 
stantly affirmed himself unable to read or 
write* a single word. It is very possible that, 
by the aid of a retentive memory, he might 
have obtained orally a great part, or even the 
whole, of the information he possessed, espe- 
cially with regard to the unity of God, by 
intercourse with a cousin of his wife's, named 
Warka ben Naufel, who was skilled in Jewish 
learning, and is said to have translated the 
Scriptures from Hebrew into Arabic. He 
withdrew himself at length from all society, 
and spent long periods in complete solitude 
in the cave of Hara, near his native city, 
giving free scope to meditations, which 
brought him to the verge if not actually into 
the abyss of insanity, and opened a door for 
fancied visions and every species of mental 
delusion. At length, when about forty years 
of age, he declared his alleged mission to his 
wife, and afterwards to a few of his family; 
and, some three or four years after, publicly 
announced himself as " the last and greatest 
of the pi'ophets." He is represented as having 
been a man of middle size, singularly mus- 
cular, with a very large head, prominent 
forehead, eyebrows nearly meeting, but di- 
vided by a vein, which in times of excite- 
ment throbbed violently, black flashing eyes, 
aquiline nose, full and florid cheeks, large 
mouth, and small teeth of the most exquisite 
whiteness ; glossy black hair fell over his 
shoulders, and a full beard flowed down upon 
his chest. His countenance is alleged to 
have been beautiful in the extreme, and to 

• Perhaps the strongest presumption against the 
truth of this assertion, is the circumstance of his 
calling for a pen that he might write, while delirious, 
during his last illness. The request was refused. 



have added not a little to the effect produced 
by his insinuatiug address and consummate 
eloquence upon the impressionable natures 
of his countrymen.* The creed he first taught 
was simply this : — " There is no God but 
God, and Mohammed is his prophet ; " and 
aU who received and repeated this compre- 
hensive formula were styled "true believers." 
The Koran he declared to be a perfect book, 
already written in heaven, but communicated 
to him in portions only, through the medium 
of the angel Gabriel. This provision enabled 
him to disseminate his doctrines gradually, to 
observe the manner in which they were 
received, and to modify and even change 
them at successive periods ; but, at the same 
time, the very facility of obviating imme- 
diate difficulties, led to many discrepancies 
and contradictions in his pretended revela- 
tions. In spite, however, of much extrava- 
gance, of the wildest dreams related as if 
sober realities, and, worse than all, of the 
glaring impiety of pleading the Divine com- 
mand as a reason for intolerance and immo- 
rality, many chapters of the Koran are still 
remarkable as compositions. f They stamp 
their author as far superior to any existing 
writer of his country, and even exhibit him 
in the light of a reformer — for his religion 
was founded on the subhme theology of the 
Old Testament, and his morality, faulty 
indeed in comparison with the Christian 
code, was yet far purer than that then 
general in Arabia, for it must be remem- 
bered that Mohammed represented himself 
as privileged to break through at pleasure 
the very rules he most strenuously enforced 
on others. The Koran abounds in ad- 
monitions to spiritual and moral excellence, 
enunciates the necessary laws and directions 
for the guidance of Mohammedans, and 
especially enjoins the worship and reverence 
of the only true God, and resignation to his 
will. In the course of its 114 chapters, 
Adam, Noah, Moses, Joseph, David, Solo- 
mon, and other patriarchs, prophets, and 
kings, are referred to by name, the facts 
being evidently derived from the Jewish 
Scriptures, the fictions in which they are 
enveloped, from tradition, or more fre- 
quently from the teeming brain of the im- 

* For a graphic and condensed account of tlie im- 
postor and his early proceedings, see a puhlished 
lecture on Mohammedanism, by the Rev. W. Arthur. 
Major Price's comj)endious Mahommedan History is 
an excellent book of reference, as well as of agree- 
able reading. 

t " The style of the Koran," says its able trans- 
lator, Mr. Sale, "is generally beautiful and fluent, 

postor. It seems almost profanation to 
mention the sacred name of the Great 
Redeemer in connection with the lying 
tales of the False Prophet. Suffice it to 
say that His divine mission is recognised in 
the Koran, but His divinity denied. 

For ten years after the first public an- 
nouncement of his alleged calHng, Moham- 
med continued to play the part of a zealous 
and enduring missionary, suffering himself 
" to be abused, to be spit upon, to have 
dust thrown upon him, and to be dragged 
out of the temple by his own turban fastened 
to his neek.^j Persecution had its usual 
effect of drawing its object into notice ; his 
doctrines gradually took root, until, upon the 
death of his uncle and protector, Abu Taleb, 
the rulers of Mecca determined on his 
destruction. He lost his faithful wife and 
earliest convert, Kadijah, about the same 
time, and a complete change came over him. 

At Medina, 270 miles from Mecca, his 
doctrines had been favourably received, and 
a deputation from that city invited him 
to become its governor. He gladly fled 
thither, escaping, by stratagem, from a con- 
spiracy formed in Mecca, leaving his young 
cousin Ali lying on his bed, covered with his 
well-known green robe. The Hejira or flight 
forms the era from which Mohammedans 
date ; it occurred a.d. 622. On his an-ival 
at Medina, whither all his converts followed 
him, he was immediately made governor. 
Many Jews and Christians then resided 
there, the latter he rather favoured, but the 
former as a nation incurred his bitter enmity, 
by indignantly rejecting his overtures to 
become proselytes, or to aid in making 
Jerusalem the head-quarters of the new 
creed. Once established at Medina he built 
a mosque, threw off his submissive attitude, 
and declared his intention of having recourse 
to arms in his own defence, and also for 
the conversion or extermination of infidels. 
He strengthened his cause by several mar- 
riages, and subsequently added to the num- 
ber, as policy or inclination prompted, until 
he had fifteen, or as some say, twenty- 
one so-called legitimate wives — other men 
being allowed four at the utmost. The true 
secret of his success probably lay in the 

especially where it imitates the prophetic manner 
and scripture phrases : it is concise and often obscure, 
adorned with bold figures after the Eastern taste, 
and in many places, especially where the majesty 
and attributes of God are described, sublime and 
magnificent." — {Preliminary/ Discourse, p. 44.) 

:j; Turikhi Tabari ; quoted by Col. Kennedy, in 
the Bombcn/ Literary I'ransactiona, vol. iii. 



force of his grand doctrine of tlie unity and 
omnipotence of God, as contrasted with 
idolatry. This he declared was to be in- 
sisted upon everywhere, at the cost of life 
itself, which it was meritorious to lavish 
freely, whether that of believers in spreading 
the right faith, or of infidels to lessen their 
number. The enthusiastic Arabs were 
easily induced to unite as fellow-workers 
in an enterprize they believed enjoined by 
the direct command of (iod, and eagerly 
dared the fiercest contest in the battle-field, 
intoxicated by the lying words which as- 
serted that " the sword is the key of heaven 
and of hell; a drop of blood shed in the 
cause of God, or a night spent under arms, 
is of more avail than two months of fasting 
or prayer. Whoever falls in battle, his sins 
are forgiven at the day of judgment ; his 
wounds shall be resplendent as vermillion 
and odoriferous as musk ; the loss of his 
limbs shall be supplied by the wings of 
angels and cherubims."* 

The first contest, which took place at Beder 
between 300 of the Mohammedans and 900 
of the Koreish tribe, terminated in favour 
of the new sect, and laid the foundation of 
a great military empire, of such rapid 
growth, that when in the tenth year of the 
Hejira, and the sixty-third of his age, 
Mohammed lay writhing in the last strug- 
gles of the long agony of four years' 
duration, which followed the eating of the 
poisoned dish prepared by the persecuted 
Jews of Chaibar — not only was all Arabia 
united under his sway, but the king of Persia, 
the emperor of Rome, and the king of 
Ethiopia had be.en called upon to acknow- 
ledge his divine mission and receive the 
Koran : the dominions of the emperor (Hera- 
clius) had indeed been actually invaded by a 
successful expedition into Syria. Yet this 
was but the nucleus of the singular power 
exercised by his successors, for instead of 
falling to pieces like a snow-ball in the 
contest for its possession, as might have 
been expected, since Mohammed, like Alex- 
ander, left no undoubted heir, the reins of 
government were placed by his followers in 
the hand of Abubekir, one of the earliest of 
the so-called " true believers," in spite of 
the opposition of Ali, the cousin and son-in- 
law of Mohammed, who had expected to be 

* The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 
contains a detailed account of the rise and progress 
of the Moslem empire, written with all the power 
and caustic irony peculiar to Gibbon. 

t That is, civil and spiritual ruler, or high-pontiff. 

chosen caliph and imaum.f Abubekir, 
fearing the revival of the domestic feuds of 
tribes or clans, forthwith proclaimed anew 
throughout the Arabian peninsula the 
favourite and convenient doctrine of the 
False Prophet, that fighting for religion 
was the most acceptable service which man 
could render to his Maker, and declared his 
intention of sending an army for the com- 
plete subjugation of Syria. The life and 
rule of Abubekir terminated in two years. 
In accordance with his desire, Omar, a 
noble citizen of Mecca, acceded to the 
supreme authority, with the title of 
" commander of the faithful." Under his 
vigorous rule the Arabs invaded Persia and 
utterly destroyed the second or Parthian 
empire, gained complete possession of Syria, 
after defeating 40,000 Greeks in a severe 
contest on the Ye7-muk, a river running 
into the lake of Tiberias, and, as a crowning 
triumph, compelled the surrender of Jerusa- 
lem, for which, as the " city of the pro- 
phets," Mohammed had always professed 
high veneration. 

Egypt was over-run by Khaled, a general 
whose victories had procured from Moham- 
med the title of " the sword of God," and 
Alexandria was speedily added to the bril- 
liant roll of Mussulman conquests. The 
great abilities, united to extreme simplicity 
and purity of life, which distinguished 
Omar, doubtless contributed to the spread 
of the doctrines and temporal sway of the 
people he governed. At the expiration of 
ten years he was slain while praying in the 
mosque, by a Persian, whose rage was ex- 
cited by being obliged to pay two pieces of 
silver daily, as a penalty for refusing to 
abjure his faith — the alternatives offered by 
the Mohammedans, being "the Koran, 
tribute, or the sword." The large majority 
of the conquered chose the first, especially 
in Persia, where a lifeless form of govern- 
ment and a fantastic and superstitious creed, 
needed but a slight shock to hasten the pro- 
gress of decay, and crumble into dust, to be 
moulded anew and receive vital energy, in 
greater or less degree, according to the will 
and ability of the first dominant power 
which might be brought to bear upon it. 
The doctrine of the unity and omnipotence 
of God was received by the Persians as a 
mighty truth, divinely revealed to man, as 
it really was, notwithstanding the false and 
distorted medium through which it reached 
them, and it must have peculiarly commended 
itself to all who had seriously considered the 

FORTUNES OP THE AEAB EMPIRE— a.d. 644 to 1258. 


subject of religion, by freeing them from 
the enthralment of a cowardly and degrading 
system, which taught men to seek the aid 
or deprecate the wrath of beings who added 
to superhuman influence the worst vices of 
fallen creatures. 

Othman succeeded Omar, but quickly 
displeased his generals, and at the close of 
a turbulent reign of twelve years, was 
besieged in his own house, and after a long 
defence, murdered with the Koran on his 
knee. Ali was at length elected caliph, not- 
withstanding the rivalry of Mauwiyah, the 
lieutenant of Syria, but assassinated within 
five years in Persia, while entering a mosque 
for evening worship. His son and successor 
Hassan, was defeated by Mauwiyah and 
abdicated in his favour. The new caliph, 
the founder of the dynasty of the Ommiades, 
extended the dominion of the Arabs to the 
Atlantic, having subjugated all Roman or 
Northern Africa. 

In A.D. 713, Spain was subdued, and the 
Mussulmans continued to advance until 
they had reached the heart of France, but 
were met on the Loire, in 732, between 
Poitiers and Tours, by Charles Martel, and 
utterly routed. 

The last caliph of the dynasty of' the 
Ommiades (Merwan) was slain in a sedition 
raised by the descendants of Abbas, Moham- 
med's uncle. The second prince of this 
dynasty built the city of Bagdad and re- 
moved the seat of j^overnment thither ; the 
fifth was the famous Haroun al Raschid. 
Under the Abbassides learning flourished and 
the original simplicity of the court gave way 
to luxury and magnificence, but the coherent 
strength of the now vast empire was on the 
decline, and a gradual but sure progress of 
dismemberment commenced. In Spain, a 
branch of the Ommiades maintained an 
independent sway; Khorassan and Trans- 
oxiana became virtually independent, and in 
Egypt, descenaants of Fatima, (daughter of 
Mohammed and wife to Ali,) established a 
distinct caHphate. The fortunes of these 
new powers wiU be noticed when connected 
with India, as also those of the Seljuk tribe, 
whose barbarities at Jerusalem (under the 

• Islam, derived from an Arabic root, signifies "the 
true faith," Moslem or Mussulman a believer therein. 

t Mohammed Kasim, surnamed Ferishta, resided 
at the court of Ibrahim Adil Shah II., at Beejapoor, 
about the close of the sixteenth century, and, sus- 
tained by royal patronage and assistance in collecting 
authorities, wrote a history of the rise of the Moham- 
medan power in India till the year 1612, which has 
been ably translated from the original Persian by 

dreaded name of Saracens) provoked the 
nations of Christendom to attempt the rescue 
of the Holy Land; but the struggle carried on 
there for nearly three centuries, never imme- 
diately aff'ected the centre of the Moham- 
medan empire, which continued at Bagdad 
for about 500 years. Mustassem was caliph 
when Hulaku, a descendant of the cele- 
brated Jengis Khan, besieged and captured 
Bagdad. The cruel victor, after mocking 
his wretched prisoner with vain hopes until 
he had obtained his hidden treasures, ex- 
posed him for seme days to the lingering 
torments of starvation, and then, under the 
pretence of unwillingness to shed his blood, 
caused him to be wrapped in coarse camlet, 
and rolled about on the ground until he 
expired. Thus perished the last of the 
Abbassides, a.d. 1258. In the city alone, 
800,000 persons, or according to some au- 
thorities, a much greater number were slain, 
so that the Tigris was dyed with gore. 

Indo-Arabic Conquests. — In a.d. 664, a 
large force marched from Meru to Cabool, 
and made converts of upwards of 12,000 
persons. At the same time, Mohalib, (after- 
wards an eminent commander in Persia and 
Arabia,) proceeded thence with a detach- 
ment in the direction of India, penetrated to 
Moultan, and having plundered the country, 
triumphantly rejoined the army at Khoras- 
san, bringing with him many captives, who 
were compelled to declare themselves converts 
to the Moslem*creed. No further attempt is 
recorded as having been made on the north 
of India during the continuance of the Arab 
rule, but the prince of Cabool appears to 
have been rendered tributary, if not subject 
to the caliphs, since his revolt is mentioned 
by Ferishta,t as the occasion of a new in- 
vasion of his territories eighteen years later. 
The Arabs at this period met with an unex- 
pected check : they were drawn into a de- 
file, defeated, and compelled to surrender, 
and to purchase their freedom by an ample 
ransom. One old contemporary of Moham- 
med is said to have disdained all compro- 
mise, and to have fallen by the swords of 
the infidels. This disgrace was immediately 
revenged by the Arab governor of Seestan, 

Colonel Briggs. A considerable portion of it had 
been previously rendered into English by Colonel 
Dow, but the value of his work is lessened by mis- 
translations, and also by being largely interspersed 
with reflections and facts collated from other sources, 
which, though often interesting and important in 
themselves, are so closely interwoven with the text 
as to leave the reader in doubt regarding the portion 
which actually rests on the testimony of Ferishta. 



and yet more completely by Abdurehman, 
governor of Khorassan, who in a.d. 699, led 
a powerful army in person against the city, 
and reduced the greater part of the country 
to subjection. A quarrel with Hejaj, the 
governor of Bassora, led Abdurehman into 
rebellion against the reigning caliph (Abdel- 
melek, one of the Ommiades), whereupon 
he formed an alliance with his former 
enemy, the prince of Cabool, in whose 
dominions he was compelled to take re- 
fuge, and at length, to avoid being given up 
to his enemies, committed suicide.* 

The nation to which this prince of Cabool 
belonged is rendered doubtful by the posi- 
tion of his capital at a corner where the 
countries of the Paropamisan Indians, the 
Afghans, the Persians, and the Tartars are 
closely adjoining each other. Elphiiistoue 
supposes him to have been a Persian, and 
considers it very improbable that he could 
have been an Afghan, as Cabool is never 
known to have been possessed by a tribe of 
that nation. 

At this period the northern portion of 
the tract included in the branches of the 
Hindoo Coosh, and now inhabited by 
the Eimaks and Hazarehs, was known by 
the name of the mountains of Ghor, and 
probably occupied by Afghans, as also the 
middle part, all of which seems to have been 
included in the mountains of Soliman.f The 
southern portion,' known by the name of the 
mountains of Mekran, were inhabited by 
Beloochecs as at present ; and the other 
ridges connected with the same range as 
those of Ghor, but situated to the east of the 
range of Imaus and Soliman, were probably 
tenanted by Indians, descendants of the 
ParopamisadiB. Ferishta seems to have been 
led by their traditions to believe the Af- 
ghansj to have been converted to Moham- 
medanism in the life-time of its originator, 
and represents them as invading the terri- 
tory of the Hindoos as early as a.h. 63, and 

* Klwlaaat al A/Mar, and the Tarikhi Tdbari, 
quoted by Price (vol. i., pp. 455 — 463). 

t Elphinstone, vol. i., 496. I am informed by Mr. 
Masson, on the authority of Mirza Sami, the minister 
of Dost Mohammed, who corrected the mistake made 
by Sir A. Burnes on the subject in his presence, that 
the term Hindoo Coosh is especially given to the high 
peak of the range to which it belongs, immediately 
overhanging Ghosband, although it is applied, in 
ordinary parlance, to some extent of the range 
stretching east or north-east. 

X Ferishta records, on the anthority of the Mutla- 
ool-Anwar, a work supposed to be no longer extant, 
but which he describes as written by a respectable 
author, tliat the Afghans are Copts of the race of the 

as afterwards continually eng.aged in hos- 
tiUtics with the Rajah of Lahore, until, in 
conjunction with the Gukkurs (a people on 
the hills east of the Indus), they obtained 
from him a cession of territory, secretly 
engaging in return to protect him from the 
attacks of other Mussulmans. It was owing • 
to this compact that the princes of the house 
of Samani never invaded the north of India, 
but confined their predatory incursions to 
Sinde. Ferishta further mentions that the 
Afghans gave an asylum to the remains of 
the Arabs who were driven out of Sinde in 
the second century of the Hejira. § 

This account is on the whole sufficiently 
probable. The Afghans may have willingly 
received the Koran |1 long before their subju- 
gation by Sultan Mahmood. On the sub- 
ject of their early religion, Mohammedan 
historians afford no light, owing to their not 
distinguishing denominations of infidels. 
Arab descents on Sinde by sea are men- 
tioned as early as the caliphate of Omar, but 
they were probably piratical expeditions, 
undertaken for the purpose of carrying off 
the women of the country, whose beauty 
seems to have been much esteemed in Ara- 
bia. Several detachments were also sent 
through the south of Mekran (the Gedrosia 
of Alexander) , during the reigns of the early 
caliphs, but all failed owing to the impracti- 
cable character of this barren region. 

At length, in the reign of the canph 
Walid, an Arab ship laden with slave-girls 
and rarities from Sinde having been seized 
at Dival or Dewal, a sea-port connected 
with Sinde (supposed to be the site of the 
modern Kurrachee), the rajah, named Dahir 
by the Mussulmans, was called on for resti- 
tution. The capital of this prince was at 
Alor, near Bukkur, and he possessed Moul- 
tan and all Sinde, with, perhaps, the adjoin- 
ing plain of the Indus, as far as the moun- 
tains at Calabagh. His territory was por- 
tioned out among his relations, probably 

Pharaohs, many of whom, after the overthrow of the 
infidel monarch and his host in the Ked Sea, became 
converts to the true faith; but others, stubborn and 
self-willed, continued obstinate, and, leaving their 
country, came to India and settled in the Soliman 
Mountains under the name of Afghans. (Briggs' 
Ferishta, vol. i., p. 6.) The people themselves claim 
descent from Afghaun, grandson ofSaul, king of Israel. 

§ A quarter of the Balla Hissar, or citadel of Ca- 
bool, retains the name of Arabah, and its occupants 
are of Arabic descent. 

II The Tartar nations, China, the Malay country 
and the Asiatic islands, afford evidence of the propa- 
gation of the religion of the Mussulmans, inde- 
pendent of their arms. 





en the feudal tenure still common among 
the Rajpoots. Dahir refused compliance 
with the demand of Walid, on the ground 
that Dewal was not subject to his authority ; 
the excuse was deemed unsatisfactory, and 
a body of 1,000 infantry and oOO horse 
were despatched to Sinde ; but this inade- 
quate force perished like its predecessors 
on the road. Hejaj, the before-mentioned 
governor of Bassora, prepared a regular army 
of 6,000 men at Shiraz, and entrusted the 
command to his son-in-law, Mohammed 
Casim, then only twenty years of age. By 
him the troops were safely conducted to the 
walls of Dewal, a. h. 92 (a.d. 711). Casim, 
being provided with catapultas and other 
engines, commenced operations by attacking 
a celebrated pagoda without the city, sur- 
rounded by a high enclosure of hewn stoae, 
and occupied, in addition to the numerous 
Brahmin inhabitants, by a strong garrison 
of Rajpoots. The Arab leader having 
learned that the safety of the place was 
believed to be connected with that of the 
sacred standard displayed on the tower of 
the temple, directed his engines against this 
object, and having succeeded in bringing it to 
the ground, the dismay of the besieged soon 
terminated in surrender. The town was like- 
wise taken, and a rich booty obtained. The 
Brahmins rejected the proposed test of con- 
version — circumcision : all above the age of 
seventeen were put to death, and the re- 
mainder, with the women, reduced to slavery. 
Brahmanabad, NeronKow (now Hyderabad), 
Sehwan, and Salem* were in turn reduced, 
and Casim, strengthened by a reinforcement 
of 2,000 horse from Persia, continued to 
advance, notwithstanding the opposition of 
a powerful force under the rajah's eldest 
son, until he reached the neighbourhood of 
Alor or Abhor, where he was confronted by 
the rajah himself, at the head of 40,000 men. 
The disproportion of numbers rendered 
retreat or advance equally hazardous for the 
invader,' who prudently ensconced his small 
force t in a strong position, and awaited the 
attack of the Hindoos, anxiously watching 
for any error or disaster which might create 

* The site of Brahmanabad is supposed by Burnes 
to be marked by the ruins close to the modern town 
I of Tatta (Travels, vol. iii., p. 31), but Captain 
M'Murdo {R. A. S. Journal, No. I., p. 28), thinks it 
must have been situated on the other side of the pre- 
sent course of the Indus, much farther to the north- 
east. Sehwan still retains its ancir<it name. ^The 
site of Salem is doubtful. 

t It is stated in a work, abstracted from the family 
annals of Nawab Khan, and translated and 

disorder among their unwieldy ranks. Such 
a circumstance occurred at an early period 
of the engagement. A naptha fire-ball 
struck the rajah's elephant, and the terrified 
animal becoming absolutely ungovernable, 
rushed from the field of battle and plunged 
into the adjacent river Indus. Dahir, al- 
though severely wounded by an arrow, 
mounted his war-horse and returned imme- 
diately to the scene of action, but the dis- 
appearance of the leader had produced its 
usual effect on an Asiatic army; the fortune 
of the day was already decided ; and the 
brave rajah, after vainly attempting to rally 
his panic-stricken forces, plunged into the 
midst of the Arab cavalry, and, with a small 
hand of trusty followers, fell covered with 
wounds. His son fled to Brahmanabad, but 
his widow collected the remains of the 
routed army and successfully defended the 
city, until famine within the walls proved a 
more powerful enemy than the sword with- 
out. Inflamed by her example, a body of Raj- 
poots resolved to devote themselves and their 
families to death, after the manner of their 
tribe. When all hope of deliverance had fled, 
they bathed, and with other ceremonies took 
leave of each other and the world; the women 
and children were then sacrificed on a fune- 
real pile, and the men, headed by the widow 
of Dahir, flung open the gates of the for- 
tress, and all perished in an attack on the 
Mohammedan camp. The city was then car- 
ried by storm, those who remained in arms 
were slaughtered, and their families reduced 
to bondage. 

A last desperate stand was made at Ash- 
candra, after which Moultan seems to have 
fallen without resistance, and every part of 
the dominions of the ill-fated DahirJ was 
gradually subjected. Each city was called 
upon to embrace the religion of Mohammed 
or to pay tribute; in default of both, an 
assault was commenced, and unless saved by 
timely capitulation, the fighting men were 
put to death and their families sold for 
slaves. Four cities held out to the last 
extremity ; and in two of them the number 
of soldiers who were refused quarter is esti- 

published by Shahamet AH (a native gentleman in 
the service of the British government), under the 
title of the History of Bahawnlpur (London, 1848), 
that a Brahmin of great abilitv forsook his master, 
the rajah, previous to the final conflict, and afforded 
great assistance ,to Casim ; if so, he was probably 
accompanied by other deserters. i 

\ In the history of Sinde, translated by the late 
Captain Postans, it is asserted that Dahir ruled 
Cabool, as well as Sinde, and coins have been found 




mated at 6,000 each. The merchants, arti- 
zans, and such like were exempt from moles- 
tation, beyond what must have been insepa- 
rably connected with the storming of a town. 
"When the payment of tribute was agreed 
to, the sovereign retained his territory, sim- 
nly becoming amenable to the usual rela- 
tions of a tributary prince, and the people 
retained all their former privileges, including 
the free exercise of their religion. 

Casim himself, notwithstanding his ex- 
treme youth, seems to have united to mili- 
tary talents of the first order, discretion and 
ability to keep by conciliatory measures what 
he had gained by violence.* Several Hindoo 
princes were induced to join him during the 
Avar, and at its conclusion he re-appointed 
the Hindoo prime minister of Dahir to his 
previous office, on the express ground that 
he was best qualified to protect old rights, 
and maintain established institutions. 

The conquest and occupation of Sinde 
being completed, the victor organised an 
army on a large scale, f By some writers 
he is alleged to have accomplished a trium- 
phant march to Canouj on the Ganges, estab- 
lishing a Mohammedan garrison in every 
large town on his route, when a sudden blow 
from a most unexpected source terminated at 
once his projects and his life. Among the 
females captured at Sinde were the two 
daughters of the ill-fated rajah, who, from 
their beauty and high rank, were deemed 
worthy to grace the seraglio of the Com- 
mander of the Faithful. There they re- 
mained until the year of the Hejira 96 
(a.d. 714), when Walid became enamoured 
of the elder sister, who vehemently declared 
herself unworthy of his notice, having been 
dishonoured by Casim before being sent 
from her own country. The enraged caliph, 
in the first headlong impulse of passion, 
wrote with his own hand an order to Casim, 
that he should cause himself to be sewn up 
in a raw hide and thus embrace the fate 
which he deserved. The faithful subject 
literally obeyed this tyrannical mandate, 
and his body was sent to Damascus. The 
caliph showed it to the princess, as evidence 
of the fate which attended those who dared 
insult the "deputy of the prophet," upon 
which she exultingly declared that his ill- 
fated servant was wholly innocent of the 
crime attributed to him, and had fallen a 

I with Nagari legends, which Mr. Masson reads us refer- 
ring to Sri Dahir, but Professor Wilson, to Sri Mahe. 
* A Persian MS., the Tarikhi Hind o Sind, pre- 
served in the India House, is the source whence most 

victim to her successful stratagem, planned 
to revenge the death of her father, mother, 
brother, and countrymen. This strange and 
romantic incident is recorded with little 
variation by Mohammedan historians, and 
it is perfectly consistent with the determined 
character of the Hindoo women, where the 
objects of their afiections are concerned, and 
also with the pure and unhesitating self- 
devotion repeatedly evinced by the servants 
of the caliphs, f 

The conquests of Casim were made over 
to his successor Temim, whose family pos- 
sessed them for about thirty-six years, that 
is, until the downfall of the house of Ommia, 
A.D. 750, when the Mussulmans were ej*- 
pelled by the Rajpoot tribe of Sumera, and 
their territories restored to the Hindoos, 
who retained possession for nearly 500 years. 
Part of the expelled Arabs found refuge, 
(as before stated) among the Afghans. 

Such is the account given by Elphinstone, 
on the authority of Ferishta and the Ayeen 
Akbery — but in the History of Bahawalpw, 
since published, it is asserted that on the ex- 
pulsion of the Ommia dynasty and the ac- 
cession of Abul Abbas, governors were sent 
out by him to Sinde and the Punjaub. But 
little resistance was made, and the Abbas 
house continued in the enjoyment of their 
Indian acquisitions without molestation, 
until the caliphate of Kader-Bellah, that is, 
for a period of 286 lunar years, at the ex- 
piration of which the formidable enemy of 
Hindoo independence, Mahmood of Ghuz- 
nee, appeared on the stage. 

These statements are quite contradictory; 
but whatever degree of influence or authority 
the Arabs may have retained after the check 
given by the death of their leader, Casim, 
it is certain that neither their power nor 
their creed spread, but rather diminished 
from that moment. The passive courage of 
the Hindoos generally, as well as the more 
active bravery of the Rajpoots, associated 
especially with a devoted ' attachment to a 
religion closely interwoven with their laws 
and customs — opposed great obstacles to in- 
vaders, even more desirous of converting 
than of conquering them. Besides this, 
the great change which took place in the 
spirit of the Mohammedan rulers, rendered 
their antagonism far less dangerous. The 
rude soldiers of Arabia, who had raised the 

accounts of Casim's military transactions are derived. 

t About 50,000 Mohammedans are said to have 
collected around his standard on this occasion. 

X Briggs' Ferishta, vol. iv., p. 410. 



wild war cry of Islam, passed away ; succeed- 
ing generations filled their place, reared less 
hardily, while their chiefs in an absorbing 
desire for luxury and magnificence at 
home, cared little for the dear-bought 
triumphs of victory and the glory of their 
standard abroad. Omar set out to join his 
army at Jerusalem, (in compliance with the 
stipulation of the Christians that he should 
personally receive the surrender of the holy 
place), with his arms and provisions on the 
same camel with himself; and Othman ex- 
tinguished his lamp, when he had finished 
the necessary labours of the day, that the 
public oil might not be expended on his 
enjoyments. Al Mahdi, within a century 
from the last-named ruler, loaded 500 
camels with ice and snow ; and the profusion 
of one day of the Abbassides would have de- 
frayed all the expenses of the four first 
caliphs. Thus it was left to other Mus- 
sulman nations, and to dynasties formed 
during the gradual dismemberment of the 
great Arab empire, to establish permanent 
dominion in India. 

House of Ghuznee.* — To understand the 
origin of this powerful family, it is necessary 
to retrace our steps, and briefly notice the 
country from whence they came. 

After the conquest of Persia, the Oxus 
became the northern Arab frontier : on the 
opposite side lay a tract of country (bounded 
on the north by the Jaxartes, on the west 
by the Caspian Sea, and on the east by 
Mount Imaus,) to which they gave the 
name of Mawer ul Nahr, literally Beyond 
the River, but commonly translated Traus- 
oxania. It comprised much desert ground, 
intermingled with tracts of remarkable fer- 
tility, and was occupied partly by settled in- 
habitants, who were chiefly Persians, and 
partly by nomadic and pastoral tribes, com- 
prehended under the vague and general 
name of Tartars. f To which of the three 
great nations, commonly included in Euro- 
pean writings under this head, the people of 
Transoxania belonged at this period, whether 
Turks, Moguls, or Manchoos, is still unde- 
termined ; but the first-named people are 
generally supposed to have formed the bulk 
of the wandering and also a section of the 

• Ghuznee, otherwise spelt Ghizni and Ghazni. 

t Tod, referring to Be Guignes, says — the Heong- 
nou and the Ou-houn, the Turks and Moguls, were 
called "Tatar," from Tatan, the name of the country 
from the banks of the Irtish, along the mountains of 
Altai, to the shores of the Yellow Sea. De Guignes 
invariably maintains Hcong-nou to be but another 
name for the Turks, among whom he places Attila 

permanent population. It was more than 
half a century after the subjugation of 
Persia and five years before the occupation of 
Sinde, that the Arabs crossed the Oxus 
under Catiba, governor of Khorassan, and 
after eight years spent in a contest, with 
varying success, Transoxiana was subjected 
to the sway of the caliphs, a.d. 713. In 
806, a revolt occurred, which the son and 
successor of Haroun al Raschid, Mamoon, 
was enabled to quell, and afterwards by 
residing in Khorassan, to retain authority 
over that province. But on the removal of 
the court to Bagdad, Taher, who had been 
the principal instrument of Mamoon's eleva- 
tion to the caliphate, to the detriment of 
his brother Ameen,- established indepen- 
dent authority in Khorassan and Trans- 
oxiana, which were never again united to 
the rapidly decaying empire. 

The family of Taher were deposed after 
about fifty years' rule, by the Sofarides, 
whose founder Yacub ben Leith, a brazier 
of Seestan, commenced by raising a revolt 
in his native province, afterwards over- 
ran Persia,! and died while marching to 
attack the caliph in Bagdad. At the ex- 
piration of forty years, the Samanis, a family 
of distinction, whose members had held gov- 
ernments under Mamoon while he resided in 
Khorassan, and afterwards under the Taher- 
ites, superseded the Sofarides and took pos- 
session of their territory, nominally in behalf 
of the caliph, but really without any refer- 
ence to his authority. It was in the reign 
of Abdelmelek, the fifth prince of this 
dynasty, that Aluptugeen, the founder of 
the kingdom of Gliuzuee, rose into impor- 
tance. He was of Turkish descent, and had 
been a slave, but his royal master recognising 
his ability, had appointed him to various 
offices of trust, and at length to the govern- 
ment of Khorassan. On the death of his 
patron, a deputation was sent to consult 
Aluptugeen respecting the choice of a suc- 
cessor from the royal family, and having 
given his suff'rage against Mansoor the 
presumptive heir, on account of his extreme 
youth, he incurred the ill-will of this prince, 
(whohad meantime been raised to thetlirone,) 
was deprived of his office, and but for the 

and the majority of his army, whose hideous physi- 
ognomy and savage manners lent a fearful prestige 
to their desolating marches. Another division of the 
same branch of the Heong-nou had previously settled 
among the Persians in Transoxiana, and acquired 
the name of the White Huns, from their changed 
complexion. — (Histoire generale des Iliins.) 

J He likewise subjugated Cabool. — {Mr. Thomas.) 



fidelity of a trusty band of adherents, aided 
by his own military skill, would have lost 
liberty, if not life. At Ghuznee, in the 
heart of the Soliman mountains, the fugi- 
tive found safety, accompanied by 3,000 dis- 
ciplined slaves [Mameluks). Here he was 
probably joined by soldiers who had served 
under him, as well as by the hill Afghans, 
who, even though they might not acknow- 
ledge his authority, Avould be readily in- 
duced by wages to enter his service. In his 
flight Aluptugeen was attended by a faith- 
ful slave named Subuktugeen, brought by a 
merchant from Turkistan to Bokhara.* 
Following the example of his early bene- 
factor, he had fostered the abilities of the 
youth until, on the establishment of a king- 
dom in Ghuznee, he rewarded the service 
of his adherent, both as a counsellor and 
general, by the titles of Ameer-ool-Omra 
(chief of the nobles) and Vakeel-i-Mootluk 
(representative). He is even said to have 
named him as hia successor, but authorities 
differ on this point, some stating that Subuk- 
tugeen acceded immediately to the throne 
on the demise of Aluptugeen, a.d. 975; 
others, that he was chosen, on the death of 
that monarch's son and successor, two years 
later, by general consent of the chiefs, and 
then married the daughter of his patron. 
Having been recognised by the caliph Man- 
soor as governor of Ghuznee, he had, con- 
sequently, nothing to dread from that quar- 
ter, but was speedily called upon to make 
preparations against Jeipal {Jaya Pala), 
rajah of Lahore, who, alarmed by the 
growing power of a Mohammedan ruler 
so near his frontier, and already harassed by 
frequent incursions, determined in turn to 
become the assailant. At the head of a 
large army he crossed the Indus, marched 
to Laghman at the mouth of the valley 
which extends from Peshawer to Cabool, 
and was there met by Subuktugeen. Some 
skirmishes ensued, but a general engage- 
ment was prevented by a terrible tempest of 
thunder, wind, and hail, in which some 
thousands of both armies were said to have 
perished. This disaster was attributed to 
supernatural causes ;t and the Hindoos, 
less accustomed than their hardy foes to the 

• He is alleged to have been lineally descended 
from Yezdijerd, the last of the Persian monarchs, 
who when flying from his enemies during the cali- 
phate of Othman, was murdered while sleeping at 
a water-mill near the town of Meru. His family 
being left in Turkistan formed connections among 
the people, and his descendants became Turks. 

t Prince Mahmood learning that in the camp of 

extreme vicissitudes of climate, and probably 
more superstitious, proposed terms of peace, 
to which Subuktugeen, notwithstanding the 
opposition of his warlike son Mahmood, 
then a mere boy, at length consented, on 
representation being made to him of the 
determined courage of the Hindoos, espe- 
cially the Rajpoots, when driven to the last 
extremity. Jeipal surrendered fifty ele- 
phants, and engaged to pay a large sum of 
money, but on regaining the shelter of his 
own dominions, fear gave way to resent- 
ment, and, forfeiting his pledge, he impri- 
soned the messengers sent to demand its 
redemption. Hostilities re-commenced ; the 
rajahs of Delhi, Ajmeer, Calinjar, and 
Ganouj,J made common cause with their 
countrymen; and when the rival forces 
again met in Laghman, the Ghuznee sove- 
reign, having ascended a height to ascertain 
the disposition of the enemy, beheld the 
whole plain covered with an almost count- 
less host, comprising 100,000 horse and a 
prodigious number of foot soldiers. Un- 
daunted by the prospect, and considering 
himself " as a wolf about to attack a flock of 
sheep," Subuktugeen divided his troops 
into squadrons of 500 men each, and di- 
rected them to attack successively one par- 
ticular point of the dense line of the enemy, 
which would thus be continually compelled 
to encounter fresh troops. The mancEuvre 
succeeded in occasioning some disorder, 
which was the signal for a general assault ; 
the Hindoos gave way, and were driven with 
dreadful slaughter beyond the Indus, up to 
which point Subuktugeen at once took pos- 
session, levied heavy contributions in addi- 
tion to the plunder found in the camp, and 
left an officer, supported by 10,000 horse, as 
governor of Peshawer. The Afghans and 
Khiljis (a distinct Tartar tribe) tendered 
allegiance, and furnished useful recruits. 
He then employed himself in consolidating 
his own dominions, which now extended on 
the west beyond Candahar, until an appeal 
for help from his nominal sovereign Noah 
(the seventh of the Samanis) against the 
inroads of the Hoeike Tartars, who then 
possessed all Tarlary as far east as China, 
induced him again to have recourse to arms. 

Jeipal was a spring, into which, if a mixture of or- 
dure were thrown, a fearful storm would arise, 
caused this to be done and the predicted result im- 
mediately followed. — {Ferishla.) The fact of there 
being near Laghman, a spot subject to tempests of 
extraordinary severity, renders this tale interesting. 

X These princes were all of the Pala family, and 
consequently related to the rajah of Lahore. 



So efficient was the assistance rendered, that 
Noah, reinstated in his authority, recognised 
the right of Subuktugeen over all his acqui- 
sitions, and conferred the government of 
Khorassan on Mahmood, with the title of 
Syf-ood-Dowla (Sword of the State). This 
arrangement was almost immediately dis- 
turbed by the death of the two chief parties, 
and the changes and dissensions which arose 
in their dominions. 

Mahmood, being absent at the time of his 
father's demise, was supplanted in his claim 
to the succession by his brother Ismael, 
whom, after defeating in a pitched battle, 
he captured and imprisoned for the rest of 
his life, mitigating however the severity of 
the sentence by every indulgence consistent 
with such a situation. During the seven 
months spent in establishing himself in 
Ghuznee, events occurred in Bokhara very 
detrimental to his interests. The new king, 
Mansoor II., fell into the power of the old 
enemies of his family, and by the influence 
of Elik Khan the Tartar sovereign, was 
compelled to receive Faik, one of his most 
turbulent and rebellious nobles, as his 
prime minister or rather master. The ap- 
plication of Mahmood to be continued in 
the government of Khorassan was abruptly 
rejected, and soon afterwards some court 
intrigues led to the unhappy Mansoor's 
being dethroned and blinded, whereupon 
Abdulmelek was elected his successor as the 
instrument of Faik, a.d. 999. On this, 
Mahmood ordered the name of the Samanis 
to be omitted in the public prayers; took 
possession of Khorassan in his own behalf; 
and having received an investiture from the 
reigning caliph (the dispenser of powers 
which he himself no longer enjoyed) pro- 
claimed the independence of his sway. He 
is henceforth commonly termed Sultan, an 
old Arabic word signifying king, but this 
title is not found upon his coins.* He next 
made peace with, and married the daughter 
of Elik Khan, who had secured his share in 
the spoil of a falling dynasty by seizing on 
Transoxiana, and had thus put an end to 
the dominion of the Samanis after it had 
lasted 120 years. Mahmood was now little 
more than thirty years of age. The vigour 
and ambition of his mind were in accord- 
ance with his athletic and well-proportioned 

• Sultan, first stamped by the Seljuk, Toghral Beg, 
was assumed in Ghuznee some fifteen years later 
by Ibrahim, A.D. lOCO. (Thomas, on Ghuziii Coins.) 

t Alexander was reproached by his mother for 
placbg his friends on a level with princes, by his 

frame, but, greedy of personal distinction 
of every kind, he considered the mens sana 
in corpore sano insuiiieient compensation 
for an ordinary stature, and features dis- 
figured with the small pox in a manner, 
which at least in his youth, he bitterly re- 
gretted, as calculated to mar the effect of 
the splendid pageants in which he delighted 
to form the chief object. For Mahmood, 
famous warrior as he afterwards and had 
indeed already proved himself, could not as 
a legislator bear comparison with his vaunted 
teacher Mohammed, and was very far from 
uniting the comprehensive ability of the 
statesman to the sword of the conqueror, 
like his mighty predecessor in India, Alex- 
ander; who, heedless of the externals of 
royalty, lavished gold and jewels upon his 
followers until his own coffers were empty,t 
and — superior to the vanity which led his 
successors to stamp their resemblance on 
coins and images, cared so little for this 
species of notoriety, that of his kingly form 
no popular notion remains, save that con- 
nected with the keen intelligence of the 
eye, and the peculiar carriage of the head, 
dwelt on by cotemporaries as his peculiar 

The vice of covetousness, in the indul- 
gence of which Mahmood's intense selfish- 
ness found constant gratification, gradually 
swallowed up the higher qualities of his 
intellect, as well as the better feelings of his 
heart. It had probably been early stimu- 
lated by the rich booty captured during his 
father's war with Jeipal, and by reports of 
the immense stores of wealth heaped around 
idolatrous slirines, which it was the duty of 
every " true believer" to pillage and destroy. 
The unsettled state of the surrounding na- 
tions ofi'ered a wide scope for his ambition, 
but Indian conquest appears to have been 
his paramount desire. Having therefore, as 
before stated, entered into a friendly alli- 
ance with Elik Khan and made arrange- 
ments for the government of his own domi- 
nions, he proceeded with 10,000 chosen 
horse to invade India, a.d. 1001. Near 
Peshawer he was met by his father's old 
antagonist, the rajah of Lahore, whom, after 
totally defeating, he made prisoner. From 
thence the conqueror pursued his victorious 
march beyond the Sutlej, to the fort of Ba- 

unbounded generosity. Mahmood when dying or- 
dered his treasures to be spread out bel'ore him, and 
shed bitter tears at the thought of parting with 
them, but distributed no portion among the faithlul 
adherents who had assisted him in their acquisition. 


tinda,* which he stormed, and thp»i returned 
to Ghuznee with the rich spoils of the camp 
and country, iuchiding sixteen necklaces, one 
of which, belonging to Jeipal, was valued at 
180,000 dihnars,t or £81,000. 

In the ensuing spring the Hindoo pri- 
soners were released on payment of a heavy 
ransom, but the Afghan chiefs who had 
joined them were put to death. Jeipal him- 
self returned to his kingdom, and having 
made over his aiithority to his son Aiiung 
Pill, bravely met the fate a mistaken creed 
assigned as a duty to a sovereign twice con- 
quered by a foreign foe; and mounting a 
pyre which he had caused to be prepared, 
set it on fire and perished in the flames. 
Anung Pal (Ananda FalaJ appears to have 
at first endeavoured to fulfil his father's 
engagement, but the rajah of Bhatia,J a 
dependency of Lahore, on the eastern side 
of Moultan, refused to furnish his quota of 
the stipulated tribute, upon which the sultan 
'proceeded in person to enforce it (a.u. 1004), 
and drove the offending rajah, first from a 
well-defended intrenchment, and then from 
a strong fortress, until the fugitive, in des- 
pair, finding himself pursued even among the 
thickets of the Indus, where he had hoped 
for refuge, and being at the point of cap- 
ture, turned his sword against his own 
breast : the majority of his remaining ad- 
herents perished in vainly endeavouring to 
avenge his death. 

After annexing Bhatia and its dependen- 
cies the conqueror departed, bearing away 
as usual much booty of various kinds, in- 
cluding 280 elephants and many captives. 

A third expedition, into India was soon 

• Situated in an almost inaccessible tract inhab- 
ited by the Bhattis or Shepherds. Thoujjh sur- 
rounded by a sort of desert, the rajah resided here, 
alternately with his capital Lahore, probably as a 
measure of security. Bird's IlUtory of Gvjurat, 
from tlie Persian of AH Mohammed Khan. 

f Valuing the dihnar at nine shillings. 

j Site disputed, generally considered to be the 
present Bhulneer. 

§ Brigg's Ferishta, vol. i. p. 40. This expression 
probably alludes to a supposed fallin"^ into hetero- 
doxy rather than paganism. Sects and dissensions 
had early arisen among the Mohammedans, and in- 
creased until they amounted to seventy-three, the 
number said to have been foretold by Mohammed. 
These may be classed under two heads. The be- 
lievers, generally deemed orthodox, are included 
under the term Sonnites (or traditionists), because they 
acknowledge the authority of the Sonna, a collection 
of moral traditions of the sayings and actions of their 
founder, which is a sort of supplement tn the Koran, 
answering in name and design to tlie Mishna of the 
Jews. The Sonnites regard the Koran as uncreated 
and eternal, in opposition to the Motazalites (or sepa- 

undertaken against the Afghan ruler ot 
Moultan, Abul Futteh Lodi, the grandson 
of the chief who had joined Subuktugeen 
after his first victory over the Hindoos. 
Abul, although educated as a jMassulman, 
had " abandoned the tenets of the faitiiful,"§ 
and what Mahmood considered of more im- 
portance, thrown off" his political allegiance, 
and entered into a close alliance with Anung 
Pal, who, on learning the approach of their 
joint foe, advanced to intercept him, but 
was defeated near Peshawer, pursued to 
Sodra (near Vizirabad) on the Chenab, and 
compelled to take refuge in Cashmere. 
Moukan was then besieged, but at the end 
of seven days a compromise was effected, the 
revolting chief promising implicit obedi- 
ence for the future and the payment of an 
annual tribute of 20,000 golden dirhems;|| 
terms which Mahmood was only too glad to 
grant, having received intelligence of a for- 
midable invasion of his dominions by the 
armies of Elik Khan. The ties of relation- 
ship had not sufficed to prevent the en- 
croaching Tartar from endeavouring to take 
advantage of the unprotected state in which 
his son-in-law had left his home possessions, 
while intent on aggressive incursions abroad. 
Hoping to acquire Khorassan without diffi- 
culty, he despatched one force to Herat 
and another to Balkh to take possession. 
But he had formed too low an estimate of 
the energy of the opponent he had wantonly 
provoked. Committing the charge of his 
acquisitions on the Indus to Sewuk Pal, a 
Hindoo who had embraced Mohammedanism, 
jNIahmood immediately proceeded by long 
and rapid marches to Ghuznee, and thence to 

ratists) and others, who maintain such an assertion 
to be rank infidelity ; and some caliphs of the Abbas 
fanaly (Motassem and Wathek) endeavoured to sup- 
press it Ijy punishing its advocates with whipping, im- 
prisonment, and even death. An account of the 
numerous false ])rophets who sprang u]), in in;itation 
of the arch-deceiver himself, is ably given in the in- 
trrduction to Sale's Koran ; among them figures 
Mokanna, the veiled prophet, ihe hero of Moore's 
most popular production. The Sheiahs, a term sig 
nifying sectaries or adherents in general, is pecu- 
liarly applied to the followers of Ah, who hold him 
to have been the rightful Caliph and Imaum, or high 
])ontiff, (by virtue of his birth, of his marringe with 
Fatima, and of his having been the first independent 
person who recognised the missionof Mohamnud.)and 
consider the sujjreme authority both temporal and spi- 
ritual inalienably vested in his descendants. The Per- 
sians are mostly Sheiahs J the Turks generally come un- 
derthehead of Sonnites, and these, like many less con- 
spicuous sects, are in direct opposition to each other. 
II 'J'he value of the silver dirhem is about five- 
pence ; that of the golden one, Colonel Briggs states, 
is not estimated in any work be has examined. 



Balkh, whence the intruders fled, as did the 
troops at Herat, before the force detached 
for tlieir expulsion. 

Elik Khan, alarmed at the turn of affairs, 
applied for assistance to Kadr Khan of 
Klioten, who marched to join him with 
50,000 men. Thus strengthened he crossed 
the Oxus and was met near Balkh by Mah- 
mood, who had employed even more than 
wonted skill in the arrangement of his re- 
sources. Not the least of these was a body 
of 500 elephants, captured at various times 
from the Hindoos, the mere sight of which 
would, he rightly conjectured, check the 
fury of the Tartar charge, and probably suc- 
ceed in breaking their line : but being well 
aware that failing in this, these timid and 
unwieldy, though sagacious and gentle crea- 
tures, would, as he had often witnessed, 
, becoming alarmed and injured, rush back 
furiously on their masters, he stationed them 
at intervals among the troops, leaving free 
way for their retreat in the event of a re- 
pulse. This forethought, however, proved 
needless. Both armies advanced with im- 
petuosity to the charge, and Elik Khan, 
attended by his guards, attacked the centre 
of the army of Mahmood, who, perceiving 
his intention, leaped from his horse, and 
after (as was his wont, on the eve of any 
great struggle) prostrating himself on the 
ground and invoking the aid of the Al- 
mighty, — mounted an elephant and ad- 
vanced to meet his assailant. The well- 
trained animal seizing the standard-bearer 
of the enemy in his trunk, tossed him aloft, 
to the dismay of his companions. The 
Ghuznevides urged on the other elephants 
and pressed forward themselves to support 
tlieir leader ; tlie Tartars were driven off 
the field with prodigious slaughter, and Elik 
Khan escaped across the Oxus with a few 
attendants, having received a severe lesson 
not again to meddle with the dominions of 
his warlike relative. But for the incle- 

* On the third night of the pursuit a violent storin 
of wind and snow occurred. The army remained 
unsheltered, but the royal tents had with much 
ditficulty been pitched and heated by stoves, so that 
many of the courtiers began to throw off their upper 
garments. One of them came in sliivering with cold, 
which Mahmood perceiving, addressed him with — 
" Go, Dilchuk, and tell Winter that he may burst 
his cheeks with blustering — here we defy his power." 
Dilchuk went out, and returning, declared that he 
had delivered his message, and the surly season 
replied, that though he might fail to touch royalty 
or its immediate retainers, yet he would so evince 
his power over the army that in the morning the 
sultan might be compelled to saddle his own horse. 

meney of the season, it being the winter of 
1006, he might have fared still worse; for 
Mahmood, after two days' pursuit, was 
not without great reluctance compelled to 
return to his capital by the intense cold, 
from which some hundreds of his men and 
horses perished.* 

Meanwhile Sewuk Pal, the renegade 
Hindoo governor, had relapsed into ido- 
latry and expelled all the officers appointed 
by Mahmood, who, marching to India, de- 
tached a body of cavalry in advance, by 
whom the offender was surprised and cap- 
tured. His sentence was a heavy fine and 
imprisonment for life.f 

In the spring of 1008, the Sultan as- 
sembled a large army and set out on his 
fourth Indian expedition, on the plea of 
revenging the opposition he had received 
during the hostilities in Moultan from 
Anung Pal, who, on becoming aware of his 
danger, sent ambassadors to the Hindoo 
princes on all sides, urging them to unite 
for the protection of their religion and in- 
dependence. The appeal was successful ; 
the rajahs of Oojein, Gwalior, Calinjar, 
Canouj, Delhi, and Ajmeer entered into a 
confederacy, and collecting their forces, ad- 
vanced into the Punjaub with an army, 
whose magnitude so astonished Mahmood, 
that instead of displaying his usual alacrity 
to meet danger, he halted in the presence 
of the enemy, took up a position near 
Peshawer, and remained forty days in a de- 
fensive attitude. It must have seemed to 
him as if the whole male population of 
Hindoostan had come, en masse, to obstruct 
his progress, and to die, if necessary, in the 
attempt. Their numbers and enthusiasm 
daily increased, contributions constantly 
arrived from the women of distant parts, 
who sold their jewels and melted down their 
ornaments to provide ample resources for the 
defence of their country, and the Gukkurs 
and other warlike troops rallying round the 

AVith all his faults, Mahmood seems to have been 
neither irascible nor tyrannical in his bearing to- 
wards those about him. The reproof thus wittily 
conveyed is said to have induced him to renounce 
the idea of further advance, but the distressing 
scenes of death and suffering manifested by the dawn 
of the following day must have sufficed to afford 
reason for retreat. — (Briggs' Ferishta, vol. i., p. 44.) 

t In the text I have followed the example of 
Elphinstone in adopting the statement of Ferishta ; 
but Mr. Bird asserts, on the authority of older Per- 
sian writers, that there was no such person as Sewuk 
Pal, and that the mistake arose from placing the 
expedition to Moultan before, instead of after, the 
war with Elik Khan. — {^History of Gujarat, p. 23.) 


popular standard, encompassed the Moham- 
medans, who were compelled to intrench 
their camp. Mahmood perceiving the in- 
creasing danger, strove to profit by the 
strength of his defences, and sent out a 
body of 6,000 archers to provoke an attack. 
The success of this stratagem had well nigh 
proved fatal to the schemer, for the hardy 
Gukkurs having repulsed the archers, pur- 
sued them so closely, that in spite of the 
sultan's personal efforts, a numerous body 
of these mountaineers, bare-headed and 
bare-footed, variously and strangely armed, 
passed the entrenchments on both flanks, 
and throwing themselves among the cavalry 
with irresistible fury, proceeded to cut 
down and maim both horse and rider, until 
in a very short space of time between 3,000 
and 4,000 Mohammedans were slain. The 
assailants however, after the first onset, 
were checked and cut off as they advanced, 
till, on a sudden the elephant on which the 
Hindoo leader rode becoming unruly * 
turned and fled, and his followers thinking 
themselves deserted, gave way, and were 
easily routed. Mahmood immediately de- 
spatched 10,000 men in pursuit of the re- 
treating army, of whom nearly twice as many 
were slain before they could reach a place 
of safety. Then, without allowing the scat- 
tered hosts time to reassemble, he followed 
them into the Punjaub, and on their effectual 
dispersion, found himself at liberty to give 
free scope to his plundering propensities in 
the rifling of the fort of Bheem (now Nagar- 
cot), a fortified temple on a steep mountain 
connected with the lower range of the 
Himalaya. This edifice was considered to 
derive peculiar sanctity from a burning foun- 
tain or natural flame, which issued from the 
ground within its precincts, and was en- 
riched by princely offerings, besides being 
the depository of the wealth of the neigh- 
bourhood ; so that, according to Ferishta, 
such an amount of treasure was never col- 
lected by any prince on earth. It would seem 
incredible that a place of the first import- 
ance should be left unguarded, but its 

* In various copies of Ferishta, the cause of the 
elephant's alarm is ascribed to guns and muskets. 
As no Persian or Arabic history speaks of gunpowder 
before the time assigned to its European invention, 
A.D. 1317, Briggs, by a slight change of the diacrital 
points in the manuscripts, renders it — " naptha balls 
and arrows." Elphinstone deems the expression 
an anachronism of the author ; but as there is every 
reason to believe that this explosive material was 
then used in China, it seems just possible that it 
might have been obtained from thence. 

garrison having been drawn off" during the 
late effort to free Hindoostan from her per- 
secutor, the rapidity of his movements had 
cut off" any chance of reinforcement ; and 
when, after having laid waste the surround- 
ing country with fire and sword, he ap- 
proached the walls, no opposition was at- 
tempted by the defenceless priests, who glad- 
ly capitulated on the condition of their lives 
being spared. Entering the temple with 
the chief officers of his court and household, 
Mahmood gazed in delighted amazement at 
the vast stores garnered up therein. Gold 
and silver, wrought and nnwrought, in dih- 
nars, plate and ingots; pearls, corals, dia- 
monds, rubies and various other jewels,t 
accumulated since the time of llajah 
Bheema, in the heroic ages, became the 
prize of the royal marauder, who returned 
with his booty to Ghuznee, and in a 
triumphal festival held during three days 
on a spacious plain, displayed on golden 
thrones and tables manufactured from his 
Indian spoils, the richest and rarest of his 
acquisitions. Sumptuous banquets were 
provided for the spectators, alms liberally 
distributed among the poor, and magnificent 
presents bestowed on persons of distinction ; 
all this display being at once very gratifying to 
the sultan's love of magnificence, and well 
calculated to contribute to his popularity, 
and the maintenance of internal tranquillity 
during his frequent absence. 

In A.D. 1010, Mahmood proceeded against 
the strong country of Ghov, in the moun- 
tains east of Herat. The inhabitants were 
Afghans, and had been converted and sub- 
dued by the caliphs in the commencement 
of the second century of the Hejira. Their 
chief, Mohammed Soor, strongly posted, and 
at the head of 10,000 men, repelled the 
attacks of his assailant from early morning 
till noon, but was eventually tempted from 
his secure position, by the pretended dis- 
orderly retreat of the Ghuznevides, in pur- 
suit of whom the Ghorians sallied forth, but 
were speedily made aware of the trap into 
which they had fallen, by the sudden halt 

t There are said to have been 700,000 golden 
dihnars, 700 mauns of gold and silver plate, 200 
mauns of ])ure gold in ingots, 2,000 mauns of un- 
wrought silver, and 20 mauns of jewels. There are 
several kinds of maun ; the smallest, that of Arabia, 
is two pounds; the most common, that of Tabriz, 
eleven pounds ; and that of India, eighty pounds. 
Taking the smallest weight, we have 1,4001b. of 
gold and silver plate, 4001b. of golden ingots, 
4,0001b. of silver bullion, and 401b. weight ol 
jewels. — (Briggs' Ferishta, vol. i., p. 48.) 



and fierce onset of the foe, by whom they 
were competely defeated. Their chief being 
taken prisoner, swallowed some poison, 
which he always kept about him in a ring, 
and died in a few hours. His country was 
annexed to the dominions of Ghuznee, but 
it is worthy of note that by his descendants 
the conquering dynasty was at length utterly 

Two years afterwards, the mountainous 
country of Jurjistan,* adjoining Ghor, was 
reduced, and another attack made upon 
Moultan, which had revolted. In the words 
of Ferishta, who, as a Mussulman historian, 
chooses very gentle phrases in which to ex- 
press the sanguinary deeds of fellow-believers, 
" a number of the infidel inhabitants were 
cut off," and Abul Futtch Lodi brought 
to Ghuznee as a captive, and doomed to 
languish in the gloomy fort of Ghooruk for 
life. In the following year, 1011, Mahmood 
undertook an expedition of unusual length 
to Tanesur (thirty miles west of Delhi). He 
was met by the urgent entreaties of the Hin- 
doos that he would spare the temple, which 
they held in great veneration, and accept a 
ransom, but he replied, " the Koran declared 
that the extent to which the followers of 
the prophet exerted themselves for the sub- 
version of idolatry would be the measure of 
their reward in heaven, — it therefore be- 
hoved him, by Divine assistance, to root out 
the worship of idols from the face of all 
India." Proceeding forthwith to Tanesur, 
before its defenders had time to assemble, 
he plundered the temple, destroyed the 
idols, sacked the town, and carried away 
200,000 captives and much treasure, so that 
throughout the camp "no soldier was with- 
out wealth or many slaves. "t 

Two predatory incursions into Cashmere 
were next attempted, the second of which 
proved disastrous from the difficulties of a 
march commenced when the season was too 
far advanced. J A brief interval of repose 
for India followed, during which Mahmood 
took advantage of the disturbed state of the 
affairs of Elik Khan's successor in Tartary 
to acquire possession of Transoxiana, and 
extend his dominion to the Caspian Sea, 
From this period his Indian exploits were 
on a grander scale, and he seems to have 
united a much stronger desire for the per- 

• Mistaken by D'Herbelot and others for Georgia. 
t Briggs' Terishta, vol. i. p. 53. 
X Stewart's History of Bemjal, pp. 10. 11. 
§ Mahmood writing to Ghuznee declared that 
Muttra contained a thousand edifices "as firm as the 

manent possession of conquered territories, 
to his zeal for the destruction of idols, and 
the appropriation of their spoils. Assem- 
bling an army of 100,000 horse and 20,000 
foot, drawn more especially from his newly- 
acquired dominions, he made judicious ar- 
rangements for the home government dur- 
ing his absence, placed his two sons in 
important governments aided by trusty 
counsellors, and then commenced carrying 
out the plans which, after much careful in- 
vestigation, he had devised for the prosecu- 
tion of a three months' march to the Ganges, 
across seven great rivers, in an unexplored 
country. Leaving Peshawer in the spring 
of 1017, he passed near the confines of 
Cashmere, and being joined by the prince 
whom he had established there, proceeded 
on his way, keeping close to the mountains 
until he had ci'ossed the Jumna. Then 
turning south, and driving all opposition 
before them, the Mussulmans presented 
themselves unexpectedly before the walls of 
Canouj ; a city, says Ferishta, "which raised 
its head to the skies, and, in strength and 
beauty, might boast of being unrivalled." 
The rajah, taken by surprise, made no 
attempt at defence, but came out with his 
family and surrendered himself to Mah- 
mood, who, on this occasion, (either from a 
motive of policy, or possibly actuated by 
one of the kindly impulses in which his 
nature, though warped by bigotry and ava- 
rice, was by no means deficient,) showed 
unusual clemency, and after three days' 
tarry, left the stately city uninjured. 

Other places and their rulers were less 
fortunate — many were bravely defended. At 
Mahawan, near Muttra, terms had been 
entered into, when an accidental quarrel 
among the troops led to the massacre of the 
Hindoos, whose leader, conceiving himself 
betrayed, destroyed his wife and family, and 
then committed suicide. Muttra§ itself, the 
famous seat of the Hindoo religion, was 
completely devastated by the excesses of the 
troops during a twenty days' halt, the hor- 
rors of a conflagration being added to the 
ordinary sufferings of the people of a sacked 
city. Idols of gold and silver, with eyes of 
rubies, and adorned with sapphires and pre- 
cious stones, were demolished, melted down, 
and packed on camels; destined perhaps to 

faith of the faithful," mostly of marble, besides in- 
numerable temples, and considered that many mil- 
lions of dihnars must have been expended on the 
city, the fellow to which could not be constructed 
under two centuries. — {Ferishta, vol. i. p. 58.) 



excite scarcely less censurable feelings in 
the breasts of their new possessors, than 
fonnerlj' as the unhallowed mediums, or too 
often the actual objects, of Hindoo worship. 
The temples were however left standing, 
either on account of the excessive, and, in 
cue sense at least, unprofitable labour ne- 
cessary to their destruction, or else for the 
sake of their extraordinary beauty. The fort 
of Munj was taken after a siege of twenty- 
five days, its Rajpoot defenders at length 
ending the long struggle by rushing through 
the breaches on the enemy, springing from 
the works, or meeting death in the flames 
of their own houses, with their wives and 
children; so that not one remained to be 

Various other towns were reduced and 
much country laid waste, before the vic- 
torious army leaving the beautiful plains of 
ill-fated, because idolatrous, Hindoostan 
steeped in blood and tears, returned to their 
homes in triumph, carrying with them many 
prisoners.* New tastes had been acquired to- 
gether with the means for their gratification, 
and incited by the recollection of the stately 
structures they had ruthlessly despoiled, 
the rough soldiers so lately accustomed to 
make the saddle their seat by day, their 
pillow by night, now, following the example 
of their king, employed the wealth, labour, 
and talents of their wretched captives, in 
rearing palaces for their private abodes as 
well as public buildings for the adornment 
of the capital, which soon became orna- 
mented with mosques, porches, fountains, 
aqueducts and reservoirs beyond any city 
then existing. Malimood himself erected a 
magnificent mosque of marble and granite, 
called " the Celestial Bride," which was in 
that age the wonder of the East; and founded 
a university, supplied with an extensive and 
valuable library, and a museum of natural 
curiosities. To the maintenance of this 
establishment he appropriated a large sum 
of money, and formed a permanent fund for 
the support of the students and the salaries 
of qualified instructors. He also set aside 
a sum nearly equal to £10,000 a-ycar, for 
pensions to learned men — and through this 
munificence his court became as celebrated 
through Asia for its brilliant literary circle, 
as was afterwards that of the Medici in 

* Ferishta's confused account of their route is dis- 
cussed in Bird's Jlistury of Gujarat, p. 31. 

t The ruling dynasty was Turkish, but Malimood 
was the illegitimate son of a Persian mother, and in 
language and manners identified with that nation. 

Europe. The liberality thus evinced con- 
trasted strongly with his usual parsimony, 
and it was well directed, for it did much to 
secure for him the present and posthumous 
fame which he ardently desired. Large re- 
wards were offered for the production of an 
historical poem which should embody the 
achievements of ancient Persianf heroes ; 
and the author who commenced the work 
(Dakiki) having been assassinated when he 
had finished about a thousand couplets, the 
continuation was entrusted to the celebrated 
Ferdousi, who performed his task with such 
ability that, although so obsolete as to re- 
quire a glossary, it is still the most popular 
of all books among his countrymen. J The 
sultan was delighted with the poem; but 
when, after thirty years' labour, it was at 
length concluded, his characteristic failing 
prevailed over justice, and the proffered 
reward was so disproportioned to the expec- 
tations held out, that the disappointed Fer- 
dousi indignantly rejected it, and withdrew 
to his native city of Tus, whence he launched 
a bitter satire at Mahmood, who on mature 
reflection evinced no ordinary amount of 
magnanimity by passing over the satire 
(which is still extant), and remitting for the 
epic, what eveu its author must have con- 
sidered, a princely remuneration. But it 
came too late ; the treasure entered one 
door of Ferdousi's house as his bier was 
borne out of another. His daughter proudly 
rejected the untimely gift, but was eventu- 
ally prevailed upon by Mahmood to accept 
it, as a means of procuring an abundant 
supply of water for the city where her 
father had been born, and to which he 
had been always much attached. 

In 1022, the sultan was roused from the 
unusual quiet in which he had remained for 
five years, by advices from India that a con- 
federacy had been formed against the rajah 
of Canouj by the neighbouring princes to 
avenge his alliance witli the enemj' of his 
country. Mahmood immediately marched 
to his relief, but on arriving found that the 
unfortunate prince had been defeated and 
slain by the rajah of Calinjar, against whom 
the Mohammedan arms were directed, but 
without any remarkable result. § This cam- 
paign is however memorable as marking the 
establishment of the first permanent garri- 

X The Shah Namah or Book of Kinrja. 

§ In the kingdom of Ghuziiee at this time, many 
soldiers and magistrates were Arabs by descent, but a 
great portion of the court and army were Turks, and 
the rest, with almost all the people, were Persians. 


son oa the east of the Indus ; for the new 
rajah of Lahore (Anung Pal's successor) 
having ventured to oppose the invader, was 
driven from his country, Viihich was despoiled 
and annexed to Ghuziiee. In 1024, Mah- 
niood performed, if not the greatest, at 
least tlie most famous of his Indian exploits. 
At the head of an immense army, swollen 
by a crowd of volunteers from beyond the 
Oxus, and attended by 20,000 camels bear- 
ing supplies, he set oft', nerved to encounter 
a long march, partly through hostile terri- 
tories and partly through a desert 350 
miles broad, of loose sand or hard clay, 
almost entirely without water or forage. 
Having overcome these obstacles he sud- 
denly appeared before Ajmeer to the con- 
sternation of the rajah and inhabitants, who 
fled, leaving the Mussulmans to ravage the 
country and pursue their desolating course, 
to Anhalwara, the capital of GKizerat, whose 
r.ijah, also taken by surprise, was con- 
strained to abandon it precipitately, and 
leave the way clear for the invaders to the 
great object of their hopes, the famous 
temple of Somnauth, the richest and most 
frequented place of worship in the country.* 
It stood at the southern extremity of Guze- 
rat, on a peninsula connected with the 
main land by a fortified isthmus, the battle- 
ments of which were guarded at every point 
by armed men ; who, on witnessing the ap- 
proach of the Moslems, loudly asserted, in 
the name of their object of worship, that this 
great force had been drawn together only to 
be utterly destroyed as a retribution for the 
desecrated shrines of India. 

Nothing deterred, Mahmood brought for- 
ward his arcliers, who commenced mounting 
the walls with their accustomed war-cry, 
"Alia hu Akbur!" (God is supreme !), but 
the Piajpoots having prostrated themselves 
before the idol, hurried to the defence and 
drove back the enemy with heavy loss. 
The next day brought a more signal repulse, 
and on the third the neighbouring princes 
presented themselves in order of battle. In 
the furious conflict which ensued victory 
was doubtful, when the arrival of the rajah 
of Anhalwara with a strong reinforcement 

• For its maintenancp, the revenues of 2,000 vil- 
lages had heen granted by different princes ; 2,000 
priests, 500 dancing.women, and 300 musicians offi- 
ciated in its ceremonies, atwhicli 200,000 to 300,000 
votaries used to attend during the eclipses. Tlie 
chain supporting a bell ".vhich the worshippers struck 
during prayer weighed 200 mauns of gold, and the 
idol itself was ''ally washed with water brought from 
the Ganges, a di>tance of 1,000 miles. 

brought the invaders to the verge of de- 
feat. Mahmood, leaping from his horse, 
prostrated himself, invoking Divine aid ; 
then, remounting and taking a Circas- 
sian general by the hand, he advanced 
against the foe, loudly cheering the troops 
who had so often fought and conquered with 
him, and who now, excited to renewed exer- 
tion, rushed forward with unlooked-for im- 
petuosity, broke through the opposing line, 
aiul in a single charge laid 5,000 Hindoos 
dead or dying at their feet. The rout be- 
came general; the garrison of Somnauth 
beheld it with dismay, and renouncing all 
hopes of further defence broke up, and, to 
the number of 4,000, made their way to 
their boats, some of which were intercepted 
and sunk by the enemy. 

Mahmood then entered the temple, ac- 
companied by his sons and chief nobles, and 
gazed with astonishment on the stately 
edifice. The spacious roof was supported by 
fifty-six pillars, curiously carved and set 
with precious stones, and illuminated (the 
light of heaven being excluded) by a lamp 
suspended by a golden chain, whose flame, re- 
flected from the numerous gems, shed bright 
gleams around. The idol itself stood in the 
centre, and was of stone, five yards in height, 
two of which were sunk in the ground. Ac- 
cording to Ferishta, it is a well authenti- 
cated fact that Mahmood was entreated by 
a crowd of Brahmins to accept a costly 
ransom and spare the object of their venera- 
tion, but after some hesitation, he exclaimed 
that were he to consent, his name would go 
down to posterity as an idol-seller instead of 
destroyer, he therefore struck the face of 
the image with his mace, and his example 
being followed by his companions, the figure, 
which was hollow, burst open and exposed 
to view a store of diamonds and other 
jewels, far surpassing in value the sum 
offered for its preservation. t Altogether, 
the treasure taken is said to have exceeded 
that acquired on any former occasion, 
Mahmood next captured Gundaba, a fort 
supposed to be protected by the sea, by en- 
tering the water at the head of his troops 
during a low tide. He appears to have passed 

t Besides this idol, we are told there were some 
thousands of smaller ones, wrought in gold and 
silver, and of various shapes and dimensions ; but no 
description is given of the especial object of worsliip, 
a simple cylinder of stone, the well-known embli m 
of Saiva or Siva, from whose designation Sania Na- 
tlia, Lord I if the Moon, the temple derives its name. 
The famous sandal-wood gates carried by Mahmood 
to Ghuznee will be subsequentlv alluded to. 


the rainy season at Anhalwara, with whose 
mild climate, beauty, and fertility he was so 
much delighted, as to entertain thoughts of 
transferring the seat of government thither, 
at least for some years, and making it a 
point of departure for further conquests. 
Among his projects, was that of the forma- 
tion of ^ fleet for maritime invasions ; the 
pearls of Ceylon and the gold mines of the 
Malayan peninsula offering cogent reasons 
for the subjugation of these countries. 

These schenies his counsellors earnestly 
and successfully opposed, and as the rajah 
of Anhalwara still kept aloof and refused 
submission, INIahmood selected a new ruler, 
a man of royal descent, who, though living 
the life of an anchorite, was not proof 
against the attractions of a throne, though 
clogged with the humiliating conditions of 
subjection and tribute to a foreign foe.* 
The homeward route of the Mussulmans 
was fraught with toil and suffering — the 
way by which they had come ■\vas occupied 
by a strong force under the rajah of Ajmeer 
and the rightful, though fugitive prince 
of Anhalwara. Mahmood, with an array 
already wasted by the casualities of war 
and climate, did not care to risk a conflict, 
the efi'ect of which, even though successful, 
would still further thin the ranks and di- 
minish the energy of those who had after- 
wards a long and weary march to encounter, 
besides risking the rich booty with which 
they were encumbered. He therefore avoided 
further hostilities, by returning a different 
road, through the sands to the east of Sinde. 
The hot season was advanced when the 
troops started, and their sufferings for want 
of water and forage increased, until they 

* The conclusion of the new rajah's history affords 
a remarkable instance of retributiv* justice, even 
allowing for oriental embellishment. Fearing the 
rivalry of a relation, he prayed Mahmood to deliver 
him into his custody, promising to spare his life, 
and kept his ])ledge by causing a cell to be dug under 
his own throne, in which his victim was to linger out 
the remainder of his existence. A sudden revolution 
occurred, wliich is said to have been occasioned by a 
vulture having flown upon the rajah while lying 
asleep under a tree with his face covered with a red 
handkerchief, and totally blinded him by fixing its 
talons into his eyes ; thus rendering him, by the laws 
of his country, incapable of reigning. The position 
of the parties was immediately reversed, the cruel 
schemer being forthwith removed to the dun- 
geon which he had himself ])repared j thus, says 
Ferislita, fulfilling the Scripture, in which it is 
written — " He who digs a pit for his brother, shall 
himself fall therein."— (Briggs, vol. i., p. 80.) 

t It is surprising that the passage along tlie Indus 
should not have been chosen by Mahmood, wlio 
must have been accjuaiiited witli it, both frcmi tlie 

reached a climax in three days of in- 
tense agony, during which they wandered 
through the worst part of the desert, wil- 
fully misled, it is said, by their guides, who 
after severe torture, were brought to confess 
themselves disguised priests of Somnauth. 
Many of the soldiers perished miserably, 
some died raving mad, and when at length 
they came upon a pool of water,itwas received 
with inexpressible transport as a miraculous 
interposition of Providence in their favour. 

Eventually they reached Moultan, and 
from thence proceeded to (Thuznee,t but 
before the expiration of the year, their rest- 
less leader was once more in arras to avenge 
the molestation offered by a body of Juts,J 
in the Jund mountains, to his forces during 
their march to Somnauth. Foreseeing the 
expedient to which the Juts would have re- 
course, he was provided with an extensive 
flotilla ; and when they took refuge in the 
islands of the Indus, hoping to elude pur- 
suit by repeatedly shifting their position, he 
pursued them so pertinaciously that_ though 
not without a desperate defence, the men 
were mostly destroyed and the women and 
children enslaved. 

Thus terminated Mahmood's thirteenth 
and last expedition to India. Hostilities 
were then directed against the Turki tribe 
of Seljuk,§ whose growing power he had 
incautiously favoured, until they became too 
unruly to be restrained by his local repre- 
sentatives ; nor were they without difficulty 
compelled to respect his immediate autho- 
rity. The next act was the seizure of 
Persian Irak (extending from the frontier 
of Khorassan, westward to the mountains 
of Koordistan, beyond Hamadan). This he 

account of Mohammed Casim's proceedings and 
from tlie neighbourhood of the Afghans. Klphin- 
stone, in commenting upon this circumstance, sug- 
gests the existence of physical obstacles now re- 
moved, adding, that the Sunn of Ciitc/i, now a hard 
desert in the dry season, and a salt marsh in the 
rains, was, doubtless, formerly a part of the sea ; and 
remarks, that the changes which have taken place 
under our own eyes pre|iare us to believe that still 
greater may have occurred in the 800 years that ba\e 
elapsed since the fall of Somnauth. (Vol. i., p. 558.) 

I Probably a Tartar horde of the Geta; stock, 
widely disseminated over India, and, according to 
Tod, called by their ancient mxme of Jits in the Pnn- 
jaul), Jats on the Jumna and Ganges, and. Juts oi\ the 
Indus and in Saurashira. 

§ The tribe is supposed to have originated in a 
chief who held a high station under one of the gr.'jat 
Tartar princes, but having incurred the displeasure . 
of his sovereign was driven into exile, and his sons 
and adherents became subject to Malimood in Trans- 
oxiana, frequently however, carrying on wars and 
incursions on their own account. 



eccomplished by taking advantage of tlie 
disturbances which occurred in the reign of 
one of the representatives of a branch of the 
family of Buya, called also the Deilemites ; 
the person of the prince being treacherously 
seized in the Moslem camp. The resistance 
of the people of Ispahan and Cazvin was 
cruelly revenged by the massacre of several 
thousands in each city. 

The ordinary excuse of zeal for the glory 
of Islam — that is to say, the bigotry which 
has sometimes really prompted cruel aggres- 
sions, but has far more frequently been 
assumed as a mask to cover ambition or 
rapacity, cannot in this case be urged in 
palliation of these grasping and sanguinary 
transactions, probably the worst, as they 
were the last, of the life of Mahmood. Re- 
turning triumphant to Ghuznee, he was 
attacked by a disease which soon completely 
prostrated his extraordinary physical and 
mental energies, and of which he died, after 
a reign of thirty-three years. During pa- 
roxysms of excruciating agony, he might well 
have envied even the wretched slaves whom 
his marauding incursions had made so cheap 
that purchasers could not be found for them 
at ten dirhems (about 4s. 7d.) a head. At 
such moments his hundred measures of 
jewels * could afford but poor consolation ; 
even the delusive doctrine of the Koran con- 
demned alike the means by which they had 
been acquired, and the master-passion whose 
strength was never manifested more forcibly 
than in the closing scenes of his eventful 
career. When taking a sorrowful leave of 
his Teat possessions, the dying Sultan per- 
haps thought bitterly of a sentiment some of 
the numerous poets of his court might have 
rhymed, though scarcely so sweetly as our 
own Southey : 

" In heaven ambition cannot dwell, 
Nor avarice in the vaults of hell — " 

He had ample reason to regret leaving a 
world in which he had — with reverence for 
the sacred text be it spoken, " laid up much 
treasure for many years ;" nor is it probable 
that he could look for reward or even pardon 
in another, on the ground of faithful service 
to the cause of Islam. 

Notwithstanding his character for bigotry, 
and frequent and public invocations of Divine 
assistance, a careful review of Mahmood's 

• Hearing of the wealth of the Samani princes, 
who had accumulated jewels enough to fill seven 
measures, he exclaimed exultingly, that he possessed 
sufficient to fill an hundred. 

t On this point, sec Elphinstone, vol. i., p. 569. 

actions renders it more than doubtful whe- 
ther all these were not hollow pretences to 
raise the enthusiasm of his more truthful 
followers who, it must be borne in mind, 
had been accustomed from the earliest 
times to prayer before battle, and thanks- 
giving in the hour of victory. If he were 
really a scepticf regarding the creed which 
he made tlie pretext for destroying or en- 
slaving unoffending multitudes, his condition 
was wretched indeed ; but if he did actually 
believe it an imperative duty to increase 
the numbers of "the faithful," at all costs, 
then at least his conduct, with the exception 
of some few memorable instances, was very 
unaccountable ; for, besides his apathy in 
not endeavouring to establish Moslem colo- 
nies in India, schools, or other means of 
instruction, it appears that he never hesi- 
tated to exercise perfect tolerance whenever 
it suited his views. The rajah of Canouj, 
for instance (his only ally), was an uncon- 
verted Hindoo; he appointed a strict de- 
votee to the throne of Guzerat ; employed a 
large body of native cavalry, without regard 
to their religion, and contrary to orthodox 
Mohammedanism — circumstances which 
would testify liberality of feeling, but for 
their manifest inconsistency with other 
parts of his conduct, for which excessive 
zeal is urged in apology. 

The house of Ghuznee reached its culmi- 
nating point in the person of Mahmood's 
turbulent son, Masaud, who, having deposed 
and blinded his brother Mohammed, after 
five months' rule, mounted the throne, and 
completed the remaining conquest of Persia, 
except the province of Pars. He made 
three expeditions into India, during which 
he captured Sersooty on the Sutlej, quelled 
a rebellion at Lahore^ and stationed a garri- 
son in Sonpat, near Delhi. In the mean- 
while the Seljuks completely defeated his 
general, and compelled Masaud, on his 
return, to march against them in person. 
After two years of indecisive operations a 
battle took place near Meru, in which the 
Ghuznevides were totally routed. The sul- 
tan returned to Ghuznee, but finding it 
hopeless to restore order there, determined 
to withdraw to India. All respect for his 
authority was however destroyed, and soon 
after crossing the Indus, the remnant of his 
forces mutinied against him, and placed the 
injured Mohammed on the throne, a.d. 
1040. This prince being rendered incapa- 
ble by blindness of conducting the govern- 
ment, transferred the administration to hia 



son Ahmed, one of whose first acts was to 
put his uncle the deposed king to death. 
But the sins of this family, committed on 
the plea of just retaliation, did not end here. 
Modood, the son of Masaud, on hearing of 
his father's murder, quitted Balkh, where 
he had been engaged in watching the pro- 
ceedings of the Seljuks, and with a small 
body of troops made his way from Ghuznee 
to Lahore. At Futtehabad, in the valley of 
Laghman, he was met by Mohammed with 
Ahmed and other relatives, who after a 
fierce contest were defeated, taken prisoners, 
and all put to death by the conqueror, with 
the exception of Prince Abdool, a son of Mo- 
hammed's, who was spared for the sake of 
kindness shown to Masaud during his capti- 
vity. Modood had not yet removed all domes- 
tic foes — the opposition of his own brother, 
Madood, was still to be overcome, and it 
threatened to be troublesome, this prince 
liaving obtained possession of Lahore ana 
its dependencies. The armies of the rival 
brothers were marshalled for action when 
the dispute for superiority was suddenly 
terminated by the death of Madood and his 
vizier (prime minister) apparently by poison. 
The forces then coalesced under Modood, 
who contrived not onlj' to occupy Ghuznee, 
but to recover Transoxiana, which he was 
perhaps enabled to do the more readily from 
having espoused the daughter of a Seljuk 
chief. But while thus successful in the 
west, the rajah of Delhi recovered the terri- 
tory seized by Masaud beyond the Sutlej ; 
and elated by this first success, pushed his 
forces to the very gates of Nagarcot. Volun- 
teers crowded into thePunjaub, and entered 
with such ardour into the enterprise that 
the temple-fortress, despite its strong posi- 
tion and garrison, became again their own. 
The Moslems driven thence took refuge in 
Lahore, and after a seven months' siege, 
during which no succour arrived from Ghuz- 
nee, were well nigh reduced to despair, when 
swearing to stand by each other to the last 
they rushed out upon the enemy, and by 
one determined effort induced the Hindoos 
to disperse, and raise the siege. Modood 
died A.D. 1049, one of his last acts of trea- 
chery being to render Ghor tributary and 
in some sort dependent on himself, by per- 
fidiously mui'dering the prince whom he bad 
promised to assist in recovering possession 
of the throne. The speedy decline of the 
house of Ghuznee from this period would be 
of little interest but for its important bear- 
ing on the fortunes of Hindoostan, nor does 

it seem necessary to follow in detail the 
tedious and distasteful accounts of con- 
spiracies and assassinations which too gene- 
rally form the staple of oriental historians, 
the progress and condition of the people 
being rarely even alluded to. Suffice it to 
say, that the second successor of Modood . 
succeeded in recovering Nagarcot from the 
Hindoos, but being compelled to oppose the 
sedition of a chief named Toghral in Seestan, 
marched to attack the rebels, leaving the 
bulk of his army in India. His force proved 
unequal to the task, and he was compelled 
to shut himself up in Ghuznee, where he 
was seized and put to death with nine princes 
of the blood-royal. Toghral seized upon the 
vacant throne, but was assassinated within 
forty days; and the army, having by this 
time returned from India, resolved upon 
continuing the crown in the family of the 
founder of the kingdom. Three princes of 
his lineage wei-e discovered imprisoned in a 
distant fort, and their claims being nearly 
equal were decided by lot. The chance fell 
on Farokhzad, whose brother and successor 
Ibrahim, celebrated for sanctity, captured 
several cities on the Sutlej. In the follow- 
ing reign (that of Masaud II.) the royal 
residence began to be transferred to Lahore 
(about A.D. 1100.) 

Behram, a prince of great literary renown, 
acceded to the throne in 1118, but after 
thirty years of peace and prosperity, com- 
mitted an act of cruel injustice, which led to 
his own ruin and the extinction of his dynasty. 
Having had a difiference with his son-in- 
law, the prince of Ghor, he caused him to 
be put to death ; and after a long contest 
with the brother of his victim, succeeded in 
defeating and slaying him also, under cir- 
cumstances of aggravated barbarity. Ala- 
oo-deen Soor, indignant at the fate of his 
murdered brothers, entered the territories 
of their destroyer at the head of a small but 
determined force, compelled him to fly for 
his life, and seizing on Ghuznee, devoted 
the magnificent city, and its miserable in- 
habitants, for three (or some say nine days) 
to the desolating effects of flame, slaughter, 
and pillage. The superb monuments of its 
kings were utterly demolished, except those 
of Mahmood, Masaud, and Ibrahim. Beh- 
ram strove to take refuge in India, but died 
on his way, worn out by fatigue and disap- 
pointment. His son Khosru continued the 
retreat to Lahore, and there established 
himself, a.d. 1152. The next king, Khosru 
Malik, the last of the race of Subuktugeeu 



reigned in tranquillity for twenty-seven 
years, and was then defeated and taken 
prisoner, with his family, and eventually 
slain by the Ghor princes, from whom his 
house thus received the final blow, in return 
for a long series of injuries and aggressions. 

House of Ghor. — Shahab-oo-deen, the 
conqueror of Malik, on taking possession of 
Lahore, was supported by an army drawn 
from all the warlike provinces between the 
Indus and Oxus, and accustomed to contend 
with the Seljuks and the northern hordes of 
Tartary. Being at liberty to direct his ex- 
clusive attention to India, he probably ex- 
pected to subjugate extensive territories 
with ease and rapidity, owing to the peace- 
ful character of the people, the more so as 
their chief rulers were at variance with one 
another. Of the existing kingdoms the 
greatest were those of Delhi, held by the 
clan of Tomaraj Ajmeer, by that of Chou- 
han; Canouj by the Rahtores, and Guzerat 
by the Baghilas, who had supplanted the 
Chalukas. The Tomara chief dying with- 
out male issue, adopted his grandson 
Prithwi rajah of Ajmeer, who thus acceded 
to the double authority, greatly to the mor- 
tification of the rajah of Canouj, another 
grandson of the deceased ruler's. 

These internal differences did not how- 
ever prevent very determined resistance 
being offered to a foreign foe, though it 
probably marred the effect which might 
have resulted from a more united plan of 
defence. None of the Hindoo principalities 
fell without a severe struggle, and some 
were never entirely subdued, owing chiefly 
to the essentially warlike habits, and pecu- 
liar social position of the Rajpoots, whose 
almost feudal system of government, led 
them to contest the ground, not so much in 
a single great action, as inch by inch, each 
man fighting for his own chief, and his own 
hearth and home. The origin of this still 
powerful and interesting class has been 
alluded to (see p. 42), and will be more par- 
ticularly mentioned in commenting on the 
characteristics of the Hindoo population. 
Here it may be observed, that had their prac- 
tical ability and energy in time of peace kept 
pace with their chivalrous enthusiasm and 
unswerving resolution under the stimulus of 
war, India might have spurned the hateful 
yoke of the Moslems. But the constant 
use of pernicious drugs, seconding only too 
effectually the enervating tendencies of an 
eastern clime, brought indolence and sen- 
suality in their train, and while rendering 

their victims daily more infatuated with the 
varied forms of idolatry, which rapidly multi- 
plied, to the extinction of more spiritual 
aspirations — induced also inertion and list- 
lessness with regard to material dangers, 
until the hour for preparation was passed, and 
no alternatives remained save death, slavery, 
or apostacy. Then indeed they kept the 
foe at bay with the courage of the lion, 
and braved their fate with more than Spar- 
tan fortitude. Thus Shahab-oo-deen and 
his successors found their task long and 
tedious, and repeatedly contested the pos- 
session of the same ground. The first 
attack was directed against Prithwi rajah, 
and took place at Tirouri, between Tanesur 
and Kurnaul, on the great plain where most 
of the conflicts for paramount power in India, 
have been decided. The Hindoos succeeded 
in outflanking and completely routing the 
Mussulmans, who charged after their usual 
method with successive bodies of cavalry. 
Shahab himself was dangerously wounded, 
and after a pursuit of forty miles escaped 
with difficulty to Lahore, where, having col- 
lected the wreck of his army, he crossed the 
Indus, and after visiting his brother at Ghor, 
settled at Ghuznee. 

Two years later (1193) having recruited a 
fresh force he again encountered Prithwi 
rajah, whom he overcame by the dangerous 
stratagem, so frequently recorded in Moham- 
medan annals, of a pretended flight. The 
immense Hindoo army followed in headlong 
pursuit, when a body of Afghan horse 
12,000 strong, suddenly wheeled round and 
charged upon them with terrible effect; 
the viceroy of Delhi and many chiefs were 
slain on the field, and the brave rajah him- 
self being captured, was put to death in cold 
blood by his merciless opponent, who soon 
afterwards, having taken Ajmeer, massacred 
some thousands of its inhabitants, reserving 
the rest for slavery. In 1194, Jaya Chan- 
dra, the rajah of Canouj, was defeated and 
slain on the Jumna;* Canouj and Benares 
were taken by Shahab, whose power was 
thus extended into Behar. In the follow- 
ing year Gwalior, in Bundelcund, and several 
other strong positions there, as also in Ro- 
hilcund, were successively seized, and the 
invader pursued his conquering career until 
the death of his brother placed him on the 
throne of Ghor, a.d. 1202. His four years* 

* The body was recognised by the false teeth, or 
according to other writers, by the golden studs re- 
quired to fix the natural ones into their sockets, on. 
account of extreme age. 

SLAVE-KINGS OF DELHI— 1206 to 1288. 

reign was full of \'icissitudes. A report of 
his death during a war with the king of 
Kharizra,* occasioned the defection of seve- 
ral of his western tributaries, and the wild 
tribe of the Gnkkurs issued from their 
mountains in the north of the Punjaub, 
took Lahore, and devastated the whole pro- 
vince. Kootb-oo-deen, originally a Turki 
slave, but raised by Shahab to the govern- 
ment of his Indian possessions, remained 
faithful to his patron, aided him in recover- 
ing the Punjaub, and induced the Gnkkurs 
to embrace Islamism. Shahab was, however, 
slain in his camp on the Indus by a band of 
these mountaineers, who, stimulated by the 
desire of revenge, having lost relations in the 
late war, swam across the river at midnight, 
and entered the royal eamp unopposed. f 
He left no son; and, although his nephew 
Mahmood was proclaimed throughout the 
whole of his uncle's dominions, yet these 
broke up without a struggle into separate 
states. The deceased monarch had care- 
fully trained several Turki slaves, of whom 
three were in possession of extensive govern- 
ments at the time of his death. The most 
noted, Kootb-oo-deen, was invested by Mah- 
mood with the insignia of royalty, a.d. 1206, 
and thus commenced the line, named from 
the seat of government, the Slave-kings of 
Delhi. The whole of Hindoostan Proper 
(of course excluding the Deccan), except 
Malwa and some contiguous districts, had 
now been subjugated in a greater or less 
degree; Sinde and Bengal were in rapid 
course of reduction, but in Guzerat little 
dominion had been acquired beyond that 
connected with the possession of the capital, 
which was for a short time retained. Thus 
an Indian empire was established, of which 
the Indus formed the western boundary, 
though before this epoch there seems reason 
to believe that "India," in the common accp- 
tation of the term, had a far wider extent. 

Altamsh acceded in 1211 ; he was of a 
noble family, but had been sold as a slave by 
his envious brothers. During his reign the 
whole face of Asia was changed by a terrible 
scourge. Jcngis Khan, originally a petty 
chief among the Moguls, having subdued 
the three nations of Tartary and swelled 

• Kharizm, the Chorasmia of the ancients, a city 
which gives its name to tiie province, became in- 
dependent under Atziz, the revolting governor of a 
Seljuk Sultan, by the aid of the Khitans, a Tartar 
tribe. The Kharizm kings conquered Ghor, and 
were overthrown by Jengis Khan. 

t By another account, the death of Shahab is at- 
tributed to one of the Fedeyan or zealots of Almo- 

his bands with their united hordes, swept 
like a desolating torrent over the Moham- 
medan kingdoms. Altamsh, by politic con- 
duct, succeeded in shielding most of his ter- 
ritories from the fury of Jengis and his 
myriads ; but Sinde and Moultan, under the 
dominion of a refractory Moslem governor, 
did not escape so easily. In the former place, 
10,000 prisoners were massacred on account 
of a scarcity of provisions in the Mogul camp. 
Altamsh employed the last six years of 
his life in completing the conquest of Hin- 
doostan Proper, that is, in bringing the 
principalities into partial dependence, in 
which state they continued during the 
whole period of Tartar and subsequently of 
Mogul supremacy, the degree of subjection 
varying greatly with the character of the 
reigning prince, and being occasionally in- 
terrupted by isolated attempts at freedom 
on the part of native rulers. The caliph of 
Bagdad formally recognized the new king- 
dom, in which, during the general subver- 
sion of Mohammedan governments, no less 
than fifteen sovereign princes (of Ghor, Kha- 
rizm, Bagdad, &c.,) took refuge at one time, 
during the reign of Bulbun or Balin (1266 
to 1286). The only monarch of this line 
claiming especial notice is the Sultana 
Rezia, who, Ferishta writes, " was endowed 
with every princely virtue, and those who 
scrutinise her actions most severely will find 
in her no fault but that she was a woman." 
So great was the confidence of her father 
Altamsh in her practical ability, that during 
his campaigns he left Rezia in charge of the 
home authority in preference to his sons. 
Her administration when raised to the 
throne (after the deposition of her brother, 
a weak and incompetent prince) is repre- 
sented as unexceptionable; but the faction by 
whom her accession had been opposed raised 
a rebellion, on the pretext of the undue 
partiality evinced to an Abyssinian slave 
who had been elevated to the rank of Ameer- 
ul-omra. The sultana marched for its sup- 
pression, but the army mutinied and delivered 
up their sovereign to the hostile leader, a 
Turki chief, who, becoming enamoured of his 
captive, married her and proceeded to assert 
her rights against his former confederates. 

wut (Eagle's nest), a famous fortress in the Kohistan, 
tenanted by a cruel and powerful set of fanatics, who 
for more than a century and-a-half were the dread of 
orthodox Mohammedans; the caliph on his throne 
and the dervise in his cell, alike falling victims to the 
knives of these midnight assassins, who were at length 
extirpated by Hulaku Khan. Their chief was termed 
the Sheikh-ul-Jubbul, or Old Man of the Mountain. 


After two severe conflicts, both Rezia and 
her husband were taken and put to death 
in cold blood, a.d. 1239. The short reigns 
of the two succeeding kings both ended in 
deposition and murder : that of the latter is 
memorable for a Mogul incursion through 
Tibet into Bengal, the only one recorded 
from that quarter during the period of 
authentic history ; on the north-western 
frontier they were frequent and destructive. 
The assassination of Kei Kobad (a cruel and 
dissolute monarch) in 1288, paved the way 
for a new dynasty. 

House of Khilji. — Jelal-oo-deen was placed 
on the throne by his tribe, the (Khilji*) 
when seventy years of age, in spite of his 
own reluctance. At the end of his reign 
the Deccan was invaded by his nephew, 
Ala-oo-deen, who, diverting the attention 
of the Hindoo princes by a pretence of 
having quarrelled with his uncle and being 
about to join the Hindoo ruler of Raja- 
mundri, succeeded in marching at the head 
of a chosen body of 8,000 horse to 
Deogiri (Doulatabad), a distance of 700 
miles, great part of it through the moun- 
tains and forests of the Vindya range. 
Deogiri, the capital of Ramdeo, rajah of 
Maharashta, once reached was taken with- 
out difficulty, as Ramdeo, utterly unpre- 
pared for an assault, had no means of de- 
fending it, but retired to a hill-fort with a 
body of 3,000 or 4,000 citizens and domes- 
tics. The town was pillaged and the mer- 
chants tortured to make them surrender 
their treasures. The fortress might have 
held out successfully, but that in the hurry 
of victualling the garrison sacks of salt had 
been taken in mistake for grain. The rajah 
was consequently obliged to make the best 
terms he could, which involved the payment 
of gold and jewels to an immense amount, 
and the cession of Elikpoor and its depen- 
dencies. Ala-oo-deen returned in triumph 
through Candeish into Malwa, but his am- 
bition, stimulated by the success of his late 
unjust proceedings, prompted the seizure of 
the throne of India. For this end, he 
scrupled not at the commission of a crime, 
heinous in itself to the highest degree, and 
aggravated, if possible, by the circumstances 
under which it was perpetrated. 

The counsellors of the aged monarch had 
emphatically warned him of the crafty and 
unscrupulous character of his nephew, but 

* A tribe of Tartar descent long settled among 
the Afghans, with whom their name is almost in- 
variably found associated. 

could not shake his faith in one whom he 
had reared from infancy. He therefore 
crossed the Ganges with very few attendants 
to meet and welcome the conqueror; whom he 
was fondly embracing at the moment when 
the heartless ingrate, by a preconcerted sig- 
nal, summoned the assassins posted for the 
purpose, who, coming forward, stabbed the 
king to the heart, and fastening his head 
upon a spear, carried it through the city. 
The two sons of the rajah he inveigled into 
his power, and caused to be put to death. 
He then strove, by lavish gifts and profusion 
in shows and festivals, to reconcile the people 
to his usurpation. Public granaries were 
constructed, prices fixed for all commodities, 
importation encouraged by loans to mer- 
chants, and exportation prohibited ; the 
origin of these measures being a desire to 
reduce the pay of the troops and the con- 
sequent necessity of diminishing the expence 
of living. Although, during his prolonged 
administration, Ala-oo-deen showed himself 
ignorant and capricious, as well as cruel 
and arbitrary; though his arrogance and 
covetousness constantly increased, yet his 
twenty years' reign left the country in a far 
better condition than it had been under the 
sway of his kind but weak predecessor : so 
true it is that in despotic governments, one 
vigorous tyrant, whose will is the law of all, 
generally occasions less suffering than the 
feeble though gentle sovereign, who, inca- 
pable of swaying an undivided sceptre, shares 
his power with a crowd of petty despots, by 
whose harassing exactions the strength and 
wealth of the nation is gradually frittered 
away. Several Mogul invasions from Trans- 
oxiana (the last for many years) were re- 
pelled by Ala; the most serious occurred 
A.D. 1299, and was attended with great suf- 
fering to the people of Delhi. A fierce con- 
test took place between armies of extraordi- 
nary magnitude, and was gained chiefly by 
the valour of the Moslem general, Zafar 
Khan, who, having become an oV)ject of 
jealousy to his treacherous master, was pur- 
posely left unsupported. Perceiving his 
situation, the flying foe turned back and 
cut him and his small detachment to pieces, 
after a resistance worthy of his character. 
The Mogul chiefs taken at this and other 
times were trampled to death by elephants, 
and the men butchered in cold blood, to the 
number of 9,000 in a single instance. Fear- 
ing, perhaps, the spirit of vengeance to which 
such ferocity might give rise, Ala suddenly 
discharged the whole of the Mogul converts 



from his service, a violent and imprudent 
measure, for which, though habitually tur- 
bulent, they appear to have given no imme- 
diate cause. Driven to despair, some of them 
entered into a conspiracy to assassinate the 
king, who, detecting the plot, caused the 
whole, to the number of 15,000, to be mas- 
sacred, and their families sold into slavery. 

Very extensive conquests were made in 
the Deccan by the Moslems under the 
leadership of Cafur, a slave and eunuch, 
taken in the capture of Guzerat, but pro- 
moted by Ala to high command. Maha- 
rashta and Carnata were subjugated, the 
princes who still retained their dominions 
being compelled to pay tribute, while the suc- 
cessor of Ramdeo (the rajah of Deogiri, pre- 
viously conquered) having refused to do so, 
was put to death. The spirit of the Hin- 
doos was however yet far from being com- 
pletely bowed under the Mussulman yoke. 
Guzerat revolted; Chittore (a celebrated hill- 
fort in Mewar) was recovered by Rana 
(prince) Hamir ; and Harpal or Hari Pala 
(son-in-law to Ramdeo) raised an extensive 
insurrection in the Deccan, and expelled 
many of the foreign garrisons. 

These ill-tidings coming one upon an- 
other, produced in the mind of Ala-oo-deen 
transports of rage, which a constitution 
weakened by habitual intemperance and un- 
ceasing anxiety could ill bear. Conspiracies 
and insurrections, real and imaginary, em- 
bittered every hour of his life ; and the well- 
nigh successful attempt of his nephew 
prince Soliman, to seize the throne by a plot 
similar in its perfidy to his own, inspired 
constant suspicions of domestic treachery. 
The only being in whom he trusted, Cafur, 
his victorious general, proved to be a hypo- 
crite, designing and ambitious as himself; 
who, after alienating from his master the 
chief nobility, induced him, by innumerable 
artifices, to imprison the unoffending queen 
and her children, and then hastened his 
decease by poison. 

Under the alleged authority of a forged 
will, (by which Ala bequeathed the throne to 
an infant son, and appointed Cafur regent,) 
the traitor assumed the reins of government, 
caused the eyes of the captive princes to be 
put out, and sent assassins to dispatch a 
third named Mobarik. The plot failed ; 
Cafur was himself murdered by the royal 
guard ; and Mobarik succeeded to the throne, 
A.D. 1317, after blinding his infant brother, 
who was immured in a hill-fort for life. 
Under a government where the extirpation 

of possible rivals was deemed a matter of 
expediency (that lying word so often used in 
diplomacy to make wrong seem right, or at 
least disguise its full wickedness), even such 
barbarity as this might create little aversion, 
but to provide against any such feeling, 
while yet unsettled on the throne, Mobarik 
set free all prisoners, to the amount of 
17,000, restored the lands confiscated by his 
father, removed his oppressive taxes, and abo- 
lished all restrictions on trade and property. 
He then marched to the Deccan and captured 
Harpal, who was inhumanly sentenced to 
be flayed alive. A converted Hindoo slave, 
styled Khosru Khan, was made vizier ; by 
him Malabar was conquered, and this service 
so won upon Mobarik, that confiding the 
whole administration to his favourite, he 
commenced a course of the most odious and 
degrading debauchery. A continual suc- 
cession of disturbances and rebellions fol- 
lowed, attended with all the pernicious ex- 
citement of cruel tortures and executions ; 
but the king, like his wretched father, was 
doomed to receive his death-blow, not at 
the hands of his indignant and cruelly in- 
jured subjects, but from the serpent whom 
he had cherished in his bosom. Khosru 
occupied the palace with his creatures, filled 
the capital with Hindoo troops of his own 
caste, and then, the web being woven, 
murdered his infatuated victim and seized 
the vacant throne. After completely extir- 
pating the house of Lodi, the usurper strove 
to gain over the ameers or nobles, and 
some of them consented to take ofBce under 
him. Others refused, and joined Toghlak, 
governor of the Punjaub, who marched to 
Delhi, and after the defeat and death of 
Khosru, was proclaimed king, a.d. 1321. 

House of Toghlak. — The new ruler (the 
son of a Turki slave by an Indian mother) 
proved a blessing to the people by whom 
he had been chosen. Order was restored 
to the internal administration, and the 
threatened invasion of the Moguls on the 
north-west checked by a line of defences 
formed along the Afghan frontier; Telingana 
was conquered, as also Dacca ; Tirhoot (for- 
merly Mithila) reduced, and the rajah taken 
prisoner by Toghlak, who, when returning 
victorious to his capital, a.d. 1325, was 
crushed to death, with five other persons, by 
the faU of a wooden pavilion, erected to re- 
ceive him by his son and successor, to whom a 
treacherous design is attributed. Moham- 
med Toghlak, on whose reputation the 
stigma of parricide is thus affixed, was rs- 


markable for great talents, often wickedly, 
and sometimes so wildly used, as to render 
his sanity a doubtful question. In languages, 
logic, Greek philosophy, mathematics and 
iDedicine, his attainments were extraordi- 
nary ; in war he was brave and active ; in 
domestic life devout, abstinent and moral. 
Notwithstanding all this, he proved one of 
the worst kings underwhose scourgelndia has 
ever bled and suffered. When released from 
the fear of invasion on the part of the Moguls, 
whose absence was obtained by an enormous 
bribe — he completed the reduction of the 
Deccan ; and then gave the rein to his 
ambitious but ill-digested schemes, by as- 
sembling an army (comprising, according to 
Ferishta, 370,000 horse), intended for the 
conquest of Persia, but which, after it had 
consumed his treasures, broke up for want 
of pay, carrying pillage and disorganization 
m every quarter. Next followed an at- 
tempt upon China. For this 100,000 men 
were sent through the Himalaya Mountains, 
and having with loss and difiiculty effected 
a passage, were met on the enemy's frontier 
by a powerful force, with whom fatigue and 
want of provisions rendered the invaders 
unable to cope. The approach of the wet 
season compelled a speedy retreat, which 
the pursuit of the Chinese, the difficulties of 
the route, famine and heavy rains, made so 
disastrous, that at the end of fifteen days, 
scarcely a man survived to tell the tale, and 
many of those left behind in garrisons during 
the advance of the ill-fated force, were put 
to death by the unreasoning rage of the 
disappointed king. An endeavour to fill the 
royal treasury, by substituting paper, for 
copper, tokens,* utterly failed in its object, 
from the known insolvency of the govern- 
ment, and it seriously injured trade and 
impoverished the people; who, no longer 
able to endure the increasing pressure of 
taxation, deserted the towns and fled to the 
woods, in some places maintaining them- 
selves by rapine. The infuriated despot 
ordered out his army, as if for a great hunt, 
surrounded an extensive tract of country, as 
is usual in an Indian chase, and then com- 
manded the circle to close and slaughter all 
within it (mostly inoffensive peasants), like 
wild beasts. More than once was this hor- 
rible performance repeated ; and on a sub- 

* With regard to coinage, it may be remarked that 
at the time of Cafur's invasion, there was, according 
to Ferishta, no silver coinage in the Carnatic ; and 
colonel Briggs remarks that the same was true, to a 
certain extent, till very lately, the common coin 

sequent occasion, its atrocities were paral- 
leled by a general massacre of the inhabi- 
tants of the great city of Canouj. Famine, 
induced by cruelty and misgovernment, 
brought to a climax the miseries of the nation, 
and various attempts were made to break 
the fetters of such unbearable oppression. 
Mohammed's own nephew took up arms in 
Malwa, but was defeated and flayed alive ; 
the governor of the Punjaub next rebelled, 
and he also was subdued and slain. 

Bengal, and soon afterwards the Carnatic, 
revolted under Moslem governors, and were 
never again subdued ; Carnata and Telin- 
gana combined succesfully under native 
rajahs for the recovery of their indepen- 
dence ; and lesser struggles took place in 
every quarter. The Ameerf Judeeda, or 
new nobles (the name given to the Mogul 
chiefs and their descendants, who, having 
invaded India, had embraced Islamism and 
the service of the kings of Delhi at the same 
time), became seditious in the Deccan; and 
in Malwa, seventy of them were treacherously 
massacred by the new governor, a man of 
low origin, desirous to show his zeal — upon 
which the ofiBcers of the same nation in 
Guzerat, prevailed on the rest of the troops 
to join them in insurrection. Mohammed 
in person advanced for its suppression, and 
ravaged his own province as if it had been 
that of an enemy, devoting the rich towns 
of Cambay a7id Surat to plunder. With 
equal vigour he proceeded to quell a general 
rebellion in the Deccan ; but no sooner was 
seeming quiet restored in one place by a 
costly effusion of blood, than new distur- 
bances broke out in another. The king, 
wearied out with marching and counter- 
marching, fell a victim to a fever, caused, it 
is said, by a surfeit of fish, but more proi 
bably by political anxiety, added to the 
habitual tumult of his own ungovernable 
passions. He died at Tatta, whither he had 
proceeded in pursuit of some fugitives from 
Guzerat, who had taken refuge with the 
Rajpoot princes of Sinde. The only marvel 
is, that he should have been permitted to 
reign twenty-seven years, and yet escape the 
common fate of Asiatic tyrants — poison or 
the sword. Few could ever have provoked 
such an end more pertinaciously than 
Mohammed Toghlak, who, in spite of his 

being the pagoda ; there was also another gold coin 
called Sifanam, in value about equal to a sixnence. 

t Ameer, Emir or Mir alike signify noble, com- 
mander, chief. Thus, Amoer-ool-omra, means head 
of the Do'bles, or commander-in-chief. 


intellectual gifts and personal bravery, 
alternately excited emotions of horror and 
contempt in the breasts of his subjects, 
evincing alike in his extensive projects or 
less disastrous follies, the same utter reck- 
lessness with regard to their lives and pro- 
perties. Thus — desiring to transfer the 
capital from the magnificent city of Delhi 
to Deogiri, as being a more central position, 
he proceeded to attempt the execution of this 
design, by ordering all the inhabitants of the 
former, to remove at once to the latter place, 
to which he gave the name of Doulatabad, 
and there built the massive fort still existing. 
After this the people were twice permitted to 
return to Delhi, and twice compelled, on pain 
of death, to leave it : these movements being 
all, more or less, attended with the horrors 
of famine, occasioning the death of thou- 
sands, and ruin and distress to many more. 
As an instance of his minor freaks, may be 
noticed that of having a stately mausoleum 
erected over a carious tooth, extracted dur- 
ing his campaign in the Carnatic, and this 
too at a time when his troops, ravaged by 
pestilence and decimated by civil war, found 
full employment in heaping a little earth 
over their fallen comrades. In the early 
part of this reign, the Mohammedan em- 
pire east of the Indus, was more extensive 
than at any other period ; but the provinces 
lost during its continuance were not all 
regained till the time of Aurungzebe, and 
the royal authority received a shock which 
the iron grasp of the Mogul dynasty alone 
sufficed to counterbalance. 

Feroze Toghlak succeeded to the throne, 
in the absence of direct heirs, chiefly by the 
influence of the Hindoo chiefs, and after 
some disturbances raised by the Mogul 
mercenaries. His reign stands out in 
pleasing contrast, not only to that of his 
predecessor, but to despotic rulers in general. 
Rejecting the pursuit of what is commonly 
called glory, he recognised the independence 
of Bengal and the Deccaii, and without 
seeking to extend the empire by the 
sword, employed himself in its consolidation 
and improvement. The diminution of capi- 
tal punishments, the abolition of torture and 
mutilation, the removal of numerous vexa- 
tious taxes, alterations in the collection 
of the revenue, the abrogation of fluctuating 
and precarious imposts — all spoke the earnest 
solicitude of the ruler for the welfare of the 
people. Reservoirs and canals for irrigation, 
mosques, colleges, caravanserais, hospitals, 
public baths, bridges, and many other edifices 

were erected, and the revenues of certain 
lands assigned for their maintenance. The 
chief of these works still remains a noble 
monument to the memory of its founder — 
viz., a canal extending from the point 
where the Jumna leaves the mountains by 
Kurnaul to Hansi and Hissar. It reaches 
to the river Gagar, and was formerly con- 
nected with the Sutlej. A portion, extend- 
ing about 200 miles, has been restored by 
the British government, and will be described 
in the topographical section. 

Feroze long retained his energies ; but in 
his eighty-seventh year, increasing infirmities 
compelled him to abdicate in favour of his 
eldest son, Nasir-oo-deen, a.d. 1385. This 
prince was displaced in little more than a 
year by two of his cousins, who having 
secured the person of the old king, proclaimed 
his grandson, Gheias-oo-deen, sovereign ; 
soon after which event, Feroze died, aged 
ninety. Gheias, in five months, was de- 
posed and murdered by the kinsmen who 
had placed him on the throne. His suc- 
cessor, Abu-bekir, was displaced by the pre- 
viously exiled monarch, Nasir-oo-deen, after 
a long and severe contest, during which 
Delhi repeatedly changed hands. The 
Hindoos took an active part in the struggle, 
and the household troops, who were all 
foreigners, having shown particular hostility 
to the conqueror, were banished the city, 
none being permitted to remain if incapable 
of pronouncing a certain letter peeubar to 
the languages of Hindoostan, The rule 
of Nasir was weak and inefficient, and 
that of his son, Mahmood, who acceded to 
power in 1394, while yet a minor, em- 
barrassed yet more the public aS'airs. 
Mozuffer Khan, the governor of Guzerat 
began to act as an irresponsible ruler; 
while Malwa and the little province of Can- 
deish permanently threw oif the yoke, and 
remained independent principalities until 
the time of Akber. The vizier of Mahmood, 
with peculiar disloyalty, seized on the pro- 
vince of Juanpoor and founded a kingdom. 
The remaining territories were torn with the 
dissensions of jarring factions, and each party 
was occupied with its own quarrels, when the 
fierce onslaught of a foreign foe involved all 
in a common calamity. 

Ameer Timur, better known as Timur Beg 
(chief or commander) or as Tamerlane, has 
been designated " the fire-brand of the uni- 
verse," "the apostle of desolation," and by 
various otheropprobrious epithets, all of which 
his own autobiography,if its authenticity may 


be trusted, proves to tave been fully merited.* 
He claimed a remote descent from the same 
stock as Jengis Khan, whom he in many 
points resembled; for, though born near 
Samarcand, in a comparatively civilized 
country, and a zealous Mussulman by pro- 
fession, Timur was as barbarous in his war- 
fare, and as short-sighted (though more 
treacherous and wily) in his policy as the 
ferocious Mogul, lioth. were unprincipled 
marauders, who overran countries and 
slaughtered unoffending myriads, for plun- 
der ; but the latter, while everywhere carry- 
ing anarchy, famine, and pestilence in his 
train, and sparing neither nation nor creed, 
invariably asserted zeal for Islam as the 
main spring of his actions, and by a strange 
mixture of superstition and egotism, seems 
to have succeeded in deceiving himself at 
least, as to the true character and conse- 
quences of his career. The Seyeds or legi- 
timate descendants of "his holiness the 
prophet" (through Ali and Fatima), were 
the exclusive objects of his protection, and 
their exemption from a personal share in the 
horrors of war, he considered, or pretended 
to consider, a certain means of absolution for 
a life spent in unceasing aggression on the 
indi^ndual and collective rights of the rest of 
mankind. Having united the hordes of 
Tartary in the same manner, though not to 
the same extent as Jengis had done, Timur, 
after conquering Persia and Transoxiana, 
ravaged Tartary, Georgia, and Mesopotamia, 
with parts of Russia and Siberia. Candahar, 
Ghuznee, and Cabool, to the frontiers of 
Hindoostan, were also subjugated and placed 
under the government of Peir Mohammed, 
the grandson of Timur, who endeavoured to 
extend his dominions to the south-east by 
an attack on the Afghans in the Soliman 
mountains; which proving successful, the 
invader eventually proceeded to cross the 
Indus and occupy the city of Ouch, whence 
he marched to invest Moultan. The place 
was bravely defended, and Peir lay for six 
months before its walls. Meanwhile Timur, 
learning the doubtful state of affairs, re- 
nounced his intention of invading the more 
distant provinces of the Chinese empire, and 
conducted his forces to India, a.d. 1398, 

• Vide Mulfuzat Timuri (printed at the cost of 
the Oriental Translation Fund). Originally written 
in Turki, a language as distinct from the modern 
Turkish as Saxon from English ; translated into Per- 
sian by Abu Talib Hussyny, and thence into our 
tongue by Major Stewart. These memoirs afford 
•trong internal evidence of having been actually die- 

being, he alleged, stimulated thereto by 
accounts of the gross idolatry still suffered 
to extend its influence throughout the 
countries swayed by Moslem rulers. Fol- 
lowing the usual route to Cabool, he marched 
by Haryub and Bunnoo to Dinkot, a place 
on the Indus to the south of the Salt range, 
whose exact position is not known. After 
crossing the river, by a bridge of rafts and 
reeds, he advanced to the Hydaspes, and 
marched down its banks, ravaging the 
country as he passed, as far as Toolumba, 
where a heavy contribution proved insuffi- 
cient to save the city from pillage, or the 
people from massacre. 

Moultan had by this time been taken bv 
blockade, famine having conquered where 
external force had utterly failed ; and Peir, 
leaving a garrison there, joined his grand- 
father on the Sutlej. At the head of a detach- 
ment of 11,000 chosen horse, Timur took 
possession of Adjudin, where the few remain- 
ing inhabitants threw themselves upon his 
mercy, and being chiefly Seyeds, were spared 
and shielded from, the excesses of the sol- 
diery — a very rare case, for although the 
promise of similar forbearance was often 
obtained from the fierce invader, it was 
almost invariably violated ; whether from 
inability or disinclination to restrain his tur- 
bulent associates matters little, since it 
scarcely affects the degree of guilt involved 
in giving, or rather selling an immunity 
which, from one cause or another, he well 
knew, would not be preserved. His deso- 
lating career in Hindoostan may be briefly 
told ; for the terrible details of pillage and 
slaughter recur again and again, until the 
mind, sickening with an unbroken chain of 
similar scenes, has the sense of their atrocity 
almost dulled by the monotonous repetition. 
At Bhutneer, the country people who had 
taken refuge under the walls were mas- 
sacred ; in spite of their capitulation, the 
inhabitants shared the same fate, and the 
town was burned. Thence Timur's detach- 
ment marched to join the main force, 
slaying the people of every place traversed, 
as far as Samana, where the towns being 
absolutely deserted, the swords of these mur- 
derers had some rest, but only suflScient to 

tated by Timur; to quote the words of an able critic, 
any doubt on the subject " would be removed by 
the unconscious simplicity with which he [Timur] 
relates his own intrigues and perfidy ; taking credit 
for an excess of goodness and sincerity which the 
boldest flatterer would not have ventured to ascribe, 
to him." — (Elphinstone's India, vol. ii., p. 79.) 


prepare them for renewed exertion, since, on 
reaching Delhi, all prisoners above fifteen 
years of age were put to death, from the 
fear of their taking part with their country- 
men. The number was doubtless very great, 
even after making large deductions from the 
accounts of Mussulman writers, who state it 
at 100,000. Upon the defeat of the Indian 
army, the reigning prince of Delhi, Mahmood 
Toghlak, fled to Guzerat, and the city was 
surrendered uiider a solemn assurance of 
protection. Tamerlane was proclaimed em- 
peror of India, and while engaged in cele- 
brating a triumphal feast, his ferocious 
hordes, laughing to scorn the dearly-bought 
promise of their leader, commenced their 
usual course of rapine and plunder, upon 
which the Hindoos, driven to desperation 
by witnessing the disgrace of their wives 
and daughters, shut the gates, sacrificed the 
women and children, and rushed out to 
slay and be slain. The whole Mogul army 
poured into the town, and a general massacre 
followed, until several streets were rendered 
impassable by heaps of slain. At length the 
wretched inhabitants, stupified by the over- 
powering number and barbarity of the foe, 
flung down their arms, and " submitted 
themselves like sheep to slaughter ; in some 
instances permitting one man to drive a 
hundred of them prisoners before him." 

Delhi yielded an enormous booty in gold, 
silver, and jewels, especially rubies and dia- 
monds ; the historian * above quoted, de- 
clares that the amount stated by his autho- 
rities so far exceeds belief, that he refrains 
from the mention — neither does he give the 
number of men and women, of all ranks, 
dragged into slavery ; but it must have been 
immense. Among them were many masons 
and other artificers, competent to the con- 
struction of a mosque, similar to the noble 
edifice of white marble built by Feroze, on 
the Jumna : in which the sanguinary Timur, 
on the eve of departure from the blasted city, 
had the audacity to ofler up public thauks 
for tlie wrongs he had been permitted to 

Merut next fell beneath the same terrible 

• Briggs' Ferishta, -vol. i., p. 494. For the career 
of Timur, see Elphinstone's able summary — India, 
vol. i., pp. 75 to 80 ; Price's Mohammedan History, 
vol. iii., pp. 233, 243 ; and Rennell's Memoir of a 
Map of Hindoostnn, pp. 116, 121. 

t In Catrou's Mogul Empire, (a work published in 
1709, and alleged to be founded on data collected by 
a Venetian named Manouchi, who acted-as physician 
to Aurungzebe,) the troops of Timur are represented 
as commenting severely on the person of their leader, 

scourge : the walls were thrown down by 
mines, and every soul put to the sword. 
The invaders then crossed the Ganges, and 
proceeded up its banks to near Hurdwar, 
where the river leaves the mountains. 
Several minor contests took place with bodies 
of the Hii^doos in the skirts of the hUls, 
in which Timur, although suffering from 
illness, and burdened with the weight of 
more than seventy years, took his full share 
of danger and fatigue, never scrupling to 
hazard his own personf equally with that of 
the meanest individual of his force. From 
Jammu or Jummoo, north of Lahore, he 
turned south, and reverting to the route by 
which he had entered India, took his final 
departure, having occasioned, during the 
short space of five months, an almost in- 
credible amount of ruin and bloodshed. 

For many weeks DeUii remained un- 
governed and nearly uninhabited. A chief 
named Ecbal at length obtained possession^ 
but being slain on an expedition to Moultan, 
the authority reverted to Mahmood, who, 
having returned from Guzerat, had taken 
refuge at Canouj, then held by the king of 
Juanpoor. Mahmood died, a.d. 1412, His 
successor, Doulat Khan Lodi, at the expi- 
ration of fifteen months, was expelled by 
Khizer Khan, the governor of the Punjaub. 
The Seyeds. — The new ruler, though born 
in India, was descended from Mohammed, 
and for this cause found favour with Timur, 
to whom he complained of having had the 
governorship of a portion of the Punjaub 
unjustly taken from him, and was thereupon 
appointed to the undivided rule of the 
whole. He afiected to recognize his patron 
as emperor, and did not assume the title or 
style of royalty on taking possession of the 
government, which now comprised Uttle be- 
yond Delhi and the adjacent territory. The 
Punjaub was temporarily re-annexed by 
him, but the eastern portion, with the coun- 
try about Sirhind, revolted and severed 
itself from Delhi, despite the opposition of 
Khizer, who made spirited efforts to main- 
tain and extend his authority. Tribute was 
levied from the Rahtores in Rohilcimd, and 

incited by a strong dread of Rana (the title signify- 
ing prince being mistaken for the name), whose do- 
minions are described as " almost situate in the midst 
of Hindoostan," and whose Rajpoot soldiers had the 
reputation of being invincible. " Have we not," said 
they [the Tartars], one to another, " served this hair- 
brained cripple long enough, who, to the loss of a leg, 
has now, in this last battle, added the loss of an 
arm." They are, however, induced to perseverei, 
and complete victory is the result, (p. 16.) 


from other Hindoos near Gwalior, but tlie 
war with the king of Guzerat, though dili- 
gently prosecuted, had no important result, 
and that state retained its independence, as 
did also the permanent monarchies in the 
Deccan, together with Malwa, Bengal, Juan- 
poor (comprehending Oude and Canouj), 
and the governments of Samana, Biana, and 
Calpee (in Bundelcund). Khizer died in 
1421 — his three Seyed successors were en- 
gaged in struggles, first, with the Mogul 
ruler of Cabool (Shah Rokh, the son of 
Timor), who occasionally took part with 
the Gukkurs in ravaging the Punjaub; and 
afterwards with the kings of Juanpoor and 
Malwa. Under the sway of the last Seyed 
ruler, Ala-oo-deen, the territory appertain- 
ing to Delhi had become so reduced as in 
one direction to extend for only ■ twelve 
miles from the capital, and in another 
scarcely a mile. Moultan, among other 
places, had become independent, but Bada- 
yoon beyond the Ganges being still pos- 
sessed by Ala, he removed to that place, 
and having abdicated in favour of Behlol 
Khan Lodi, who forthwith assumed the 
title of king, a.d. 1450, he was suffered to 
remain unmolested in Badayoon for the 
remaining twenty-eight years of his Hfe. 

House of Lodi. — The grandfather of Beh- 
lol Lodi had Ven governor of Moultan 
under Feroze • oghlak, the great patron of 
the Afghans, and his father and uncles held 
commands under the Seyeds. Their wealth 
and power as military chieftains, together 
with the calumnies of a disaffected relation, 
at length excited the jealousy of the then 
sultan (Mohammed Seyed), by whom the 
Lodis were driven into the hills, where they 
successfully resisted his authority. Behlol 
found means to occupy, first Sirhind, then 
the whole of the Punjaub, and eventually (by 
a treacherous use of the influence of 
Hameed the vizier or prime minister of his 
predecessor Ala), gained possession of Delhi, 
to which the Punjaub became thus re-an- 
nexed, as also Juanpoor, after a contest 
carried on with little intermission for 
twenty-seven years. By this last acquisi- 
tion, together with others of less import- 
ance, the dominions of Behlol were extended, 
until, at his death in 1488, they reached 
from the Jumna to the Himalaya moiuitains 
as far east as Benares, besides a tract on 
the west of the Jumna stretching to Bun- 
delcund. The next king, Secander Lodi, 
regained Behar as far as the frontiers of 
Bengal, and increased his territories in the 

direction of Bundelcund. Secander was a 
just and merciful prince, a poet, and a 
munificent patron of letters. The single 
reproach on his character, one rarely brought 
forward against the Moslem sovereigns of 
India, is that of bigotry, evinced in the de- 
struction of idolatrous temples in the towns 
and forts captured from the Hindoos, and 
in the prohibition of pilgrimages and cere- 
monial bathings on certain festivals at places 
situate on the sacred streams within his 
dominions. His conduct in this respect was 
at least in accordance with the teaching of 
the Koran, and greater tolerance would have 
been contrary to his views of duty. The 
zeal of Secander is once, and only once, al- 
leged to have prompted an act of cruelty, 
namely, the execution of a Brahmin who 
had sedulously propagated the doctrine that 
" all religions, if sincerely practised, were 
equally acceptable to God." Ibrahim Lodi, 
the son and successor of Secander, early 
offended his family and clansmen, by de- 
claring that a king should acknowledge no 
such relationship, but should place all the 
subjects of the state on the same footing. 
The Afghan chiefs whom his father and 
grandfather had suffered to sit in their pre- 
sence, were henceforth commanded to stand 
in front of the throne with folded arms. 
The proud Lodi tribe enraged by the 
contumelious treatment they received, re- 
solved to leave Ibrahim in possession of 
Delhi, and to raise his brother Julal Khan 
to the throne of Juanpoor. After a twelve- 
month''s contest, Julal was taken prisoner 
and put to death by Ibrahim, who impri- 
soned the remainder of his brothers, and 
endeavoured by violence and treachery, to 
keep under the disaffected and rebellious 
spirit which his arrogance and distrust per- 
petually excited among his nobles. At 
length the whole of the eastern part of his 
dominions was formed into a separate state 
under Deria Khan Lohani, whose son after- 
wards took the title of king. Doulat Khan 
Lodi, the governor of the Punjaub, dreading 
the fate of other viceroys, revolted and in- 
voked the aid of a neighbouring potentate 
who had already evinced his desire to take 
advantage of the distracted state of India by 
marauding incursions into the Punjaub. 

The celebrated Baber — sixth in descent 
through his paternal ancestors from Timur 
the Tartar or rather Turk, and connected 
through his mother with Jengis Khan the 
Mogul — acceded, at twelve years of age, by 
the death of his father to the throne of Far- 



ghana,* (a.d. 1494), which, nothwithstand- 
ing his extreme youth, he struggled long 
and ably to retain, against his own relatives, 
and the Uzbeks,t who were then founding 
the dominion which they still possess in 

In the defence of his rightful inheritance 
Baber appears to have been at first success- 
ful, but the death of his uncle, the king of 
Samarcand, and the confusion which ensued, 
induced him to attempt the conquest of 
that city, and after more than one failure, 
this boy of fifteen became master of the 
famous capital of Timur. He had however 
bartered the substance of power for the 
shadow. The resources of Samarcand, 
already drained by war, afforded little as- 
sistance in the payment of the army, dis- 
affection ensued, which spread to the troops 
left in Ferghana, and Baber prostrated for 
a time by dangerous sickness, arose stripped 
alike of the territory to which he had rightfully 
succeeded, and that acquired by the sword. 
After various attempts, both on Samarcand 
and Ferghana, Baber succeeded in regain- 
ing his native kingdom, but being again 
induced to leave it by the hope of securing 
the former place also, he finally lost both, 
and after several years of trial and vicissi- 
tude, was betrayed by some Uzbeks whom 
he had tempted to forsake their ally Tambol 
(his own rebel general), into the hands of 
this powerful enemy. Escaping from cap- 
tivity, Baber, accompanied by his mother, 
bade a last farewell to Ferghana, with all 
the bitter feelings of an exile, aggravated by 
his own peculiar trials, and carrying with 
him fond recollections of that beautiful land 
which were never obliterated by the excite- 
ment of the brilliant career that awaited him 
beyond the range of the Hindoo Koosh.J 
The princely adventurer was well received in 
Bactria, and the Moguls flocked round his 
standard, until his small force of 200 or 300 
men (many of them only armed with clubs) 
had become the nucleus of a regular and 
well-equipped army. At this time the des- 
cendants of Timur had been expelled from 
Cabool, which was occupied by the Mogul or 
Turki family of Arghoon, who had been for 
some time in possession of Candahar. Baber 
invaded Cabool, and found little difficulty in 

• A small but rich and beautiful country situated 
on the upper course of the river Sirr or Jaxartes. 

t The Uzbeks (so called from one of their khans 
or sovereigns) were what the geologists would call 
" a conglomerate " of tribes of Turki, Mogul, and pro- 
bably of Fennio origin, the former greatly prepon- 

securing the sceptre, which he swayed for 
twenty-two years before his conquest of 
India, and then bequeathed to heirs of his 
own lineage, by whom it was enjoyed until 
the end of the seventeenth century. His 
long reign was spent in contests with in- 
ternal and external foes. The rebellion of 
his brother, Jehangeer, and the attempts of 
two of his cousins to regain the sovereignty 
for this branch of the family of Timur, were 
with difficulty subdued. The victor freely 
forgave his brother, and spared the lives of 
his other relatives, thus evincing a clemency 
very unusual in an oriental despot, and the 
more to be admired since his power, and even 
existence, were repeatedly in jeopardy, and 
only rescued from destruction by the great 
skill and courage with which he never failed 
to govern and animate his troops. The 
conquest of Candahar and expeditions into 
the mountains of the Afghans and Hazarehs, 
occupied the first years of his sway in Cabool. 
In all these journeyings great perils and 
hardships were endured, and once he nearly 
perished in the snow during a winter march 
to Herat, undertaken to secure the co-opera- 
tion of the members of the Timur house 
then ruling there, against the Uzbeks. With 
these old and determined enemies, Baber 
had many severe contests, until, happily for 
him, their leader Sheibani Khan, went to 
war with Shah Ismael Safiavi, king of Persia, 
and was defeated and slain in 1510. By 
this event the tide of Tartar conquest was 
turned, and Baber, aided by the Persian 
monarch, occupied Bactria and made im- 
portant conquests in Transoxiana, but these 
were wrested back again by the Uzbeks, by 
whom his army was completely routed, a.d. 

Baber now turned his attention to India, 
and after an invasion of the Punjaub, already 
alluded to, but attended with no important 
result, gladly accepted the invitation of its 
rebellious governor, Doulat Khan Lodi, to 
return under the pretext of claiming this 
part of the inheritance of Timur. Some of 
the Afghan chiefs remained loyal, drove out 
Doulat Khan, and opposed the assumption 
of the foreign usurper, but were totally 
overpowered, and Lahore itself reduced to 
ashes. Debalpoor was next stormed, and 

derating. They had before been settled on the 
Jaik, and had possessed a large tract in Siberia. 

X Vide Memoirs of Baber, written by himself in 
Turki, translated by Dr. Leyden and Mr. Erskine ; 
see also Mr. Caldecott's Ltje of Baber; Price, and 
the Ferishtas' of both Briggs and Dow. 



the garrison put to the sword. Baber pur- 
sued his conquering course to Sirhind, when 
a quarrel with Doulat Khan, who fled to the 
I hills, obliged him to retrace his steps, leaving 
Debalpoor in chargeofAla-oo-deen,a brother 
of king Ibrahim, who, having escaped from 
captivity, had joined the invader. Doulat 
Khan was checked by one of Baber's generals, 
but Baber himself, fully occupied in defend- 
ing Balkh (the capital of Bactria) against the 
Uzbeks, deputed to Ala-oo-deen the charge 
of advancing upon Delhi, which he did, and 
the insurgents being increased to 40,000 
by the disaffection prevalent among the 
king's troops, defeated the latter in an 
engagement under the walls of the city. To- 
wards the close of the year 1525, Baber, 
having settled Balkh, and finally subdued 
Doulat Khan who was compelled to sur- 
render his hill fort and library of valuable 
books — rather a singular possession for an 
Afghan chief of the sixteenth century — 
proceeded from Ropur on the Sutlej, above 
Lodiana, and from thence nearly by the 
direct road to Delhi. At Paniput, he learned 
the advance of Ibrahim at the head of an 
army, which, by his own account, numbered 
100,000 men, with 1,000 elephants. One 
quarter that amount, under an able and 
popular leader, might have sufl[iced to in- 
spire the opposing force, of but 12,000 men, 
with despondency ; but even if the numbers 
are correctly stated, the characters of the 
respective leaders render the result easy to 
be conjectured. Baber took up a position, 
linked his guns together with ropes of twisted 
leather, and lined them with infantry, 
strengthening his flanks by field-works of 
earth and fascines. Ibrahim, on first ap- 
proaching the enemy, seemed inclined to 
stand on the defensive likewise ; but, chang- 
ing his mind, after a few days' skirmishing, 
led out his army to a general engagement. 

* This coin is only about tenpence or elevenpence 
in value, yet the total sum must have been very great. 

t The terms Turk, Tartar, and Mogul afford in- 
exhaustible food for controversy to scholars versed 
in oriental learning ; and to convey in few words 
anything like a clear idea of the different meanings 
severally attached to them, is utterly impracticable. 
For the sake of readers unversed in such discus- 
sions, it may however be useful to remark that Tar- 
tary is the general term now applied by Europeans 
to the extensive but little-known country whence, 
under the name of Scythia, barbarian hordes have 
from very early times issued forth to desolate the 
fairest portions of Asia and even Europe. Of these 
a passing mention has been made in noticing the 
events of the second century of our era (p. 49); 
the Tochari, named by Strabo as one of the four chief 
tribes by whom the Greek kingdom of Bactria was 

While attempting to storm the hostile front, 
the flanks and rear of the assailants were at- 
tacked by the right and left wings of Baber, 
whose advance, showering flights of arrows, 
was seconded by an occasional discharge of 
cannon. After a protracted struggle, Baber, 
perceiving the success of his counter-move- 
ment, ordered his centre forward, and com- 
pleted the rout of the Indian army. Ibrahim 
was killed, and his force having been nearly 
surrounded in the contest, which lasted from 
sunrise till noon, suffered prodigious loss, 
15,000 being left dead on the field, of whom 
a third part lay in one spot around their 
king, while their total loss in the battle and 
pursuit was reported at 40,000. Baber 
mentions especially that his guns were dis- 
charged many times with efficiency, these 
engines of destruction having at this period 
(1526) attained neither in Asia or Europe 
their present terrible pre-eminence among 
the weapons of war. Delhi surrendered, 
and Baber advanced to occupy Agra, the 
late royal residence, where his first act was 
to distribute the spoil among his adherents, 
in a manner which procured for him the 
nick-name of " the Calender," in allusion to 
a religious order whose rules forbade them 
to make provision for the morrow. To his 
son Humayun was given a diamond of ines- 
timable value, and a shahrukri* to every 
man, woman, and child in the country of 

House of Timur. — The conqueror assumed 
the supreme authority in India, and became 
the founder of what is universally called the 
Mogul empire. Yet Baber, although con- 
nected through his mother with the royal 
race of the "Moguls, never names that people 
in his writings but with undisguised aver- 
sion, and always makes mention of himself 
as a Turk,t and the representative of Timur, 
whose barbarous massacres he too frequently 

overthrown, being supposed to signify the Turks. 
Timur, in his Memoirs (p. 27,) and a Persian author 
quoted by Price in his Mohammedan History, ascribe 
the origin of the Khans or sovereigns of the wide- 
spread Tartar nations to Turk, the son of Japhet, 
the son ofNoah. The great grandson of Turk, Alonjah 
Khan (during whose reign the people forsook the 
worship of the living God and became idolators), 
had twin sons named Tartar or Tatar, and Mogul or 
Mongol, and the quarrels of their immediate de- 
scendants gave rise to the inextinguishable animosi- 
ties which have ever since prevailed among their 
respective tribes. Mogul is said to be derived from 
Mungawul, signifying abject or simple-hearted. 
Tartar, according to the traveller Carpini, a.d. 1246, 
was the term applied to the Su or Water Mongols, 
one of four chief tribes then inhabiting Ceuial Tar- 
tary, from the name of a river which ran through 


imitated wherever the slightest resistance 
was offered ; probably desiring by this fero- 
city to inspire a degree of terror not war- 
ranted by his limited force. Yet Baber was 
in domestic life kind and affectionate; his 
Memoirs offer repeated evidence of feelings 
unchilled by ambition and grandeur, of sen- 
sibility to the beauties of nature and art 
retaining its freshness amid the declining 
years of pampered royalty, and of a temper 
whose sweetness remained to the last un- 
marred, even by the thorny pillow of an 
usurper, or the excesses into which his 
socijJ. temperament helped to draw him. 
" It is a relief," says Mr. Erskine, " in the 
midst of the pompous coldness of Asiatic 
history, to find a king who can weep for 
days, and tell us that he wept for the com- 
panion of his boyhood." And Mr. Elphin- 
stone, when citing this remark, adds — " He 
[Baber] speaks with as much interest of his 
mother and female relations as if he had 
never quitted their fire-side, and his friends 
make almost as great a figure in the per- 
sonal part of his narrative as he does him- 
self. He repeats their sayings, records their 
accidents and illnesses, and sometimes jokes 
on their eccentricities." Yet this same indi- 
vidual, in many points so estimable, never- 
theless deserved the degrading surname of 
Baber {the Tiger), which has superseded his 
more flattering designations,* for in his cha- 
racterofconquerorevenhe couldseldom afford 
to be merciful and still more rarely to be just. 
To return to the narrative — the occupa- 
tion of Agra was far from carrying with it 
the conquest of the kingdom, and before 
that could be accomplished Baber had three 

their territory (Hakluyt, vol. i., p. .30), while Graelin 
( Decouvertes Jiusses, vol. iii., p. 209) gives the deriva- 
tion of the word from tatanoi, to collect, used in a 
reproachful sense to denote robbery, and declares 
that the Moguls and Calmuoks, who are doubtless 
closely allied, have not the shadow of a tradition 
which favours the idea of their having ever composed 
one nation with the Tartars (meaning Turks). De 
Guignes, on the contrary, recognizes only the Eastern 
and Western Tartars — the first the Manchoos, the se- 
cond Turks and Moguls, whom he looked upon as one 
race, the latter descended from the former. His 
authority, though usually of much weight, is in this 
respect diminished by the mistakes committed in 
confounding distinct races, and likewise in the indis- 
tinct geography of Tartary — defects scarcely to be 
avoided even by writers of the present day on this 
dark and difficult subject. The tribes now inhabiting 
Tartary are very numerous and various: language is 
the chief, if not the only guide by which Europeans 
have been enabled to cla,ss them under the heads of 
— lit, Manchoos, who extend over the region called 
Mantchouria, stretching from the Eastern Ocean 
along the north of China, and whose infli;ence is 

distinct obstacles to overcome ; namely, the 
opposition offered by the Moslem viceroys, 
who had revolted in the time of Ibrahim, 
as well as by Afghan and Fermuli chiefs, at- 
tached to the late government; secondly, the 
deep aversion of the Hindoos, evinced by 
the abandonment of the villages near the spot 
where the army was encamped, and the con- 
sequent difiiculty of procuring grain or 
forage. In the third place, the troops them- 
selves became disaffected, and the weather 
being unusually sultry and oppressive, so 
aggravated the sufferings necessarily expe- 
rienced by natives of cold countries during 
an Indian summer, that at length all ranks 
united in demanding to be led back to 
Cabool. Baber declared his unalterable 
determination of remaining in India, but 
gave to all who chose permission to return. 
The majority decided to stay and share his 
fortunes, but a part persisting in their former 
desire, were dismissed with honour under 
the authority of Khaja Khilan, who was ap- 
pointed to a government beyond the Indus 
This arrangement produced a change of feel 
ing throughout the kingdom, and dissipated 
the general idea that Baber would depart 
as Timur had done. Some governors vo- 
luntarily tendered submission, detachments 
were sent to reduce others, and in the course 
of four months, not only had the country 
held by Sultan Ibrahim been secured, but 
all the revolted provinces ever possessed by 
the house of Lodi, including the former 
kingdom of Juanpoor, were conquered by 
Prince Humayun. The supremacy of Baber 
being thus established over the Moslems, his 
arms were next directed against the Hindoos. 

confined chiefly to that country, where at the present 
moment (1853) a severe struggle is taking place for 
their extirpation ; 2nd, Mogids, who occupy the cen- 
tral portion (Mongolia) between the other two ; 3rd, 
Tartars or Turks, (of Toorkistan,) whose boundary is 
the MuzTagh (ice mountains), the BelutTagh (dark or 
cloudy mountains), Hindoo Koosh, &c. The Turki 
is the language of the Tartars as distinguished from 
that of the Moguls, but whether these two differ 
essentially or only as very different dialects of the 
same tongue is perhaps yet to be decided (Erskine's 
Saber, p. xxi.) Whatever may be the barrier be- 
tween the Turks and Moguls, it is certainly a great 
one and of ancient origin. In appearance the con- 
trast is most striking between the short, square, and 
atliletic though disproportioned body, bullet-shaped 
head, small angular eyes, scanty beard and eyebrows, 
high cheek-bones, flat nose, and large ears of a 
Mogul or Calmuck, and the comely form of a Turk, 
whose well-known Caucasian features and flowing 
beard in many points resemble those of a European, 
the exception being the contraction of the eyes. 

* His original name was Zehir-oo-deen (protector 
of the faith) Mohammed (greatly praised).- 



Sanga, the Rajpoot prince of Mewar 
(sixth in succession from Hameer Sing, the 
recoverer of Cheetore or Chittoor in 1316), 
had immediately before the arrival of Baber 
been engaged in hostilities with Mahmood, 
king of Malwa, whom he had defeated and 
taken prisoner. The king of Delhi was 
likewise the enemy of Sanga, who opened 
a friendly communication with Baber while 
marching against Ibrahim, but on finding 
him established on the vacated throne, 
transferred his enmity to the new ruler, and 
proceeded to combine against him with 
the Lodi chiefs (previously defeated by Hu- 
mayun) and Hasan Khan, rajah of Mewat, 
a hilly tract extending towards the river 
Chumbul, from within twenty-five miles of 
Delhi, and including the petty state now 
called Macheri or Aiwa. The first move- 
ments of the Hindoos were successful; the 
garrison of Biana (within fifty miles of Agra) 
were driven with loss into their fort, and 
communication cut off between them and 
the capital. Baber marched forward with 
all his forces, and at Sikri, about twenty 
miles from Agra, found himself in the vici- 
nity of the enemy, by whom his advanced 
guard was immediately attacked, and though 
supported by the main body, was defeated 
with heavy loss. The assailants, instead of 
following up the victory, withdrew to their 
encampments, and thus gave Baber time to 
fortify his position, and revive, by his own 
indomitable energy, the drooping spirits of 
the troops. This was no easy task ; for the 
Indian auxiliaries began to desert or give 
way to hopeless despondency, and the feel- 
ing spread throughout all ranks, being deep- 
ened by the unlucky arrival of a celebrated 
astrologer from Cabool, who announced, 
from the aspect of Mars, the inevitable de- 
' feat of the Moslem army, which was drawn 
up in an opposite direction to that planet. 
Baber cared httle for soothsaying, but fully 
' recognised the perils of his position, and, 
by his own account, repented of his sins, 
] forswore wine, gave away his gold and silver 
drinking-vessels to the poor, and remitted 
[ the stamp -tax on all Moslems (that is, the re- 
' venue collected by means of a stamp or mark 
^ affixed on all imported articles). Assembhng 
j all the officers, from the highest to the lowest, 
he addressed them in glowing terms — not, 
however, in the usual inflated style regard- 
ing the rewards, temporal and eternal, 
awaiting the champions of Islam, but ap- 
pealing almost exclusively to their sense of 
honour, and setting the chance of military 

glory, in plain terms, against the risk of 
death. With one accord they swore on the 
Koran to conquer or to die, and Baber de- 
termined to bring matters to an immediate 
crisis, a step rendered the more expedient 
by the daily accounts of fresh disturbances 
in the provinces. A desperate battle en- 
sued; rajah Sanga was defeated, and escaped 
with difficulty; Hasan Khan and many 
other chiefs were slain. The mistaken astro- 
loger ventured to congratulate Baber upon 
his victory, but received in return a sharp 
lecture for perversity, conceit, and mischief- 
making, with a command to quit the royal 
dominions, accompanied, however, by a libe- 
ral present in acknowledgment of long ser- 
vice, faithful though not discreet. 

Mewat was next reduced and settled. 
In the beginning of the following year 
(1528) Chanderi, 'on the borders of Bun- 
delcund and Malwa, was attacked. It was 
held by Medni Rai, a Rajpoot chief, who 
had escaped from the late battle, and des- 
perately but vainly defended by the Raj- 
poots, who, on perceiving the troops of 
Baber mounting their works, slew their 
women, rushed forth naked, drove the enemy 
before them, leaped from the ramparts, and 
continued to fight with unabated fury until 
all had found the death they sought : 200 or 
300 had remained to defend Medni Rai's 
house, who for the most part slew one 
another sooner than fall into the hands of the 
enemy. An Afghan insurrection occurred 
simultaneously with this siege. The latter 
was no sooner ended than Baber marched 
to the Ganges, where the Afghans were 
drawn up, threw a bridge over the river 
under cover of artillery, and compelled the 
insurgents to disperse and take refuge in 
the dominions of the king of Bengal. It 
was probably on this occasion that he re- 
duced South Behar, which was subsequently 
seized by the Lodi prince. Sultan Mahmood, 
who being once more forced to fly, all that 
country south of the Ganges reverted to 
Baber; but North Behar remained in 
the possession of the king of Bengal, 
with whom a treaty of peace was formed. 
The health of Baber now began to fail, 
and its decline was hastened by circum- 
stances connected with the dangerous ill- 
ness of Humayun. The physicians had 
declared the condition of that prince to be 
beyond the help of their art, upon which 
the fond father resolved to devote his own 
Ufe to the preservation of his son's, in con- 
formity with a superstition still prevalent in 



the Ea,st. His friends, who do not seem to 
nave in the least doubted the efficacy of the 
measure, entreated him to forbear for the 
sake of the millions whom he ruled, but 
without effect. After the customary for- 
mula of walking three times round the 
couch of the prince, Baber spent some 
moments in earnest prayer to God, and 
then, impressed with a conviction of the 
fulfilment of the desired sacrifice, exclaimed, 
" I have borne it away ! I have borne it 
away !" All historians agree that Huma- 
yun began from that time to recover, and 
Baber to sink rapidly, which latter result 
may be readily believed. Calling together 
his sons and ministers, he enjoined con- 
cord among them all, and affection among 
his children, and soon afterwards expired 
at Agra, a.d. 1530, and was buried in 
Cabool, at a spot selected by himself, and 
still marked by a small mosque of marble, 
above which rises a hill, from whence a 
noble prospect is obtained. Though he 
did not attain to the age of fifty years, 
Baber had, in one sense, lived many lives, 
from the incessant activity of both mind 
and body.* On his last journey, when his 
constitution was evidently giving way, he 
rode in two days from Calpee to Agra 
(160 miles), without any particular motive 
for despatch, and swam twice across the 
Ganges, as he mentions having done every 
other river he traversed. Besides the neces- 
sary business of the kingdom, the intervals 
of peace were occupied by planning aque- 
ducts, reservoirs, and other improvements, 
and in the introduction of new fruits and 
other productions of remote countries. Yet 
he found time to indite many elegant 
Persian poems, and compositions in Turki, 
which entitled him to distinction among 
the writers of his age and country. His 
contemporaries were, in England, Henry 
VII. and VIII. ; in France, Charles VIII., 
Louis XII., and Francis I.; in Germany, 
Maximilian and Charles V. ; in Spain, Fer- 
dinand and Isabella, and Charles. Thus 
the career of Baber formed part of a me- 
morable epoch, of which the great events 
were^ — the discovery of America by Co- 
lumbus ; of the passage to India, via the 
Cape of Good Hope, by Vasco di Gama; 

• Towards the close of his life, Baber observed that 
since his eleventh year he had never kept the annual 
fast of the Ilamzan twice in any one place — a strong 
proof of the roving, warlike disposition which brought 
him to India. And it should be remembered that, in 
spite of many attractive qualities, Baber comes under 
the same condemnation, for lawless usurpation and 

the increase of the power of France by the 
annexation of the great fiefs to the crown, 
and of Spain by the union of its kingdoms 
under Charles; the destruction of the em- 
pire of Constantinople ; the influence of the 
art of printing ; and the rise and progress of 
the Protestant reformation. (Luther and' 
Baber were born in the same year.) 

Baber left three sons besides Humayun, 
but as he made no declaration in their 
favour he probably intended the empire to 
descend undivided to the child for whose life 
he had evinced such tender solicitude. Of the 
three younger brothers, one named Kamran 
was governor of Cabool and Candahar, and 
being firmly seated there, appeared disposed 
to maintain his position if necessary by a 
degree of force with which Humayun could 
ill cope, since to assemble an army for action 
in Cabool would necessitate the evacuation 
of the lately-acquired and disaffected pro- 
vinces. Kamran was therefore recognized as 
the independent ruler of his previous govern- 
ment, to which was added the Punjaub and 
the country on the Indus. The other 
brothers, named Hindal and Askeri, were 
appointed to the sway of Sambal and Mewat. 
By the cession to Kamran, Humayun was 
deprived of the trusty and warlike retainers 
who had long been the hereditary subjects 
of his family, and left to govern new con- 
quests, unsupported by the resources which 
had materially contributed to their acquisi- 
tion. At first, by the aid of the veteran 
army of his father, he succeeded in putting 
down the Afghan insurrections, which were 
among the early disturbances of his reign, 
and came to terms with his future rival. 
Sheer Khan (an influential Afghan, claiming 
descent from the kings of Ghor), who sub- 
mitted on condition of being suflpered to 
retain the hill-fort of Chunar, near Benares. 
His next struggles were with Bahadur Shah, 
king of Guzerat, one of the most powerful 
of the states formed out of the fragments of 
the empire of Delhi, and which had been 
recently increased in size and influence by 
the annexation of Malwa, and the vassalship 
or fiefdom promised by the princes of Can- 
deish, Berar, and Ahmednugger. Bahadur 
had taken under his protection Ala-oo-deen, 
the brother of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, who had 

bloodshed, as his ferocious ancestors, Jengis ana 
Timur. Nor is his private character free from heavy 
reproach. Drinking he eventually renounced, but 
continued to use intoxicating confections ; and this, 
with other practices yet more degrading, he refers to 
with as little regret as to the " erection of minarets of 
human heads," and other common incidents of war. 



played so conspicuous a part during that 
monarch's disastrous reign, and he assisted 
him with troops and money to assemble a 
force for the attack of Agra, a.d. 1534. 
The attempt failed, for the army was as 
speedily dispersed as it had been collected, 
and Tatar Khan, the son of Ala, fell bravely 
fighting at the head of a division which had 
remained faithful amid the general deser- 
tion. Humayun proceeded against Bahadur, 
who was engaged in besieging Chittoor or 
Cheetore, then held by the Rana of Mewar, 
but was induced, (by the remonstrances of 
Bahadur against the impiety of molesting a 
Mussulman prince while engaged in war 
with infidels, or else by his own dilatory 
habits), to retard his march until the place 
was taken, and the besieger prepared to 
receive him in an intrenched camp at 
Mandesor, rendered formidable by artillery, 
commanded by a Constantinopolitan Turk, 
and partly served by Portuguese prisoners.* 
These advantages were however wholly neu- 
tralized by the enemy's success in cutting off 
the supplies, and thus making the position 
untenable, upon which Bahadur blew up his 
guns, and, leaving the army to disperse as 
they chose, fled by night almost unattended 
to the sea-port of Cambay, whither he was 
followed by Humayun, who reached that 
town on the evening of the day on which the 
fugitive had departed for a more secure place 

• In the Memoirs of Humayun, written by Jouher 
the ewer-bearer, (a faithful servant who attended that 
monarch during his adversity, and was eventually re- 
warded by a treasurership in Lahore) and translated 
by Major Stewart, it is asserted that Bahadur had 
entered into a treaty with the Portuguese, (estab- 
lished at Surat some time before), and had by their 
assistance raised a force of 6,000 Abyssinians or 
negroes. Price, on the authority of Abu Fazil, states, 
that Bahadur had sent a deputation to Diu to 
solicit the aid of the Portuguese viceroy, or captain- 
general of the possessions of that nation on the 
western side of India, requesting his assistance in 
waging war against the house of Timur. The Por- 
tuguese commander accordingly assembled at Diu a 
considerable body of troops, and a powerful naval 
armament, in readiness to meet Bahadur, en whose 
arrival, it is said, some cause of suspicion, not satis- 
factorily explained, induced the European chief, in- 
stead of coming to meet his ally, to remain on board 
ship on pretence of illness. Bahadur, with a degree 
of confidence which seems to indicate the whole 
affair to have originated, not in a misunderstanding, 
but in systematic treachery on the part of the Por- 
tuguese, put himself on board a galley to visit the 
alleged invalid ; but had no sooner reached the 
admiral's vessel, than, perceiving the deceit practised 
upon him, he endeavoured to return to the shore. 
The Portuguese had however resolved on first ob- 
taining from him the cession of certain ports at 
Guzerat, and endeavoured to detain him by fair | 

of refuge at Diu, in the remotest part of 
the peninsula of Guzerat. While the pur- 
suers were encamped at Cambay, a night 
attack was made by the Coolis, a forest-tribe, 
still famous for similar exploits in this part 
of India, with such silence and wariness, that 
the royal tent itself was plundered, and the 
baggage and books carried ofi' — among the 
latter was a copy of the History of Timur, 
illustrated with paintings. Humayun, in un- 
just retaliation for the conduct of these 
mountaineers, gave up the town to plunder, 
and then quitting the peninsula, proceeded 
to occupy the settled part of Guzerat. The 
hill fort of Champaneir, he surprised by a 
stratagem, having, with 300 chosen men, 
scaled the walls in the night by means of 
iron spikes, fixed in an almost perpendicular 
rock ; the daring besiegers, including the 
king, ascending separately during an attack 
made on one of the gates by the army.f 

Shortly after this success, and before suf- 
ficient time could elapse for the consolidation 
of his new conquests, Humayun was re- 
called to Agra by intelligence of the pro- 
ceedings of Sheer Khan, who had made 
himself master of Behar, including the strong 
fortress of Rohtas,J and was successfully pro- 
secuting the invasion of Bengal. The mea- 
sures of this usurper had been laid with 
much skill and circumspection, his hope 
being, by the union of the Afghans, to 

words, entreating a moment's delay while they 
brought a present in token of profound respect ; but 
Bahadur desired that the present might be sent 
after him and persisted in making for the ship's 
side. The Portuguese Cazi (probably the fiscal) now 
interposed and forbade his departure, upon which 
the Sultan in a paroxysm of indignation drew his 
scimitar, clove him in twain, and succeeded in gain- 
ing his own galley, which was speedily hemmed in 
by the enemy's fleet. An unequal conflict ensued, 
and Bahadur, perceiving the inevitable result, sprang 
into the sea, and is generally supposed to have been 
drowned. The date of this event, A.D. 1537, is pre- 
served in the Persian characters comprised in the 
sentence, " Feringuian Bahadur Kosh," — Portuguese 
butchers of the hero. — (Price, vol iii. p. 751). 

f After its capture the stronghold was vainly 
searched for the treasure it was believed to contain ; 
one oflScer alone knew the secret, which it was pro- 
posed to draw from him by torture, but to this 
Humayun refused to consent, and directed that wine 
and good cheer should be tried instead. The ex- 
pedient proved successful, and the officer willingly 
revealed the existence of a large amount of gold and 
silver at the bottom of the reservoir, which was at 
once apparent on the water being drawn off. 

J Rohtas was taken by treachery from a Hindoo 
rajah. Sheer Khan, having besought an asylum for 
his family, introduced two armed soldiers in each of 
the covered litters supposed to contain women, and 
then easily overcame the unsuspecting garrison. 



drive the Moguls out of the country, and 
re-establish a Patan dynasty.* To retard 
the advance of Humayun he had strongly 
garrisoned the famous fortress of Chunar, 
which stands on a rock close to the Ganges, 
on what may be termed a detached portion 
of the Vindya mountains. As Humayun 
marched along the river, and conveyed his 
guns and stores by its waters, he was com- 
pelled to commence hostilities with the siege 
of this fort. By a cruel stratagemf infor- 
mation was acquired regarding the state of 
the defences, and attempts were made to 
mine the accessible portions of the walls on 
the land side, and by floating batteries to 
bear upon the face fronting the river. — These 
failed, but the garrison, after several months' 
resistance, were starved into sui'render, and 
the right hands of all the gunners, to the 
number of 300, cut off, without the consent 
of Humayun, by his chief engineer Rumi 
Khan, who soon afterwards, through the 
malice of rival courtiers, perished by jwison. 
At the defile of Sicragali, a detachment of 
the imperial army, sent to take possession, 
were attacked and repulsed with con- 
siderable loss by the son of Sheer Khan, 
who then rejoined his father in the hills, 
leaving the pass unobstructed, having fol- 
lowed out the well-devised policy of im- 
peding Humayun as far as possible without 
hazarding any decisive conflict. During the 
protracted siege of Chunar, Mahmood had 
been defeated and Gour reduced by Sheer 
Khan, who having removed the captured trea- 
sures to the before-mentioned fort of Rohtas, 
whither he had previously assembled his 
family, now left Gour undefended. Hu- 
mayun took possession, but gained little ad- 
vantage thereby, for the rains had attained 
their climax, the Delta of the Ganges was 
one vast sheet of water, and in the country 
beyond the reach of inundation every brook 
and channel had become an impassable flood. 
It was impossible to carry on operations in 
Bengal, and extremely difficult to commu- 
nicate with upper India. Several months 
of forced inactivity elapsed, rendered doubly 
wearisome by the moist and sultry climate. 
The sickly season that followed the heavy 
rains thinned the ranks of the soldiers, and 
depressed their spirits so greatly that when 

* According to Ferishta, the proper country of the 
Afghans is called Roh, and extends along the 
Indus ; but, subsequent to the introduction of Islam, 
having settled at Patna on the Ganges, they gra- 
dually acquired the appellation of Patans. 

t Kumi Khan (originally a Turki slave named 
Soghrauk, but promoted for his ability, and thus 

the roads became again traversible they 
began to desert in numbers — Prince Hindal, 
who had been left in North Behar, setting 
the example. Meanwhile Sheer Khan issued 
from his retreat, seized Behar and Benares, 
recovered Chunar, laid siege to Juanpoor, 
and pushed his forces up the Ganges as far 
as Canouj. Humayun once more found his 
communication with the capital intercepted, 
and leaving a detachment which he could 
but ill spare to guard Gour, he reluctantly 
set out to return to Agra with the remainder 
of his diminished army, but was intercepted 
between Patna and Benares by Sheer, who 
had raised the siege of Juanpoor and ad- 
vanced by forced marches for this purpose. 
Instead of at once attacking the troops of 
his rival while suffering from fatigue, Hu- 
mayun suffered many valuable hours to 
elapse, and the next morning found Sheer 
(who had now assumed the title of Shah or 
king) so skilfully intrenched that he could 
neither be passed nor attacked with any 
prospect of success. Humayun therefore, in 
turn, fortified his position and began to col- 
lect boats, with a view of forming a bridge 
across the Ganges, and then pursuing his 
way along the opposite bank. Sheer Shah 
suffered this work to proceed for two months, 
but when it approached completion, he at- 
tacked Humayun about day-break in three 
colums, and completely surprised the camp. 
Humayun attempted to rally his troops, but 
with little effect, and after receiving a wound 
in the arm was prevailed on by three of his 
favourite officers to seek safety in flight, and 
plunge at once into the Ganges. J Here his 
career had nearly terminated, for before 
reaching the opposite bank his horse sunk 
from exhaustion, but the royal rider was saved 
by the exertions of a poor man opportunely 
crossing at the time with a leathern bag or 
water-skin inflated like a bladder. Thus 
rescued, Humayun, accompanied by a very 
small retinue, fled to Calpee, and thence to 
Agra, (a.d. 1539.) Almost the whole army 
had been slain or drowned, and the queen, 
who having been early surrounded it had 
been the object of his last exertion to re- 
lease, remained in the hands of the enemy, 
but was treated with great delicacy and con- 
sideration. By some accounts, Sheer Shah 

entitled by the Guzerat princes), severely flogged a 
nagro slave, and sent him to play the part of a deserter 
in the fort. The Afghans received him kindly, and 
suffered him to examine their works, which having 
done, he returned to his intriguing master. 

\ The three officers returned to the battle and 
nobly perished in attempting to rescue the queen. 


is said to have gained this important victory 
by treachery, having broken an armistice, 
which from his character is very probable — 
but by others it is asserted that he never 
promised to suspend hostilities, but only 
contrived to delude his adversary into so 
doing by delusive negotiations and other 
pretexts, which war is too generally supposed 
to justify and even necessitate. On reach- 
ing Agra, Humayun found Hindal in open 
rebellion, and Kamran preparing to take 
a similar course, but his sudden arrival 
forced them to come to terms, and the three 
brothers, after spending eight or nine months 
in preparation, assembled a fresh army to 
attack Sheer Shah. Kamran remained to 
guard Agra while Humayun crossed the 
Ganges near Canouj by means of a bridge 
of boats, at the head of 90,000 cavalry, with 
kettle-drums beating and trumpets sounding. 
A general action ensued (a.d. 1540), the 
imperial troops were again utterly routed 
and driven into the Ganges, and Humayun 
himself escaped with extreme difficulty. 
After exchanging his wounded horse for 
an elephant, he crossed the stream, and was 
drawn up the steep bank by two fugitive 
soldiers, who having reached the shore in 
safety, twisted their turbans together, and 
threw the ends to his assistance. After this 
discomfiture, Humayun, with Hindal and 
Askeri, took refuge in Lahore, where Kam- 
ran had previously retreated, but this prince, 
having made peace with the conqueror by 
the cession of the Punjaub, retired to Cabool, 
leaving his unfortunate brother to provide 
as best he could for his own safety. The 
succeeding adventures of the royal wanderer 
would form a fitting pendant to those of the 
EugHsh Stuarts, from the instances of un- 
wavering loyalty, connected with his hair- 
breadth escapes — while his character as a 
Mussulman, though far from faultless, will 
yet well bear comparison with that of the pro- 
fessedly Christian but licentious Charles, or 
even of the " bonnie Prince," for whom Scot- 
tish chivalry and misfortune have combined 
to win a place in the page of history, which 
would probably have been very differently 
filled had the Young Pretender been des- 

• These names, like almost all Eastern appellations, 
have each a distinct signification. Thus, Humayun, 
means auspicious : Kamran, successful ; Hindal, In- 
dian, and Askeri, born in the camp. 

t At one time they are stated to have travelled 
twenty-seven hours without finding water, and at 
the expiration of that time, having at length come 
vpon a well and rivulet, Humayun alighted, and 
after prostrating himself in gratitude to the AI- 

tined to become a crowned king instead of 
dying in exile. 

After the desertion of Kamran, which 
was followed by that of Hindal and Askeri, 
Humayun* sought to obtain the recognition 
of his authority in Sinde, tlien ruled by 
Hussyn,the head of the Arghoon family — but 
after a year and-a-half wasted in alternate 
negotiations and hostilities, he found his 
funds exhausted, and the adventurers who 
had rallied round his standard dispersed, 
just as Hussy n approached to venture a de- 
cisive conflict. During the previous inter- 
val, Humayun, then about three-and-thirty 
years of age, had married a beautiful girl of 
fourteen, with whom he had become ena- 
moured at an entertainment prepared for 
him in the apartments of the mother of 
Prince Hindal. Carrying with him his 
young bride Hameida, he fled to Ouch, and 
thence proceeded to ask the protection of 
Maldeo, rajah of Marwar, but on reaching 
Joudpoor, after a toilsome journey over the 
desert, during which he lost many of his 
followers from thirst and fatigue,t a new 
disappointment awaited him in the discovery 
of the unfriendly disposition of the rajah. 
The royal fugitive, again driven to seek com- 
parative safety amid the dreary sands, now 
led his little band towards Amercot, a fort 
in the desert, not far from the Indus. In 
this route they experienced yet greater trials 
than during the one previously taken. Be- 
fore quitting the inhabited country, the vil- 
lagers repelled all approaches to their wells, 
which were to them precious possessions, 
and it was not without a conflict and blood- 
shed that the travellers were enabled to 
slake their burning thirst. After leaving 
behind the last traces of human culture, their 
obstacles and difficulties increased ten-fold 
until, one morning, when faint and weary 
with a long night march, Humayun, who 
had remained behind with the females and 
servants, while the few chiefs marched on at 
some distance in front, perceived the ap- 
proach of a considerable body of horse, 
under the command of the son of Maldeo, 
and prepared to meet a fate similar to that 
of the Imaum Hussyn and his ill-fated com- 

mighty, ordered all the water-bags to be filled, and 
sent back on his own horses for the use of those 
who had fallen exhausted by the way, adding at the 
same time a melancholy but needful command, for 
the burial of " all the persons who had died from 
thirst." A very unpleasing anecdote is however re- 
lated by Jouher, of Humayun's having taken ad- 
vantage of the thirst of a Mogul mercliant who had 
lent him money, to oblige him to cancel the debt. 


REIGN OF SHEER SHAH THE AFGHAN— a.d. 1540 to 1544- 

panions* The valour of Sheikh Ali Beg, 
one of Humayun's bravest and most faith- 
ful followers, appears to have warded off the 
immediate danger, and soon afterwards the 
Hindoo leader, bearing in his hand a white 
flag, approached the party, and having re- 
presented that they had wilfully done wrong 
in killing kine in a Hindoo country, and 
likewise in entering his father's territory 
without leave, supplied them with water for 
their immediate relief, and then permitted 
them to proceed without further molestation. 
Several weary marches, with intense suffer- 
ing from thirst, further diminished the small 
but faithful band, before Humayun with 
seven mounted horsemen reached Amercot, 
where the Ranaf (Pursaud) welcomed the 
dethroned monarch with most courteous 
and generous hospitality. The remainder of 
the fugitives found refuge within the walls of 
the fortress on the same day, and thankful 
indeed must Hameida have been to quit 
her horse, and find at length an interval of 
rest. Pursaud offered to assist Humayun 
in a fresh endeavour to establish himself in 
Sinde, placing at his service 2,000 horsemen 
of his own tribe (Rajpoots), and 5,000 cav- 
alry belonging to his allies. These auxili- 
. aries, or a portion of them, were gladly 
accepted, and Humayun, accompanied by 
the Rana, with about 100 Moguls, whom 
he had himself succeeded in assembling, 
marched towards Tatta. Hameida remained 
at Amercot, and on the following day gave 
birth to the celebrated Akber (a.d. 1542). 
The joyful intelligence was immediately for- 
warded to Humayun, who unable to practise 
the munificence customary in the East on 
these occasions, called for " a china plate," 
and breaking a pod of musk, distributed it 
among the chiefs who came to offer their 
congratulations, saying — " this is all the 
present I can afford to make you on the 
birth of my son, whose fame will I trust be 
one day expanded all over the world, as the 
perfume of the musk now fills this apart- 
ment." Joon or Jiun (a place not marked 
on the maps, but supposed to have been 
situated on a branch of the Indus, half-way 
between Tatta and Amercot, was captured 

* In the desert of Kerbela, a.d. 680, Hussyn, the 

son of Ali and Fatima, with seventy-three persons of 
his family, including his infant child, were cruelly 
massacred. Several heroic youths, his sons and ne- 
phews, perished singly in defending the venerated 
person of the Imaum ; who after a protracted defence 
at length sunk, mutilated of an arm and covered 
with wounds, of which thirty-six were counted on 
his dead body, before it was finally crushed by 

after an action with the officer in charge, 
and though harassed by the troops of the 
Arghoons, Humayun's party held their 
ground, and were strengthened by the neigh- 
bouring princes until they amounted to 
about 15,000 horse. Hameida and the in- 
fant prince (by this time about six weeks 
old) joined the camp, and all seemed pros- 
pering, when Rana Pursaud received an 
affront from a Mogul, and was so dissatis- 
fied by Humayun's conduct in the matter, 
that he indignantly quitted Joon, with all 
his followers and friends. Humayun, thus 
rendered too weak to contest with Hussyn 
Arghoon, proceeded to Candahar, but was 
compelled by his turbulent brothers to 
escape to Seestan with Hameida, and thence 
to seek refuge in Persia, the infant Akber 
falling into the hands of his uncle Mirza 
Askeri, who showed more kindness on the 
occasion than might have been expected. 

Afghan tribe of Soor. — Sheer Shah| as- 
sumed, as has been shov/n, the title of king in 
1540, and took possession of all Humayun's 
territories. After commencing the famous 
fort of Rohtas on the Hydaspes, on which he 
expended an enormous sum of money, and 
named after that in Behar, he returned to 
Agra, and there found employment in sub- 
duing the revolt of his own governor of 
Bengal. He conquered Malwa in the course 
of the year 1542, and soon afterwards re- 
duced the fort of Raiseen, held by a Hindoo 
chief. The garrison surrendered on terms, 
but after they had left the fort, the capitula- 
tion was declared void on some quibbling 
legal pretext, and the Hindoos were attacked 
and cut to pieces after a brave resistance. 
Barbarous as the Mohammedans too often 
showed themselves in India, yet treachery 
such as this can hardly be paralleled, save in 
the career of Timur. In 1544, Sheer marched 
into Marwar, which was desperately defended 
by rajah Maldeo, who, though able to collect 
only 50,000 men wherewith to oppose his 
adversary's powerful army, estimated at 
80,000, and probably well-provided with 
artillery, appears to have at first succeeded 
in overawing the invader, aided by the na- 
tural obstacles offered by the sterility of his 

twenty horsemen, and then left to be devoured by 
wild beasts. The unfortunate females were thrown 
across the backs of camels and afterwards stripped 
and publicly exposed — all these atrocities being com- 
mitted by Mohammedans. (Price, vol. i. p. 410.) 

+ The patronymic of the princes of Mewar. 

X His name was changed from Pureed, to Sheer 
Khan, or Lion-knight, from his slaying a wild beast 
while hunting with the king of Berar. 

SHEER SHAH KILLED, a.d. 1545— SELIM SHAH, a.d. 1553. 


territory and the want of water in many 
parts of it. At length Sheer Shah, always 
a cunning schemer, contrived to sow divi- 
sion in the hostile camp by the common 
expedient of letters written on purpose to be 
intercepted. The rajah's suspicions were 
raised against some of his chiefs, and he 
commenced a retreat. One of the suspected 
leaders, indignant at the imputation, deter- 
mined, in the true Rajpoot spirit, to give 
incontestable proof of its injustice, and quit- 
ting the army at the head of his own tribe 
fell with such impetuousity on the enemy, 
that Sheer Shah with difficulty and severe 
loss succeeded in repelling the assailants. 
He was, however, eventually victor here, as 
also at Chittore ; but at Calinjer, to which 
he laid siege, a striking retribution awaited 
him. The rajah, warned by the breach of 
faith committed at Raiseen, refused to enter 
into any terms with his perfidious foe, and 
Sheer, while superintending the batteries, 
was so scorched by the explosion of a maga- 
zine struck by the rebound of a shell, that 
he expired in a few hours, but continued to 
direct the operations of the siege during his 
mortal agonies, his last words being an ex- 
clamation of pleasure at learning that the 
place was taken. 

This ambitious, cruel, and vindictive man, 
nevertheless evinced considerable ability in 
civil government, and, happily for the sub- 
jects of his usurped authority, seems to 
have recognised the promotion of their wel- 
fare as his best means of security. He 
caused a high road to be constructed, ex- 
tending from Bengal to the western Rohtas, 
near the Indus, a distance of about 3,000 
miles, with caravanserais at every stage, all 
furnished with provisions for the poor, and 
attendance of proper casts for Hindoos as 
well as Mussulmans. An Imaum (priest) 
and Muezzin (crier to call to prayers) were 
placed at the numerous mosques erected on 
the route ; wells were dug at distances of a 
mile and-a-half, and the whole way planted 
with fruit-trees for refreshment and shade. 
Sheer Shah was buried in a stately mausoleum 
still standing at Sahseram, placed in the 
centre of an artificial piece of water, a mile 
in circumference, which is faced by walls of 
cut stone, with flights of steps descending to 
the water. Previous to his death, his eldest 
son had been the recognised heir to the 
throne, but being a prince of feeble charac- 
ter was supplanted by his brother, who 
reigned for nine years, under the title of 
SeUm Shah. On his decease, a.d. 1553, 

his son, a boy of twelve years old, was mur- 
dered by his uncle, who seized the throne 
under the name of Mohammed Adili,* but 
was prevented from using the powers of a 
ruler by natural incapacity, increased by 
habits of the most odious debauchery. His 
extravagance speedily emptied the royal cof- 
fers, upon which he resumed the governments 
and jaghiresf of the nobles and bestowed 
them on the lowest of his creatures. The 
proud Afghans, stung even more by the in- 
sulting bearing of their unworthy ruler than 
by the injuries they suffered at his hand, fled 
in numbers, and raised the standard of revolt 
at Chunar. Meanwhile, the person of the 
king was protected and his authority upheld 
by the exertions of Hemu, his chief minis- 
ter, a Hindoo of mean appearance and low 
origin, who had formerly belonged to the 
very lowest class of small shopkeepers, as a 
retailer of salt, but who had been gradually 
raised to power by the late king, and now 
displayed a degree of zeal and ability, 
which would have honoured a better cause. 
From some weakness or physical defect 
Hemu was unable to sit on horseback, but 
he directed all military operations, and 
fought with unfailing intrepidity from his 
litter mounted on an elephant. Not the 
least extraordinary part of his history is the 
manner in which he succeeded in recon- 
ciling such of the haughty Afghans and un- 
ruly Moguls as still remained with Adili, to 
his authority; this he appears to have done 
chiefly by the munificence with which he 
distributed whatever treasure or revenue 
came into his hands — for his objects and 
motives, though scarcely indicated in the 
contemptuous and calumnious mention made 
of "this swarthy upstart" by Mussulman 
historians, unquestionably soared far above 
the mere accumulation of wealth. Delhi 
and Agra were seized on by Ibrahim Soor, 
a member of the reigning family, who at- 
tempted to assume the supreme authority 
under the name of Ibrahim III., but was 
opposed by Hemu, and also by Secander 
Soor, another relative of Adili' s, who caused 
himself to be proclaimed king in the Pun- 
jaub. Ibrahim was defeated first by Secan- 
der and then by Hemu. The adventurous 
minister next marched towards Bengal, to 

• This wretch, known before his usurpation as 
Moobariz Khan, is alleged to have dragged the 
prince from his mother's arms, that mother being his 
own sister and tried friend. {Ferishta, vol. ii. p. 142.) 

t The revenues of certain lands granted by the 
king, sometimes in perpetuity but generally revo- 
cable at pleasure, and on military tenure. 


oppose the governor, Mohammed Soor, who 
had assumed the rank of an independent 
ruler. Hemu was again victorious, this 
new adversary being defeated and slain ; but 
struggles in other quarters still continued, 
and a more formidable foe than any yet 
dealt with, arose in the person of the de- 
throned Humayun, who had gradually re- 
established himself in the Punjaub, where 
Secander, who had occupied Agra and Delhi 
on the defeat of Ibrahim, now marched for 
his expulsion. Before narrating the success 
of Humayun and Akber, and the fate of 
Ibrahim and of Hemu and Adili, it is neces- 
sary to revert to previous events and sketch 
the chain of circumstances which ended in 
the restoration of the exiled monarch. 

House of Timur restored. — Humayun en- 
tered Persia in much uncertainty regarding 
the reception he should receive from Shah 
Tahmasp, the son and successor of Shah 
Ismael, the first of the Saffavi or Sophi 
kings. Though both were zealous Moham- 
medans, they belonged to distinct sects, 
characterised by a degree of mutual ani- 
mosity, for which the difference of opinion 
existing between them on doctrinal points 
far less than those which divide the churches 
of England and Rome, is quite insufficient 
to account. — [See note to p. 62). Shah 
Tahmasp was a strenuous advocate of the 
Sheiah doctrine, which had been widely 
disseminated through Persia by the instru- 
mentality of his ancestors, dervises much 
famed for sanctity, while Humayun was a 
Sonnite, and this was doubtless one cause 
i of the want of cordiality which marked the 
; private intercourse of the two monarchs, 

■ whose connexion was really, on both sides, 
i an interested one. At first Humayun seems 
; to have been inclined to put in practice his 
j cherished desire of ceasing, at least for a 
; time, the weary struggle for power, in which 

he had been so long engaged, and proceeding 
, on a pilgrimage to Mecca, but his faithful 
I followers urgently dissuaded him from this 

■ project, pleading the disastrous results it 
would have on the fortunes of Akber. The 

1 reception met with in Persia successfully 
, seconded their arguments — the governors of 
j each province received him with regal hon- 
[ ours, the people came out to bid him wel- 
I come, and palaces were prepared for his 

I • The cap which Humayun so reluctantly assumed 
was that called Taji Hyder, in honour of Hyder, the 
father of Shah Ismael, by whom it was first adopted. 
It consisted of a tiara of crimson silk, richly or- 
namented with gold and jewels, of a high conical 

accommodation at Cazvin and elsewhere, j 
But the splendour with which the Persian : 
despot thought proper to gild the fallen 
majesty of his unfortunate compeer, was un- 
accompanied by a single ray of true sym- 
pathy ; for many months Humayun was 
not suffered to appear before the Shah, and 
his brave-hearted envoy, Behram Beg, was' 
harshly treated for refusing to wear the 
peculiar-shaped cap,* from which the Per- 
sians have acquired the title of Kuzilbash 
{Red-heads), in allusion to its colour, and 
which was expressly designed for a sectarian 
symbol. Behram urged that he was the 
servant of another prince, and not at liberty 
to act without orders. He persisted in de- 
clining to assume this badge, unawed by 
the displeasure of Tahmasp, who strove to 
intimidate the refractory ambassador, by 
the summary execution of some prisoners 
brought before him for the purpose. This 
incident was a sufficiently significant prelude 
to the long-delayed interview, during which 
Tahmasp affected to receive Humayun as 
his equal, but in reality took ungenerous 
advantage of his defenceless position, by 
compelling him, by means of threats affect- 
ing life itself, to assume the obnoxious 
cap. Nor even after this concession could 
Tahmasp resist taunting his guest with 
having, during his prosperity, when prac- 
tising the favourite Arabian form of divina- 
tion by arrows, to discover the destiny of 
reigning princes, placed the name of the 
king of Persia in a rank inferior to his own. 
Humayun frankly acknowledged that he 
had done so, and gently urged in justifica- 
tion his hereditary rank as Padshahf or 
Emperor of India, whereupon Tahmasp 
broke out into violent and unjust invective 
against the arrogance which had rendered 
him a fugitive, and thrown his female rela- 
tives and infant heir into the hands of his 

Notwithstanding the humiliations suffered 
in private from what he justly termed "the 
meanness of this Persian monarch," Hu- 
mayun continued to receive every outward 
mark of unbounded munificence in the fes- 
tivals prepared in his honour, especially the 
military diversion of great circular hunts, so 
famous in the annals of Timur. All the 
expenses thus incurred are however said to 

shape and divided into twelve segments, in honour 
of the twelve Imaums, from whom the reigning family 
claimed descent. 

t This title was exclusively assumed by the dy- 
nasty of the Great Mogul. 



have been repaid two-fold by the gift of a 
few rich gems, which the exiled monarch had 
brought with him from Hindoostan. One 
of these was a diamond, which the jewellers 
of Tahmasp declared to be above all price, 
it was perhaps that obtained at Agra, and 
there estimated in a somewhat indefinite 
manner as equal in value " to the purchase 
of a day's subsistence for one-half the in- 
habitants of the terrestrial globe." Behram 
Beg, the bearer of this costly ofiering, was 
dignified by the title of Khan, and another 
officer •with that of Sultan, but it was not 
without far heavier sacrifices that the as- 
sistance, from the first promised to their 
sovereign, was at length afibrded. He was 
compelled to sign a paper, the contents of 
which, though not precisely stated, involved 
a pledge, in the event of success in regaining 
the sceptre of Baber, to cede to Persia the 
province or kingdom of Candahar, and like- 
wise to introduce among the Mussulmans of 
India the profession of the Sheiahs in oppo- 
sition to that of the Sonnites. Orders were 
then given for the assemblage of 14,000 
horse in Seestan, under the command of 
Murad Mirza, the son of Tahmasp, and after 
some more bickering the monarchs parted, 
and Humayun proceeded again to try his 
fortune in war, his private forces amounting 
only to about 700 men. At this period 
(1545) Sheer Shah was still alive, Kamran 
swayed Cabool, and his younger brothers, 
after the settlement of their private quar- 
rels, received appointments under him ; 
Hindal being governor of Ghuznee, and 
Askeri of Candahar, which latter place was 
attacked by Humayun and captured after a 
siege of five months. Askeri was taken and 
kept in close captivity for the next three 
years. The fort and treasures were made 
over to the Persians, on which the greater 
]>art of them returned home, leaving a gar- 
rison under Murad Mirza. According to 
Abul Fazil* the conduct of the Persians to 
the inhabitants was so cruelly oppressive as 
to justify Humayun, on the sudden death of 
Murad, in treacherously seizing the fortress ; 
his troops obtaining entrance thereto on the 

• Abul Fazil, the famous minister of Akber, re- 
corded the leading events of the reigns of this 
sovereign and his father in an heroic poem com- 
prising 110,000 couplets, from which Ferishta has 
borrowed largely. Although a man of extraordinary 
ability, he wa-s, unfortunately for the students of his- 
tory, an accomplished courtier and professed rheto- 
rician, delighting in the cumbrous and inflated style 
still in vo"ue in India. His account of important 
events is therefore often unsatisfactory, and, unless 

plausible pretext of placing Askeri in charge 
of the Persian governor. Some of the gar- 
rison offered resistance on discovering what 
was really intended, but their opposition 
was soon silenced in death, and the re- 
mainder were suffered to return to Persia. 
From Candahar, Humayun marched to 
Cabool, of which he took possession without 
a struggle, for Kamran, finding himself de- 
serted by Hindal and many other chiefs 
who had gone over to the now successful 
brother, had sought refuge in Sinde. With 
Cabool, Humayun recovered Akber, then 
between two and three years of age, but 
both the city and the young prince were 
subsequently re-captured by Kamran, who 
long held his ground against all attempts 
for his expulsion. Prisoners taken during 
this siege were slain in cold blood by the 
assailants, and treated with yet greater bar- 
barity by Kamran, who threatened, if the 
firing were not discontinued, to expose 
Akber on the walls. Eventually, being un- 
able to continue the contest, he escaped by 
night, and by the aid of the Uzbeks again 
made head against his brother for about 
eighteen months, but was, at the expira- 
tion of that time, compelled to surrender. 
Humayun behaved on this occasion very 
nobly, treated Kamran with great kindness, 
released Askeri, and, accompanied by Hindal, 
sat down with them at a feast. The four 
brothers having eaten saltf together, seemed 
for the time entirely reconciled, but during 
Humayun's subsequent absence in Trans- 
oxiana, the conquest of which he had resolved 
on attempting, Kamran once more rebelled, 
and after many vicissitudes, (during which 
Cabool and the young prince were again 
lost and won, and Hindal fell in the cause 
of Humayun,) was finally betrayed by the 
sultan of the Gukkurs, with whom he had 
taken refuge, into the hands of his much- 
injured brother. Some chiefs, whose wives 
and children had been savagely disgraced and 
murdered by order of Kamran during the 
siege of Cabool in 1547, now loudly urged 
that his life should pay the forfeit of his 
crimes. This Humayun steadfastly refused, 

carefully vpeighed, misleading j but, notwithstanding 
their defects, his works (the Akber Nainah and 
At/een Akhery) afford information not to be ob- 
tained elsewhere. 

t In the east it is regarded as peculiarly infa- 
mous for either the giver or receiver of the lowest 
description of hospitality, to practice hostility against 
one another. Thus, salt, which forms an ingredient 
of the most sumptuous or humble m il has become 
a type and pledge of good faith. 



but consented to allow him to be blinded, 
the barbarous method commonly resorted 
to in the East, to crush ambitious pretenders 
to that uneasy seat — the throne of a despot. 
The cruel operation was usually performed 
by means of a searing instrument, called a 
fire-pencil, held against the visual nerve 
until it was annihilated, or by means of an- 
timony ; but in this case, perhaps from the 
fact of several state prisoners condemned 
in late reigns to a similar fate having 
escaped its completion — a lancet was em- 
ployed, and after many wounds had been 
inflicted, without drawing a groan, lemon- 
juice and salt were at last squeezed into the 
sightless orbs of the wretched sufferer, who 
then exclaimed in uncontrollable agony — " O 
Lord my God ! whatever sins I have com- 
mitted have been amply punished in this 
world, have compassion on me in the next." 
Humayun shortly afterwards went to visit 
his unhappy brother, and wept long and 
bitterly while Kamran confessed the justice 
of his punishment, and asked leave to per- 
form a pilgrimage to Mecca. This he was 
suffered to do, and died in that place in 
1557. Askeri, who had likewise returned to 
the course of rebellion after having repeat- 
edly abjured it, had been previously cap- 
tured, but was only punished by imprison- 
ment, from which he also was released, for 
the purpose of proceeding to Mecca, and 
died on his way thither. Thus delivered 
from the difHculties in which the turbulence 
and disunion of his brothers had involved 
him during so long a period, Humayun 
began to take advantage of the unsettled 
state in which the death of Selim Shah and 
the misgovernment of his successor had 
involved the territories conquered by Baber, 
which had gradually, as has been shown, 
been parted by various usurpations into five 
distinct states, whose rulers were at variance 
with one another. In January, 1555, he 
started from Cabool with 15,000 horse, 
obtained possession of Lahore, and sub- 
sequently engaged Secander, who being 
defeated fled to the mountains near the 
Himalaya, leaving Humayun to occupy 
Delhi and Agra. The portion of his original 
dominions thus at length regained, after 
sixteen years of strife and banishment, had 
been enjoyed by Humayun less than six 
months, when an accident occurred which 
produced fatal results. The monarch had 
ascended the terrace at the top of his library 
to enjoy the cool evening air, and give orders 
respecting the attendance of astronomers to 

note the rising of Venus, which was to be 
the signal for the announcement of a general 
promotion among the nobility and oflicers. 
While preparing to descend the steep and 
highly-polished stairs, protected only by au 
ornamental parapet a foot high, a muezzin 
or crier announced the hour of prayer from, 
the minarets of the adjoining mosque, where 
the people being assembled had just offered 
the monarch the usual koi-nesh or Saluta- 
tion. Humayun, intending to repeat the 
customary formula, attempted to seat him- 
self on the spot, but his foot becoming en- 
tangled in the folds of his robe, he fell head- 
long down the steps, receiving a contusion 
on the right temple, of which he died, aged 
somewhat less than forty-nine years. 

Historians agree in according him high 
rank as a benevolent, forgiving, and munifi- 
cent prince, intrepid in the hour of danger, 
patient in adversity, moderate in prosper- 
ity, and skilled in literature, mathematics, 
geography, astronomy, and the mechanical 
sciences. These varied gifts, united to a 
naturally easy temper, pleasing person, and 
courteous demeanour, rendered his society 
so delightful that Baber used often to de- 
clare Humayun to be without an equal as a 
companion. Procrastination and indecision 
were his characteristic failings ; these may be 
easily traced to the frequent and intoxicat- 
ing use of opium, a vice whose degrading 
influences were heightened by the peculiar 
defects of his religious creed. Perhaps no 
single character, when carefully weighed 
would afford an inquirer into the effects of 
Mohammedanism on individuals more strik- 
ing evidence than that of Humayun. His 
conduct repeatedly affords evidence of the 
want of a steady principle of action, direct- 
ing even the passing thoughts of the mind, 
and marking with a broad line the differ- 
ence between right and wrong. Notwith- 
standing the false notions of expediency 
which led him to commit, or at least sanc- 
tion, crimes from which a naturally gentle 
and easy disposition must have revolted, 
col. Dow has said that " had he been a 
vvorse man he would have been a greater 
monarch." The remark sounds strangely, 
but it is to be hoped that young students of 
history will not forget that all Christendom 
concurs in invoking the same just, mer- 
ciful and omnipotent Ruler to give wisdom 
to senators and prosperity to nations — there- 
fore any description of greatness, inconsis- 
tent with the goodness inculcated in the 
Gospel, ought simply to excite abhorrence 


and reprobation. Most assuredly the man 
■who, in an unrighteous cause, has made mo- 
thers childless, and widowed happy wives, de- 
solated cultivated lands and spread famine and 
pestilence in his train, has attained in the 
sight of his Creator a pre-eminence in crime 
little in accordance with the idea commonly 
attached to the word greatness. Some ray of 
light, breaking through the dense clouds in 
I which the teaching of the False Prophet had 
! involved the purposes and results of war, 
I beamed on the mind of Humayun, when not 
j many days before his death he prayed, "Lord, 
I ennoble me with the knowledge of thy truth;" 
! and described himself as " sorely afflicted by 
; the perplexities of a troubled mind." The 
I faith of Islam and its innumerable obser- 
j vances had thus utterly failed to enlighten 
I or sustain even a follower, so diligent in 
I their observance, that a sentiment of deep 
! reverence had all his life long preserved him 
from so much as uttering the name of his 
Creator with unwashen hands.* 
I A new epoch is formed by the reign of 
I Akber, since by him India was consolidated 
; into one formidable empire, by the absorp- 
i tion of the various small kingdoms which 
j had sprung up during the reign of Moham- 
I med Toghlak, as also by the annexation of 
numerous Hindoo principalities, which Ak- 
j ber obtained far less by force than by the 
I favours and distinctions which he invariably 
I bestowed on the native rulers so soon as 
I they consented to recognize his supremacy, 
I without regard to their religious opinions. 
; Before proceeding further, the origin and 
j condition of these states must be shown, as 
the reader may probably need this know- 
ledge for subsequent reference. 

The Bahmani kingdom of the Deccan was 
founded by Hussun, an Afghan, born in a 
low condition at Delhi, and servant to a 
Brahmin astrologer, named Gungoo, much 
favoured by Mohammed Toghlak. In con- 
sideration of his gooa conouct, Gungoo gave 
Hussun a pair of oxen, and permitted him 

\ to till a piece of land for his own sustenance. 

I While ploughing, Hussun discovered a cop- 
per casket filled with ancient gold coins, 
which he carried to his master, who, in re- 
turn, used his utmost influence at court, and 

* Price, from Ahtl Fazil, vol. iii., p. 944. 

t The Khothah is the public prayer for the reign- 
ing king ; Sicca the royal right of stamping coin. 

X By the (lamatio is here meant the country where 
the Canarese language prevails, south of a line drawn 
between Colapoor and Beder. It must be remem- 
bered that this tract continued, up to the time of 

succeeded in rewarding the honesty of Hus- 
sun by obtaining for him an appointment 
and jaghire in the Deccan, under the gov- 
ernor of Doulatabad. Some time after- 
wards, the officers of the Deccan, by refusing 
to surrender some fugitive chiefs from 
Guzerat, incurred the displeasure of Mo- 
hammed Toghlak, and fearing to fall into 
the hands of this cruel despot, broke into 
open rebellion. On the establishment of 
their independence Hussun was chosen as 
king, A.D. 1347, and the capital fixed at Cul- 
barga, whence it was subsequently removed 
to Beder or Bidr. Hussun, on assuming 
the regal honours of the mosque and mint,t 
took the name of Ala-oo-deen, adding 
thereto Gungoo Bahmani (Brahmin), in 
honour of his early benefactor, whom he 
sent for and made treasurer; and the suc- 
ceeding princes of the Deccan followed this 
example by generally committing to Brah- 
mins the charge of the revenues. Notwith- 
standing the close connection between the 
first Bahmani king and his Hindoo patron, 
his son and successor, Mohammed I., proved 
a sanguinary foe to that people. "It is 
computed," says Ferishta, "that in his 
reign [of seventeen years] nearly 500,000 
unbelievers fell by the swords of Islam, by 
which the population of the Carnatic was so 
reduced that it did not recover for several 
ages." I This destruction was accomplished 
by indiscriminate slaughter, without regard 
to sex or age, a proceeding at length stopped 
by the remonstrances of the Hindoo ambas- 
sadors, who urged that since the princes of 
the Deccan and of the Carnatic might long 
remain neighbours, it was advisable that a 
treaty should be made, binding both parties 
to refrain from taking the life of the help- 
less and unarmed. From this time, it is 
asserted, that the conquered were no longer 
slain in cold blood during the hostilities 
carried on by the Bahmanis against the 
neighbouring states, and especially the new 
monarchy of Beejanuggur, throughout the 
whole period of their existence, excepting the 
reign of Mahmood Shah I., who, for nearly 
twenty years (a.d. 1378 to 1397), by rectitude 
and discretion, preserved his subjects alike 
from foreign and domestic strife. § Although 
in these conflicts many thousand Moham- 

the Mohammedan writer to be devastated by almost 
incessant wars. 

§ The proceedings of Mahmood Shah I. occupy but 
a few pages in Ferishta's history, far less than are 
often given to the details of a single campaign, but 
quite enough is said to make the reader solicitous to 
learn more respecting this truly great and gifted mo- 



medans, in the fantastic and fanatical lan- 
guage of their historians, " tasted the sher- 
bet of martyrdom," they were on the whole 
gainers. In 1421, Ahmed Shah took per- 
manent possession of Warangol, and com- 
pelled the rajah of Telingana to relinquish 
his ancient capital. In 1471, Mohammed II. 
concluded a struggle of more than forty 
years' duration, in which much life and trea- 
sure had been wasted, by the partial con- 
quest of the Concan,* and in 1477 completed 
the subjugation of Rajahmundry and Masu- 
lipatam. Notwithstanding these successes, 
Mohammed was rendered infamous, even in 
the eyes of his fellow-believers, by the 
slaughter of some Brahmins whom he 
found officiating in an idolatrous temple at 
Condapilli, and to this ungrateful outrage 
on the Order, by whom his ancestor had 
been first brought to notice, was popularly 
attributed the downfall of the Bahmani 
dynasty. Soon after this, the king, while 
flushed with wine, was induced, by a forged 
letter, to sanction the immediate execution 
of his faithful minister, Mahmood Gawan, 
then in the seventy-eighth year of his age. 

narch. We are told that he was " naturally of a 
disposition wise, merciful, and just, and his judg- 
ment in all affairs of state was usually correct." 
* • • " During his reign no disturbances occurred 
jn the kingdom, nor did any relaxation take place in 
the energy of the government." The praise is coldly 
given, but in the present day the character of a 
ruler in whom firmness and mildness were so ad- 
mirably balanced will be regarded in a very different 
light to that in which it was likely to be viewed by 
s Mohammedan, who regarded the title of Ghazi (the 
holy warrior), bestowed _on the blood-thirsty Mo- 
hammed, as the most desirable of distinctions. In- 
deed the virtues of Mahmood Shah I. savoured little 
of the morality of the Koran. He had but one wife, 
wore plain white robes, and was equally simple and 
unpretending in all his habits. As a youth he is said 
to have delighted in gaudy attire, but on acceding 
to the throne he declared that he looked upon kings 
as only trustees of the state, and thenceforth ob- 
served in his personal expenses remarkable modera- 
tion. A famine occurring during his reign, he 
employed 10,000 bullocks, at his private expense, in 
going to and from Mahva and Guzerat for grain, 
which was distributed to the people at a cheap rate. 
He established orphan schools at the cities of Cul- 
barga, Beder, Cand'har, Elikpoor, Doulatabad, and in 
several other great towns, with ample foundations 
for their support, apportioned stipends to the ex- 
pounders of the Scriptures, and gave monthly charity 
to the blind throughout his dominions. The fame of 
his learning and munificence is said to have reached 
the ears of Hafiz, the poet of Shiraz, who resolved to 
Tisit the Deccan. An assurance of an honourable 
reception was sent by the king, accompanied by a 
present, which, according to Ferishta, the poet dis- 
tributed among his relations and creditors, and then 
Eut himself on board one of the royal vessels which 
ad arrived at Ormua. but the anchor was scarcely 

By so doing, he sealed the fate of his house, 
whose power was speedily absorbed in the 
whirlpool of strife raised by the two factions 
into which the troops had become divided. 
The first consisted of Mogul converts, to 
whom were gradually added Persians and 
Turks, Georgians, Circassians, Calmucks, 
and other Tartars, who were for the most 
part of the Sheiah sect ; the second, or native 
troops, called Deccanies, were Sonnites, and 
were always joined by the Abyssinian mer- 
cenaries, who came in numbers by the sea- 
ports on the western coast.f 

The late minister was a Sonnite, and 
although just and kind to both sects, this 
circumstance afforded a pretext to Nizam- 
ul-Moolk Behri, the son of a converted 
Hindoo, and the leader of the opposite 
party, for gratifying his ambition. Having 
succeeded in procuring the death of Gawan, 
he obtained also his much-coveted office, 
through the fears of the king, who, on learn- 
ing the base plot by which he had been de- 
ceived, openly bewailed his rash credulity, 
but made no attempt to bring the con- 
spirators to justice. A low fever, brought 

weighed before a heavy gale arose, and the ship was 
compelled to return to port. Hafiz had suffered so 
much during the storm that he insisted on being put 
ashore, sending to Mahmood Shah a copy of verses, 
in which he frankly confessed the reason of his 
change of mind — 

" The glare of gems confused my sight, 
The ocean's roar I ne'er had heard." 

Unhappily, the line of Bahmani presents an instance 
of a monarch exactly opposite to Mahmood Shah I. 
Humayun the Cruel was one of those monstera who 
seem possessed by a demoniac desire to cause and 
witness suffering. His own brother he ordered to be 
devoured by a tiger, before his eyes ; and the tor- 
tures inflicted by his command, and in his presence, 
were often too shocking to be narrated. On one 
occasion, after an unsuccessful rebellion, 7,000 per- 
sons, including unoffending females and servants, 
perished by such agonizing deaths as hewing to 
pieces with hatchets, and flaying in cauldrons of 
scalding oil or boiling water. After reigning three 
years this tyrant, during a fit of intoxication, was 
assassinated by his own servants. — Briggs' Ferishta. 

* The sufferings of the Moslems in the Concan 
are very graphically told by Ferishta, who describes 
their " wandering through gloomy defiles, where the 
very grass was tough and sharp as the fangs of ser- 
pents, and the air fetid as the breath of dragons. 
Death dwelt in the waters, poison impregnated the 
breeze." On one occasion, having halted at night, in 
a spot so rugged as to prevent two tents being pitched 
side by side, no less than 7,000 of the invaders were 
surprised and put to death by the Hindoos, the fierce 
gusts of wind rushing through the trees, preventing 
the cries of the first sufferers being heard by their 
companions. — Briggs' Ferishta, vol. ii., p. 430. 

t The influx of Araliians a])pears to have been verv 
small, but it is difficult to conjecture the reason. 


ftn by grief and remorse, was aggravated by 
intoxication, and he expired in strong con- 
vulsions, crying out that Gawan was tearing 
him to pieces. The date of his death, 
A.D. 1482, is recorded in the Persian charac- 
ters (applied numerically) which express "the 
ruin of the Deccan." Mahmood Shah II. 
next ascended the throne. Being but tvi^elve 
years old and of limited ability, he naturally 
became a mere puppet in the hands of the 
grasping nobles, who, though for a time 
disposed to co-operate for their own advan- 
tage, soon broke out into new hostilities. 
Behri, for some years, maintained his as- 
cendancy over the young king, and Yusuf 
Adil Shah, the leader of the foreign party, 
withdrew to his government of Beejapoor, 
which he formed into an independent 
state. Behri, when old and defenceless, 
was strangled at the instigation of the king, 
who then gave himself up to every species 
of excess, leaving the public affairs in the 
hands of the leaders of the foreign party. 
The Deccanies and Abyssinians conspired 
for his destruction, and having surprised 
the palace during one of the ordinary scenes 
of midnight revelry, would have succeeded 
in their object, but for the loyalty of some 
half-dozen of his body-guard, who, though 
unarmed, threw themselves between him 
and the assassins, and by the sacrifice of 
their own lives, enabled the king to escape 
to the terrace of the royal tower, where he 
was joined by the foreign troops. Mahmood, 
mounting his throne at sunrise on the fol- 
lowing day, gave orders that the houses of 
the Deccanies should be broken open, the 
inhabitants slain without distinction, and 
their property seized by the triumphant 
Moguls,* who gladly gave vent to the savage 
fury which they had nursed for years ; and 
all the horrors of a successful siege, height- 
ened by the envenomed bitterness of intes- 
tine broils, raged for three days through 
the stately city of Beder. Strife and cruelty 
naturally brought licentiousness and dis- 
order in their train. " The people, follow- 
ing the example of their prince, attended to 
nothing but dissipation : reverend sages 
pawned their very garments at the wine- 
cellars, and holy teachers, quitting their 
colleges, retfred to taverns and presided 
over the wine-flask."t The governors of 
frontier provinces took advantage of this 

• This term must be here understood in the loose 
sense in which it was thon used, as synonymous with 
the whole foreign or Sheiah party. 

t Briggs' Feriehta, vol. ii., p. 535. 

state of affairs, each one to claim as his 
own the territories entrusted to his charge. 
Ahmednuggur, Golconda and Berar became 
distinct principalities, until at length there 
remained to the nominal king of the Deccan 
no more than the province of Telingana and 
the districts adjacent to Beder. Even there 
he had no real sway, being wholly in the 
hands of Kasim Bareed, who had assumed 
the reins of government after the failure 
of the Deccani plot, and in revenge for 
Mahmood's attempts to get rid of him, as 
he had previously done of Behri, by the hand 
of an assassin, ruled him so tyrannically, as 
to forbid him " even to satisfy his thirst, 
without permission." On the death of 
Kasim, his son. Ameer Bareed, succeeded him 
in the office of Vakeel, J and after regaining 
the person of the king, who had in vain 
endeavoured to assert his rights, confined him 
closely, until his death, in 1518, terminated 
a nominal reign of thirty-seven years. The 
two years' equally nominal sw sy of Ahmed^ 
the son and successor of Mahmood, being 
ended by his decease. Ameer Bareed raised 
to the throne a prince entitled Ala-oo- 
deen II., who, rejecting all allurements to 
the excesses by which the energies of his 
predecessors had been destroyed, attempted 
to out-manoeuvre the wary minister, but 
having failed in an attempt to seize his per- 
son, was himself made prisoner and put to 
death. His successor, also a son of Mah- 
mood Shah II., met with a similar fate ; for 
Ameer Bareed having conceived a passion 
for his wife, caused him to be poisoned, 
married the queen, and bestowed the empty 
title of Shah on another Bahmani prince, 
who, having subsequently incurred his dis- 
pleasure, by making a private and unsucces- 
ful appeal to Baber, the new emperor of 
India, then fully engaged in hostilities with 
the kings of Malwa and Guzerat, was so 
harshly treated, that, escaping from his 
palace-prison, he took refuge at Ahmed- 
nuggur, and there resided till his death. 
Thus ended the Bahmani line. Bareed 
Shah ascended the throne of Beder, and 
founded a dynasty, which reigned over the 
fifth of the kingdoms (Beejapoor, Ahmed- 
nuggur, Golconda, and Berar), formed from 
that called the Deccan, but not with geo- 
graphical accuracy, since Hindoo states, in- 
dependent and even antagonistic, existed in 

I The Vakeel or Representative was then the first 
person in the kingdom, his business being to issue all 
orders from the royal closet to the vizier and other 
executive officers. — (Dow's Jfindoostan, vol. i. p. 202.) 



various parts of the territory commonly 
comprehended in that term. During the 
above period* of two centuries, relations of 
a domestic character had gradually arisen be- 
tween the Moslems and Hindoos. Feroze 
Shah, who began to reign in 1397, made 
it an article of a peace with the rajah of 
Leejanuggur, that he should give him his 
daughter in marriage. This stipulation 
perhaps contributed to the blending of the 
two people, though it originated in the 
ungoverned passions of a king, who re- 
ceived into his harem 300 females in one 
\ day, being convinced, by the reasoning of 
the Sheiahs, that this proceeding was in 
perfect accordance with the spirit of the 
Koran, against whose doctrines his sole 
offences are said to have been an addiction 
to wine and music. These foibles would 
weigh lightly enough in the judgment of a 
Mussulman against a king who earned the 
coveted name of Ghazi, by the unbounded 
zeal for Islam evinced during " four and 
twenty glorious campaigns, by the success of 
which he greatly enlarged his dominions." 
In reality, the religious feelings of both 
Moslems and Hindoos had deteriorated, and 
the conscientious scruples of the former 
people became frequently little better than 
a superstitious regard to certain forms. 

Thus the very men, who, for the sake 
of gain, entered the service of the rajah of 
Beejanuggur, to fight against their fellow- 
believers, cavilled at the idea of making the 
obeisance required as a pledge of fealty to 
an idolater, but gladly availed themselves of 
the miserable pretext of having a Koran 
placed before the throne and bending there- 
to, it being understood that the rajah would 
appropriate the homage as offered to his per- 
son, and in return, assign lands for the sup- 
port of his new auxiliaries, and build a mos- 
que at his capital for their encouragement. 

The early Bahmani kings lived in great 
pomp. Mohammed Shah I. had 3,000 
elephants, a favourite evidence of regal 
splendour. t He obtained from the rajah of 
Telingana a throne six cubits long by two 
broad, of ebony, covered with plates of pure 
gold and inlaid with gems, to which ad- 
ditions were made in successive reigns, until 
the whole attained the value of a crore of 

• Ferishta makes some remarkable statements re- 
specting the use of artillery in the Deccan. For in- 
stance, he asserts, that in 1368, (22 years after their 
alleged employment by Edward ill. at Crcssy) 300 
gun carriages were among the spoil captured from the 
Kajah of Beejanuggur; and the Moslems, by the aid 
of Turks and Europeans, are said to have used artil- 

hoons (£4,000,000 sterling), when it was 
broken up by Mahmood Shah II., who 
took it to pieces to make vases and goblets. 
Some terrible famines are recorded at inter- 
vals, occasioned, according to Ferishta, by 
the absence of the periodical rains, but 
more likely by the slaughter and oppressive 
exactions of the Mohammedans. During- 
one of these visitations, about a.d. 1474, no 
grain was sown in Telingana, Maharashtra, 
and throughout the Bahmani dominions for 
two years, and on the third, scarcely any 
farmers remained to cultivate the land, 
having for the most part perished or emi- 
grated to Malwa and Guzerat. 

Adil Shah dynasty at Beejapoor. — The first 
king of this line, Yusuf Adil Shah, reigned 
from A.D. 1489 to 1510. A romantic story 
is related of his royal descent. He is said to 
have been a son of the Ottoman emperor 
Amurath, at whose death he escaped destruc- 
tion by the contrivance of his mother, who 
had him conveyed to Persia, from whence, 
at the age of sixteen, he was compelled to 
fly, by the suspicions entertained regarding 
his birth, was captured, and sold at the 
Bahmani court as a Georgian slave. He 
rose, according to the course of Mameluk 
adventurers, until he became the governor of 
Beejapoor, and then, by one of the acts of 
flagrant disloyalty so common at the period, 
took the first opportunity of declaring him- 
self an irresponsible prince. From that time 
he was occupied in hostilities with Kasim 
Bareed of Beder, and other neighbouring 
chiefs, who were also endeavouring to form 
independent principalities; but his most 
formidable foe was the Hindoo rajah of Bee- 
januggur. With the new rulers of Ahmed- 
nuggur and Berar, Yusuf entered into a 
sort of partition treaty, by which he recog- 
nised them in their unlawful seizures, and 
they him in the possession of the country 
bounded by the Beema and Kishua rivers 
on the east, the Tumbuddra river on the 
south, the sea from near Goa to near Bom- 
bay on the west, and perhaps the Neera 
river on the north. 

Ibrahim Adil Shah, the fourth king, a.d. 
1535, formed an alliance with Bhoj Tirmul, 
(who had obtained the throne of Beejanuggur 
by the murder of its young occupant, his 

lery for the first time in the following campaign. 
There can be little doubt that guns were common in 
India before the arrival of the Portuguese in H98. 
t The king in return signed a treaty pledging his 
successors to forbear further encroachment on the 
territory of the Telingana rajahs, which, as might be 
expected, did not prevent its entire seizure. 


own nephew), against RamaRajah, the regent 
and brother-in-law of the late sovereign. 
Ibrahim sent an army to the assistance of 
Bhoj Tirmul, who, in return, paid down 
fifty lacks of boons* (£2,000,000 sterling), 
and promised to acknowledge himself tribu- 
tary. No sooner had the foreign troops 
quitted Beejapoor, than Rama Rajah, break- 
ing, it is alleged, a promise of allegiance 
which had been extorted from him, surprised 
the city. Bhoj Tirmul, mad with rage and 
despair, shut himself up in the palace, 
blinded all the royal elephants and horses, 
collected together, in one glittering heap, 
the diamonds, rubies, emeralds, pearls, and 
other gems, amassed during many ages, and 
caused them to be crushed to powder be- 
tween mill-stones ; then, fixing a sword-blade 
into a pillar of his apartment, rushed upon 
it just as the palace- gates were opened to 
his enemies. Rama Rajah became the un- 
disputed master of Beejanuggur, and Ibra- 
him, after having received from his prede- 
cessor so large a bribe to take the field 
against him, now stooped to the humiliation 
of soliciting, with a costly present, the aid 
of Rama against a brave chief. Self Ein- 
ool-Moolk, driven into rebellion by his own 
suspicious tyranny. The required assistance 
was sent under the guidance of Venkatadri, 
the Rajah's brother. Ibrahim died soon 
after, of a complication of disorders brought 
on by the most abandoned conduct, having 
first caused several physicians to be be- 
headed or trodden to death by elephants 
for failing to cure him, upon which the rest 
fled for their lives, leaving him to perish 
unheeded. His successor, Ali,t entered 
into a new alliance with Rama Rajah, and 
the two monarchs having, at the request of 
the former, united their forces, jointly in- 
vaded the territory of Nizam Shah, and, 
says Ferishta, " laid it waste so thoroughly, 
that from Purenda to Joonere, and from 
Ahmednuggur to Doulatabad, not a vestige 
of population was left." Ali at length be- 
came " scandalised by the behaviour of his 
Hindoo allies," and alarmed at the growing 
strength and haughtiness of Rama ; there- 
fore, after receiving the full benefit of his 
power, while continuing every outward 

i • The hoon varies in value from 3j to 4 rupees — 
eight shillings sterling may be taken as the average, 
t This monarch (whose death by the hand of a 
eunuch shamefully insulted by him, has rendered his 
name infamous) greatly improved the capital by con- 
structing the city wall and the aqueducts which stili 
I convey water through every street. Mention is 
j made of his receiving tribute from several petty 

mark of friendship, he made a secret league 
with his late enemy, Nizam Shah, and with 
the kings of Beder and Golcouda, " to crush 
the common enemy of Islam." A decisive 
battle took place on the Kishna, near Tali- 
cot, the Hindoos commencing the attack by 
vast flights of rockets and rapid discharges 
of artillery. A general engagement fol- 
lowed, in which, after great numbers had 
been slain on both sides, the Moslems were 
victorious, aided by the treachery of two 
Mohammedan chiefs in the pay of the rajah. 
Eama, although seventy years of age, gave 
orders from his elephant throughout, but 
was at last captured, and brought into the 
presence of Nizam Shah, by whose orders 
his bead was struck ofl" and stuck upon a 
pole. It is no small proof, either of the 
barbarity of the conquerors or the dread 
which their victim must have inspired, that 
the head of the brave old man should have 
been annually exhibited at Ahmednuggur 
for more than two centuries and a half, 
covered with oil and red pigment, by the 
descendants of his executioners, while a sculp- 
tured representation of it was made to serve 
as the opening of one of the sewers of 
the citadel of Beejapoor. 

Thus ended the monarchy of Beejanuggur, 
which at that time comprehended the greater 
part of the south of India. The city of that 
name was destroyed, and is now uninhabited; 
the country fell into the hands of the tri- 
butary chiefs and officers, since so ] well 
known as zemindars or poligars; but the 
confederate kings were prevented by their 
mutual jealousies from gaining any great 
addition of territory, the balance of power 
being pretty evenly maintained among them, 
until all were overwhelmed by Akber. Ven- 
katadri, the brother of the late rajah, re- 
moved his residence further east, and finally 
settled at Chandragiri, seventy miles north-' 
west of Madras, at which last place his 
descendant first granted a settlement to the 
Enghsh, A.D. 1640. The wars between the 
Adil Shah dynasty and the Portuguese set- 
tlers are very slightly mentioned by the 
native historians ; they state little more than 
that Goa was lost under Yusuf, retaken by 
that king, lost again under his son Ismael 

principalities, the government of which was heredi- 
tarily vested in females, who ruled with the title of 
Rallies, their husbands having no power in the state. 
Co'-^nel Briggs remarks upon this statement of Fe- 
rishta, that " the gynecocracy of the Ranies of Mala- 
bar and Canara seems to have suffered no alteration 
from the period alluded to, to the present day." — Note 
to Ferishta, vol. iii. p. 140. 


(alluding to the second capture by Albu- 
querque, in 1510), and attacked simulta- 
neously with Ghoul, in 1570, by the kings 
of Beejapoor and Ahmednuggur, who were 
both repulsed. 

The reigns of the early Beejapoor kings 
weie marked by fierce sectarian strife, for 
Y'usuf had imbibed in Persia a strong at- 
tachment to the Sheiah doctrines and cere- 
monial, which he endeavoured to introduce 
in his dominions, but was compelled to re- 
nounce the attempt by the displeasure of 
his subjects and the combination formed 
against him by all the other Mohammedan 
sovereigns. The same division prevailed 
among the troops as that previously de- 
scribed as existing under the Bahmani 
dynasty, and according to the opinion of 
the king or his chief ministers, the Dec- 
canies (including Hindoos), or the foreigners, 
were uppermost. After the extinction of 
their native rulers, the Hindoos formed the 
chief part of the infantry of most of the 
Moslem governments, and appear to have 
been well paid* and entirely relied upon. 
Yusuf is said to have given a command of 
12,000 infantry to a Mahratta chief,t and 
Ismael raised " a vast number" of Mahratta 
cavalry, under the name of Bergies, who, 
for an annual subsidy, engaged to appear 
fully equipped whenever their services were 
required. Ibrahim, the fourth king, caused 
the public accounts to be kept in the Mah- 
ratta language instead of the Persian, a very 
politic and almost necessary measure, since 
the village accountants and the revenue and 
finance officers were for the most part Hin- 
doos. Ibrahim II., who acceded to the throne 
of Beejapoor, a.d. 1579, was cotemporary 
with Akber, and will be again mentioned. 

Nizam Shah dynasty at Ahmednuggur. — 
Ahmed, the first of these kings, began to 
reign a.d. 1490, having, as before stated, 
on the assassination of his father, Nizam-ool- 
Moolk Behri, assumed the title of Shah, and 
made Ahmednuggur his capital. Not only 
tolerance, but great favour was shown to the 
Hindoos by this monarch and his successor, 
Boorhan, who appointed a Brahmin, named 
Kawar Sein, Peshwa or prime minister, and 
had every reason to rejoice in the selection. 

• Brigcs gives a table (vol. ii. p. 504) showing 
how much more liberally Indian troops were paid by 
Mohammedan sovereigns in 1470 than by the British 
in 1823 (the date at which he wrote). 

•f Duffs History of the Mahrattas,yo\. i. p. 84 , 
\ The chivalrous Rajpoot probably intended to 
Traive the performance of this galling act, for when 
Hassun entered his tent, he rose and took him by 

In fact, these kings appear to have been 
proud of their Brahmiuical descent, and 
frequent wars took place between them and 
the Berar sovereigns, for the possession of 
t he village of Patree, situate just within the 
Berar territory, where the ancestors of the 
Nizam Shah family had held the office of 
coolcurny or hereditary village accountant. 
It was, however, by the orders of Hussun, 
the third king of this dynasty, that Rama 
Rajah was beheaded, in revenge for the 
humiliations previously suflPered from his 
brave foe, to whom he had been compelled to 
sue for peace, by paying the Hindoo a visit, 
and receiving a p&n (aromatic leaf) from 
his hand, which, thus given, implies the 
superiority of the donor, and is equivalent 
to the English custom of kissing hands ; but, 
when presented in a silver or gold box, 
or on a salver, denotes equality. J Hussun 
died shortly after, from the consequences 
of unbounded dissipation. His successor, 
Murtezza, appears to have become insane, 
and growing suspicious of his son, Meeran 
Hussun, the heir apparent, endeavoured to 
destroy him, by setting fire to the couch on 
which he lay sleeping. Meeran escaped, suc- 
cessfully rebelled, and seized the person of 
his father, whom, although ill of a mortal 
disease, he confined in a bath-room, and suf- 
focated with hot air. Ferishta, who was r.t 
the time on guard at the palace, relates th>is 
horrible tale, adding, as the reason of his own 
life being spared amid the general massacre 
of the few who remained faithful to the king, 
'■ the Prince fortunately knew me, and re- 
flecting that we had been school-fellows, and 
brought up together, ordered my life to 
be spared."§ Meeran Hussun retained the 
throne less than a year, but during that period 
he inflicted great misery, frequently riding 
through the streets in fits of intoxication, ac- [ 
companied by a party of abandoned courtiers, 
and putting to death persons guilty of no j 
crime. Fifteen princes of the royal family were 
massacred in one day, in order to establish 
an authority obtained by parricide, at the [ 
instigation of the vizier, Mirza Khan, who, 
at length terrified by the menaces of the 
king during his drunken revels, deposed and 
slew him. A speedy retribution attended 

the hand, but the insolent Mussulman called for a 
basin and ewer as if polluted by the touch of Rama, 
who exclaimed in his own language, " If he were not | 
my guest, I would cut off his hands and hang them 
round his neek." After this interview the rajah and 
his troops are accused of treating their Mohamme- 
dan foes and even friends with great indignity. 
§ Briggs' Ftrishta vol. iii. p. 269. 


this wretch, for in the struggle which en- 
sued between the Deccanies and the Moguls, 
he was hewn to pieces by the former, 
and his limbs affixed on diflferent public 
buildings. In the space of seven days, 
nearly 1,000 foreigners were slain, and their 
effects confiscated ; some few escaped with 
their lives, through the protection of Deccani 
or Abyssinian officers, and these, among 
whom was Ferishta, for the most part, ob- 
tained service under the king of Beejapoor. 
The remaining reigns of this line present 
uo very striking features, excepting the gal- 
lant struggles made by Chand Beeby [the 
Lady Chand) as regent on behalf of her 
infant nephew, after the death of her 
brother, Ibrahim, slain in battle with the 
king of Beejapoor. An attempt was made 
to seize the throne in the name of a boy 
called Ahmed, under a shallow pretence of his 
being a son of the late king. Chand Beeby 
evinced equal valour and discretion during 
this trjring period,* and her efforts were 
temporarily successful. Ahmed, the young 
pretender, was confessed to be not lineally 
descended from the royal family, and was 
provided with an estate by Ibrahim Adil 
Shah, at Beejapoor, while Bahadur was pro- 
claimed king, his aunt continuing regent 
until the siege of Ahmednuggur by the son 
of Akber. Then, hopeless of offering a suc- 
cessful defence, in consequence of the fac- 
tions which divided the troops, she called a 
council of war, and proposed to negotiate, on 
favourable terms, the evacuation of the fort. 
The ungrateful Deccanies, to whom her sug- 
gestion had been purposely misrepresented 
by an intriguing eunuch, rushed into her 
apartments and put her to death. The place 
was shortly after taken by storm, and little 
or no quarter given. The unfortunate king 
was sent to Akber, who confined him in the 
fortress of Gwalior, a.d. 1599, but was pre- 
vented from gaining possession of his do- 
minions by the determination of an Abys- 
sinian officer, Malek Amber, (who founded 
the city afterwards called Aurungabad,) to 

• On one occasion when closely besieged, after 
having succeeded in destroying two out of five mines 
carried under the bastions at Ahmednuggur, by her- 
self labouring all night at the head of the garrison, 
a third was sprung at day-break, which killed many 
of the counter-miners, and threw down several yards 
of the waH. The principal officers concluding all 
now lost, prepared for flight, but Chand Beeby, clad 
in armour, with a veil on her face and a naked sword 
in her hand rushed to defend the breach, and while 
the Mogul storming-party waited the explosion of 
the other mines, found time to bring guns to bear 

retain the sovereignty on behalf ot his newly- 
elected nominal master , and the Adil Shah 
dynasty was not extinguished until the time 
of Jehangeer. At its greatest extent the king- 
dom of Ahmednuggur comprehended all that 
is now called the Subah of Aurungabad, and 
the west of that of Berar, with a portion of 
the sea-coast of the Concan. It must have 
been a formidable power, for it appears that 
in one campaign upwards of 600 of its guns 
were seized by the rival state of Beejapoor, 
including the cannon still preserved at the 
latter place, and famous as one of the 
largest pieces of brass ordnance in the 
world.f Duelling (an infrequent crime 
in Asia) was introduced in the reign of 
Ahmed, who, being himself an expert swords- 
man, encouraged the assemblage of young 
men at the palace for the purpose of dis- 
playing their skill, till at length a day sel- 
dom passed without one or two persons 
being killed. The king then endeavoured 
to discourage the practice, but it spread far 
and wide among the Mohammedans of the 
Deccan. Even learned divines and philoso- 
phers shared the infatuation, and Ferishta 
records an instance which he witnessed in 
the streets of Beejapoor, of a dispute 
arising regarding some trifling matter, and 
terminating in a few minutes in the death 
or mortal injury of sis persons of high 
standing, of whom five were grey-headed 
men. The spread of this destructive and 
contagious vice was, of course, fostered by 
the rancorous sectarian- spirit between the 
Sonnites and Sheiahs — the native and fo- 
reign factions. 

The Koolb Shah dynasty at Golconda was 
founded, about a.d. 1512, by a Turcoman 
soldier, named Kooli Kootb, who came from 
Hamadan, in Persia, in quest of military 
service, entered the guards of the Bahmani 
king, was promoted, and, on the dissolution 
of the monarchy, held sway over Telin- 
gana, which he retained, making Golconda 
his capital. He was a zealous Sheiah, and 
introduced this profession into his dominions. 

upon it, so that on the enemy's advance they were re- 
ceived with repeated volleys, until, when compelled to 
renounce the attack by the darkness of night, " the 
ditch was nearly filled with dead carcases." During 
the succeeding hours Chand Beeby (on whom the 
name of Chand Sultana was now bestowed) super- 
intended unceasingly the repairs of the breach, which 
by the morning's dawn was built up to the height oi 
seven or eight feet. At length, reinforcements being 
on their way, the siege was raised. 

t Weighs 40 tons, is 4 ft. 8 in. in diameter at the 
muzzle, and only 15 ft. long. Calibre, 2 ft. 4 in. 


At the close of a long reign he left a terri- 
toiy extending from the Godavery river to 
beyond that of the Kishna, and from the 
sea (Bay of Bengal) to a line drawn west of 
Hyderabad, about 78° E. long. The chief 
part of his dominions were wrested from the 
Warangol family, and other Hindoo chiefs 
of Telingana, over whom, together with the 
Rajah of Orissa, he gained a great victory at 

It has been stated in a previous page, on 
the authority of Ferishta, that the Bahmani 
line abided by the oath of Mohammed 
Shah I., not to slay prisoners or the un- 
armed in cold blood, but if this dynasty 
really redeemed its pledge, the rulers of 
the subsequent Deccani kingdoms reverted 
to the barbarities which their predecessors 
had abjured, and were far more treacherous 
and sanguinary. Thus Sultan Kooli Kootb 
Shahhaving repeatedly, but invain,attempted 
to storm the strong hill-fort of Nulgonda, 
at length sent a flag of truce to the com- 
mandant. Rajah Hari Chandra, promising 
to withdraw the troops if he would consent 
to become tributary to Golconda, but threat- 
ening, in the event of refusal, to procure 
reinforcements, destroy the neighbouring 
towns, devastate the country, and thus 
reduce the place by cutting ofi' its supphes, 
in which case he would not spare the life 
even of an infant in the garrison. The 
Rajah having consented, the king remarked 
that as Nulgonda was the only hill-fort 
which had successfully resisted him, he 
should like to see it, and therefore desired 
to be allowed to enter with a few attendants. 
The request being granted, Kooli, having 
instructed his body-guard, (whom, to disarm 
suspicion, he had left in the town below,) 
how to act ascended the hill with four 
chosen soldiers in complete armour. On 
entering the gate-way he drew his sword 
and cut down one sentinel, while his com- 
panions, attacking the others, held posses- 
sion until their comrades came rushing to 
their assistance, and the whole army soon 
poured into the fortress. " Neither man, 
woman, or child was spared on this occa- 
sion. The Rajah, on being made prisoner, 
was confined in an iron cage, and eventually 
put to death." Such are the words in which 
the Mohammedan historian concludes the 
account of this abominable transaction.* 

* See Briggfs' Appendix to History of Kings of 
Golconda, translated fron the Persian of a contem- 
porary of Ferishta's, vol iii. p. 374. t Idem, p. 431. 

t Thfi Hindoos still call it Bhagnuggur. 

The author of it was eventually the victim 
of domestic treachery, being assassinated in 
his ninetieth year, a.d. 1543, at the insti- 
gation of his son, Jamsheed, who, hav- 
ing put out the eyes of his elder brother, 
the heir apparent, ascended the throne. 
Wars were carried on with their Jloslem 
rivals in a spirit less perfidious perhaps, but 
scarcely less ferocious. Thus it is recorded 
that Ibrahim Kootb Shah, when at war 
with AU Adil Shah, detached a force of 
4,000 horse and 10,000 foot to make nightly 
attacks on the enemy. " The Munewar 
infantry were eminently successful in all 
directions, and at all hours, bringing nightly 
between 300 and 400 noses and ears from 
the enemy's lines; and they received for 
each nose a boon, and for each ear a purtab 
[star pagoda.] Meanwhile, the king, by 
whose orders these atrocities were being 
committed, " had ordered pavilions to be 
pitched on the bastions [of Golconda], and 
adorned them with rich brocades and silks 
from China, and with velvets of European 
manufacture, giving himself up to the grati- 
fication of listening to the enchanting 
vocal and instrumental music of heart-al- 
luring damsels and fairy-faced virgins."-)- 
Truly it is as reasonable to expect the shrill 
cry of human suffering to pierce " the dull 
cold ear of death," as to touch a heart turned 
into stone by sensuality. 

Mohammed Kooli, the fifth of the Kootb 
Shah kings, began to reign a.d. 1580. He 
removed the seat of government to a neigh- 
bouring site, where he built a magnificent 
city called Bhagnuggur, J in honour of Bhag- 
muttee, his favourite mistress, a public 
singer, for whom 1,000 cavalry were assigned 
as an escort. After her death the name was 
changed to Hyderabad. In this reign fierce 
struggles took place between the Deccanies 
and the Moguls, as the foreigners of what- 
ever denomination came to be called. The 
disorderly conduct of some of the latter 
caused the issuing of a proclamation com- 
manding all aliens, whether Patans, Per- 
sians, Arabs, Tartars or others, who had no 
fixed employment, to quit Hyderabad. The 
Deccanies construing this order into a per- 
mission to plunder their old foes at pleasure, 
deserted their occupations and hastened to 
rifle the warehouses of the wealthy merchants, 
of whom many were killed in defending 
their property. The riots grew to an alarm- 
ing height, but the king was sleeping, and 
none of the servants dared disturb the royal 
slumbers, until one of the ministers had 


the courage to break open the door, and hav- 
ing with great difficulty aroused the monarch, 
bade him observe from the palace-windows 
the state of the city. The measures adopted 
were in the true spirit of oriental despotism. 
The cutwal (chief magistrate) through whose 
representations the sentence of banishment 
had been procured, was directed to put an 
immediate stop to the disturbances, on peril 
of being trodden to death by elephants. 
Many of the rioters were executed, " and by 
way of satisfying the minds of the people, 
several minor police-officers, who had been 
most active, were beheaded or hanged, or 
flayed alive, while others were maimed by 
the loss of limbs, and exhibited through the 
city in this mutilated state as examples."* 

The Imad Shah dynasty of Berar was 
founded about 1484, by the descendant of a 
Hindoo of Canara, captured when a child, 
and educated as a Mussulman, by the gover- 
nor of Berar. This small kingdom extended 
from the Injadri hills to the Godavery, and 
bordered Ahmednuggur and Candeish on 
the west. Very little is known of its his- 
tory, except from its wars with neighbouring 
states. Boorhan, the fourth and last of his 
line, ascended the throne while yet a child, 
about the year 1560. The regent, Tufal 
Khan, imprisoned the young king and 
seized the crown, relying upon the protec- 
tion of Murtezza Nizam Shah of Ahmed- 
nuggur, who, false to both parties, having 
obtained possession of Boorhan and his 
rebellious minister, caused them to be put 
to death, and annexed Berar to his own 
dominions, a.d. 1572. 

The Bareed Shah Dynasty at Beder, com- 
menced in 1498. The territories of these 
kings were smaU and ill-defined, and the 
period of their extinction uncertain. Ameer 
II. was reigning in 1609, when Ferishta 
closed that part of his history. Having 
thus shown the fate of the five Mohammedan 
principalities formed from the ruins of the 
Bahmani kingdom, it becomes necessary to 
sketch the leading characteristics of the other 
states which succeeded in establishing their 
independence of Delhi during the feeble 
reign of Mahmood Toghlak, of which the 
chief were Guzerat, Malwa and Candeish. 

The kings of Guzerat ruled the territory 
still called by this name; bounded on the 
north and north-east by a hilly tract con- 
necting the AravuUi mountains with the 
Vindya chain, and on the south by the sea, 
which nearly surrounds a part of it, forming 
• Briggs' Ferishta, vol. iii., p. 478. 

a peninsula then termed Surashtra, now 
Katiwar. The founder of the dynasty was 
Mozuffer, the son of a Rajpoot, who had 
embraced Islamism, and become conspi- 
cuous for his enmity to all who still held the 
creed which he had renounced. The king 
of Delhi having been informed that the 
existing governor of Guzerat was endea- 
vouring to establish himself as an indepen- 
dent ruler by gaining the affections of the 
Hindoos, sent Mozuff'er Khan to supersede 
him; which, after some opposition on the 
part of the Hindoos, he succeeded in doing, 
and by the permission of the Delhi monarch 
assumed the white umbrella or canopy, and 
the scarlet pavilion, considered as exclusive 
appurtenances of royalty. When he took the 
title of Shah does not appear, but his reign 
really commenced with his government, 
A.D. 1391. At first his sway extended over 
only a portion of the fertile plain, about sixty 
miles in depth, which stretches along the 
sea. On the north-west were the indepen- 
dent rajahs of Jhalor and Sirohi, from 
whom he occasionally levied tribute, as also 
from the Rajpoot prince of Idur, in the 
western part of the hills, while the rugged 
forest tracts were generally retained by 
the mountain tribes of Bheels and Coolies; 
among whom some Rajpoot chiefs, mostly 
connected with Mewar, had also founded 
petty principalities. The peninsula was in 
the hands of nine or ten Hindoo tribes, who 
probably paid tribute so long as a power 
existed capable of its enforcement. All these 
small states preserved their existence under 
the kings of Guzerat, the Mogul emperors, 
and during many years of British ascen- 
dancy. Of the plain which formed the Guze- 
rat kingdom at the accession of Mozuffer, the 
eastern portion belonged to an independent 
rajah, who resided in the hill-fort of Cham- 
paneer, and their dominions stretched along 
the sea to the south-east, so as to include 
the city of Surat, and some further country 
in the same direction. 

It would occupy space which could be ill- 
spared to narrate in detail the varying for- 
tunes of this dynasty in their wars with 
Malwa, their Hindoo neighbours, and the 
Rajpoot kingdom of Mewar, from the acces- 
sion of Mozufi"er I. to that of the puppet 
set up by a faction under the title of Mo- 
zuffer III., in A.D. 1561, when the kingdom 
was partitioned among the conspirators. 
One striking characteristic in their incessant 
strife with the Hindoos, was the cruel bigotry 
which marked their conduct, far exceed- 


ing that displayed by the Delhi usurpers. 
It may be perhaps that the proceedings of 
the latter sovereigns are purposely placed 
in the least unfavourable light, but this 
scarcely accounts for the difference, since, 
iu both cases, the annals are furnished solely 
by Mohammedan pens. Ferishta, although his 
history bears internal evidence of the honesty 
and ability of the writer, was yet compelled 
to depend in great measure on the compila- 
tions of his fellow-believers ; and his igno- 
rance of the language of the Hindoos would 
greatly hinder his obtaining information 
from whatever records they might possess, 
even if the inveterate prejudices of his creed 
had not taught him to shun with contempt 
and aversion the thought of gaining infor- 
mation from so defiled a source. 

In 1402 the port of Diu was seized by 
MozufFer I. from the Rajah of Idur, who 
had been driven from his capital, and forced 
to take refuge there. We are told that " it 
opened its gates without offering any resis- 
tance. The garrison was, however, nearly 
all cut to pieces, while the Ray, with the 
rest of the members of the court, were trod 
to death by elephants." The next king, 
Ahmed Shah, a.d. 1412, though a zealous 

•Bird's Giyardt,p. 191. 

t Signifying, in the Guzerat language, two forts. 

X According to Ferishta nearly 1,900 years had 
elapsed since this fortress had come into the pos- 
session of the rajah, who held it when Mahmood 
first marched against it in 1469 ; and whose title, 
Mandulik, here used by Ferishta for the first time, 
implies petty chieftain, a term originally applied to 
officers of some greater state, but often retained by 
rulers who had acquired or inherited an independent 
sway. A body of Rajpoots occupying an important 
defile were surprised by Mahmood. The troops then 
passed on unopposed, till on reaching the foot of the 
hill they were met by the rajah, who, being defeated 
and severely wounded, sooner than sustain a siege 
purchased a cessation of hostilities by the payment 
of a large amount in jewels and in specie. In the 
following year, " the king, who only wanted some 
excuse to invade Girnar a second time, urged as a 
complaint against the rajah, his habit of assuming 
the ensigns of royalty." On this plea, in itself a gross 
insult to the high-born Hindoo, forty thousand horse 
were sent to exact from him a heavy fine, which 
having obtained, Mahmood distributed in one night, 
amongst a set of female dancers ; and at the latter 
end of the same year appeared in person before 
Girnar. "The rajah declared his willingness to pay 
any sum of money he could produce, to protect his 
subjects from the oppression and horrors of war." 
Mahmood would enter into no terms, but sat down 
before the place, starved the garrison into sub- 
jection, and succeeded in acquiring possession. The 
expelled rajah, it is said, from conviction, but more 
probably to save his life, embraced Islamism, a faith 
against which the covetousness and fraud practised 
towards him by its professors were sufficient to have 

Mussulman very diligent in destroying 
temples and building mosqaes, yet showed 
more favour to the natives than his prede- 
cessor had done, and Hindoo names appear 
among those of the government officers 
and nobility — an innovation which had 
long been opposed. Ahmed built the forti-. 
fied town of Ahmednuggur, as a check on 
the Rajah of Idur (the successor of the 
prince slain by MozufFer), and founded 
Ahmedabad, thenceforth his capital, and 
still one of the principal cities in India. 
This king introduced the practice of paying 
the soldiers one-half in money, and the 
other by a grant of land, with a view of 
inducing them to take an interest in the 
cultivation and protection of the province.* 
Mahmood Shah I. reigned for fifty-two years 
(1459 to 1511), and warred alike with 
Moslems and with the Indian and European 
idolaters, the latter term being used to 
designate the Portuguese. He obtained the 
surname of Begarra,t by the reduction of 
Girnar or JunagharJ and of Champaneer — 
two hill-forts, situated the one on the west, 
and the other on the east, of his dominions, 
and both until that time deemed impreg- 
nable. § His maritime exploits were re- 
inspired a deep-rooted prejudice. — (Briggs' Ferishta, 
vol. iv. p. 55.) 

§ Champaneer was not captured till 1483. The 
rajah, Beni Ray, sent ambassadors offering two ele- 
phant-loads of gold to procure the departure of 
Mahmood, who had arrived at the head of a power- 
ful force ; but, finding all endeavours at conciliation 
useless, he sallied forth, and after many attempts 
succeeded in compelling the invader to raise the 
siege, and then led his troops to attack him. In the 
sanguinary battle which followed, the flower of the 
Hindoo force was slain, but a compact body of 
12,000 men retreated in order to the fort. Mahmood 
continued to construct trenches and mines, and 
caused a mosque to be built in the lines, in order to 
convince his troops of his determination not to be 
wearied out by the prolonged defence, but no de- 
cided advantage was gained until it was discovered 
that the Rajpoots left the place every morning 
through a sally-port to perform their ' ablutions. 
Watching their opportunity, a chosen band waited 
close to the walls at day-break, and succeeded in 
rushing into the place, while another party, under 
Malek Eiaz, (the famous admiral who engaged the 
Portuguese fleet, off Choul,) escaladed the western 
wall, where a breach had been newly made, and got 
possession of the main gate. The Rajpoots finding 
the king rejected all terms of surrender, burned their 
wives and children on a funeral pile, together with 
their costliest effects, and then, having bathed, 
perished on the swords of their cruel foes, who like- 
wise suffered severely. Beni Ray and his prime 
minister, crippled by wounds, were captured, and 
brouglit into the presence of Mahmood, who, on 
asking the former why he had held out so long 
I against an overwhelming force, was reminded of the 



markable. He took the islands of Jegat and 
Beet, then, as now, nests of pirates ; des- 
patched a sea and land force against Bombay; 
and sent a large fleet of vessels, mounting 
guns, under Eiaz, to co-operate with the 
twelve ships equipped by the Mameluk 
Sultan of Egypt, for the purpose of attacking 
the Portuguese squadron in the harbour of 
Choul, south of Bombay. In the first action 
the combined forces were successful, but 
were subsequently defeated near Diu, and 
the Mameluk portion annihilated. Fleets 
were, however, still despatched by the 
Mameluks to the Indian seas, and the 
Turks, after their conquest of Egypt, con- 
tinued the practice, with a view to open the 
navigation of the Red Sea and the Persian 
Gulf, but apparently without entertaining 
any idea of forming settlements in India. 

Mahmood Begarra attained an unenviable 
European celebrity by the marvellous ac- 
counts of travellers, who described his per- 
sonal appearance as terrific; and declared his 
system to have been so impregnated with the 
mortal poisons, on which he habitually fed, 
that although he had by some means or 
other contrived to neutralize their effect on 
his own vital powers, he had only, after 
chewing betel, to breathe upon any courtier 
who had ofl'ended him, and death infallibly 
ensued. If a fly settled on him, it instantly 
dropped lifeless.* 

Bahadur Shah, a. d. 1526, (before men- 
tioned as the opponent of Humayun,) with 
the aid of Rana Rattan Sing, made war 
upon Mahmood, king of Malwa, who had 
intrigued against them both. Mahmood 
was captured and put to death, and Malwa 

hereditary right by which the territory had been 
held, and the long line of noble ancestors through 
which his name with honour had descended. This 
fearless reply for the moment raised a feeling of ad- 
miration in the selfish victor, and he ordered Beni 
Ray and his faithful companion to be treated with 
respect and attention. On recovering from their 
wounds, they both persisted in refusing to abjure 
their religion, and were therefore confined separately, 
and treated harshly, which, as might have been fore- 
seen, only served to confirm their previous determi- 
nation. " At length the king, at the instigation of 
some holy men about his person, ordered them to be 
put to death." — (Briggs' Ferishta, vol. iv., p. 70.) 

* Bartema and Barbnsa (Ramusio, vol. i., pp. 
147 — 296.) Mahmood Begarra is the original of 
Butler's Prince of Camhay, whose — 

" ■ daily food 

Is asp, and basilisk and toad." 

t The king feared to storm the fort, knowing that 
in the seraglio were many Mohammedan females, 
who would, in the event of his success, be burnt 

annexed to Guzerat. Raiseen, a strong hill- 
fort, Bhilsa and other places in the west of 
Malwa together with Oojein, remained in 
the possession of Silhuddi; a Rajpoot who 
had risen under Mahmood to power, but 
whose son, Bopat Rai, was in the service of 
Bahadur, by whose invitation Silhuddi came 
to visit the royal camp. He was treacher- 
ously seized, and Oojein taken by surprise. 
Raiseen held out under his brother Lokmun, 
but was at length reduced, both Silhuddi 
and Lokmun being slain at its capture.f 

In his dealings with the Portuguese, Ba- 
hadur was less fortunate. Having entered 
into negotiations with them for their aid, 
and among other things conceded in return 
permission for the erection of a factory at 
Surat, he found them surrounding the 
building with a wall and, in efiect, render- 
ing it a strong fortification. This seems to 
have first roused suspicions, and treachery is 
alleged to have been meditated by both 
parties. The result has been already stated, 
Bahadur perished in an afi^ray which arose 
on his visiting the ship where Nuno de 
Cunha, the Portuguese viceroy, had allured 
him on tlie plea of sickness, a.d. 1537. J 

The fort of Surat is said by Ferishta to 
have been completed during the reign of 
Mahmood III. (1538 to 1553), but the Per- 
sian characters inserted over the old gate — 
" Against the bosom and lives, the ambition 
and rapacity of the Portuguese,be this fabric an 
effectual bulwark," when numerically viewed, 
give 1530 as the date of its erection. § This 
king was assassinated by his chaplain, named 
Boorhan, whose revenge he had excited, by 
sentencing him, for some offence not re- 
alive with their Rajpoot companions, for whom, of 
course, as infidels, no compassion could possibly be 
entertained. Silhuddi consented to abjure his creed, 
and was sent to escort the females of his family from 
the fort, but on arriving there, his wife (the daughter 
of Rana Sanga) bitterly reproached him and his 
brother for their conduct, and, setting fire to a pile 
with which she had caused the apartments of the 
females to be surrounded, sprang into the flames, 
and all, to the number of 700, perished. Silhuddi 
and Lokmun, with a hundred of their blood-relations, 
rushed out,and met death on the Moslem swords. 

\ One account of this transaction has been given 
at p. 85. I have since read the Portuguese and 
Mussulman statements, collated by General Briggs 
{Ferishta, vol. iv., p. 132), in which each party 
endeavours to throw the blame upon the other, but 
there is little difference in the leading facts of the 
case, except that Bahadur, after jumping into the 
sea, is asserted to have been first stunned by a blow 
with an oar, and then dispatched with a halbert. 

5 Price would place it six years earlier.^il/ulc. 
medan History, vol. iii., p. 726. 


KINGS OF MALWA— A.D. 1401 to 1512. 

corded, to be built up in a mud wall with 
his head exposed, and left to starve. Life 
was nearly extinct when Mahmood passed 
the spot, and noticing the attempt of the 
wretched captive to bend his head in saluta- 
tion, inspired with compassion, had him 
released and attended by the royal phy- 
sician until he recovered. But soon after 
this Boorhau again fell into disgrace, and, 
fearing, perhaps, to be re-immured, or stimu- 
lated by ambition to attempt to seize the 
throne, persuaded his nephew, Dowlut, to 
take the opportunity afforded by his office 
of fumigating the long hair of the king, to 
assassinate him while he slept. This being 
done, Boorhan, by the aid of a corps called, 
from their qualification for enlistment, " the 
tiger-killers," succeeded in destroying seve- 
ral of the leading nobility by sending for them 
separately, but was at length, when intoxi- 
cated with success, slain by the vengeful 
swords of the survivors. A supposititious 
child* was next set up by a party under the 
name of Ahmed II., but assassinated a.d. 
1561. The last and merely nominal king 
abdicated in favour of Akber, a.d. 1572. 

Kings of Malwa. — This state became in- 
dependent in 1401, under Dilawur Ghori, 
whose successor founded the capital, Mandu, 
on a rich table-land, thirty-seven miles in 
circumference. Wars with Mohammedan 
kingdoms, especially the neighbouring one 
of Guzerat, with the Hindoo rajahs of Chit- 
tore or Mewar, and several minor principali- 
ties, together with the usual instance* of 
treachery and intrigue in the court and 
camp, and besotted sensuality in the harem, 
form the staple of the history of this dynasty. 
Mohammed Ghori, the third king, was poi- 
soned at the instigation of his minister and 
brother-in-law, who ascended the throne in 
1435, by the name of Sultan Mahmood 
Khilji. He reigned thirty-six years, of 
which scarcely one was suffered to pass 
without a campaign, " so that his tent be- 
came his home, and his resting-place the 
field of battle."t A famous fort in Kum- 
ulnere was taken by storm after a severe 
struggle, and its defenders compelled to 
chew the calcined parts of a large marble 
idol, J representing, according to Ferishta, a 
ram (? a bull), as they were in the habit of 
doing chunam or lime between betel leaves, 

* Mahmood left no lineal heir ; fearing to risk the 
chance of rebellious children, of which frequent in- 
stances occur in Mohammedan history, he avoided 
the commission of infanticide by the perpetration of 
a yet more heinous crime. 

that they might be said to have eaten their 
gods. Many Rajpoots were slain, probably 
in consequence of their refusal to obey this 
command of their imperious conqueror. 
Some years after, Mahmood received a sig- 
nal defeat from Koombho Sing, the rajah of 
Chittore, who erected, in commemoration of 
his victory, a superb column, still in ex- 
istence, which Tod states to have cost nearly 
a million sterling. § Mahmood unsuccess- 
fully besieged Delhi and Beder. His in- 
ternal administration would seem to have 
been more gentle than could have been ex- 
pected, for we are told that his subjects, 
Hindoos as well as Moslems, " were happy, 
and maintained a friendly intercourse with 
one another." He took vigorous measures 
for the suppression of robbery, and further 
promoted the safety of travellers, and indeed 
of the people generally, by obliging the 
governors of the different districts to send 
out parties for the destruction of wild beasts, 
proclaiming that if after a period of two 
years a human being should be seized by 
them, he would hold the governor responsi- 
ble. For many years after his death wild 
beasts were scarce throughout the kingdom. 
Now the vicinity of the once famous city of 
Mandu, overgrown by forest trees, has again 
become the favourite haunt of tigers, who, 
in some instances, within the memory of the 
present generation, have been known to carry 
off troopers riding in the ranks of their 
regiments. The next king, Gheias-oo-deen 
Khilji, A.D. 1482, was only remarkable for 
the extent of his seraglio, which contained 
15,000 women, including 500 Turki females 
who stood clad in men's clothes, with bows 
and arrows, on his right hand; while 500 
Abyssinian females kept guard with fire-arms 
on his left. He reigned thirty-three years, 
and became at last idiotic; his two sons 
meanwhile quarrelled about the succession, 
until the elder gaining the ascendancy slew 
the younger with all his family, and having, 
it is alleged, accelerated his father's death 
by poison, mounted the vacant throne a.d. 
1500. This wretch died of a fever brought 
on by his own excesses, having first driven 
his sons into rebellion by suspicious and ty- 
rannical conduct. One of these, Mahmood 
Khilji II., established himself on the throne, 
A.D. 1512, mainly through the assistance 

t FerisJda, vol. iv., p. 234. 

X The temple was filled with wood, and being set 
on fire, nold water was thrown on the images, causing 
them to break. 

§ Annals of Uajasfhan, vol. ii., p. 762. 


of Medni Ray, a Eajpoot chief, who joined 
him at the commencement of the struggle 
with a considerable body of his tribe, and 
whose zealous and able services rendered 
him so popular with the king, as to excite 
the hatred and jealousy of the Mussulmans. 
Conspiracies were formed, and after repeated 
failures Mahmood was at length inspired 
with sufficient distrust to consent to dis- 
charge all the Rajpoots holding offices at 
court, excepting only the obnoxious minister, 
and to declare that no Hindoo could be 
permitted to retain Mohammedan females 
in his seraglio. Medni Ray pleaded ear- 
nestly the tried services of his countrymen, 
but the weak and ungrateful king, though 
soothed for the time, was subsequently in- 
duced to sanction an attempt on the part of 
his Moslem body-guard of 200 men to way- 
lay and murder Medni Ray, and a brave 
Rajpoot officer, called Salivahan, who had 
evinced much anger at the late unjust and 
humiliating proceedings. The latter was 
slain; the former, though covered with 
wounds, escaped to his own house, while a 
body of Rajpoots rushed to the palace, but 
being repulsed by the king in person, re- 
turned to the house of the minister, and 
entreated him to be their head. Medni 
Ray refused, persuaded them to disperse 
peaceably, and sent word to the king that if 
he thought his life necessary to the good of 
the state, he was ready to lose it, sooner 
than lead an army against his acknowledged 
sovereign. Mahmood was little affected by 
a degree of magnanimity quite beyond his 
comprehension, and fearing some treachery 
similar to that of which he had given the 
example, fled by night from the fort of 
Mandu, accompanied by his favourite mis- 
tress and the master of the horse, and did 
not draw rein till he reached the frontier of 
Guzerat. Though frequently at war with 
one another, the Moslem intruders were 
always ready to coalesce against a Hindoo 
foe; the king of Guzerat, therefore, sup- 
ported Mahmood, and accompanied him at 
the head of a large army to Mandu, which 
was taken by assault after a close siege of 
several months, and 19,000 Rajpoots slain. 
Medni Ray was, however, not among them, 
having previously joined Rana Sanga at 

* General Briggs here takes occasion to note the 
contrast between the generosity usually evinced by 
the Hindoos to the Moslems, and " the sordid, cruel, 
and bigotted conduct of the latter. It seldom hap- 
pened that a Hindoo prince, taken in battle, was not 
mstantly beheaded ; and life was never spared but 
with the sacrifice of a daughter delivered up to a 

Chittore, from whence he retired to Chan- 
deri, of which place he was probably here- 
ditary chief. Mahmood proceeded thither, 
and found that Rana Sanga had previously 
marched with his whole force to the support 
of Medni Ray. In the conflict which ensued, 
Mahmood was defeated, and after evincing, 
in an extraordinary manner, the physical 
daring that invariably distinguished him in 
battle, contrasting strangely with his exces- 
sive moral cowardice in time of peace, was 
unhorsed and taken prisoner, weltering in 
his blood. Rana Sanga caused him to be 
brought to his own tent, dressed his wounds, 
attended on him personally, and, after his 
recovery, sent him back to Mandu with an 
escort of 1,000 horse.* This chivalrous 
proceeding was returned by the most glar- 
ing ingratitude, for its object did not scruple 
to take advantage of the confusion which 
ensued on the death of his benefactor, to 
attack his son. Rattan Sing, the new ruler 
of Chittore. Rattan Sing applied for aid to 
Bahadur Shah, of Guzerat, who had also had 
reason to complain of the selfish rapacity of 
the king of Malwa. Mahmood, unable to 
withstand their combination, was defeated 
in his capital and captured by Bahadur 
Shah, who caused him to be confined in the 
fortress of Champanee.r, where he was put 
to death, with his seven sons, and Malwa 
annexed to Guzerat, a.d. 1531. 

Khans of Candeish. — This small princi- 
pality, separated by forests from Guzerat, 
comprised merely the lower part of the 
valley of the Taptee, the upper being in- 
cluded in Berar. Its first ruler, Malek 
Raj ah, t claimed descent from the Caliph 
Omar, and died a.d. 1399. His son, Malek 
Naseer, received from the king of Guzerat 
the title of khan, and founded the city of 
Boorhanpoor, near the strong hill-fort of 
Aseer,J which he had obtained by treachery 
from its rightful occupant, a Hindoo, of 
peaceable disposition, from whom he had 
received many personal favours. He gained 
possession by the same artifice used in the 
capture of Rohtas, viz., by entreating the 
unsuspecting chief to receive and shelter 
the inmates of his harem during a war in 
which he pretended to be about engaging, 
and then introducing soldiers in the doolies 

sort of honourable prostitution, or by the payment of 
vast sums of money and jewels." — (Vol. iv., p. 264.) 

t Why he was named Rajah does not appear. 

X This hill-fort, like many others in India, seems 
to bear witness to the pastoral pursuits of its early 
possessor, Aseer being considered to be a co'jruptioii 
of Asa Aheer, or Asa the cow-herd. — {Idem, p. 286.) 


or palanquins, who sprang out and mur- 
dered Asa, with his whole family. 

Numerous stone embankments for irriga- 
tion and other works now in ruins and 
buried in woods, indicate that Candeish 
mnst have once attained a high state of 
prosperity, but many of these are probably 
referrible to the previous period of Hindoo 
independence. Aseer or Aseerghur was 
taken by Akber, and Candeish re-annexed 
to Delhi in 1599. 

The Rajpoot States. — Of these a very 
cursory notice must sufiBce, because our 
present information concerning them, al- 
though voluminous,* is too fragmentary to 
afford materials for the condensed chrono- 
logical summary which can be framed with 
comparative ease and satisfaction from the 
more precise statements of Mohammedan 
writers respecting their own kingdoms. At 
the time of the invasion of Mahmood of 
Ghuznee, the Rajpoots were in possession of 
all the governments of India, nor did they 
resign their power without long and fierce 
struggles ; indeed some have never been 
entirely subjugated, but up to the present 
time hold the position of feudatory chiefs 
(see pp. 7, 8). The table-land in the centre 
of Hindoostan, and the sandy tract stretch- 
ing west from it to the Indus, formed the 
nucleus of Rajpoot independence; and the 
more broken and inaccessible the counti-y, 
the better was it suited for the partly feudal, 
partly clannish, mode of government and 
warfare, adopted by its sous, from whom, 
though subsidies might be exacted, and 
forts captured by the Delhi monarchy during 
strong and aggressive reigns, tribute would 
be refused and positions regained the first 
opportunity. Thus Rintumbor, Gwalior, and 
Calinjer, were constantly changing hands ; 
while Ajmeer and Malwa were early captured 
and easily retained, from their situation on the 
open part of the table-land, terminating in a 
slope of broken ground towards the Jumna. 
At the time of the accession of Akber 
the chief Rajpoot state was that of Mewar, 
held by the descendant of the brave Rana 
Sanga of Oudipoor, whose family and tribe 
are said to have been descended from Rama, 
and consequently to have derived their 
origin from Oude, whence they removed to 
Guzerat, and ultimately settled at Chittore, 
about the eighth century of our era. There 
they maintained themselves, notwithstand- 
ing the accessible nature of the country — a 

• Vide the late Colonel Tod's extensive and valu- 
able work on Rajast'hati. 

sure retreat being ever, in case of defeat, 
aflforded by the AravuUi mountains and the 
hills and forests connected with them, which 
form the northern boundary of Guzerat 
Marwar, the next state in importance, was 
possessed by that portion of the Rahtores, 
who at the taking of Canouj, a.d. 1194, had 
quitted the neigbourhood of the Ganges, 
and, under two grandsons of their last king, 
established themselves in the desert in- 
termingled with fertile tracts, between the 
table-land and the Indus. They soon be- 
came paramount over the old inhabitants of 
the race of Jats, and over some small Raj- 
poot tribes who had preceded them as 
colonists; and formed an extensive and 
powerful principality. A younger branch of 
the Canouj family founded the separate state 
of Bikaneer, on another part of the same 
desert, a.d. 1459, while the western portion 
was occupied by the Bhattees, under the rajah 
of Jessulmer. The rajahs of Amber or Jey- 
poor were ancient feudatories of Ajmeer, 
and probably remained in submission to the 
Mohammedans after the conquest of that 
kingdom. The rajahs of the tribe of Hara, 
who give their name to Harauti, were, in 
some sort, feudatories of the ranas of 
Oudipoor, and shortly before the accession 
of Akber, captured the famous fort of Rin- 
tumbor from the governor, who had held it 
for the Afghan kings. There were besides 
several petty states, such as the Chouhans 
of Parker, the Sodras of Amercot and 
others, situated in the extreme west of the 
desert, beyond the reach of Mussulman in- 
vaders; and those of Sirohi, Jhalor, &o., 
which, lying in the fertile tract beneath the 
AravuUi mountains, and on one road from 
Ajmeer to Guzerat, were liable to constant 
exactions. On the eastern slope of the 
table-land, Merut, Gwalior, Narwar, Panna, 
Oorcha, Chanderi, and other places in Bun- 
delcund, were mostly held by old Rajpoot 
families, tributary to Delhi at the time of the 
death of Humayun. 

Bengal was separated from Delhi, a.d. 
1338, by the exertions of a soldier, who, 
having risen from the ranks, at length slew 
his master (the governor appointed by Mo- 
hammed Toghlak), and proclaimed himself 
an independent sovereign, but was in less 
than three years displaced by another 
usurper as ambitious as himself, who, within 
two years more, was in turn assassinated. 
Frequent changes of dynasty, with few im- 
portant events, occupy the remaining period 
to the accession of the last king, Daood 



(David), in 1573; among the most interest- 
ing is the forcible occupation of the throne 
by Rajah Kans, a Hindoo zemindar,* whose 
son and successor voluntarily embraced the 
Mohammedan faith, declaring, however, his 
willingness to withdraw his pretensions in 
I'avour of his brother, if the chiefs desired it. 
At one time Bengal seems to have compre- 
hended North Behar. It included Sunder- 
gong (Dacca). Jugnuggur (Tipperah) was 
tributary; Assam occasionally plundered. 
Cuttack and the adjoining parts were cap- 
tured just before the extinction of the state. 
Bengal was then, as now, remarkable for 
the luxury of its inhabitants, whose wealthy 
citizens vied with one another in their dis- 
play of gold plate. Sheer Shah conquered 
Bengal in 1539 : after his death it was 
seized by the Afghan successors of the gov- 
ernor appointed from Delhi. 

Juanpoor stretched along the Ganges 
from Canouj, on the north-west, to the 
frontier between Bengal and South Behar 
on the south-east. Khaja Jehan, the vizier 
at the time of Mahmood Toghlak's acces- 
sion, occupied this government during the 
king's minority, and proclaimed its inde- 
pendence, A.D. 1394, which he and his suc- 
cessors maintained until its re-annexation 
to Delhi, in 1476. It was again separated 
after the death of Sheer Shah, and eventually 
conquered by Akber early in his reign. 

Sinde. — Little is known of the history of 
this principality beyond that which has been 
already incidentally mentioned (p. 58). The 
ruling Rajpoot family appear to have become 
converts to Islam about 1365. They were 
displaced by the Arghoous, who held it at 
the period at which we have now arrived. 

Moultan revolted during the confusion 
which followed the invasion of Timur, and 
was ruled by an Afghan dynasty named 
Langa, until the early part of the sixteenth 
century, when the Arghoons of Sinde gained 
possession ; but were, in their turn, expelled 
by Prince Kamran, and Moultan was thence- 
forth attached to Delhi. The other pro- 
vinces which had become independent at 
the same time (with the exception of the 
Punjaub, to which Secander Soor maintained 
his claim), were all in the hands of adherents 
of the Afghan government. The petty states 
under the Himalaya Mountains, from Cash- 

* This term was originally applied to the heredi- 
tary Hindoo chiefs who had become more or less 
subject to Moslem rule — it was sometimes extended 
by the proud invaders to independent princes, like 
those of Oudipoor and Joudpoor, whom they affected 
to treat as subordinate to their government ; but it 

mere inclusive, to the Bay of Bengal, were 
independent under sovereigns of their own ; 
there were besides many mountain and 
forest tribes throughout India whose almost 
inaccessible retreats had preserved them 
from subjugation to the Moslem yoke.f 

Reign of Akber. — "When the death of 
Humayun took place, Akber was absent 
in the Punjaub with Behram Khan, and 
the fear of attempts being made to seize 
the throne before the heir apparent could 
have time to repair to the metropolis, in- 
duced such of the ministers as were on the 
spot, to conceal the fatal event from the 
public, by causing one of the Mullahs, or 
religious attendants of the court, to imper- 
sonate the deceased monarch, and receive 
from that part of the palace which over- 
looked the river Jumna, the salutations of 
the populace. At length, however, the truth 
transpired, but the consternation which en- 
sued was temporarily calmed by the exer- 
tions of the nobles, one of whom read the 
Khotbah in the name of Akber — a proceed- 
ing equivalent to proclaiming him Hng. 

Akber was little more than thirteen years 
of age, and by his own desire, as well as in 
accordance with the wishes of his best ad- 
visers, Behram Khan continued to hold 
the same position to his now crowned pupil 
as that in which Humayun had previously 
placed him — being dignified with the appel- 
lation of Khan Baba (the king's father), and 
invested with irresponsible sway. It was a 
critical epoch for the House of Timur. Se- 
veral eager competitors watched an oppor- 
tunity to snatch the sceptre from the youthful 
descendant of the foreign usurper, but in 
vain, for the stern and skilful soldier who 
had helped the father to regain it remained 
to guard it for the son, and that son had 
repeatedly evinced a degree of discretion 
beyond his years, and was learning to curb 
his own daring spirit and passion for glory, 
and to take large and statesmanlike views 
of the duties of civil government, which 
made some amends for his rapacity as a 
conqueror, and enabled him to consolidate 
by policy what he won by the sword. 

The first contest for supremacy was waged 
with Hemu, who headed an army in the 
name of Sultan Adili, for the double pur- 
ls only in comparatively modern times that it has 
been used to denote persons holding assignments of 
the government revenue, as well as district and vil- 
lage officers. 

t Elphinstone, vol. ii. pp. 166 — 251; Price's Mo- 
hammedan History, vol. iii., p. 947. 



pose of expelling the Moguls and reducing 
Seeander Soor, who, though driven to take 
refuge in the vicinity of the northern moun- 
tains, still maintained his pretensions to be 
king of Delhi and the Punjaub, in which 
latter place Akber and Behram Khan re- 
mained after their late victory, occupied in 
arranging the new government. Mean- 
while, Hemu, having captured both Delhi 
and Agra, prepared to march to Lahore, 
where the tidings of his successes and ap- 
proach created so much alarm that the 
general opinion in the camp was in favour 
of a retreat to Cabool, but Behram Khan's 
determination prevailed over more timid 
counsels, and the rival forces met at Pani- 
put, where, after a desperate battle, the 
Moguls triumphed. The elephants, on 
whose number Hemu placed great depend- 
ence, became ungovernable and threw their 
own ranks into confusion, but Hemu, from 
his howdah, at the head of 4,000 horse, 
continued the action, until an arrow pierced 
his eye, and he sank back for the moment 
in extreme agony. His troops believing 
the wound mortal, gave way, but raising 
himself again, and plucking out the barbed 
weapon, together with the eye itself, Hemu 
endeavoured to force a path through the 
enemy's ranks, but was captured through the 
treachery of his elephant-driver, and brought 
before Akber, who was desired by Behram 
Khan to slay the infidel and thus earn the 
title of Ghazi.* Akber so far complied as 
to touch with his sword the head of his 
brave and almost expiring foe, and then 
burst into tears, upon which Behram Khan, 
in whose stern breast no sentiment akin to 
Rajpoot chivalry ever found place, drew his 
own sabre and beheaded him with a stroke. 
With Hemu, Adili lost all hope of recover- 
ing his dominions, but he continued to reign 

* This epithet, variously translated as " Holy War- 
rior," " Champion of the Faith," or "Victorious in a 
Holy War," is one of those expressions which can 
scarcely be faithfully rendered in another tongue to 
readers imperfectly acquainted with the circum- 
stances of its origin and use. From it arose the 
word Gazette — first employed to designate the official 
announcement in eastern Europe of victory, in what 
the combatants called religious warfare; but since 
applied to governmental publications of all kinds. 
With regard to translations of Persian, Sanscrit or 
other terms, and their orthography, I would again 
deprecate the criticism of oriental scholars, and plead 
the difficulty of presenting them, with any chance of 
correct pronunciation, without adopting a system of 
accentuation, which might possibly deter readers 
of the very class, whose sympathies I am most de- 
sirous of enlisting, the young and the unlearned. 
I have followed Tod, Dow, and others in avoiding 

some time longer until he was killed in a 
battle with a new pretender in Bengal. 
Akber took possession of Delhi and Agra; 
succeeded in effecting the pacification of the 
Punjaub ; acquired Ajmeer without a battle j 
and early in the fourth year of his reign 
had driven the Afghans out of Lucknow 
and the country on the Ganges as far east 
as Juanpoor. Notwithstanding these tri- 
umphs, the happiness of the victor was em- 
bittered by the harsh and arbitrary conduct 
of the Khan Baba, who attempted to en- 
force in a luxurious and refined court the 
same rigid discipline by which he had main- 
tained subordination in an army of adven- 
turers. The nobles were offended by his 
haughty and distrustful conduct, and even 
Akber had grave reasons for considering 
himself treated in a manner, which his 
position as king, together with his deep 
and lively interest in all state affairs, ren- 
dered unwarrantable. Thus, Behram took 
advantage of Akber's absence on a hawk- 
ing party, to put to death Tardi Beg, an 
old noble, who had been one of Saber's 
favourite companions, had accompanied 
Humayun in all his wanderings, and had 
first read the Khotbah in the name of his 
successor. The ostensible reason,t was the 
hasty evacuation of Delhi, where Tardi Beg 
was governor, before the troops of Hemuj 
an offence that in the eyes of the warlike 
and inflexible minister, would have fully 
justified the sentence, which he might 
have desired to spare his young sovereign 
the pain of pronouncing. However this 
may have been, Behram is accusedj of hav- 
ing, on subsequent occasions, behaved very 
tyrannically to all who seemed inclined to 
seek power and influence, except through 
the channel of his favour. One nobleman 
of high standing, having incurred his dis- 

the wearisome repetition of the long titles assumed 
by Mohammedan sovereigns, by occasionally giving, 
in the event of oft-recurring mention, only the first 
word, thus — Ala-oo-deen (glory of the faith) is some- 
times adverted to as Ala only. An able and kindlv 
critic, lieutenant-general Briggs, has pointed out the 
erroneous impression this practice may produce ; 
and it therefore seems best to state at once the de- 
sire for brevity by which it was prompted. 

t Jealousyfof his influence was the supposed cause. 

X The chief authority on this portion, and indeed 
regarding nearly the whole of Akber's reign, is 
Abul Fazil, whose evident unfairness and prejudice 
in all matters involving the character of his royal 
master, (to whose revision all his writings were sub- 
ject), renders it difficult to form a satisfactory judg- 
ment of the circumstances which led to the rupture 
between Akber and Behram Khan, and the disgrace 
and death of the latter. 


pleasure, was put to death on some slight 
charge, and Peir Mohammed Khan, the 
king's private tutor, to whom he was much 
attached, narrowly escaped the same fate. 
Akber, before he was eighteen, resolved to 
reign without control, and having concerted 
a plan with those about him, took occasion, 
when on a hunting party, to make an un- 
expected journey to Delhi, whence he issued 
a proclamation, forbidding obedience to any 
orders not sanctioned by his authority. 
Behrara sent two envoys of distinction, with 
assurances of submission, but Akber refused 
to see them, and ordered their imprison- 
ment. After this, the disgraced minister 
seems to have had some intention of attempt- 
ing to establish an independent principality 
in Malwa, but subsequently set off for Gu- 
zerat with the professed object of embarking 
from thence for Mecca. As he lingered 
long, a formal notice of dismissal arrived from 
Agra, commanding him to proceed oq his 
pilgrimage forthwith. Having resigned his 
standards, kettle-drums, and other ensigns 
of authority, Behram continued his route in 
a private character, until, irritated by some 
further proceedings of Akber, he changed 
his mind, and attempted an invasion of the 
Punjaub. There, as elsewhere, the people 
were disposed to rally round the young 
king; Behram was defeated, and eventually 
driven to a surrender. Akber received him 
with much kindness, seated him on his 
right hand, and offered him the alternatives 
of an important government, a high position 
at court, or an honourable dismissal to 
Mecca. This last proposition seems to 
indicate that the foregoing ones were 
merely complimentary, and Behram pro- 
bably so understood them, since he chose 
the pilgrimage, for which he had previously 

• Among these was Asuf Khan, an officer who ob- 
tained permission from Akber, a.d. 1565, to invade 
a small independent kingdom called Gurra Mundela, 
then under the government of a regent or queen-moth er 
named Durgavati, equally celebrated for her beauty 
and good sense. On the approach of the Moham- 
medans she led her forces in person against them 
mounted on an elephant, but after a sharp contest 
being disabled by an arrow-wound in the eye, her 
troops disheartened, gave way, upon which, fear- 
ing to fall into the hands of the victors, she snatched 
a dagger from the girdle of the elephant-driver and 
stabbed herself. The chief place was then taken by 
storm, and the Infant rajah trodden to death in the 
confusion. One thousand elephants, 100 jars of gold 
coins, numerous jewels, and images of gold and 
silver were seized by Asuf Khan, who sent to Akber 
only a very small portion of the spoil, and then went 
into rebellion, but was afterwards compelled to sue 
for pardon. The whole transaction was aggression, 

evinced little inclination, and proceeded to 
Guzerat, where, while preparing for em- 
barkation, he was assassinated (a.d. 1561), 
by an Afghan, whose father he had killed 
in battle during the reign of Humayun, 

Akber, now left to his own resources, 
soon found that other officers were likely to 
prove less overbearing perhaps than his old 
governor, but more inclined to take advan- 
tage of his youth for their own advancement.* 
Always abundantly self-reliant, he checked 
such attempts with a firm hand. Adam 
Khan, an Uzbek officer, having defeated 
Baz Bahadur,t the Afghan ruler of Malwa, 
showed some disposition to retain the pro- 
vince for himself, upon which Akber marched 
immediately to the camp, and conferred the 
government on his old tutor, Peir Moham- 
med Khan, whose conduct in this position, 
went far to vindicate the previous harshness 
displayed towards him by Behram. After 
massacring the inhabitants of two cities, of 
which he had obtained possession, he was at 
length defeated and drowned. Baz Bahadur 
recovered Malwa, of which he was again 
deprived by the victorious Mogul, whose 
service he subsequently entered. 

The successive steps of Akber's career 
can only be briefly sketched. The seven years 
following the disgrace of Behram were 
mainly employed in a severe struggle with 
the military aristocracy, and in repelling 
the pretensions advanced on behalf of the 
young prince Hakim, who, although an in- 
fant at the time of his father, Humayun's 
death, had been left in the nominal govern- 
ment of Cabool; but, being expelled thence 
by his relation, Mirza Soliman, of Badak- 
shan, attempted to invade the Punjaub, 
but was driven out Q566), and subsequently 
returned to Cabool, of which country he 

robbery, and murder from first to last, and the guilt 
rests as much on the head of Akber, who sanctioned 
the crime and shared the booty, as upon Asuf Khan, 
the actual perpetrator. (Briggs'i^em/iia.vol.ii.p. 128.) 
f The Hindoo mistress of Baz Bahadur, cele- 
brated equally for her beauty and poetic talent, fell 
into the hands of Adam Khan, and unable to strive 
against his importunity and threatened violence, ap- 
pointed an hour to receive him, and then arrayed in 
costly robes, fragrant with the sweetest perfumes, 
lay down on a couch covered with a mantle. On 
the Khan's approach her attendants strove to rouse 
her, but she had taken poison and was already dead. 
(Khafi Khan, quoted by Elphinstone, vol. ii. p. 263.) 
Her persecutor did not long survive her, for having 
quarrelled with the vizier of Akber he stabbed him 
while at prayers, and was, by order of the king, (who 
was sleeping in an inner room, and rushed in, 
awakened by the uproar) immediately thrown from 
a lofty terrace-parapet, where he had sought refuge. 


long retained undisturbed possession. The 
Mirzas, (namely, the four sons and three 
nephews of Sultan Mirza, a prince of the 
house of Tamerlane, who had come to India 
with Baber, but rebelled against Humayun, 
who pardoned and gave him the govern- 
ment of Sambal) revolted, and were com- 
pelled to fly to Guzerat, where they endea- 
voured to take advantage of the disturbed 
state of affairs, but were strenuously opposed 
by Etimad Khan, the Hindoo minister, or 
rather master, of the pageant king, Mozuffer 
III. Sooner than suffer the sceptre to be 
seized by the Mirzas, Etimad prompted its 
formal surrender to Akber, a.d. 1572, who 
having personally received it, proceeded to 
besiege Surat, where these princes had taken 
refuge. Before the place could be invested 
they departed with a light detachment, in- 
tending to join their main body in the north 
of Guzerat. Akber ordered 1,000 men to 
follow him, and set out in pursuit with 
such rash haste, that he found himself in 
front of the enemy with a party which, 
after waiting to allow some stragglers to 
come up, numbered only 150 men. He 
nevertheless commenced the attack, but 
being repulsed, took shelter in a lane formed 
by strong hedges of cactus, where not more 
than three horsemen could advance abreast. 
Here he was hard pressed and separated 
from his men, but saved by the gallantry of 
Rajah Bhagwandas of Amber, and his ne- 
phew and adopted son. Rajah Maun Sing, 
both officers of high rank in the imperial 
army. Soorjun Ray, Rajah of Rintumbor, 
is also mentioned as having evinced great 
bravery; and the fact of the king's being 
immediately surrounded by Hindoo chiefs 
on such an occasion, sufficiently proves the 
degree to which he had conciliated, and the 
trust which he reposed in them. The 
Mirzas succeeded in effecting the junction 
which Akber had risked so much to pre- 
vent, but were afterwards dispersed, and 
met with various adventures, terminating 
in violent deaths by the hands of Delhi 
officers. Though eager to put down any 
infringement of his own real or assumed 
rights, Akber utterly disregarded those of 
others; the establishment of unquestioned 
supremacy over all India being the object 
which he proposed from the beginning. 
With this view he never scrupled to fo- 
ment strife, watching craftily an opportu- 
nity of turning to his own advantage the 
dissensions which rendered weak and effete 
the various independent governments, both 

foreign and native. Under his banner, Hin- 
doo fought against Hindoo — Moslem against 
Moslem ; and each against the other. Over 
the fiery Rajpoots his personal influence 
became unbounded. Skilfully availing him- 
self of their foibles, and studious needlessly 
to avoid clashing with their feudal obser- 
vances and associations, he won from them 
voluntary concessions which force had long 
failed to extort. As early as 1651 he had 
sent a strong force against Maldeo, Rajah of 
Marwar, actuated perhaps by the recollec- 
tion of the sufferings of his parents when 
refused protection shortly before his birth 
(p. 87), and captured the strong fortress 
of Meerta. Nagore was also taken ; and 
both these strong-holds were . conferred by 
Akber on the representative of the younger 
branch of the family, Ray Sing of Bika- 
neer. In 1569, Rao Maldeo succumbed to 
necessity ; and, in conformity with the times, 
sent 'his second son with gifts to Akber, 
then at Ajmeer, which had become an in- 
tegral part of the monarchy; but the dis- 
dainful bearing of " the desert king" so 
displeased Akber, that he presented Ray 
Sing with a firmdn (imperial mandate) for 
the possession of Joudpoor itself, and the 
old Rao had to stand a siege in his capital, 
and after brave but fruitless resistance, was 
compelled to yield homage. His son and 
successor, well known as Moota (the fat) 
Rajah, gave a princess of his family in mar- 
riage to Akber (a great concession, not to 
say degradation, in the sight of a Rajpoot, 
even though the issue of this union would 
take equal rank with other princes of 
the imperial house) and, in return, re- 
ceived all the possessions previously wrested 
from Marwai', except Ajmeer, besides seve- 
ral rich districts in Malwa.* Rajah Bhar- 
mul, of Amber, likewise gave the king a 
daughter to wife,t and enrolled himself and 
his son, Bhagwandas, among the royal vas- 
sals, holding his country as a fief of the 
empire; and he also received honours and 
emoluments, in the shape most agreeable to 
a Rajpoot — increase of territory. In fact, 
every chief who submitted to Akber, fouwl 
his personal possessions increased in conse- 
quence. One state, however, still main- 
tained its independence, and could neither 
be flattered, bribed, or forced into alliance 
with the foreigner; it even dared to re- 

• Tod says four provinces (Godwar, Oojein, De- 
balpoor, and Budnawar) yielding £200,000 of annua) 
revenue were given for the hand of Jod Eae. 

t Mother to Selim, Akbers successor. 



nounce intermarriage with every house by 
which such disgrace had been sustained. 
Against Mewar, Akber therefore turned his 
arms, so soon as the disaffection of the 
Usbek nobles and other rebellions nearer 
Delhi had been put down. The Rana, Oodi 
Sing, unlike his brave father, Sanga, was a 
man of feeble character, quite unfit to head 
the gallant chiefs who rallied round him. 
On learning the approach of his formidable 
foe, he retreated from Chittore to the hilly 
and woody country north of Guzerat, leav- 
ing a strong garrison under Jei Mai, a 
chief of great courage and ability. The 
place, though previously twice taken, was 
still regarded by the Rajpoots of Mewar as 
a sort of sanctuary of their monarchy. The 
operations of the siege were conducted with 
great care, and seem to have closely resem- 
bled those adopted in modern Europe. Two 
mines were sunk, and fire set to the train ; 
one of them exploded, and the storming 
party crowded up the breach, but while so 
doing, the second explosion occurred, and 
destroyed many of the assailants, upon 
which the rest fled in confusion. The pre- 
vious labours were re-commenced ; con- 
siderable advantage had been gained, and 
the northern defences destroyed, when Ak- 
ber, one night, in visiting the trenches, per- 
ceived Jei Mai on the works, superintending 
some repairs by torch-light. Taking delibe- 
rate aim, he shot him through the head, and 
the garrison, appalled by the death of their 
able leader, abandoned the breaches, aud 
withdrew to the interior of the fort. There 
they assumed the saffron-coloured robes, ate 
the last " beera" or p^n together, and per- 
formed the other ceremonies incidental to 
their intended self-sacrifice. After witness- 
ing the terrible rite of the Johur, in which 
the women, gathering round the body of 
Jei Mai, found refuge in the flames from 

• Akber's conduct on this occasion has also left an 
indelible stain on his character as a patron of the 
arts, for the stately temples and palaces of Chittore 
were defaced and despoiled with the most ruthless 
barbarity. He showed, however, his sense of the 
bravery of his fallen foes by erecting at one of the 
chief gates of Delhi two great elephants of stone, 
(described by Bernier in 1663), each with their rider, 
one representing Jei Mai, the other Putta. The 
latter, the youthful head of the Jugawut clan, 
perished in the defence of the city, following the 
example of his widowed mother, who, arming her 
son's young bride with a lance, with her descended 
the rock and both fell fighting side by side. The 
2mar», (Brahmanical cords taken from the necks of the 
Rajpoots), are said to have amounted to seventy-four 
ro&n's and a-half ; and still, in memory of this tenible 
destruction, the bankers of Rajasthan mark this 

pollution or captivity ; the men, to the num- 
ber of 8,000, ran to the ramparts, and were 
there slain by the Moslems who had mounted 
unopposed. " Akber entered Chittore, when," 
says Tod, "30,000 of its inhabitants be- 
came victims to the ambitious thirst of con- 
quest of this guardian of mankind." * 

Notwithstanding the loss of his capital 
and many of his bravest warriors, the Rana 
remained independent in his fastnesses in 
the Aravulli; raised a small palace, around 
which edifices soon clustered, and formed 
the nucleus of the city of Oudipoor, which 
eventually became the capital of Mewar. 
He died shortly afterwards, a.d. 1572. His 
successor, Pertap, was in all respects his 
opposite. Brave, persevering, and devoted 
to the cause of Rajpoot independence, the 
recovery of Chittore was his watchword. 
Till this should be accomplished, he inter- 
dicted to himself and his successors every 
article of luxury — exchanged golden dishes 
for vessels made of leaves, and soft couches 
for straw pallets ; and, in sign of mourning, 
commanded all his followers to leave their 
beards unshaven.f Such an adversary was 
not likely to be undervalued by the politic 
Akber, who succeeded in arraying against 
the patriot his kindred in faith as well as in 
blood, including even his own brother, Sa- 
gurji, who received, as the price of his trea- 
chery, the ancient capital of his race. The 
odds against Pertap were fearful ; driven 
from his strongholds of Komulmeer and 
Gogunda, he nevertheless withstood, for 
more than a quarter of a century, the com- 
bined efforts of the empire, often flying 
from rock to rock, feeding his wife and 
family from the fruits of his native hills, 
and rearing, amid the haunts of savage 
beasts, his young son, Umra, the heir to 
his prowess and his struggles. J In 1576, 
a desperate battle occurred at the pass or 

tilde, or accursed number on their seals, thereby in- 
voking " the sin of the slaughter of Chittore" on any 
one who should dare to violate this mysterious but re- 
vered safeguard. (^Annals qf'RaJast'han, vol. i. p. 327. 

t The descendants of Pertap, though unfaithful 
to the spirit of this vow, still adhere to the letter, 
by placing leaves under their gold or silver plate, 
and straw beneath their couches, while their beards 
remain unshorn. (Idem, p. 333). 

X Colonel Tod's narrative of the life of this noble 
Rajpoot is full of incidents of thrilling interest. So 
hot was the pursuit of the Mogul myrmidons that 
" five meals liave been prepared and abandoned for 
want of the opportunity to eat them," and his family 
were repeatedly on the eve of capture. On one of 
these occasions they were saved by the faithful 
Bheels of Cavah, who carried them in baskets and con- 
, cealed them in the tin mines of Jawura, where they 



plain of Huldighat, where Pertap had taken 
up a strong position with 22,000 Rajpoots, 
while above, on the neighbouring cliffs and 
pinnacles, his trusty auxiliaries, the abori- 
giual Bheels, stood posted, armed with 
bows and arrows, and huge stones ready to 
roll upon the enemy. But all efforts proved 
vain against the overpowering Mogul force, 
headed by Selim, the heir of Akber, with its 
numerous field-artillery and a dromedary 
corps mounting swivels. Of the stalwart 
Rajpoots who rallied round the royal in- 
signia,* ever seen in the hottest part of the 
action, 8,000 only survived it. Pertap him- 
self, after receiving several severe wounds, 
was saved with difficulty, by a noble act of 
self-devotion. One of his chiefs (Marah), 
seizing the " golden sun," made his way to an 
intricate position, and thus drew upon him- 
self and his vassals the brunt of the battle, 
while his prince, forced from the field, lived 
to renew the struggle, and to honour the 
memory of his brave deliverer by conferring 
on his descendants distinctions whose value 
a Rajpoot alone could fully appreciate. t 
Another generous sacrifice eventually en- 
abled the Mewar prince, when almost driven 
into the abandonment of his native kingdom, 
to cope successfully with the Mogul force. 
Bhama Sah, his minister, whose ancestors 
had for ages held this ofiSce, placed at his dis- 
posal their accumulated resources ; and thus 
furnished with the sinews of war, Pertap 
renewed the contest. The chivalrous cle- 
mency which habitually distinguishes the 
Rajpoot was, for once, merged in a sense of 
the desperate nature of his position. Komul- 
meer and thirty-two posts were taken by 
surprise, and the troops slain without mercy. 
To use the words of the native annalist, 
" Pertap made a desert of Mewar ; he made 
an offering to the sword of whatever dwelt 
in the plains :"J and in one campaign, re- 
covered his hereditary dominions, except 
Chittore, Ajmeer, and Mandelgurh. 

Akber, occupied by new fields of con- 
quest, suffered Pertap to retain his territory 
unmolested; but the mind of the Hindoo 
prince could know no rest while, from the 
summit of the pass to Oudipoor (where, in 
accordance with his vow, he inliabited a 
lowly hut) might be seen the stately battle- 
guarded and fed them. Bolts and bars are still pre- 
served in the trees about Jawura to which the cradles 
of the royal children of Mewar were suspended. 

• The cAan^!, or chief insignia of royalty in Mewar, 
is a sun of gold in the centere of a disc of black 
ostrich feathers or felt, about three feet in diameter. 

* Such as bearing the title of Kaj (royal), the pri- 

ments of Chittore, whose re-capture, he 
felt, was not for him. A spirit ill at ease, 
accelerated the decay of a frame scarred by 
repeated wounds, and worn out with hard- 
ships and fatigue. His sun went down at 
noon ; but he died (a.d. 1597) as he had lived, 
an unflinching patriot, enjoining on Umra 
and his subjects to eschew luxury, and seek, 
first and last, the independence of Mewar. 

The manner in which this dying com- 
mand was fulfilled belongs to the succeeding 
reign. We now return to the proceedings 
of Akber, who, in 1575, headed an army for 
the subjugation of Bengal. The Afghan 
ruler, Daood Khan, a weak, dissipated 
prince, retired before the imperial forces 
from Behar to Bengal Proper, upon which 
Akber returned to Agra, leaving his lieute- 
nants to pursue the conquest, which proved 
a more difficult task than was expected. 
The chief commanders were Rajah Todar 
Mai, the celebrated minister of finance, and 
Rajah Maun Sing, and their efforts were at 
length successful. Daood was defeated and 
slain ; and the mutinous attempts of various 
Mogul officers to seize the jaghires of the 
conquered chiefs for their private benefit, 
were, after many struggles, put down. The 
last endeavour of any importance, on the 
part of the Afghans, to recover the pro- 
vince, terminated in defeat in 1592, and 
being followed up by concessions of terri- 
tory to the leading chiefs, the final settle- 
ment of Bengal was concluded, after fifteen 
years of strife and misery. While his gene- 
rals were thus engaged, Akber was himself 
occupied in renewed hostilities with Mirza 
Hakim, who, after having remained long 
undisturbed in Cabool, again invaded the 
Punjaub, and assaulted the governor, Maun 
Sing, in Lahore. The king having raised 
the siege, drove his brother to the moun- 
tains and occupied Cabool; but that gov- 
ernment was restored on the submission of 
the prince, who retained it until his death 
in 1585. The vicinity of Abdullah, Khan 
of the Uzbeks, who had recently seized 
Badakshan from Mirza Soliman, probably 
induced Akber, on learning the demise of 
Hakim, to proceed immediately to the strong 
fort of Attock, which he had previously 
erected on the principal ferry of the Indus. 

vilege of enjoying " the right hand of the Mewar 
princes," &c., to which territorial advantages were 
also added by the grateful Pertap. 

I All his loyal subjects had previously followed 
him to the mountains, destroying whatever property 
they could neither conceal nor carry away. {Annalt 
of Rajasl'han, vol. i. p. 347.) 



Although Badakshan had been the ancient 
possession of his family, Akber was far too 
politic to stir up a quarrel with so formidable 
a foe as its present occupant, while, in an- 
other quarter, opportunity invited the exer- 
cise of more profitable and less dangerous, 
though utterly unprovoked aggression. Near 
at hand, nestled in the very centre of the 
Himalaya, above the heated plains, below 
the snowy heights, lay the lovely valley of 
Cashmere, verdant with perpetual spring. 
From the age of fable till the beginning of 
the fourteenth century, this small kingdom 
had been ruled by a succession of Hindoo 
princes, interrupted, it would appear, by a 
Tartar dynasty.* It then fell into the hands 
of a Mohammedan adventurer, and was 
held by princes of that religion until 1586, 
when the distractions prevailing among the 
reigning family induced Akber to brave 
the difficult and dangerous passes by which 
alone this terrestrial paradise could be ap- 
proached, and send an army, under Shah 
E,okh Mirza, son of Mirza Soliraan (who 
had entered his service when driven out of 
Badakshan), and Bhagwandas, of Jeypoor, 
for its conquest. These chiefs, with diffi- 
culty, penetrated through the snow by an 
unguarded pass^ but their supplies being 
exhausted, were glad to enter into a treaty 
with the king, Yusuf Shah, by which the su- 
premacy of the emperor was acknowledged, 
but his practical interference with the pro- 
vince forbidden. Yusuf, relying on the good 
faith and generosity of Akber, accompanied 
the troops on their return to the court of 
that monarch, who, considering the pledge 
given on his behalf an inconvenient one, de- 
tained his guest, and dispatched a fresh force 
for the occupation of Cashmere. Yacub, 
the son of the captive, assembled the troops, 
and prepared to defend the pass; but the 
prevailing dissensions had extended so 
widely among the soldiery, that part went 
over to the invaders, and the prince deemed 
it best to fall back with the rest on Seri- 
nuggur, where strife and rebellion were also 
at work. Driven thence to the hills, he con- 
tinued the struggle for two years, but was 
at last captured and sent to Delhi, where 
both he and his father were induced by 

* Professor H. H. Wilson considers it to have ex- 
isted either under* the name of Caspapyrus or Abi- 
sarus as early as the days of Herodotus and Alex- 
ander. — Essuy on the Raj Taringi, or Hindoo Ilis- 
•^ry of Cashmere — Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. p. 
82. This work was executed by four different per- 
sons, the first of whom wrote in 1148, but frequent 
and precise references are made to earlier writers. 

Akber to enter his service, and accept 
large jaghires in Behar. From this time. 
Cashmere became the favourite summer re- 
treat of the Mogul rulers. 

The imperial arms were next directed 
against the Eusofzeis and other Afghan 
tribes inhabiting the hilly countries round 
the plain of Pesliawer, among whom a pow- 
erful party had been established by Bayezeed, 
a false prophet, who founded a sect, self- 
styled Roushenia, or the enlightened, and 
declared his followers justified in seizing on 
the lands and property of all who refused 
to believe in his divine mission. The im- 
postor was defeated and slain, but his sons 
bore about his bones in an ark, and the 
youngest, Jelala, became formidable from 
his energy and ambition, and succeeded in 
gaining repeated advantages over the Delhi 
troops, many of whom perished, including 
Rajah Beer Bal, one of Akber's favourite 
generals. In IGOO, Jelala obtained posses- 
sion of the city of Ghuznee, but was even- 
tually expelled and slain. The religious 
war was continued by his successors during 
the two next reigns (those of Jehangeer and 
Shah Jehan) ; and when the errors of the 
Roushenias became exploded, the Eusofzeis, 
who had long renounced their doctrines, 
continued to maintain hostilities with the 
house of Timur, and afterwards with the 
kings of Persia and Cabool, preserving 
throughout their turbulent independence 

Sinde was captured in 1592, its ruler, on 
submission, being, according to the policy of 
Akber, enrolled among the nobles of the 
empire; and Candahar, which had been 
seized by Shah Tahmasp soon after the 
death of Humayun, was recovered without a 
blow, in 1594, owing to the disorders which 
marked the early part of the reign of his 
successor. Shah Abbas. By this last acqui- 
sition, Akber completed the possession of 
his hereditary kingdom beyond the Indus 
(the war with the Afghans being confined 
to the mountains) at nearly the same period 
at which he concluded the conquest of Hin- 
doostan Proper. Excepting only Oudipoor 
and its gallant rana, with his immediate re- 
tainers, the other Rajpoot states of any im- 

The facts and dates become consistent as they approach 
A.B. 600, and from that period to the termination of 
the history, with the conquest of the kingdom by 
Akber, the chronology is accurate. Much interest- 
ing matter occurs incidentally, regarding Buddhism 
and Brahminism, (the former having been very early 
introduced into Cashmere), and also respecting the 
ancient worship of the Nagas or Snake Gods. 


portance all acknowledged Mogul supre- 
macy, and their chiefs had become changed 
from jealous tributaries to active auxiliaries. 
The Deccan now became the theatre for 
Akber's aggression, to which its perturbed 
condition offered every facility. After two 
years spent there by his sou Morad, and 
other generals, during which time Ahmed- 
nuggur being besieged was nobly defended 
by the Sultana Chand, Akber proceeded in 
person to the scene of action, where Berar 
had already been surrendered on behalf of 
the king of Ahmednuggur. The conquest 
of Candeish was completed by the reduction 
of the strong fortress of Aseerghur,* in 
1599, and Prince Danial made viceroy of 
the new provinces, with Mirza Khan (the 
son of Behram, who had received the title of 
Khan Khanan, formerly bestowed by Hu- 
mayun on his ill-fated father) as his confi- 
dential adviser. Prince Danial took to wife 
the daughter of Ibrahim II., of Beejapoor, 
who, like the neighbouring king of Gol- 
conda, had deprecated, by presents and 
embassies, the anger of the powerful Mogul 
for having sided against his generals in the 
contest with Ahmednuggur.f These endea- 
vours would probably have proved fruitless, 
as many similar ones had done, but for the 
hurried and compulsory return of Akber to 
Hindoostan, owing to the misconduct of 
his eldest son and acknowledged heir. 
Selim was now above thirty years of age, 
and not deficient in natural ability ; but his 
intellect had been impaired and his heart 
depraved by the excessive use of wine and 
opium. Taking possession of Allahabad, he 
made himself master of Oude and Behar, 
seized upon treasure amounting to thirty 
lacs of rupees (£300,000), and assumed 
the title of king. These pretensions were 
speedily withdrawn on the appearance of Ak- 
ber, who behaved with extreme moderation ; 
but his ungrateful son, while expressing sub- 
mission and fidelity, took an opportunity of 
revenging his own supposed injuries, and 
inflicting a severe blow on the feelings of his 
father, by instigating the assassination of 
Abul Fazil, whom he both feared and hated. 
An ambuscade was laid near Gwalior by 

* With this fortress, ten years' provisions and count- 
less treasures fell into the hands of the conqueror, 
who was supposed to have employed magical arts. 

t The chief of Sinde is said to have employed Por- 
tuguese officers in his defence against Akber, and to 
hare had 200 natives dressed as Europeans, who 
were consequently the earliest sepoys. He had also 
a fort defended by an Arab garrison, " the first in- 
stance," says Mr. Elphinstone, "in which I have 

Nursing Deo Rajah of Oorcha, and Abul 
Fazil, after a brave defence, was slain with 
most of his attendants, a.d. 1603. Akber was 
greatly distressed by the loss of his friend and 
counsellor. He spent two days without food 
or sleep, and sent a force against Nursing 
Deo, with orders to seize his innocent family, 
ravage his country, and exercise other un- 
warrantable severities; but the intended vic- 
tim succeeded in eluding pursuit, and was 
subsequently raised to high honour on the 
accession of Selim to the throne. 

Akber would not publicly recognise his 
son's share in the crime; J but, on the con- 
trary, conferred on him the privilege of 
using the royal ornaments, and other marks 
of the highest distinction. But all in vain. 
Selim became daily more brutal and de- 
bauched, until at last, the public quarrels 
between him and his son, Khosru (himself 
a violeut-telnpered youth) grew to such a 
height, that Khosru's mother (the sister of 
Maun Sing), in a moment of grief and 
despair, swallowed poison ; after which, her 
husband became so cruel and irascible, that 
Akber thought it necessary to place him 
under temporary restraint. He was no 
sooner released than his jealousy of his son 
(who he believed, and probably not Avithout 
reason, desired to supplant him in the suc- 
cession to the throne) occasioned new scenes 
of disorder. Meanwhile Khosru himself 
was, beyond measure, envious of his younger 
brother, Khoorum (Shah Jehan), who was 
equally a favourite with both his father and 
grandfather. While affairs at home were 
in this unsatisfactory state intelligence ar- 
rived of the decease of prince Danial. 
Morad had died some years before; now this 
other son, Selim's only remaining brother, 
was taken from Akber, under circumstances 
calculated to embitter the bereavement. In- 
temperance had laid fast hold on its victim, 
and though so surrounded by the faithful 
servants of his father as to be unable openly 
to gratify its solicitations, he found means 
to have liquor secretly conveyed to him in 
the barrel of a fowling-piece, and by unre- 
strained indulgence soon terminated his 
existence at the age of thirty (April 1605.) 

observed any mention of that description of merce- 
naries afterwards so much esteemed." Vol. ii. p. 297.) 
1 Selim, in his Memoirs, openly acknowledges the 
crime and vindicates it on the plea of Abul Pazil's 
having induced his father to disbelieve in the Koran. 
For this reason, he says, " 1 employed the man who 
killed Abul Fazil and brought his head to me; and 
for this It was Inat 1 in- urred my fatlier's deep dis- 
pleasure." — Price's Memoirs of Jahanyueir, p. 33. 



Alas for Akber ! he was now about sixty- 
three, and had probably anticipated that an 
old age of peace and honour might crown a 
youth of vicissitude and daring adventure, 
and a manhood of brilliant success. His 
foes were either silent in the grave, or had 
been won by politic liberality to a cheerful 
acknowledgment of his supremacy ; and the 
able system of civil government framed by 
the aid of the gifted brothers, Abul Fazil 
and Feizi,* and founded on a careful con- 
sideration of the customs and opinions of 
the Hindoos, had won from the mass of the 
people a degree of cordial and grateful sup- 
• Their father, a learned man, named Mobarik, 
was expelled from his situation as college-tutor at 
Agra for latitudinarian if not atheistical opinions, 
which his sons, though professing Moslems, evidently 
shared. Feizi diligently applied himself to the 
study of Sanscrit, as did several of the most distin- 
guished men of Akber's court, through which a taste 
for literature was widely diffused. Feizi was pre- 
sented to Akber in the twelfth year of his reign, and 
introduced Abul Fazil six years later, and they 
jointly became the intimate friends and confidants of 
! their sovereign, who survived them both. An ac- 
[ count of the death of Feizi has been recorded by a 
j personal friend but a zealous Mussulman (Abdul 
I Xader), and therefore it may be highly coloured, 
' but, according to him, this celebrated scholar died 
i blaspheming, with distorted features and blackened 
j lips, but of what malady does not appear. — (Elphin- 
, stone, vol. ii., p. 320.) 

j t " The religion of Akber," says Mr. Elphinstone, 
' (who, by the aid of a manuscript translation of the 
Akbemameh, has obtained information otherwise 
accessible only to oriental scholars,) " was pure 
; deism. • * * His fundamental doctrine was, that 
I there were no prophets ; his appeal on all occasions 
I was to human reason." — (Vol. ii., p. 322.) This 
free-thinking did not however interfere with his 
alleged right as " head of the church, [? what 
church] to decide all disputes among its members," 
nor prevent him from introducing a new confession 
of faith, declaring that " there was no God but God, 
and Akber was his caliph." — (p. 324.) The practices 
of spiritual instructors of different denominations he 
did not scruple to adopt, and Abul Fazil, who wrote 
under his immediate supervision, makes repeated 
mention of the supernatural endowments which he 
habitually and publicly exercised, and of the " nu- 
merous miracles which he performed." Among the 
many superstitious modes used in seeking " success 
in business, restoration of health, birth of a son," 
&c., 'a favourite method adopted " by men of all 
nations and ranks," was to " invocate his majesty," 
to whom, on the obtainment of their wishes, they 
brought the offerings which they had vowed. " Not 
a day passes," says Abul Fazil, " but people bring 
cups of water to the palace, beseeching him to 
breathe upon them. He who is privy to the secrets 
of heaven reads the decrees of fate, and if tidings of 
hope are received, takes the water from the suppli- 
cant, places it in the sun's rays, and then having 
bestowed upon it his auspicious breath, returns it. 
Also many, whose diseases are deemed incurable: 
intreat him to breathe upon them, and are thereby 
restored to health." — iAyeen Akhery, vol. i., p. 665.) 

port which none of the " Great Moguls" 
before or after Akber ever acquired or even 
strove for. A total disbeliever in revealed 
religion,t he had found no difficulty in sanc- 
tioning the free exercise of all creeds, and 
in humouring national vanity, or courting 
sectarian prejudice whenever it suited his 
object, and it was always his object to be 
popular. To the Brahmin, the Buddhist, the 
Parsee,J the Jew and the Roman catholic,§ 
the emperor listened with courteous defer 
ence; and his legislative ability, personal 
daring, and suavity of manner, won golden 
opinions from multitudes who cared not to 
Had Akber lived in the middle of the nineteenth 
century he would have taken a peculiar interest in 
mesmerism, spirit-rapping, and table-turning. 

X To the customs of tliis sect Akber practically in- 
clined more than to any other, his stated times of 
worship being day-break, noon, and midnight. " His 
majesty," Abul Fazil adds, " has also a great venera- 
tion for fire in general, and for lamps, since they are 
to be accounted rays of the greater light." — Glad- 
win's Ayeen Akbery, vol. i., p. 160.) 

§ Akber appears to have played upon the credu- 
lity of the priests sent from Goa in a manner which 
they have described with much naivete, though no 
Protestant can read their account without pain and 
indignation at the thought of the pure and life- 
giving faith of the meek and lowly Redeemer being 
presented to the imperial sceptic, under a form so little 
likely to win respectful attention. He had expressed 
a wish to see their chapel, which they dressed up for 
the occasion with every kind of ornament they could 
borrow from the Hindoos or any other quarter, and 
Akber declared himself dazzled with the result, and 
exclaimed that " no other religion could produce 
such brilliant proofs of its divinity;" a speech which, 
considering the enormous wealth in gold and gems 
he must have heard of, if not witnessed, in the idola- 
trous temples of Hindoostan, would seem little better 
than a cutting sarcasm. He had on a previous oc- 
casion prostrated himself before a representation of 
the crucifixion, " but his chief emotion was excited 
on viewing a finely-painted and ornamented image 
of the Virgin. He gazed on it long in admiration, 
and declared that she appeared indeed the Queen of 
Heaven seated on her throne." The friars began to 
entertain great hopes of his conversion, but soon 
found that he persisted in " holding himself forth as 
an object of worship; and though exceedingly 
tolerant as to other modes of faith, never would 
admit of any encroachments on his own divinity." 
One of his courtiers suffered it to transpire that the 
sole aim of the monarch in listening to the mis- 
sionaries was " curiosity and amusement," and this 
was confirmed soon afterwards by Akber's gravely 
proposing to them, as a means of deciding between 
their assertions and those of the Mohammedans, that 
a famous Mullah should leap into a furnace with the 
Koran in his hand, followed by one of the friars 
bearing a Bible. He promised that the Mullah 
should leap in first, hinting that he would not at all 
regret to see him fall a sacrifice to his presumption ; 
but the friars refused the ordeal, and not feeling 
" much at ease in the Mogul court, soon solicited 
and obtained permission to return to Goa." — (Mur- 
ray's Account of Discoveries, vol. ii., p. 92.) 



search out the selfishness which was the 
hidden main-spring of every project, whether 
ostensibly for the promotion of external 
aggression or internal prosperity. But now 
the season for rest had arrived, and he might 
hope to enjoy the wide-spread dominion 
and almost incalculable wealth, which a 
clever head and a sharp sword had combined 
to win. His strongly-built and handsome 
frame* had escaped almost unscathed from 
the dangers and fatigues of the battle-field, 
the toilsome march, the onslaught of wild 
beasts, and the weapon of the assassin. All 
had failed to dispirit or unnerve him, and 
the conduct of an intricate campaign, or the 
pressure of civil government (a far more dif- 
ficult undertaking for one who had to make 
laws as well as superintend their execution), 
never absorbed the time and energy neces- 
saiy to the active part which he loved to 
bear in mental or bodily exercises of all de- 
scriptions, from philosophical discussions to 
elephant and tiger hunts, animal fights, 
feats of jugglers, and other strangely varied 
diversions. Though in youth given to in- 
ulgence in the luxuries of the table, in later 
life he became sober and abstemious, re- 
fraining from animal food on particular 
days, amounting altogether to nearly a 
quarter of the year. There is, however, 
reason to believe that, like his father and 
grandfather, he was addicted to the inordi- 
nate use of opium,t an insidious vice which 
would partially account for the criminal 

• " My father," says Jehangeer, " was tall in sta- 
ture, of a ruddy, or wheaten, or nut-brown com- 
plexion ; his eyes and eyebrows dark, the latter 
running across into each other. Handsome in his 
exterior he had the strength of a lion, which was 
indicated by the extraordinary breadth of his chest 
and the length of his arms." A black mole on his 
nose was pronounced by physiognomists a sure 
prognostication of extraordinary good fortune. — 
(Price's Memoirs of Jahangueir, p. 45.) 

t Ferishta mentions that Akber was taken dan- 
gerously ill about 1582, " and as his majesty had 
adopted the habit of eating opium as Humayun his 
father had done before him. people became appre- 
hensive on his account." — (Vol. ii., p. 253.) 

X Abul Fazil states that to the Noroza, or ninth 
day of each month, Akber gave the name of Khus- 
roz, or day of diversion, and caused a female market 
or sort of royal fair, to be held and frequented by 
the ladies of the harem and others of distinction, 
going him.self in disguise to learn the value of dif- 
ferent kinds of merchandize, and what was thought 
of the government and its executive officers. — 
(Ayeen Akber;/, vol. i., p. 228.) Tod attributes the 
presence of Akber to a different and most disgrace- 
ful motive, and says, that however incredible it may 
geem, that so keen-sighted a statesman should have 
risked his power and popularity by introducing an 
immoral festival of Scythic origin, peculiarly op- 

e.xcesses in another respect attributed to 
him by Hindoo authorities,! and which, 
however notorious, would unquestionably 
have been passed over in silence by so ful- 
some a panegyrist and determined a partisan 
as Abul Fazil. Regarding the cause of his 
death, Hindoo records likewise cast a dark 
cloud,§ to which Mr. Elphinstone makes no 
allusion, but simply notes the total loss of 
appetite and prostration of strength which 
were the chief symptoms of the fatal disease. 
In truth, the disgraceful nature of his recent 
domestic afflictions, and the cabals and 
struggles respecting the succession, (which 
raged so fiercely that his only son was with 
difficulty induced to attend his dying bed,) 
were alone sufficient to bring a proud and 
sensitive spirit with sorrow to the grave. 

Akber expired in October, 1605, hav- 
ing been for nearly the whole forty-nine 
years of his reign a cotemporary ruler with 
Elizabeth of England, whose enterprise had 
prepared an embassy (sent by her successor) 
to solicit from him the promotion of the 
peaceful pursuits of commerce between their 
subjects. How little could these mighty 
ones of the earth have foreseen that the 
sceptre of Akber would eventually fall from 
the feeble grasp of his weak and vicious 
descendants, into the hands of the struggling 
community of traders, for whose protection 
an imperial firman was at first so humbly 
solicited. These marvellous changes teach 
great lessons. May we but profit by them. 

posed to the sensitive honour of the Rajpoots, "yet 
there is nevertheless not a .shadow of doubt that 
many of the noblest of the race were dishonoured on 
the Noroza," and one of the highest in the court 
(Pirthi Raj) was only preserved from being of the 
number by the courage and virtue of his wife, a 
princess of Mewar, who, having become separated 
from her companions, found herself alone with 
Akber, in return to whose solicitations she " drew a 
poinard from her corset, and held it to his breast, 
dictating and making him repeat, an oath of renun- 
ciation of such infamy to all her race." The wife of 
Ray Sing is said to have been less fortunate or less 
virtuous. — [Atmals of JRaJast'han, vol. i., p. 345.) 

§ " The Boondi records," says Tod, " are well 
worthy of belief, as diaries of events were kept by 
her princes, who were of the first importance in this 
and the succeeding reigns." They expressly state 
that a desire to be rid of the great Rajah Maun Sing 
of Jeypoor, to whom he was so much indebted, and 
whom he did not dare openly attack, induced Akber 
to prepare a maajuii (intoxicating confection), part Oi 
which he poisoned — but presenting by mistake the 
innocuous portion to the Rajah, he took the other 
himself, and thus perished in his own snare. Maun 
Sing had excited the displeasure of both Akber and 
Selim, by seconding the pretensions of his nephew, 
Khosru to the throne. Old European writers at- 
tribute the death of Akber to a similar cause. 



At the period of Akber's death the em- 
pire was divided into fifteen subahs or pro- 
vinces, namely, Allahabad, Agra, Oude, 
Ajmeer, Guzerat, Behar, Bengal, Delhi, 
Cabool, Lahore, Moultan, Malwa, Berar, 
Candeish, and Ahmednuggur. Each had 
its own viceroy [sepah sillar),* who exercised 
complete control, civil and military, subject 
to the instructions of the king. Under him 
were the revenue functionaries, and also the 
foujdars, or military commanders, whose 
authority extended alike over the regular 
troops and local soldiery or militia within 
their districts. Justice was administered 
by a court composed of an officer named 
meer adel (lord justice) and a cazi. The 
police of considerable towns was under an 
officer called the cutwal ; in smaller places, 
under the revenue officer ; and in villages, 
under the internal authorities. t 

The revenue system, by which Akber 
gained so much celebrity, had, in fact, been 
partially introduced during the brief reign 
of Sheer Shah. Its objects were — First, to 
obtain a correct measurement of the land, 
by the establishment of a uniform standard, 
to supersede the differing measures formerly 
employed even by public officers; and by 
the appointment of fit persons, provided 
with improved instruments of mensuration, 
to furnish accounts of all cultivable lands 
within the empire. Second, the land was 
divided into three classes, according to its 
fertility; the amount of each sort of produce 
that a begahj would yield was ascertained, 
the average of the three was assumed as the 
produce of a begah, and one-third of that 
produce formed the government demand. 
But any cultivator who thought the amount 
claimed too high might insist on an actual 

• This title was subsequently changed to suhah- 
dar, and an additional financial officer introduced, 
named the deican, who was subordinate to the su- 
bahdar, but appointed by the king. 

t The general tone of the instructions given to these 
functionaries appears as just and benevolent as could 
well be expected under a despotism ; the question 
is, how far they were carried out in the right spirit. 
There are, however, some enactments which reflect 
little credit on th« law-giver, such as the following : 
" Let him (the cutwal) see that butchers, those who 
wash dead bodies, and others who perform unclean 
offices, have their dwelling separate from other men, 
who should avoid the society of such stony-hearted, 
dark-minded wretches. M'hosoever drinketh out of 
the same cup with an executioner, let one of his hands 
be cut off; or if he eateth out of his kettle, deprive 
him of one of his fingers." — Gladwin's Ayeen Akbery. 

X An Indian measure, much above half-an-acre. 

§ The ancient rulers of Hindoostan, Abul Fazil 
admits, claimed but one-sixth. — Vol. i., p. 278. 

measurement and division of the crop. 
Third, the produce was to be converted into 
a money payment, taken on an average of 
the preceding nineteen years; but, as in 
the previous case, every husbandman was 
allowed to pay in kind if he thought the 
rate in specie fixed too high. All particu- 
lars respecting the classification and revenue 
of the land were annually recorded in the 
village registers ; and as at the period of the 
introduction of this system Akber abolished 
a vast number of vexatious taxes and fees to 
officers, the pressure on individuals is said 
to have been lightened, though the profit to 
the state was increased. It should, however, 
be remembered that Akber claimed one- 
third of the produce, and Sheer Shah had 
professed to take but one-fourth. § The 
farming of any branch of the revenue was not 
allowed, and the collectors were instructed 
to deal directly with individual cultivators, 
and not rely implicitly on the headman and 
accountant of the village. 

The chief agent in these reforms was 
Rajah Todar Mul, whose zealous observance 
of the fasts and other requirements of the 
Brahrainical religion, doubtless augmented 
his influence among his own nation. Thus, 
whether in military proceedings or civil 
government, Akber always gladly availed 
himself of the abilities of the Hindoos, of 
whose character he unquestionably formed 
a very high estimate, || and whose good will 
(notwithstanding the aggression on which 
his interference was grounded) he greatly 
conciliated by three important edicts, which 
involved concessions to human rights, of a 
description rarely made by oriental despots, to 
whose notions of government by the sword 
all freedom is essentially opposed. In 1561, 

ll Abul Fazil, who may be taken as a fair expo- 
nent of the feelings of his royal master (in the for- 
tieth year of whose reign he wrote), thus expresses 
himself on this point : — " Summarily the Hindoos 
are religious, affable, courteous to strangers, cheer- 
ful, enamoured of knowledge, fond of inflicting 
austerities upon themselves, lovers of justice, given 
to retirement, able in business, grateful, admirers of 
truth, and of unbounded fidelity in all their deal- 
ings. Their character shines brightest in adversity." 
He adds his conviction, from frequent discourses 
with learned Brahmins, that they " one and all be- 
lieve in the unity of the Godhead; and although 
they hold images in high veneration, yet they are by 
no means idolaters," which latter assertion may be 
doubted as applied to the lower and less-informed 
professors of any religion which inculcates or suffers 
the "high veneration" of images. Lastly, he says, 
" they have no slaves among them," a remark to 
wliich we may have occasion to revert in a subse- 
quent section. — Ayeen Akbery, vol. ii., pp. 294-'5. 


a prohibition was issued against the making 
slaves of persons captured in war; an infa- 
mous practice, winch had gained such a 
height that not only the innocent wives and 
children of garrisons taken by storm were 
sold into slavery, but even the peaceable 
inhabitants of a hostile country were seized 
for the same purpose. In 1563, the jezia or 
capitation-tax on infidels was abolished ; and 
about the same time all taxes on pilgrims 
were removed, because, " although the tax 
fell on a vain superstition, yet, as all modes 
of worship were designed for one Great 
Being, it was wrong to throw an obstacle 
in the way of the devout, and to cut them 
oflf from their mode of intercourse with their 
Maker." {Akber Namah, MS. translation.) 

The condition of the royal slaves* was 
ameliorated by Akber ; but it does not ap- 
pear that he made any attempt to restore 
liberty even to those from whom it had been 
ravished by the glaring injustice above de- 
scribed. Nor would any effort of a purely 
just and benevolent tendency have been 
consistent with the character of one whose 
ambition filled the mountain fortresses of 
Hindoostan with captives,t and who scru- 
pled not to form minarets of human heads, { 
or give orders for the complete extermina- 
tion of a flying foe.§ 

In the regulation of the army great 
alterations were made : the troops, where- 
ever it was practicable, were paid in cash 
from the treasury, instead of by jaghires and 
assignments on the revenue ; and the tricks 
played at the musters by means of servants 

• The king (says Abul Fazil) disliking the word 
slave, desired that of chelah (signifying one who re- 
lies upon another) to be applied in its place. " Of 
these unfortunate men there are several kinds : 1st. 
Those who are considered as common slaves, being 
infidels taken in battle ; and they are bought and 
sold. 2nd. Those who of themselves submit to bon- 
dage. 3rd. The children born of slaves. 4th. A 
thief who becomes the slave of the owner of the 
stolen goods. 5th. He who is sold for the price of 
blood. The daily pay of a chelah is from one dam 
to one rupee ; they are formed into divisions, and 
committed to the care of skilful persons, to be 
instructed in various arts and occupations." — Glad- 
win's Ayeen Akbery, vol. i., p. 209. 

t Among the prisoners who perished by violence 
in the fort of Gwalior, was the only son of the un- 
happy Kamran. The reason does not appear; but the 
execution is stated by Price, on the authority of Abul 
Fazil, as commanded by Akber some time after the 
death of Kamran ; and Ferishta (also apparently 
quoting the Akhernameh) says that Behram K-han 
•was accused of intending to intrigue with the un- 
fortunate prince J a very unlikely supposition, con- 
sidering the enmity which he had ever displayed to- 
wards his father. — Dow'a Hindoostan, vol. ii., p. 324. 

and camp-followers, mounted for the day on 
borrowed horses, prevented, by written de- 
scriptions of every man's person, and the 
marking of each horse. But the organiza- 
tion of the army was never very complete. 
The king named the munsubdars\\ or officers, 
as he thought fit, commanders of from 10 
to 10,000 men; hut these numbers, in all 
but the lowest classes, were merely nominal, 
and only served to fix the rank and pay of 
the holders, whose actual force, often not a 
tenth of their figure on paper, when mustered, 
was paid from the treasury. Each munsub- 
dar was obliged to keep half as many infan- 
try as horsemen ; and of the infantry, one- 
fourth were required to be matchlockmen, 
the rest might be archers. There were also 
a distinct body of horsemen, called ahdis 
(single men), whose pay depended upon 
their merits, but was always much higher 
than that of the ordinary cavalry. Into every 
branch of the imperial arrangements, domes- 
tic as well as public, the most careful me- 
thod was introduced — the mint, treasury, 
and armoury — the harem, with its 5,000T[ in- 
habitants — the kitchens,** baths, perfume 
offices, fruiteries, and flower-gardens, alike 
manifested the order-loving mind of their 
ruler. The department which he appears to 
have superintended with especial pleasure, 
was that comprising the various descriptions of 
animals, whether belonging to the class pecu- 
liarly adapted for the use and benefit of 
man, or to that of the savage beasts who 
played a leading part in the barbarous fights 
and shows which formed the chief popular 

J Bird's Gujarat, p. 338. 

§ " What with the examples made during the 
reign of my father," writes Jehangeer, " and subse- 
quently during my own, there is scarcely a provincs 
in the empire in which, either in battle, or by the 
sword of the executioner, .500,000 or 600,000 human 
beings have not fallen victims to [what he terms] 
their fatal disposition to discontent and turbulence." 
— (p. 128.) Allowing the narrator to have had, as 
was doubtless the case, the larger share in this 
wholesale destruction, and supposing the numbers to 
be overstated, there yet remains ample evidence to 
indicate a terrible waste of human life on the part of 
both monarchs. 

II None but the king's sons were munsubdars of 
more than 5,000 ; and this latter class, according to 
the Ayeen Akbery, comprised only thirty persons. 

^ Each of whom had an apartment and a monthly 
stipend, " equal to her merit," of from two to 1,610 
rupees, that is, from four shillings to £161. 

** The emperor took but one meal a-day, for 
which there being no fixed time, the cooks were 
ordered to keep 100 dishes always in readiness to 
set on table at an hour's notice. " What is required 
for the harem," adds Abul Fazil with sly sarcasm, 
" is going forward from morning till night" 



diversions of the age. The elejjhants,* dro- 
medaries, and camels; horses and mules; 
oxen, buffaloes, rhinoceroses, and tame deer; 
lions, tigers, and panthers; hunting-leopards, 
hounds, and hawks; — received as much at- 
tention as if their royal master had been a 
veterinary surgeon : while, in the matter of 
tame partridges and pigeons, no schoolboy 
could have been a greater adept than the 
mighty monarch, Akber Padshah.f 

The town of Futtehpoor Sikri, near Agra, 
built and fortified by Akber, although now 
deserted, presents ample evidence of having 
been a place, both iu magnificence and 
architectural beauty, adapted for the abode 
of one of the wealthiest sovereigns the world 
ever knew. Respecting the amount of the 
treasures seized from Moslem and Hindoo 
palaces and temples, we have no reliable in- 
formation.! Jehangeer asserts, that of the 
paraphernalia and requisites for grandeur, 
accumulated by Akber, "whether in trea- 
sure or splendid furniture of any description, 
the invincible Timur, who subdued the 
world, and from whom my father was eighth 
in descent, did not possess one-tenth." He 
adds, that Akber, desirous to ascertain the 
contents of the treasury at Agra, had 400 
pairs of scales kept at work, day and night, 
weighing gold and jewels only. At the ex- 
piration oi five montlis the work was still far 
from being concluded; the emperor, from 
some cause or other, not choosing to have it 

* According to Abul Fazil, Akber had between 
5,000 and 6,000 elephants, of whom 101 were kept 
for his own riding. He delighted in the ; 
and, even when in their most excited state, would 
place his foot on the tusk of one of these enormous 
creatures, and mount in an instant ; or spring upon 
its back, from a wall, as it rushed furiously past. 
A fine elephant cost a lac of rupees (£10,000), had 
five men and a boy allotted for its service, and a 
stated daily allowance of rice, sugar, milk, ghee, &c., 
besides 300 sugar-canes per diem, during the season. 
Every ten elephants were superintended by an offi- 
cer, whose duty it was to report daily to the emperor 
their exact condition — whether they ate less food 
than usual, or were in any way indisposed. 

t On a journey or march, the court was never 
accompanied by less than 20,000 pigeons, with hear- 
ers carrying their houses. Of the quality of these 
birds, Abul Fazil remarks, his majesty had discovered 
" infallible criterions," such as twisting their feet, 
slitting their eyelids, or opening their nostrils. 

X In Mandelsloe's travels (Harris's Voyages, vol. iii., 
p. 762), an inventory is given of the treasure in 
jewels, bullion, coin, and other property belonging 
to Akber at the time of his death, which that tra- 
veller states to have been furnished him by " very 
knowing and worthy persons," in the reign of Shah 
Jehan, whom he describes as possessing " eight large 
vaults filled with gold, silver, and precious stones, 
the value of which is inestimable." The items are 

continued, had the treasures safely secured, 
and was content to be the master of " un- 
told gold." In this astounding statement 
there would seem to be either some great 
mistake on the part of the copyist,§ or gross 
exaggeration on that of the royal autobio- 
grapher. The latter is probably in fault; 
for although he frequently criminates him- 
self by confessing the commission of crimes 
which other writers would scarcely have 
ventured to attribute to him (the murder of 
Abul Fazil, for instance), yet his credulity 
and tendency to " high colouring," render 
much sifting necessary before receiving his 
assertions, and greatly enhance the value 
of corroborative evidence. European tra- 
vellers go far to establish the probability of 
otherwise incredible statements regarding 
the enormous wealth of the Great Moguls, 
by their descriptions of the magnificence of 
the court, and also of the steady influx of 
gold and silver still annually received in 
return for silk, cotton, spices, and various 
products, for which coin or bullion was the 
chief exchange, other commodities or manu- 
factures being taken only in comparatively 
small quantities. 

Reign of Jehangeer. — The bier of Akber 
was carried through the palace-gates of 
Agra by Selim and his three sons, Khosru, 
Khoorum, and Parvaez, and borne thence 
to its stately mausoleum II at Secundra (three 
miles distant), by the princes and chief 

interesting — in certain sorts of money coined by the 
express order of Akber, in another description, 
called Akber rupees, and in "payses [pice], sixty 
whereof make a crown," — total value ^ 199,173,333 
crowns, or about £50,000,000 sterling. In jewels, 
30,026,026 crowns ; " statues of gold, of divers crea- 
tures," 9,503,370 c. ; gold plate, dishes, cups, and 
household-stuff, 5,866,895 c. ; porcelain and other 
earthen vessels, 1,255,873 c. ; brocades — gold and 
silver stuffs, silks and muslins, 7,654,989 c. ; tents, 
hangings, and tapestries, 4,962,772 c. ; twenty-four 
thousand manuscripts, richly bound, 3,231,865 c. ; 
artillery and ammunition, 4,287,985 c ; small arms, 
swords, bucklers, pikes, bows, arrows, &c., 3,777,752 c. j 
saddles, bridles, and other gold and silver accoutre- 
ments, 1,262,824 c; coverings for elephants and 
horses, embroidered with gold, silver, and pearls, 
2,500,000 c.; woollen cloths, 251,626 c.; brass and 
copper utensils, 25,612 c; making a total (coin in- 
cluded) of 274,113,793 c, or £68,628,448 sterling. 

§ The Persian copy of Jehangeer's Memoirs, trans- 
lated by Major Price, was unfortunately imperfect ; 
that from which Mr. Gladwin has borrowed largely, 
is considered less defective. 

II This superb structure, begun by Akber, was 
finished by his successor, who declared the total cost to 
have been about £1,800,000. The amiable mother 
of Akber, Hameida, afterwards termed Miriam Me- 
kani, had been buried only two years before in Hu- 
mayun's tomb at BelhL 



nobles. Owing to the exertions made by 
the late sovereign on his death-bed to pre- 
vent the threatened outbreak of domestic 
rivalry, and to the successful negotiations 
entered into with Rajah Maun Sing, and 
other leading persons, Selim was proclaimed 
emperor unopposed. "With undisguised de- 
light he mounted the jewelled throne, on 
which such enormous sums had been 
lavished, and placed on his brows the twelve- 
pointed crown.* The chief ameers were 
summoned from the different provinces to 
attend the gorgeous and prolonged cere- 
monial; for forty days and nights the nukara, 
or great state-drum, sounded triumphantly ; 
odoriferous gums were kept burning in 
censers of rare workmanship, and immense 
candles of camphorated wax, in branches of 
gold and silver, illumined the hours of 

Considering " universal conquest the pe- 
culiar vocation of sovereign princes," the 
new emperor, in the coinage struck upon 
his accession, assumed the title of Jehan- 
geer (conqueror of the world), and ex- 
pressed a hope so to acquit himself as to 
justify the assumption of this high-sounding 
epithet. His early measuresf were of a more 
pacific and benevolent tendency than might 
have been expected either from this com- 
mencement, or his general character. He 
confirmed most of his father's old servants 
in their offices; issued orders remitting 
some vexatious duties which existed, not- 

• The crown and throne, those favourite symbols 
of power, with which eastern kings have ever de- 
lighted to dazzle the eyes of their subjects, were of 
extraordinary magnificence and beauty. The for- 
mer — made by the order of Akber, in the fashion of 
that worn by the Persian kings — had twelve points, 
each surmounted by a diamond of the purest water, 
while the central point terminated in a single pearl 
of extraordinary size ; the whole (including many 
valuable rubies) being estimated at a cost equivalent 
to £2,070,000 sterling. The throne, so constructed 
as to be easily taken to pieces and put together again, 
was ascended by silver steps, on the top of which 
four silver lions sujiported a canopy of pure gold, 
the whole adorned with jewels, to an amount, which 
Price translates, as equal to £30,000,000 sterling. 

+ One of these, most creditable to Jehangeer, in- 
volves a terrible revelation of existing evils. He 
ordered the governor of Bengal to take decided mea- 
sures for abolishing the infamous practice, long used 
in Silhet and other dependencies of Bengal, of com- 
pelling the people to sell their children, or else 
emasculate and deliver them up to the governors of 
those provinces in satisfaction for their rents, — by 
which means some thousand eunuchs had been made 
yearly. — Gladwin's Jehangeer, p. 104. 

X Sir Thomas Roe was occasionally admitted to 
the evening entertainments, when the Great Mogul, 
eeated on a low throne, threw off all restraint, and, 

withstanding the recent reformatory mea- 
sures ; and desii'ing to give access to all 
classes of people who might choose to ap- 
peal to him personally, caused a gold chain 
to be hung between a stone pillar near the 
Jumna and the walls of the citadel of Agra, 
communicating with a string of little bells 
suspended in his private apartments; so that 
the suitor, by following the chain, would be 
enabled to announce his presence to the 
emperor without any intermediary. For 
this invention, Jehangeer takes great credit, 
and also for the interdict placed by him on 
the use of wine, and the regulations for 
that of opium; but as his own habits of 
nightly intoKication were notorious,^ the 
severe punishment with which he visited all 
other offenders against the laws of strict 
temperance, gives little evidence of the 
rigid justice so repeatedly put forward in 
his autobiography,^ as his leading principle 
of action. Among his first proceedings, 
was the release of all prisoners throughout 
the empire. " From the fortress of Gwalior 
alone," he says, " there were set at liberty no 
less than 7,000 individuals, some of whom ' 
had been in confinement for forty years. 
Of the number discharged altogether on this 
occasion, some conception may be formed, 
when it is mentioned, that within the limits 
of Hindoostan there are not less than 2,400 
fortresses, of name and strength, exclusive 
of those in the kingdom of Bengal, which 
surpass all reckoning." — [Memoirs, p. 10.) 

together with most of his companions, drank himself 
into a state of maudlin intoxication. A courtier 
once indiscreetly alluded, in public, to a debauch of 
the previous night, upon which Jehangeer affected 
surprise, inquired what other persons had shared in 
this breach of the law, and ordered those named to 
be so severely bastinadoed that one of them died. 
In his Memoiri, he makes no secret of his habitual 
excesses, but says his usual allowance once reached 
twenty cups of spirits a-day, and that if he was a 
single hour without his beverage, his hands began to 
shake, and he was unable to sit at rest. After coming 
to the throne, he took for some time but five cups 
(little more than a quart), diluted with wine, and only 
after night-fall. Of opium, his daily dose, at forty- 
six years of age, was eight ruttees, orsixty-four grains. 
§ This Autobiography resembles that of Timur iri 
the manner in which the royal narrator boldly 
alleges good motives for his worst deeds, and after 
describing the torments and cruel deaths inflicted 
by him on thousands of unhappy beings, dwells, 
almost in the same page, on his own compassionate 
and loving nature, giving, as examples, the letting 
free of birds, deluded by the skilful murmuring of 
the Cashmerians into captivity ; his regret for the 
death, by drowning, of a little boy who used to guide 
his elephant, and similar circumstances. In spite of 
its defects, the book is both valuable and interest- 
ing, as throwing much light on the customs and 


Jehangeer was not long permitted to en- 
joy in peace his vast inheritance.* The 
partial reconciliation between him and 
Prince Khosru was little more than a tem- 
porary cessation of hostilities, marked by 
distrust and tyranny on the one side — sul- 
lenness and disaffection on the other. At 
length, some four months after his accession, 
the emperor was aroused at midnight with 
the tidings that his son had fled to Delhi, 
with a few attendants. A detachment was 
immediately sent in pursuit, and Jehangeer 
followed in the morning with all the force 
he could collect ; but notwithstanding these 
prompt measures, Khosru succeeded in as- 
sembling upwards of 10,000 men (who sub- 
sisted by plunder), and obtained possession 
of Lahore. He was, however, defeated in 
a contest with a detachment of the royal 
troops ; taken prisoner in a boat, which ran 
aground in the Hydaspes; and in less than 
a month, the whole rebellion was com- 
pletely quashed. When brought in chains 
of gold into the presence of his father, 
Khosru, in reply to the reproaches and 
questions addressed to him, refused to 
criminate his advisers or abettors, entreating 
that his life might be deemed a suflBcient 
penalty for the offences he had instigated. 
Jehangeer, always ready to take advantage 
of any plausible pretext for the exercise of 
his barbarous and cruel disposition, spared 
his son's life,t but wreaked an ample ven- 
geance, by compelling him to witness the 
agonies of his friends and adherents. Some 
were sewn up in raw hides and exposed to 
a burning sun, to die in lingering tortures 
of several days' duration ; others flayed alive ; 
while no less than 700 were impaled in a 
line leading from the gate of Lahore, and 
so long as any of these unfortunates con- 
opinions of the age, and on the demonology, alche- 
my, and various superstitions in which Jehangeer 
was as firm a believer as his royal compeer, James I., 
of England, whom he resembled in another point, 
namely, strong dislike to tobacco (then newly in- 
troduced by the Portuguese), against which he also 
issued a " counterblast," in the shape of a decree, 
forbidding its use in Hindoostan, as Shah Abbas 
had previously done throughout Persia. 

• Besides the treasure accumulated by his father, 
he received the property (amounting, in jewels alone, 
to £4,500,000,) which l)anial had contrived to amass 
in the Deccan, in great measure by open violence, 
or, as Jehangeer mildly phrases it, by compelling 
people to sell to him elephants and other property, 
and sometimes omitting to pay for them. The 300 
ladies of the prince's harem were likewise sent to the 
emperor ; who, being somewhat puzzled how to dis- 
pose of so large an addition to his family, gave them 
to understand that tliey were, one and all, free to 

tinued to breathe, the prince was brought 
daily to the spot, in mock state, mounted 
on an elephant and preceded by a mace- 
bearer, who called out to him to receive the 
salutations of his servants. Khosru passed 
three days and nights without tasting food, 
and long remained a prey to the deepest 
melancholy. At the expiration of a year, 
Jehangeer seemed disposed to lighten his 
captivity by suffering his chains to be 
struck off, but a conspiracy for his release 
being subsequently detected (or invented by 
the partisans of Prince Khoorum), he was 
confined as closely as before. 

In 1607, an army was despatched, under 
Mohabet Khan (son of Sagurji, the recreant 
brother of Pertap), against Umra, Rana of 
Oudipoor, and another under the Khan Kha- 
nan, into the Deccan ; but both were unsuc- 
cessful, and the latter especially received re- 
peated defeats from Malek Amber, who retook 
Ahmednuggur; and uniting to his talents 
for war no less ability for civil government, 
introduced a new revenue system into the 
Deccan, and obtained there equal celebrity 
to that acquired by Rajah Todar Mul in 

During these proceedings, Jehangeer was 
privately occupied in the criminal intrigues 
which resulted in his marriage with the 
celebrated Nour Jehan. This clever, but un- 
principled woman, was the daughter of a 
Persian adventurer,^ who having succeeded 
in gaining admittance to the service of 
Akber, rose to a position of trust and 
honour. His wife frequently visited the 
royal harem with her young' daughter, 
whose attractions speedily captivated the 
heir-apparent. Akber being made aware of 
what was passing, had Nour Jehan bestowed 
in marriage on Sheer Afghan, a young 

bestow themselves and their dowries on any of the 
nobles who might desire them in marriage. 

t There is a passage in the Memoirs which indi- 
cates prettv clearly that Jehangeer would have felt 
little scruple in following " the distinguished exam- 
ple" given by "the house of Othman, who, for the 
stability of their royal authority, of all their sons, 
preserve but one, considering it expedient to destroy 
all the rest."— (p. 6C.) 

X Gheias was a man well born, but reduced to 
poverty, and driven to seek subsistence by emigrating 
with his wife and children to India. Directly after 
reaching Candahar, Nour Jehan was born ; and, being 
worn down with fatigue and want, the miserable 
parents exposed the infant on a spot by which the 
caravan was to pass. The expedient succeeded: a 
rich merchant saw and took compassion on the child, 
relieved the distress of its parents, and, perceiving 
the father and eldest son to be ))ersons of education 
and ability, procured for them suitable employment. 




Persian, distinguished for his bravery, to 
whom he gave a jaghire in Bengal, wliither 
he proceeded, accompanied by his young 
bride. But the matter did not end here ; 
for Jehangeer, about a year after his ac- 
cession, took occasion to intimate to Kootb- 
po-deen, the viceroy of Bengal (his foster- 
brother), liis desire to obtain possession of 
the object of his- unhallowed passion. En- 
deavours were made to sound Sheer Afghan 
on the subject ; but the high-spirited chief, 
at the first intiipation of the designs enter- 
tained against his honour, threw up his com- 
mand, and left off wearing arms, as a sign 
that he was no longer in the king's service. 
After this, repeated attempts were made to 
assassinate him, until at length, at a com- 
pulsory interview with Kootb-oo-deen, per- 
ceiving himself entrapped, he resolved to 
sell his life dearly — slew the viceroy and 
several other officers, and at last fell him- 
self, covered with wounds. Nour Jehan 
was seized and sent to court, but, either 
from some temporary aversion on her part 
to the murderer of her husband, or (for the 
tale is differently told) from some equally 
short-lived compunction on his, she was 
allowed to remain in the seraglio unnoticed 
for above four years. The passion of the 
emperor at length reviving, he made her his 
wife; bestowed on her, by an imperial edict, 
the title of empress ; and styled her first, 
Nour Mahal {the light of the harem), and 
afterwards Nour Jehan [the light of the 
world.) Her influence became unbounded : 
beginning by a feminine desire for splendid 
jewels,* shfe soon manifested her capacity 
for coveting and exercising arbitrary do- 
minion, and evinced as much energy and 
ambition, and as little principle as could be 

• Jehangeer states that he assigned for her dowry 
en amount equal to £7,200,000 sterling, " which 
sum she requested as indisijensable for the purchase 
of jewels, and I granted it without a murmur." — 
^p. 271.) He also gave her a pearl necklace, com- 
prising forty beads, each one of great worth. These 
statements must, of course, be taken quantum valeai, 
and are only cited to enable the reader to form some 
idea of the numerous and costly jewels worn at the 
period: the accumulation of which had been for ages 
the favourite employment of the Hindoo princes, 
from whom they had been plundered. In evidence of 
the excessive desire for splendid jewels, may be no- 
ticed the testimony of Sir Thomas Roe's chaplain — 
that one of the courtiers purchased from a merchant a 
large pear-shaped pearl, which he had brought with 
him from England, for the sum of £1„200. 

t The Rajpoots have been fortunate in having had 
Tod for a chronicler ; but they still need a Walter 
Scott to po|)ularize their deeds of love and war in 
the eyes of those who care not to look on truth un- 
mixed with fiction. Yet Rajpoot annals, even in the 

paralleled in many (so called) "great men." 
Honours never before enjoyed by the consort 
of any Indian potentate were lavished upou 
her, even to the conjunction of her name 
on the coin with that of Jehangeer; her 
father, Mirza Gheias, was made prime minis- 
ter; her brother, Asuf Khan, placed iu 
a high station ; and, on every affair in which 
she took an interest, her will was law. 

The legislative ability of Mirza Gheias 
produced beneficial effects in public affairs ; 
and his modest, yet manly bearing, con- 
ciliated the nobility, -who soon learned to 
appreciate the value of the control which he 
exercised over the ill-regulated mind of the 
emperor. Nour Jehan found employment 
in superintending the construction of pub- 
lic edifices and gardens; and by skilful 
management, increased the magnificence of 
the court and lessened the expenditure. 
The mode of preparing the famous otto of 
roses is generally attributed, in India, cither 
to her or to her mother. 

Soon after this marriage, the disturbances 
in Bengal, which had prevailed throughout 
the previous years of Jehangeer's reign, 
were brought to a close a.d. 1612. Malek 
Amber's Mahratta-like mode of warfare 
proved increasingly successful in the Deccan, 
and the imperial forces were decidedly 
worsted; but in Mewar, Prince Khoorum, 
at the head of 20,000 men, obtained the 
submission of liana Urara Sing, who, after 
sustaining seventeen pitched battles, was at 
length compelled to bow to the Moguls " the 
crimson banner" which, for more than 800 
years, had waved in proud independence 
over the heads of the Gehlotes. Prince 
Khoorum (the son of a Rajpootni) evinced 
affectionate respect towards his brave foe ;t 

sober page of the historian, are fraught with romance 
and chivalry. Take one instance. During the war 
with Jehangeer, an opportunity occurred to recover 
some frontier lands in the plains, and Umra, with all 
his chiefs, assembled for the purpose. Two rival 
clans (whose feuds largely contributed to the ruin of 
Mewar) disputed the privilege of forming the herole 
or vanguard, and the sword would have decided the 
question but for the tact of the prince, who exclaimed, 
" The herole to the clan that first enters Ontala." 
Ontala was a frontier fortress, about eighteen miles 
east of Oudipoor, situated on rising ground, with a 
stream flowing beneath its massy walls, round towers 
at intervals, and but one gate. Some hours before 
day-break the clans moved off to the attack ; the Suk- 
tawuts arrived first, and made directly for the gate- 
way; the Chondawuts, less skilled in topography, 
traversed a swamp, which retarded them ; but they 
brought ladders, and, on arriving, their chief at once 
commenced the escalade. A ball struck him back 
lifeless among his vassals. Meanwhile, the Sukta- 
wuts were also checked; for the elephant on which 


and Jehaiigeer himself, delighted at having 
obtained, by means of the valour of his 
favourite son, the homage of a prince whose 
ancestors, intrenched in their mountain 
strongholds, "had never beheld a king of 
Hindoostan, or made submission to any 
one," sent to the rana a friendly firman, 
with the " impress of his five fingers," and 
desired Khoorum, " by any means by which 
it could be brought about, to treat this il- 
lustrious one according to his own heart's 
wishes."* The personal attendance of Umra 
at the Mogul court was excused, and a simi- 
lar exemption extended to the future reign- 
ing sovereigns of Mewar, the heir-apparent 
being received as their representative. Prince 
Kurrun, the son and successor of Umra, was 
most honourably welcomed by Jehangeer, 
who placed him on his right hand, above 
every other noble, and declared that '-'his 
countenance carried the impression of his 
illustrious extraction."t Nour Jehan like- 
wise loaded him with gifts and dignities; 
but the prince, feeling liis newly-forged 
chains none the lighter for the flowers with 
which they were wreathed, still remained 
sad and humiliated, though courteous in his 
bearing. Umra was yet further from being 
reconciled to become a fief-holder of the em- 
pire. To receive the imperial firman outside 
his capital was the only concession demanded 
from him, in return for which Khoorum 
offered to withdraw every Moslem from 
Mewar. But he could not be brought to 
submit to the humiliation ; therefore, assem- 
bling the chiefs, he made the teeka (the 

their leader rode, and on whose strength he depended 
to force the gate, was deterred from approaching by 
its projecting spikes. His men were falling thick 
about him, when a shout from the rival clan in- 
spired a desperate resolve. Springing to the ground, 
he covered the spikes with his own body, and bade 
the driver, on pain of instant death, propel the ele- 
phant against him. The gates gave way, and over 
the dead body of their chief the clan rushed on to 
the combat, and, fighting with resistless energy, 
slaughtered the Moguls, and planted on the castle the 
standard of Mewar. But the herole was not for themj 
for the next in rank and kin, and heir to the Chonda- 
■wut leader, had caught the lifeless body as it fell, andj 
true to his title (the mad chief of Deogurh), wrapped 
it in his scarf, slung it on his back, and, scaling the 
wall, cleared the way with his lance, until he was 
able to fling his burden over the parapet, shouting — 
" the herole to the Chondawuts ! we are first in ! 

• Colonel Tod mentions having seen the identical 
firman in the rana of Oudipoor's archives. The 
hand being immersed in a compost of sandal-wood, 
is applied to the paper, to which the impression of 
the palm and five fingers is thus clearly, and even 
lastingly affixed. — liajast'han, vol. i., p. 362. 

t Hajatthan, vol. i., p. 364. Tod had probably a 

ancient symbol of soveS-eignty) on his son's 
forehead, and forthwith quitted the capital, 
and secluded himself in a neighbouring 
palace, on the borders of a lake. The stately 
form of Umra, " the tallest and strongest of 
the princes of Mewar," never again crossed 
the threshold until it was borne, as dust and 
ashes, to be deposited in the sepulchre of 
his fathers ; but Prince Khoorum visited 
him, as a friend, in his retirement, and, in 
after years, had abundant reason to rejoice 
in the sympathy which he had manifested 
towards the Rajpoot princes of Oudipoor. 

In 1615, Sir Thomas Roe arrived at court, 
then held at Ajmeer, as ambassador from 
James I. His journey from Surat, by Boor- 
hanpoor and Chittore, lay through the Dec- 
can, where war was raging ; and the rana's 
country, where it had just ceased; yet he 
met with no obstruction or cause for alarm, 
except from mountaineers, who took advan- 
tage of the disturbed state of the times to 
molest trcavellers. The emperor received 
him favourably, notwithstanding the oppo- 
sition and intrigues of the Portuguese Jesuits^ 
and the contrast afforded by the unpretend- 
ing character of liis presents^ and retinue 
to the magnificent ceremonial which he 
daily witnessed, and in which he was per- 
mitted to take part without performing the 
humiliating prostration which Jehangeer, 
like Akber, demanded from those who ap- 
proached him, despite the belief of all zea* 
lous Mohammedans, that such homage could 
be fitly offered to the Deity alone. 

The greatest displays took place on the 

more perfect copy of Jehangeer's Memoirs than that 
translated by Price, as he cites passages not to be 
found in the English version. 

\ The most acceptable of these seems to have been 
a coach, a mode of conveyance then newly used in 
England. Jehangeer had it taken to pieces by na- 
tive workmen, who, having built another with more 
costly materials, reconstructed the pattern-one, sub- 
stituting double-gilt silver nails for the originals of 
brass, and a lining of silver brocade instead of 
Chinese velvet. Some pictures,, proved 
suitable gifts ; and one of them was so accurately 
copied by native artists, that Roe being shown the 
original and five copies by candle-light, could not, 
without some difficulty, distinguish that which he 
had brought from England. Once, being much 
pressed for some offering wherewith to gratify Jehan- 
geer's insatiable covetousness, he presented to him a 
book of maps {Mercator's Cosmography), with which 
the emperor was at first excessively delighted ; but, 
on examination, finding the independent kingdoms 
there delineated somewhat too numerous to accord 
with his grandiloquent title, he returned the -olume, 
saying that he should not like to deprive the ambas- 
sador of so groat a treasure. — A Voyage to East 
India, by Sir Thomas Roe'.s Chaplain. London, 1666. 


emperor's birth-day, when there was a gene- 
ral fair and many processions and ceremo- 
nies, among which the most striking was 
the weighing of the royal person twelve 
times, in golden scales, against gold, silver, 
perfumes, and other substances, which were 
afterwards distributed among the spectators. 
The festivities lasted several days, during 
which time the king's usual place was in a 
sumptuous tent, shaded by rich awnings, 
while the ground, for the space of at least 
two acres, was spread with silken carpets 
and hangings, embroidered with gold, pearl, 
and precious stones. The nobility had simi- 
lar pavilions, where they received visits from 
each other, and sometimes from the sove- 
reign. But beneath the veil of splendour 
and outward decorum, all was hollow and 
unsound. The administration of the coun- 
try was rapidly declining; the governments 
were farmed, and the governors exacting 
and tyrannical ; though, occasionally, an ap- 
peal from some injured person brought upon 
the oppressor the vengeance of the empe- 
ror, from which neither ability nor station 
could purchase immunity. The highest offi- 
cials were open to corruption; and Roe, 
finding the treaty he was sent to negotiate 
remained unaccomplished after two years' 
tarry, deemed it expedient to bribe Asuf 
Khan with a valuable pearl, after which he 
soon succeeded in procuring for the English 
a partial liberty of trade; and then joy- 
fully took his leave. The military spirit of 
the Moslems had already evaporated in an 
atmosphere of sloth and sensuality ; and the 
Rajpoots, Patans, and Beloochees were 
spoken of by cotemporary writers (Terry, 
Hawkins, Roe) as the only brave soldiers to 
be found. The language of the court was 
Persian, but all classes spoke Hindoostani. 
In the royal family, the succession was a 
matter of jealous discussion : Khosru was 
considered to have forfeited his prior claim 
by rebellion ; and Parvaez, the next in age, 

• Jehangeer established himself at Ajmeer, in 
1613, in readiness to support his son in liis opera- 
tions against the Rana of Oudipoor, and had held 
hie court there ever since. He now jjrocecded to 
take up his residence at Mandu, in Malwa, for the 
similar reason of being nearer |to the seat of war. 
Sir Thomas Roe was permitted to follow in the suite 
of the court. He describes the royal progress as 
resembling a triumphal procession on a scale of 
extreme magnificence. Jehangeer himself, before 
entering his coach, showed himself to the people, 
literally laden with jewels — from his rich turban, 
with it« plume of 'heron feathers, whence " on one 
side hung a rubie unset, as bigge as a walnut, on 
♦ie other side a diamond as great, in the middle an 

being far inferior in ability to his younger 
brother, Khoorum, would, it was expected, 
be set aside to make way for the latter 
prince, who had married a niece of Nour 
Jehan, and was supported in his pretensions 
by her all-powerful influence. 

In 1616, a great expedition was sent to 
the Deccan, of which the command was 
given to Khoorum, together with the title 
by which he was thenceforth known, of 
Shah Jehan (king of the world) .* He suc- 
ceeded in regaining Ahmednuggur and 
other places, captured by Malek Amber, 
who was compelled to make submission on 
the part of his nominal sovereign, Nizam 
Shah; but, in 1621, renewed the war. Shah 
Jehan was again dispatched to the Deccan ; 
but, from some rising distrust, refused to 
mai'ch unless his unhappy brother. Prince 
Khosru (who, by the earnest mediation of 
Parvaez, had had his chains struck off, and 
some measure of liberty allowed him) were 
entrusted to his custody. This desire was 
complied with, and Khoorum proceeded to 
attack Malek Amber, whom he at length 
brought to risk a general action. The 
result was very favourable to the Moguls, 
who granted peace on condition of a further 
cession of land and a considerable sum of 
money. Soon after this success, Jehangeer 
was prostrated by a dangerous attack of 
asthma. At this critical juncture. Prince 
Khosru died suddenly, and his rival brother, 
to whose charge he had been entrusted, 
was accused of having incited his assassina- 
tion. However caused, it is remarkable 
that this event, which seemed especially cal- 
culated to strengthen the pretensions of 
Shah Jehan to the succession, proved to be 
only the commencement of a long series of 
dangers and disasters. The emperor par- 
tially recovered, and ever after manifested 
distrust and aversion to his previously fa- 
vourite child. He evidently shared the 
suspicions generally entertained regarding 

emerald like a heart, much bigger," down to his " em- 
broidered buskins with pearle, the toes sharpe and 
turning up." Immediately after the king rode Nour 
Jehan, also in an English carriage. The Leskar, or 
imperial camp, was admirably arranged, and occu- 
pied a circumference of at least twenty miles ; looking 
down from it from a height, it resembled a beautiful 
city of many-coloured tents ; that of the emperor in 
the centre, with its gilded globes and pinnacles, 
forming a sort of castle, from whence diverged nu- 
merous streets, laid out without the least disorder, 
since every one, whether noble or shop-keeper, knew 
the precise spot on which he must place himself by 
its distance from, and situation with regard to, the 
royal paviliou. — (Murray's Discoveries, voi. ii. p. 163.) 


Khosru's fate ; besides which, the empress ! 
having recently affianced her daughter * by 
Sheer Afghan, to Prince S.hehriar (Jehan- 
gecr's youngest son), attached herself to 
his interests, foreseeing that, in the event 
of his accession to the throne, she might 
continue to exercise a degree of power, 
which, under the sway of his more able and 
determined brother, was not to be expected. 

With a view of removing Shah Jehan 
from the scene of his power and triumphs, 
he was directed to attempt the recovery of 
Candahar from the Persians, by whom it 
had been recently seized. The prince, per- 
ceiving the object of this command, delayed 
compliance on one pretext or another, until 
discussions arose, which issued in his break- 
ing out into open rebellion, a.d. 1623. The 
crisis was fraught with danger to all par- 
ties. The father of Nour Jehan, on whom 
both she and the emperor had implicitly 
relied, was dead; Asuf Khan, though he 
seemed to move like a puppet according 
to her will, naturally leant towards his 
son-in-law ; Parvaez, though a brave sol- 
dier, needed as a general an able coun- 
sellor by his side ; nor does Shehriar seem 
to have been calculated to take the lead in 
this fierce and prolonged feud.f At length 
Nour Jehan cast her eyes on Mohabet Khan, 
the most rising general of the time, but, 
heretofore, the especial opponent of her 
brother, Asuf Khan. To him, jointly with 
Parvaez, was entrusted the conduct of hos- 
tilities against Shah Jehan, who retreated 
to Boorhanpoor, but was driven from thence 
to Bengal, of which province, together vrith 
Behar, he gained possession, but was expelled, 
and obliged to seek refuge in the Deccan, 
where he was welcomed and supported by 
his former foe, Malek Amber. At the ex- 
piration of two years he proffered his sub- 
mission, and surrendered to Jehangeer the 
forts of Rohtas in Behar, and Aseerghur in 
the Deccan, together with his two sons 
(Dara and Aurungzebe), but he himself 
took refuge with the Rajpoots of Mcwar.J 

Scarcely was this storm allayed, before a 
still more alarming one burst over the head 
of the emperor, provoked by his violent 
temper, and also by the domineering and 
suspicious conduct of Nour Jehan. The 
growing popularity of Mohabet Khan had, 

* DclIaValle states, that Nour Jehan had previously 
j desired to marry lior daughter to Kliosru, offering, on 
that condition, to obtain his release; but he steadily 
refused, from strong affection to the wife he had 
already married, and who, after \ainly urging him to 
comply with the proffered terms, continued as here- 

it would appear, excited jealousy, and he 
was summoned to answer, in person, various 
charges of oppression and embezzlement 
adduced against him during the time of his 
occupation of Bengal. He set out for court, 
attended by a body of 5,000 Rajpoots, 
whom he had contrived to attach to his 
service. Before his arrival, Jehangeer, 
learning that he had ventured to betroth 
his daughter without the customary form of 
asking the royal sanction, sent for the bride- 
groom, a young nobleman named Berkhor- 
dar, caused him to be stripped naked, and 
beaten with thorns in his own presence ; 
seized on the dowry he had received from 
Mohabet, and sequestrated all his other 
property. On approaching the camp, Mo- 
habet Avas informed of what occurred, and 
also that the emperor would not see him; 
upon which he resolved, while the means 
remained at his command, to make a bold 
stroke for life and liberty. Jehangeer was 
at this time preparing to cross the Hydaspes, 
by a bridge of boats, on his way to Cabool ; 
the troops had passed, and he intended to 
follow at leisure, when Mohabet, by a sudden 
attack, just before day-break, gained posses- 
sion of the bridge, and surprised the royal 
tent, where the emperor, scarcely recovered 
from the effects of the last night's debauch, 
was awakened by the rush of armed men. 
Mohabet pretended to have been driven to 
this extremity by the enemies who had 
poisoned the mind of his master against 
him, and Jehangeer, after the first burst of 
rage, thought it best to conciliate his captor 
by affecting to believe this statement, and 
agreed to accompany him, in public, under 
the guardianship of a body of Rajpoots. 
Nour Jehan, on learning that the emperor 
had been carried to the tents of Mohabet 
Khan, put on a disguise, and succeeded in 
reaching the royal camp on the opposite 
side of the river, where she set on foot im- 
mediate preparations for a forcible rescue. 
Jehangeer, afraid of what might happen to 
himself in the confusion, sent a messenger 
with his signet, to desire that no attack 
might be made ; but she treated the mes- 
sage as a trick of Mohabet Khan's, and, at 
the head of the ai'niy, began to ford the 
river, the bridge having been, in the interim, 
burned by the Rajpoots. Rockets, balls, 

tofore the patient companion of his long and. sad 
captivity. — (London trmisluiion of liidH, ]). 30.) 

t According to Gladwin, this war " so deluged the 
empire with blood, that there was hardly a family 
but shared in the calamity.'" — Hin(h<>slan,yo\.i. p. 45, 

X Shah Jehan was warmly befriended in Oudi- 


and arrows were discharged upon the troops, 
as they strove to make good their passage 
over a dangerous shoal, full of pools, with 
deep water on either side; and, on setting 
foot on the beach, they were fiercely opposed 
by the Rajpoots, who drove them back into 
the water, sword in hand. The ford became 
choked with horses and elephants, and a 
frightful sacrifice of life ensued. The em- 
press* was among those who succeeded in 
effecting a landing, and at once became the 
special object of attack. The elephant on 
which she rode was speedily surrounded, 
the guards cut to pieces, and, among the 
bails and arrows which fell thick round her 
howdah, one wounded the infant daughter 
of Shehriar, who was seated in her lap, and 
another killed her driver. The elephant 
having received a severe cut on the proboscis, 
dashed into the river, and was carried along 
by the current ; but, after several plunges, 
swam out, and safely reached the shore, 
where Nour Jchan was quickly surrounded 
by her attendants, who found her engaged 
in extracting the arrow, and binding up the 
wound of the terrified infant. The repulse 
was complete ; for, although a portion of 
the royalists, under an officer named Fcdai 
Khan, had, during the confusion of the 
battle, entered the enemy's camp at an 
unsuspected point, and penetrated so far 
that their balls and arrows fell within the 
tent where Jehangeer was seated, they were 
compelled to retire by the general defeat, 
and Fedai Khan, having lost most of his 
men, and being himself wounded, imme- 
diately took refuge in the neighbouring 
fort of Rohtas, of which he was governor. 

Nour Jehan, perceiving the hopelessness 
of attempting the forcible rescue of her 
husband, determined to join him in his 
captivity ; and her brother, with other 
leaders, were eventually obliged to surrender 
themselves to Mohabet Khan, who appeared 
to be completely triumphant, but whose 
position, nevertheless, demanded great cir- 
cumspection. He had from the first affected 
to treat Jehangeer with much ceremonious 
deference ; and the captive monarch, tutored 
by Nour Jehan, pretended to be completely 
reconciled to his position, and glad to be 
relieved from the thraldom of Asuf Khan. 
He even carried his duplicity so far as to 

poor, where a sumptuous edifice was raised for his 
use, adorned with a lofty dome crowned with a cre- 
scent; the interior richly decorated with mosaic in 
onyx, cornelian, jaspjr and agates, rich Turlccy car- 
pets, &c. ; and that nothing of state might be want- 
ing to the royal refugee, a throne was sculptured 

warn Mohabet of the ambition and discon- 
tent of the empress, and acted his part so 
cleverly, as completely to deceive his gaoler. 
Meanwhile the army advanced to Cabool, 
and the Afghans in the neighbourhood 
showed every disposition to take part with 
the emperor, while the dissensions among 
the troops gave full employment to their 
general. Nour Jehan was too able an intri- 
guante not to take advantage of such favour- 
able circumstances. She employed agents 
to enlist fit men in scattered points at a 
distance, whence some were to straggle into 
the camp, as if in quest of service ; while 
others were to remain at their positions, 
and await further orders. Jehangeer next 
suggested a muster of the troops of all the 
jaghiredars, of whom the empress formed 
an important member, holding large estates, 
and having been made a muusubdar of 
30,000; commanders of that rank being, 
it will be remembered, only expected or 
even suffered to maintain a much smaller 
number. When summoned to produce her 
contingent, she expressed indignation at 
being placed on the level of an ordinary 
subject; but, on pretence of desiring to 
produce a respectable muster, increased her 
previous force, by gradually receiving the 
recruits from the country. Mohabet Khan 
began to suspect some plot, but suffered 
himself to be persuaded by Jehangeer to 
avoid personal risk, by forbearing to accom- 
pany him to the muster of Nour Jehan's 
contingent. The emperor advanced alone 
to the review, and had no sooner got to 
the centre of the line, than the troops closed 
in on him, cut off the Rajpoot horse, by 
whom he was guarded, and, being speedily 
joined by their confederates, placed his 
person beyond the reach of recapture. Mo- 
habet Khan, perceiving himself completeb; 
duped, withdrew to a distance with his 
troops, and, after some attempts at negotia- 
tion, came to an open rupture, and entered 
into alliance with Shah Jehan. This prince 
had endeavoured to take advantage of his fa- 
ther's captivity to renew hostilities, by march- 
ing from the Deccan to Ajmeer at the head of 
little more than 1,000 men; but the death of 
his chief adherent, Rajah Kishen Sing, de- 
prived him of at least half his followers, and 
he was compelled to fly across the desert to 

from a single block of serpentine, supported by 
quadriform female caryatides : in the court a little 
cliapel was erected to the Moslem-Saint, Madar. 

* Nour Jchan was a true Amazon : Jehangeer re- 
cords with much pride her having, on a hunting party, 
killed four tigers with a matchlock from her elephant. 



Sinde. Thence he purposed proceeding to 
Persia, but, beinsj delayed by sickness, re- 
mained there until affairs took a more pro- 
mising turn. Parvaez died at Boorhanpoor, 
according to the general account, of epilepsy, 
brought on by excessive drinking, though 
Tod asserts him to have been slain at the 
instigation of Shah Jehan, who proceeded 
to the Deccan, where he was joined by 
Mohabet Khan. 

Jehangeer, shortly after his restoration 
to liberty, quitted Cabool for his residence at 
Lahore, and from thence set off on his 
annual visit to " the blooming saffron 
meads" of Cashmere. But the autumn 
was unusually cold, and the clear pure air 
of the lovely valley proved too keen for the 
broken constitution of the emperor. A 
severe attack of asthma came on, and an 
attempt was made to carry him back to the 
warmer climate of Lahore. The motion and 
passage of the mountains increased the com- 
plaint, and before a third of the journey 
was accomplished he expired, in the sixty- 
sixth year of his age. , 

His character was full of contradictions. 
Though cruel and rapacious, he yet, in many 
ways, evinced a sort of paternal interest in 
the welfare of his subjects, and a desire for 
the impartial administration of justice be- 
tween rich and poor — Moslem and Hindoo. 
He occasionally quitted the palace, and went 
abroad on nocturnal expeditions, mingling 
freely with the lower classes, without any 
fear of assassination, although his person, 
from his daily appearance in public, must 
have been well known. His easy and 
familiar manners rendered him popular, 
notwithstanding the frightful torments in- 
flicted on real or alleged criminals by his 
express orders. Many of his proceedings 
favour the idea that he had inherited from 
his mother a taint of madness, which his 
excesses in wine and opium sometimes 
brought into action. He was probably as 
complete a deist as his father, but super- 
stition had laid much heavier chains on his 
weak and wayward mind ; and some of the 
tales gravely recorded by him might find 
a fit place in the Arabian Nights. Un- 
fortunately, his autobiography ceases about 
the middle of his reign. Long before its 
conclusion, the whole tone and spirit changes; 
and instead of exulting over his immense 
possessions, the royal writer dwells bitterly 
on the unceasing anxiety attendant on 
sovereign power, declaring that the jewels 
formerly coveted had become worthless in 

his sight, and that satiety had utterly ex- 
tinguished the delight he had once taken 
in contemplating the graces of youth and 
beauty. Like a far wiser monarch — even 
Solomon — he had discovered that all was 
vanity and vexation of spirit, but knew not, 
or cared not to search out the antidote. 

With Jehangeer all the schemes of Nour 
Jehan perished. On her attempting to as- 
sert the claims of the absent Shehriar, her 
own brother, probably weary of the tyranny 
to which he had been so long subjected, 
placed her under restraint; but, on being 
released, she was treated with respect, and 
allowed a yearly stipend of a quarter of a 
million sterling. Throughout her widow- 
hood she lived very quietly; abstained from 
all entertainments; wore no colour but white; 
and at her death, in 1646, was buried in a 
tomb she had herself erected, close to that 
of the emperor, at Lahore. 

Reign of Shah Jehan. — On the death of 
Jehangeer, Asuf Khan immediately sent a 
messenger to fetch his son-in-law, whose 
cause he had resolved to support, although 
(according to Dow), by the will of the late 
emperor, the throne had been expressly be- 
queathed to Shehriar. Pending the arrival 
of Shah Jehan, the vizier, desirous to sanc- 
tion his own proceedings by the semblance 
of legal authority, released Prince Dawir, 
the son of Khosru, from prison, and pro- 
claimed him king. Shehriar, who had been 
at Lahore some weeks, on learning his 
father's death, seized the royal treasure, 
took command of the troops — whose favour 
he gained by extravagant largesses — and 
set free the two sons of Prince Danial from 
the species of honourable captivity in which 
they had been detained by Jehangeer ever 
since their father's death, in accordance 
with the cruel policy of oriental despotism. 
The confederate princes were defeated and 
captured by Asuf Khan. Meanwhile, the 
Rajpoot allies of Shah Jehan, delighted at 
the prospect of his rising fortunes, sent an 
escort to Surat to accompany him thence to 
Oudipoor, and there, within the hospitable 
walls which had sheltered him in exile, the 
now triumphant prince was first formally 
hailed Emperor of Hindoostan. Rana Kur- 
run did not live to witness the joyful re- 
turn of the wanderer ; he had died shortly 
before Jehangeer: his brother. Rajah Bheem, 
with many noble chiefs, had fallen in the 
cause ; but their representative, Juggut Sing, 
received from the new emperor, on his de- 
parture, a ruby of inestimable value, _ the 


restoration of five alienated provinces, and 
a most welcome permission to reconstruct 
the fortifications of Chittore. Other emotions 
besides those of gratitude were, however, at 
work within the breast of Shah Jehan. Re- 
solved, by any means, to grasp the imperial 
sceptre, he sent to Asuf Khan a mandate for 
the execution of the puppet he had placed 
upon the throne, also of his brother Sheh- 
riar, the two sons of Danial, and another 
prince, the son of Khosru. The tyrannical 
command was obeyed.* Shah Jehan was 
proclaimed king at Agra, January, 1628, 
and not a male of the house of Timur re- 
mained to cause him present or future 
anxiety, save only his four sons, whose strife 
and rebellion were destined, by retributive 
justice, to scourge his crimes, to snatch the 
sceptre from his feeble hands, and immure 
liim for long years the captive of a son, 
who, like himself, scrupled not to wade to a 
throne through the blood of near kindred. 

But this is anticipating events ; for Shah 
Jehan's reign lasted thirty years before its 
miserable termination. His first acts were 
evidently designed to obliterate from the 
public mind, and probably from his own, 
the means by which he had endeavoured to 
consolidate his authority. Following, to a 
limited extent, the example of his father, he 
opened the doors of the fortress of Gwalior 
to all state-prisoners, some of whom had 
been in confinement during the whole of the 
preceding reign — a measure which did more 
to procure him popularity than the magnifi- 
cence of his festivals or the costly structures 
which he delighted in erecting. From these 
pursuits he was soon diverted by local dis- 
turbances. The Uzbeks invaded Cabool, but 
were driven out by Mohabet Khan. The 
Mogul arms were next directed against 
Narsing Deo, of Bundelcund (the destroyer 
of Abul Fazil), and the rajah, after long resis- 
tance, was eventually brought to submission. 

As Sliah Jehan considered it the bounden 
duty of every great prince to leave to his 
posterity a larger territorial sway than that 
M'hich he had himself inherited,t it is not 

• According to Dow, all the five princes were 
murdered; but Elphinstone (on the authority of 
Olearius, Ambassadors Travels, p. 190) states that 
Dawir found means to escape to Persia, where he 
was seen by the Ilolstcin ambassadors, in 1688. The 
conduct of Shah Jehan on this occasion strongly 
favours the general belief of his having instigated 
the assassination of his brother, Khosru, (see p. 124.) 
Mr. Klphinstone partially defends him, by remark- 
ing, " that we ought not readily to believe that a life 
not sullied by any other crime could be stained by 
one of so deep a dye" (vol. ii. p. 368.) But, in a 

surprising that abundant reason was soon 
found for invading the Deccan. At this 
period, the three remaining governments 
held by Moslems — Ahmednuggur, Bceja- 
poor, and Goleonda, had nearly recovered 
their ancient limits. Khan Jehan Lodi, an 
Afghan officer of rank, being left with undi- 
vided authority over the Moguls after the 
death of Prince Parvaez, had deemed it 
necessary or expedient, during the troubled 
state of afi'airs occasioned by the disputes 
regarding the succession, and the proceed- 
ings of Mohabet Khan, to surrender the re- 
maining portion of Shah Jehan's conquests 
in the Deccan to the son of Malek Amber, 
who had succeeded his father in the Nizam 
Shahi government : but the fort of Ahmed- 
nuggur was still held by a Mogul garrison, 
who refused to obey Khan Jehan Lodi's 
command. When Shah Jehan set out to 
ascend the throne, Khan Jehan refused to 
join him. On learning the defeat and 
death of Shehriar and Dawir, he profliered 
allegiance, and was confirmed in his gov- 
ernment by the new emperor, but soon re- 
moved thence to Malwa, Mohabet Khan 
taking his place in the Deccan. Having co- 
operated in the reduction of Narsing Deo, 
Khan Jehan was invited to court, whither 
he proceeded with his two sons, relying for 
safety both on the assurances given to him 
individually, and on the edict of indemnity 
proclaimed to all who had opposed the 
accession of the reigninj; sovereign. The 
usher of the court evinced a marked dis- 
respect towards him — or so at least the 
proud Afghan considered — but the cere- 
monies of presentation were passed without 
any positive disturbance. His son, Azmut, 
a lad of sixteen, with all his father's 
high spirit and less discretion, was next in- 
troduced ; and he, considering that he 
had been kept too long prostrate, sprang 
up before the signal was given. The usher 
struck him on the head with his rod ; the 
youth aimed a blow in return ; upon which 
a general confusion ensued, and Khan 
Jehan, with his sons, rushed from the palace 

subsequent page, he expressly states, that Shehriar 
" was afterwards put to death with the sons of 
Danial, by order of Shah Jehan " (vol. ii. p. 388.) 
He does not adopt Dow's statement of the bequeath- 
ing of the throne by Jehangeer to Shehriar ; and, 
consequently, regards that prince and his nephews 
as having forfeited their lives by rebellion against 
the lawful authority of Shah Jehan, the eldest sur- 
viving son. By Mohammedan law, the children of 
Danial were cut off from the succession by the death 
of their father, before their grandfather. 

t Dow's History of Hindoostan, vol. ili. p. 167. 


to their own house, and there shut them- 
selves up within the strong stone walls, with 
about 300 dependents. The emperor, not 
caring to order a siege so near his own 
abode, endeavoured to entice the refractory 
noble by fair words ; but, not venturing to 
put faith in them, Khan Jehan assembled 
his troops by night, and marched out 
of Agra, with his kettle-drums beating.* 
Within two hours a strong detachment was 
sent in pursuit, and came up with the fugi- 
tives at the river Chumbul. A desperate 
encounter took place, especially between 
the Afghans and a body of Rajpoots, who 
dismounted and charged with lances, accord- 
ing to their national custom. Azmut was 
slain, after first killing with an arrow the 
Mogul usher, who had struck him at court ; 
and Khan Jehan, being wounded in an 
encounter with Rajah Pirthi Sing, plunged 
into the stream, and succeeded in gaining 
the opposite bank, from whence, though 
hotly pursued by a much superior force, he 
made his way through Bundelcund into the 
wild and woody country of Gondwana, 
where he opened a friendly communication 
with the king of Ahmednuggur. 

Towards the close of 1629, Shah Jehan 
marched to Boorhanpoor, at the head of a 
powerful armament, and sent on three de- 
tachments (estimated by Khafi Khan at 
50,000 men each), to march into Ahmed- 
nuggur. Khan Jehan and his friends could 
make no head against this overwhelming 
force. The kings of Golconda and Beeja- 
poor, as long as possible, kept aloof from 
the conflict, and Mortezza Nizam Shah, of 
Ahmednuggur, was himself obliged to seek 
protection in his forts. Khan Jehan was at 
length driven from the Deccan, and hunted 
from place to place. Being overtaken in 
Bundelcund, he made a desperate stand, and 
when defeated endeavoured to force his way 
into the hill-fort of Calinjer, but was repulsed 
with the loss of his last remaining son, and 

• The account given by Elphinstone and Dow, on 
the authority of native writers, differs greatly. Ac- 
cording to the foi-mer. Khan Jehan was accompanied 
in his flight by his women on elephants, and by 
twelve of his sons. IJow alleges a fearful tragedy 
to have been previously enacted. Thinking it hope- 
less to attempt carrying away the inmates of his 
hnrem, and dishonourable to abandon them to the 
lust of his foes, Khan Jehan knew not what to 
do ; when the women, learning his perplexity, took 
the desperate resolve of destroying themselves, and 
thus removing all impediments to his escape. They 
did so, and their shrieks and groans reached the ears 
of Khan Jehan, who, after hastily performing the 
rites of sepulture, assembled his followers in the 

finally overtaken at a pool, where he had 
stopped from exhaustion. The few brave 
adherents who still followed him, he en- 
treated to seek safety in flight, but they (to 
the number of about thirty) refused to for- 
sake their brave leader, and were, with him, 
cut to pieces after a desperate struggle with 
the Rajpoots. The head of the unhappy 
chief was fixed on a pike, and carried in 
triumph, as a most acceptable gift, to Shah 
Jehan, a.d. 1630. 

The hostilities against Ahmednuggur did 
not end with the life of the person whose 
conduct had formed the pretext for them, 
but were prosecuted in the ferocious spirit 
befitting an invader, who declared war to be 
an evil which compassion contributed to 
render permanent.f Time passed on; fire 
and the sword were freely used to ravage 
the country and dishearten its defenders; 
drought, famine, and pestilence, to a fright- 
ful extent, lent their aid, but still, in 1635, 
repeated murderous campaigns were found 
to have left the Deccan as far as ever from 
being subdued to the imperial yoke. J 

At one time, indeed, affairs had seemed 
more promising, owing to the internal feuds 
which wasted the strength of Ahmednuggur. 
Mortezza Nizam Shah (the king set up by 
Malek Amber) being, on the death of the 
vizier, inclined to act for himself, threw the 
eldest son of his patron, Futteh Khan, into 
prison ; but, being pressed by foes without, 
and faction within, was soon glad to release 
him and place him in his father's position. 
Mohammed Adil Shah of Beejapoor, who 
had looked on from neutral ground, and 
left the neighbouring kingdom to maintain 
single-handed the contest with the Moguls, 
became alarmed at the probable consequence 
of the ruin of a monarchy, which, though 
at all times a rival, and often an inimical i 
state, had nevertheless long formed a valu- 
able bulwark against invasion from Hin- 
doostan. He now, therefore, declared war 

court-yard, threw open the gates and rushed out, 
maddened by rage and despair. — (Vol. iii., p. 133.) 

t Dow's History of Ilindoostan, vol. iii., p. 168. 

X Azuf Khan " trod down the scanty har\'est in the 
Deccan, and ravaged with fire and sword the king- 
dom of Beejapoor." — (Dow, vol. iii., p. 101.) The 
Hindoos, in desjiair, abandoned all attempts at culti- 
vation, and prostrated themselves in crowds before 
the shrine of their gods, upon which, Shah Jehan issued 
an edict for breaking down their idols, and demo- 
lishing the temples. Many Brahmins were mas- 
sacred; but the resistance offered was so determined, 
that the emperor was compelled to relinquish this 
species of persecution, and to adopt more gentle 
means of inducing them to till the ground.. 


against Shah Jehan; but the effect of the 
diversion intended to be created by this 
step, in favour of Mortczza Nizam Shah, 
failed in its effect, through the machina- 
tions of Futteh Khan, who, treacherously 
employing the power newly entrusted to 
him, to the ruin, instead of the protection of 
his royal master, caused him to be put to 
death, with his chief adherents. He then 
took the government into his own hands, and 
sent a large contribution, or rather bribe, 
to the Moguls, with offers of submission, 
and an open profession that the infant he 
had placed on the throne would hold his 
dignity in subordination to the emperor. 
Shah Jehan doubtless considered it as 
necessary, in the contingencies of war, to 
overlook perfidy and uphold its perpetrators, 
as to set aside the pleadings of compassion ; 
and this is not to be wondered at ; for jus- 
tice and mercy, rightly understood — 
" Are twin-born sisters ; and so mix their eyes, 
As if you sever one, the other dies." 

Futteh Khan's proposals were immediately 
accepted; but having no intention of ful- 
filling his promise to any further extent 
than that which his own narrow views of 
expediency might dictate, he no sooner saw 
the whole Mogul force directed against 
Beejapoor, than he violated his engage- 
ments, and being consequently attacked by 
the Moguls, once more made common cause 
with the king of Beejapoor. 

Shah Jehan returned to Agra in 1632, 
after having ineffectually besieged Mo- 
hammed Adil Shah in his capital, leaving 
Mohabet Khan in command. The opera- 
tions under that general led to Futteh 
Khan's being shut up in the fort of Dou- 
latabad, where he was besieged, and at 
length forced or induced to surrender. Not- 
withstanding all his treachery, he was re- 
ceived into the Mogul army,* while the un- 
happy child, whom he had styled king, was 
sent to languish in the lately emptied fort 
of Gwalior. Ahmednuggur was, however, 
not yet conquered. Shahjee Bhonslay, an 
officer who had played a conspicuous part 
in the recent war, and whose family were 
afterwards the founders of the Mahratta 
power, asserted the rights of a new claimant 

• He afterwards became mad, and died from the 
efl'ects of an old wound in the head. 

t In 1634 and 1636, a portion of the troops on tlie 
eastern frontier completed the settlement of Little 
Thibet; another detachment was defeated, and almost 
destroyed, in an attempt to conquer Srinagar in 
1634 ; and a third, after subduing the petty state of 
Cutch Behar from Bengal, in 1637, was compelled 

to the throne, and gradually conquered all 
the districts of that kingdom, from the sea 
to the capital. 

The king of Beejapoor, after the capture 
of Doulatabad, made overtures of negotia- 
tion, but these being unfavourably received, 
continued to defend himself bravely, until 
Mohabet Khan, having vainly invested Pu- 
rinda, was compelled to fall back upon Boor- 
hanpoor, and to desist from aggressive opera- 
tions. On learning the ill success of his 
deputies, Shah Jehan resolved to take the 
field in person, and dividing his troops 
as before, sent them first into Ahmednug- 
gur to attack Sahjee: having driven him from 
the open country, they proceeded to assault 
Beejapoor. Adil Shah was, however, a bold 
and determined prince ; he laid waste the 
country for twenty miles around, destroyed 
every particle of food or forage, choked the 
wells, drained the reservoirs, and rendered 
it impossible for any army to invest the 
city. Peace was at length granted, the 
king of Beejapoor agreeing to pay £200,000 
a-year to Shah Jehan, who conferred upon 
him, in return, a share of the Nizam Shahi 
dominions. Shahjee held out for some time ; 
longer, but at length submitted, gave up 
the person of the pretended king, and 
entered into the service of Adil Shah, by 
the permission of the emperor. The king 
of Golconda had not ventured to contest 
Shah Jehan's claim to supremacy and tri- , 
bute, which he had recognised at the com- ! 
mencement of this expedition, and the em- 
peror returned in triumph, the kingdom of 
Ahmednuggur being now extinguished. 

"While these prolonged hostilities were 
carried on in the Deccan, contests of less 
magnitude were taking place in Little 
Thibet, Hooghly, Cutch Behar, and else- 
where. f During his rebellion. Shah Jehan 
had applied to the Portuguese at Hooghly 
for aid, and had received a refusal (couched, 
it is alleged, in terms of reproach for his 
undutiful conduct), which he only waited 
a convenient opportunity to revenge. His 
lutewife,J Mumtaz Mahal, daughter to Asuf 
Khan, had also conceived an especial dis- 
like to "the European idolaters," on account 
of the images before which they worshipped. 

to retire by the unhealthiness of the climate. — 
(Elphinstone, vol. ii., p. 401.) 

X This lady died in 1631. She had been married 
twenty years, and had borne nearly as many children. 
Shah Jehan erected to her memory a structure of 
extraordinary beauty and magnificence (called, by a 
corruption of her name, Taj Mahal), which forms 
one of the most interesting monuments of Agra. 



These circumstances lent weight to a repre- 
sentation which arrived from the governor 
of Bengal, complaining of the insolent and 
aggressive conduct of the Portuguese,* and 
he received from the emperor the laconic 
command — " expel these idolaters from my 
dominions." Hooghly was carried by storm, 
after a siege of three months and a-half, in- 
volving a terrible destruction of life on the 
side of the Portuguese, whose fleet (including 
sixty-four large vessels) was almost entirely 
destroyed. The principal ship, in which about 
2,000 men, women, and children had taken 
refuge, with all their treasure,was blown up by 
its captain, sooner than yield to the Moguls ; 
and the example was followed in many other 
vessels. From the prisoners, 500 young per- 
sons, of both sexes, were selected, with some 
of the priests, and sent to Agra; the girls 
were distributed among the harems of the 
emperor and chief nobles, and the boys 
circumcised. The Jesuits and other friars 
were vainly threatened with severe punish- 
ment if they persisted in rejecting the 
Koran ; but, after some months' confine- 
ment, were liberated and sent to Goa. The 
pictures and images, which had excited the 
displeasure of the queen, were all destroyed, 
and Hooghly became the royal port of Ben- 
gal, A.D. 1632. 

In 1637, the Persian governor of Can- 
dahar, incited by the tyranny of his sove- 
reign, surrendered this important frontier 
post to Shah Jehan, who appointed him to 
various high positions (including, at differ- 
ent times, the governments of Cashmere 
and Cabool), and made him leader of several 
important expeditions, the first of which 
was the invasion of Balkh and Badakshau, 
in 1644. The pretext for hostilities was 
Shah Jehan's desire to assert the dormant 
rights of his family ; the inducement, the 
revolt of the sou of the reigning Uzbek sove- 
reign, Nazir Mohammed, and the conse- 
quent unfitness of the state to resist foreign 
invasion. After a large expenditure of 
blood and treasure, and the display of extra- 
ordinary valour on the part of a body of 
14,000 Rajpoots, commanded by Rajah 
Juggut Sing,t who encountered the hardships 
of the rigorous climate as unshrinkingly as 
the fierce onsets of the Uzbeks, Balkh was 

* Among other accusations, the governor asserted, 
that the Portuguese were in the habit of kidnapping 
or purchasing children, and sending them as slaves 
to other parts of India, — (Stewart's Bengal, p. 240.) 

t Elphinstone, vol. ii., p. 402. This chief would 
appear to have been the son of Mokund Sing, Rajah 
of Kotah, a branch of the Oudipoor family. 

at length captured. In this war the princes 
Morad and Aurungzebe were both em- 
ployed; and Shah Jehan twice repaired to 
Cabool, to support their efforts. But all 
endeavours to restore order into the con- 
quered territory were rendered ineffectual 
by the marauding incursions of Uzbeks 
from the other side of the Oxus, headed 
by Abdool Aziz, the prince whose turbu- 
lence had stimulated the Mogul invasion. 
Shah Jehan, despairing of being able to 
keep what it had cost so much to gain, 
re-instated Nazir Mohammed on his throne, 
on condition of receiving a small annual tri- 
bute ; and after restoring the places of which 
he had got possession, left him to maintain 
the contest against his rebellious son as best 
he might, t 

In 1647, Candahar was taken by Shah 
Abbas II. in person. In 1649 and 1652, 
it was invested by Aurungzebe; and, in 
1653, by Dara Slieko, the acknowledged 
heir to the throne — Shah Jehan, on each 
occasion, accompanying the army as far 
as Cabool. Dara made a fierce and de- 
termined attack ; for the jealousy already 
springing up between the royal brothers, 
rendered him especially desirous to con- 
quer where Aurungzebe had been twice 
defeated. Besides natural means, he had 
recourse to magicians and astrologers, 
who promised great things, but could not 
prevent the failure of his last desperate 
assault, in which, though the troops at one 
time gained the summit of the rampart, 
they were eventually repulsed, and Dara 
compelled to raise the siege, after losing 
the flower of his array in its prosecution. 
No after-endeavour was made by the Moguls 
to recover Candahar, of which they had 
held but precarious possession since its first 
conquest by Baber. 

Two years of nearly undisturbed tran- 
quillity followed, during which, Shah Jehan 
having completed a revenue survey of his 
Deccani dominions, gave orders for the 
adoption of the system of assessment and 
collection, introduced by Todar Mul, in 
Bengal. This period is likewise memorable 
for the death of Saad UUah Khan, who had 
succeeded Asuf Khan§ as vizier. In him 
Shah Jehan lost a wise and upright minister, 

\ Upon this war, according to Dow, six million 
were expended out of the imperial treasury, besides 
estates granted to the value of one million more. 

§ Asuf Khan died in 1641, leaving several chil- 
dren ; but as the emperor loved money, and might 
possibly avail himself of the law which constituted 
the sovereign heir to all his officers, the prudent vizier 


whose ability had made amends for the de- 
creasing energy consequent on the criminal 
excesses in which the emperor had indulged 
after the death of his favourite wife. 

Towards the close of 1G55, a pretext was 
found for renewing the war in the Deccan. 
Abdullah Kootb Shah, of Golconda, had 
taken for his chief minister, Meer Jumla, 
originally a Persian adventurer, who had 
gradually acquired great wealth as a diamond 
merchant. During the absence of this 
officer, in command of an army in the 
eastern part of the kingdom, his son, Mo- 
hammed Ameen, a dissolute and violent 
young man, seated himself on the musnud, in 
a fit of intoxication; for which offence he was 
severely reprimanded, and forbidden to ap- 
pear in the presence of the sultan. Meer 
Jumla, either from distrust of his sovereign, 
or, as is more probable, from some pre- 
vious understanding with Aurungzebe, to 
whom he was personally known, took oc- 
casion to solicit the assistance of that 
prince. Such conduct was inexcusably dis- 
loyal ; for it does not appear that either the 
life or liberty of the offender were in danger ; 
and Abdullah, by the regular payment of 
the stipulated tribute since the last pacifica- 
tion, had left no plea for Mogul interference. 
Nevertheless, Shah Jehan was induced to 
send to the sultan a peremptory order for the 
discharge of both father and son, for whom 
the same envoy bore commissions in the 
imperial service as munsubdars, respectively 
of 5,000 and 2,000 horse. Before the ar- 
rival of the ambassador, Abdullah having 
learned his approach and mission, threw 
Mohammed Ameen into prison, and confis- 
cated the property of his father. Shah 
Jehan then authorised Aurungzebe to carry 
his command into effect by force of arms, 
which the wily pi'ince proceeded to do 
after his own treacherous and manoeuvring 
fashion, by despatching a chosen force, 
imder pretence of escorting his son. Sultan 
Mohammed, to Bengal,* there to espouse 
his cousin, the daughter of Prince Shuja, 
the viceroy of that province. Abdullah 
Shah was preparing an entertainment for 
the reception of the supposed bridegroom, 
when he suddenly advanced as an enemy, 
and took the sultan so entirely by surprise, 
that he had only time to fly to the neigh- 
thought it best to distribute a certain portion of his 
wealth, amounting to £375,000, among his chil- 
dren and servants, leaving the remainder (nearly 
£4,000,000 stg.) to his grandson. Vara Sheko. His 
landed estates, of course, reverted to the crown. 

bouring hill- fort of Golconda, while Hydera- 
bad fell into the hands of the Moguls, and 
was plundered andhalf-burued before the sol- 
diery could be brought into order. Abdullah 
Shah released Mohammed Ameen, restored 
the confiscated property, and did all in his 
power to enter into an accommodation on 
reasonable terms, but Aurungzebe persisted 
in investing Golconda, and Meer Jumla 
drew near with re-inforcements, in readiness 
to turn his unfortunate master's troops 
against himself. 

After repeated unsuccessful attempts to 
obtain aid from Beejapoor, and to raise the 
siege by force, Abdullah Shah was com- 
pelled to submit to the severe terms im- 
posed upon him of giving Ms daughter in 
marriage to Sultan Mohammed, with a 
large dowry in land and money, and paying 
a crore of rupees (£1,000,000 sterling) as 
the first instalment of a yearly tribute ; in 
which, however, a considerable remission 
was afterwards made by Shah Jehan. 

When these matters were settled, the king- 
dom of Beejapoor was invaded by Aurungzebe 
on a plea as hollow as that used for the attack 
on Golconda. Mohammed Adil Shah died 
in November, 1656, and was succeeded by 
his son Ali, a youth of nineteen. A large 
portion of the 13eejapoor army was employed 
at a distance, in wars with the petty Hindoo 
princes of the Carnatic; and Aurungzebe, 
having obtained his father's approval of his 
nefarious project, asserted the right of the 
emperor to decide upon the succession, 
denied that the minor was the real issue 
of the late sovereign, advanced upon the 
capital, and by sudden and treacherousf pro- 
ceedings, left the new king no resource but 
to sue for peace on any terms. Even this 
overture was rejected by Aurungzebe, who 
would probably have speedily obtained com- 
plete possession of the kingdom, had not 
his attention been suddenly diverted by the 
startling intelligence, that his father's dis- 
graceful indulgences had brought on an 
attack of paralysis and strangury, which 
threatened to terminate fatally. 

At this time, the children of Shah Jehan, by 
Mumtaz Mahal, were six in number. Dara 
Sheko, the eldest, tlicn in his forty-second 
year, was a high-spirited prince, dignified in 
his manners, and generous to his adherents, 

• In the road from Aurungabad to Bengal, a cir- 
cuit is made to avoid the forests of Gondwana, and i 
thus the prince was enabled to come within a short 
distance of Hyderabad, without creating suspicion. 

t He succeeded in corrupting All's prime minister. 



but obstinate in the extreme, and impatient 
of advice, even from counsellors on whose 
judgment and ability he might be expected 
to place most reliance. Shuja was brave, 
and not devoid of capacity, but given up to 
wine and pleasure. Auruugzebe, the third 
brother, was a man of extraordinary ability. 
His talents for war and intrigue had been 
repeatedly manifested, and Dara appears to 
have fully appreciated the depth of am- 
bitious resolve which lay hidden beneath 
the veil of extreme humility of deportment 
and an affected indifference to all worldly 

Zeal for the religion of Mohammed was 
the ostensible motive of Aurungzebe's con- 
duct through life ; how far felt or how far 
feigned, can scarcely be decided, owing to 
the profound and habitual dissimulation 
which marked his whole career. A creed 
to be unceasingly promulgated by any and 
every means, was, in either case, a con- 
venient political weapon ; and Aurungzebe 
used it skilfully and without scruple. Frugal 
and abstemious almost to asceticism, he 
seemed resolved to follow in the steps of the 
cai-ly caliphs, and drew the attention of the 
more zealous Moslems, by his studious ful- 
filment of every ordinance, until he became 
looked up to as the champion of Islam, in 
contradistinction to Dara, who openly pro- 
fessed many of the tenets of Akber, and 
had written a book to reconcile the Hindoo 
and Mohammedan doctrines. Shuja, the 
viceroy of Bengal, was unpopular with the 
orthodox party, on account of his attach- 
ment to the Persian sect of the Sheiahs. 
Morad, the youngest prince, the governor 
of Guzerat, was brave and generous, but 
presumptuous and self-willed, with little 
intellect, and addicted to sensual gratifica- 
tions. Padshah Begum, the elder of the 
two daughters, was richly endowed with 
beauty and talent. She exercised un- 
bounded influence over her father, and was a 
great support to her favourite brother Dara. 
Roushenara, the younger princess, though 
less gifted with personal or mental attrac- 
tions, possessed considerable aptitude for in- 
trigue ; and having made common cause with 
Aurungzebe, served him materially, by for- 
warding reliable information respecting the 
state of affairs at court at critical periods. 

• One of our best authorities for this period is 
Bernier, an intelligent French traveller, who having 
been reduced to a state of penury "by various ad- 
ventures with robbers, and by the heavy expenses 
incurred on a journey of near seven weeks from 

Dara endeavoured to keep the illness of 
the emperor a profound secret until the 
crisis should be past, by intercepting cor- 
respondence and detaining travellers likely 
to spread the news throughout the pro- 
vinces ; but all in vain : the absent princes 
soon learned what had occurred, and at 
once prepared to struggle for life and em- 
pire. Shuja assembled the troops of Bengal, 
and marched forthwith into Behar, on his 
way to the capital. ]\Iorad seized the 
money in the district treasuries of Guzerat, 
and laid siege to Surat, where there was 
a governor independent of his authority. 
Aurungzebe prepared his forces, but made 
no open declaration of war, until orders 
came from Dara, in the name of the em- 
peror, directing Meer Jumla and other 
commanders to quit his standard. This 
injunction carried considerable weight in 
the case of the above-named general. On 
joining the Moguls, he had been appointed 
to the highest offices at court, but through 
the solicitations of Dara, was sent back to 
the Deccan. His family remained at Agra : 
he therefore feared the consequences of 
disobeying the imperial mandate. The 
subtlety of Aurungzebe soon suggested an 
expedient. Meer Jumla was seized with 
pretended violence, and placed in the fort 
of Doulatabad, while his cliief officers con- 
tinued secretly to obey his commands. 
Dara and Shuja, Aurungzebe knew, might 
be safely left to fight out their own quarrel ; 
in Morad, he calculated, with reason, upon 
finding a useful tool, as well as an easy 
dupe. He addressed him a letter in the 
most adulatory strain, proffering his zealous 
co-operation against the infidel Dara, and de- 
claring, that after aiding his worthy brother 
to mount the throne, he should renounce 
the world, and devote his life to praying for 
his welfare in the holy retirement of Mecca. 
Morad, completely deceived, joyfully ac- 
cepted the offer, and Aurungzebe marched 
to join him in Malwa, whither Rajah Jes- 
wunt Sing had been already sent to oppose 
them ; but he, from sheer fool-luirdiness, 
is alleged to have permitted the junction of 
the princes. Meanwhile, Shah Jehan had 
sufficiently recovered to resume the general 
control of the government. The tender solici- 
tude of Dara, during his illness, had rendered 

Surat to Agra and Delhi," was glad to accept a 
salary from Shah Jehan in the capacity of physician, 
and also from Danechmur.d Khan, a distmguished 
noble of the Mogul court to which Bernier was at- 
tached for eight years. 


this son more dear to him than ever, and he 
resented with energy the misconduct of the 
other princes. To Shuja he wrote, com- 
manding him in imperative terms to return 
immediately to his government; but instead 
of obeying, the prince affected to consider 
the order dictated by Dara, and continued 
his progress until he encountered Soliman 
Sheko, the son of Dara, in the neighbour- 
hood of Benares, by whom he was defeated 
and compelled to reti'eat into Bengal. This 
battle occurred at the close of 1657 : in the 
spring of the following year, a fierce conflict 
took place between the forces of the con- 
federate princes and Rajah Jeswunt Sing, 
who had encamped on the river Sipra, near 
Oojein. The Rajpoots fought bravely, but 
were ill-supported, for most of the Moguls 
deserted to the enemy. The rajah retired 
in disorder to his own country, and Morad, 
whose gallantry had been very conspicuous 
throughout the sanguinary conflict, which 
had lasted from morning to sunset, was 
hailed as sole victor, Aurungzebe still 
acting in conformity with the solemn oath 
of fidelity and allegiance he had voluntarily 
taken at their first meeting. Shah Jehan 
now determined to take the field in person 
against his turbulent sons. Had he per- 
severed in this resolve, much bloodshed 
would probably have been spared, as the 
soldiers of the rebel camp were known to 
be well-disposed towards him personally, 
and would doubtless have rallied round his 
standard. But Dara did not comprehend 
the extent of the danger ; regard for his 
father's infirm state, united perhaps to a 
more selfish desire of keeping the authority 
in his own hands, rendered him averse to 
this proposition, and Shah Jehan reluctantly 
gave way. Confident in his superior num- 
bers, Dara refused even to wait for Soliman, 
then on his victorious march from Benares 
with the flower of the troops, and proceeded 
single-handed to meet the advancing foe.* 

The hostile armies came in sight of each 
other at Samaghar, one march from Agra, 
in the beginning of June, 1658. The battle 
which ensued was long and bloody, the 
three brothers fighting with desperation. 
Morad was attacked by 3,000 Uzbek 
archers, who showered their arrows upon his 
howdah until they resembled the bristling 
quills of a porcupine, and the frightened 
elephant would have rushed from the field, 

• Khafi Khan states the imperial force at above 
70,000 horse, with innumerable elephants and guns. 
(Elphinstone, vol. ii., p. 423.) Bernier, at 100,000 

had he not ordered its feet to be chained, 
thus (although wounded in several places) 
cutting off his own power of retreat. 
Aurungzebe saw his brother's danger, but 
was fully occupied in opposing Dara, who 
having, by a third fierce charge of cavalry, 
broken through the guns chained together 
in front of the enemy's line, now carried all 
before him, and, though again checked, 
would probably have eventually prevailed, 
had not a rocket struck the elephant on 
which he rode, while pressing forward and 
cheering on his troops by voice and action. 
The terrified animal became perfectly un- 
governable. Dara threw himself from its 
back and sprang upon a horse; but an at- 
tendant, while fastening on his quiver, was 
killed by a shot. The momentary con- 
fusion which occurred among those imme- 
diately around him, added to the effect of 
his previous disappearance from the view of 
the more distant troops, occasioned a gene- 
ral panic. With him the sole object of the 
war was supposed to have perished ; and the 
confederate princes perceiving their advan- 
tage, pressed forward and drove the now 
disordered foe, including Dara himself, be- 
fore them, in irremediable disorder. Rajah 
Chutter-sal, of Boondi, with his vassals, 
formed the vanguard of the unfortunate 
prince, and made a devoted but unavailing 
effort to stem the torrent. The rajah 
himself, clad in saffron robes, with a chaplet 
of pearls on his head, was true to these 
ensigns of victory or death. Leaping from 
the back of his wounded elephant, which he 
could not restrain from joining in the general 
flight, he mounted his horse, and forming 
his men in a dense mass, led them to attack 
Morad, against whom he was about hurling 
his lance, when a cannon-ball laid him 
dead at his feet. The brave band were 
soon hemmed in, and the heads of every 
Hara clan, including six princes of the 
blood-royal of Boondi, perished, maintain- 
ing inviolate their oath of allegiance to 
Shah Jehan When the issue of the day 
was evident, Aurungzebe fell on his knees 
and returned thanks for the victory granted 
to Morad, whom he saluted, and affecting 
lively emotion at the sight of his wounds, 
wiped the blood from his face, and warmly 
congratulated him on the acquisition of a' 
kingdom. While this hypocritical scene 
was being enacted, the uuhappy Dara pur- 
horse, 20,000 foot, and 30 pieces of cantion. He 
reckons the opposing army as not exceeding " 40,000 
men of all arms." — (Brock'srr«nsto<io«,vol.i., p. 50.) 


sued his flight to Agra, with about 2,000 
men, most of them wounded; and feeling 
ashamed to present himself before the in- 
dulgent ftither, whose counsels he had dis- 
regarded, proceeded to Delhi, accompanied 
by his wife and two children, and was sub- 
sequently joined by 5,000 horse, sent by 
Shah Jelian to his assistance. Three days 
after the battle, Aurungzebe encamped be- 
fore the walls of Agra, took immediate pos- 
session of the city, but did not attempt to 
enter by force the royal residence, content- 
ing himself for some days longer by sending 
messages to his father, pleading the neces- 
sity of the case, and requesting to be for- 
given and admitted to his presence. It is 
probable that he really desired to conciliate 
the aged monarch, and would have pre- 
ferred carrying on the government in his 
name, at least until all rivalry should be 
completely crushed; but Shah Jehan re- 
sented his protestations of filial affection as 
an additional insult, and did not swerve 
from his attachment to Dara. Aurungzebe, 
therefore, sent his son, Mohammed Sultan* 
to take possession of the citadel, and pre- 
vent all communication between the em- 
peror and every one beyond its walls. This 
appears to have been done without difficulty; 
for there is no record of a single eftbrt being 
made to assert the rights of the monarch, 
who remained in a sort of honourable cap- 
tivity, until his death, seven years after, aged 
seventy-four. During the long reign thus 
abruptly closed, the internal administration 
of affairs had been conducted with more 
rectitude and ability than, perhaps, under 

* The circumstances connected with this interest- 
ing period are differently told. According to Ber- 
nicr (whose account Dow appears to have followed), 
Shah Jehan was tempted to encounter Aurungzebe 
with his own weapons, and hoping to secure his per- 
son, consented to listen to his excuses. The wily 
prince affected extreme delight at this concession, 
but alleged, that although he had perfect confidence 
in his father's good faith, he dreaded the intrigues 
of his elder sister, and dared not trust the garrison, 
unless he were permitted to introduce, for his 
protection, some troops under his son, Mohammed 
Sultan. Shah Jehan, desirous to get him within 
reach at all hazards, consented, relying for aid on his 
daughter, who posted some strong Tartar women 
belonging to the harem in readiness to seize the 
prince. Mohammed was suffered to take possession 
of the citadel in anticipation of the arrival of Au- 
rungzebe, when intelligence came that he had sud- 
denly ordered his cavalcade to change their course, 
and was gone to offer up his prayers at the tomb of 
Akber. Shah Jehan, enraged beyond measure, 
asked Mohammed what he had come for, if not to 
guard his father. The curt reply was, " to take 
charge of the citadel." The insulted monarch pointed 

any other Mogiil ruler. Khafi Khan (the 
best historian of those times) asserts, that 
although Akber v/as pre-eminent as a con- 
queror and a law-giver, yet, in territorial 
and financial arrangements, he could bear 
no comparison with his grandson. Although 
a staunch Mussulman, Shah Jehan was 
warmly attached to the Hindoos, who, as 
we have seen, had spent their best blood 
freely in his behalf, and his foreign wars did 
not interrupt the tranquillity which pre- 
vailed, almost without interruption, through- 
out his dominions. Wealth, both public 
and private, increased in a I'cmarkable de- 
gree, and the annual revenue is supposed to 
have exceeded thirty-two million sterling. 
A new city was built at Delhi,t on a regular 
plan, far surpassing the old one in magnifi- 
cence ; and the imperial establishments, re- 
tinue, and appurtenancesj all exceeded in 
pomp those of previous reigns. Yet, not- 
withstanding the costly wars in which he 
engaged, the maintenance of a large regu- 
lar army (including 200,000 horse), and 
the erection of many splendid structures. 
Shah Jehan left a treasure estimated at 
twenty-four million sterling, besides vast ac- 
cumulations in wrought gold and silver, and 
in jewels. ; 

After deposing his father, the next step 
of Aurungzebe was to get rid of Morad, 
whom he continued to delude, by submissive 
behaviour and unremitting attentions, till 
they had marched from Agra in pursuit of 
Dara. Taking advantage of Morad's ad- 
diction to pleasure, Aurungzebe invited him 
to supper, and, waving his own scruples (if 

to the imperial crown which was suspended above 
his head, and taking the Koran in his hand, swore 
that if Mohammed would release him, he would 
make him emperor, to the exclusion of all his own 
sons. The prince, from policy or principle, refused 
the offer, and quitted the presence of his grandfather 
— little dreaming how soon a stronger temptation j 
would lead him to take the course from which he 
now turned. — -(Bernier, vol. i., p. 72.) Khafi Khan, : 
whose father was an actor in the turbulent scenes of 
this period, makes no mention of this plot and coun- 
ter-plot. — (Elphinstone, vol. ii., p. 427.) 

t Tavertder's Trawls in various parts of the em- ; 
pire ; Mandelsloe's in Guzerat ; Graaf and Bruton's 
(Murray's Asiatic Discoveries) in Bengal, Behar 
and Orissa ; afford forcible evidence of the gran- 
deur of the Indian cities of this period, including 
those situated in remote provinces ; and also to the 
richly-cultivated state of the surrounding country. 

X The famous throne, of which the chief orna- 
ment was a peacock, with its tail spread, represented 
in its natural colours by various gems, was con- 
structed for Shah Jehan ; and a vine was commenced, 
with leaves and fruit of precious stones, whose rays 
were reflected from mirrors set in large pearls. 


he really had any), induced him, by the 
two-fold temptation of wine and feminine 
seductions, to separate himself from his 
companions, some of whom appear to have 
warned him against placing such implicit 
trust in his brother's professions. While 
stretched on a couch, sleeping off the stupor 
of intoxication, Morad was seized, fettered, 
and sent off, before day-break, on an elephant, 
to Selimghur, a portion of the citadel of 
Delhi, while three other elephants were dis- 
patched with similar escorts, in different 
directions, to mislead people as to the actual 
place of confinement, which was afterwards 
changed to Gwalior, the Bastille of Ilindoo- 
stan. The frankness and bravery of the 
unfortunate prince had rendered him popu- 
lar with the army, but the suddenness of his 
seizure seems to have paralysed every effort 
on his behalf. His chief adherents were 
brought into the presence of Aurungzebe, 
who, after receiving their oaths of allegiance, 
proceeded to Delhi, where he caused him- 
self to be proclaimed emperor, and assumed 
the title of Alumgeer (the Conqueror of 
the Universe), by which he is designated in 
local histories and documents. 

The Reign of Aurungzebe had lasted a 
twelvemonth before his name was stamped 
on the coin, or the ceremonial of coronation 
performed. More pressing affairs claimed 
his Vi^hole attention during the interim. At 
the time of the fatal battle, Soliman, a brave 
prince of five-and-twenty, was marching to 
the aid of his father. Rajah Jey Sing, of 
Amber, who, like most of the Rajpoot lead- 
ers, had taken part with the lawful heir, 
was associated with the prince in the com- 
mand; but the promises of the usurper, 
under whom he had served in Balkh, tempted 
him to abandon Soliman on a very flimsy 
pretext, as did also another general, named 
Dileer Khan. Deprived of the strength of 
his army, and scarcely able to retain any 
authority over the remainder, the prince 
endeavoured to avoid an encounter with the 
troops of Aurungzebe by taking the road 
under the mountains to join Dara ; but being 
intercepted near Hurdwar, his soldiers lost 
heart, and all, except 500 horse, deserted. 
With this remnant Soliman proceeded to 
Sireenuggur, near Kumaon, where a new trial 
awaited him. The rajah refused to admit 
him, unless he would first dismiss his faith- 
ful followers; and to this proposition he was 
ultimately compelled to submit, after makini- 
an unavailing attempt to return to the fort 
of Allahabad, in which more than half of 

his little band perished. On entering the fort 
of Sireenuggur, with five or six attendants, 
he was courteously received, but soon found 
himself, in effect, a prisoner. 

Meanwhile, Aurungzebe continued, in 
person, to pursue Dara. Having, during 
the early part of his flight, procured some 
troops at Delhi, the prince marched thence 
to Lahore, and finding a large sum of money 
in the royal treasury, began to raise an 
army. Shah Jehan had written urgently 
in his favour to the viceroy of Cabool, Mo- 
habet Khan (son of the great general), and 
Dara, had he proceeded thither, would pro- 
bably have found valuable auxiliaries in the 
troops of the province, or, in case of need, 
a ready refuge among the Afghan tribes, 
and an easy exit to the territories of the 
Uzbeks or the Persians. These views, even 
if entertained, were disconcerted by the 
prompt measures of Aurungzebe ; and Dara, 
unable to resist the force by which he v/as 
threatened, left Lahore with three or four 
thousand men, on his way to Sinde. The 
emperor followed him nearly to Moultan; 
but before reaching that city he learned 
that Shuja was marching in force from 
Bengal ; therefore, sending a detachment to 
follow Dara, he hastened to Delhi, and from 
thence set out to arrest the progress of the 
advancing army, comprising 25,000 horse 
and a numerous train of artillery. The bro- 
thers met at Cujwa, thirty miles north of 
Allahabad, and drew up their forces, neither 
caring to begin the conflict. On this occa- 
sion, Aurungzebe was nearly worsted by 
arts similar to those he himself delighted to 
employ. Rajah Jeswuut Sing, after his un- 
successful efforts in favour of Dara, had 
received a message from the victor, with 
assurances of pardon, and a command to 
join the army then forming against Shuja. 
He feigned obedience, but it would appear 
only for the sake of watching an opportunity 
to serve the cause of the rightful heir, and 
his angry feelings were increased by the 
withholding of the rank to which he con- 
sidered himself entitled. Having commu- 
nicated his intentions to Shuja, Jeswunt 
Sing, one morning before day-break, attacked 
the rear- ward of the imperial camp with 
his Rahtore cavaliers; and, during the 
onset made shortly afterwards by the 
priuce's army in front, the rajali deliberately 
loaded his camels with plunder, and marched 
oft' to Agra, leaving the brothers to a con- 
test which he heartily wished might involve 
the destruction of both. Notwithstanding 



this inauspicious commencement, the self- 
possession and valour of Aurungzebe gained 
the day. The battle began by a cannonade, 
followed by a close action, in which he was 
repeatedly in imminent danger; but the 
centre of Shuja's troops was at length 
broken, and they fled, leaving 114 pieces of 
cannon and many elephants on the field. 
Mohammed Sultan and ]\Ieer Jumla (whose 
mock imprisonment had ceased so soon as 
his family were set free by the flight of 
Dara) were sent with a strong force to 
Bengal, while the emperor proceeded to 
Agra. The governor of this city, Shaista 
Khan, had just been relieved from great 
alarm ; for the triumphant approach of .Tes- 
wunt Sing, added to discouraging reports 
from the field of battle, and various signs of 
popular feeling in favour of Shah Jehan, 
had so perplexed him that he would have 
swallowed poison, but for the timely inter- 
position of his wife. Had Jeswunt at once 
attacked the citadel, the garrison would 
probably have surrendered, and the aged 
monarch been set at liberty ; but the attempt 
■was fraught with hazard ; for besides the 
danger of shutting up his troops within the 
precincts of the capital, it would prevent his 
forming a junction with Dara, whom he had 
instructed to hasten to the scene of action. 
Aurungzebe, on returning to Agra, had 
consequently the satisfaction of learning that 
Jeswunt had departed to his own territories 
in Marwar, whither he sent 10,000 men to 
seize his person and reclaim the spoils now 
safely housed within the castle of Joda. 
I But this open hostility was soon changed 
: for a policy more congenial to the character 
[ of the wily monarch. The afi'airs of Dara 
had taken an unlooked-for turn, — after 
! being compelled, by the desertion of his fol- 
i lowers and the death of his carriage-cattle, 
■ to relinquish his designs upon Sinde, the 
I fugitive had, through the loyalty of the 
governor of Guzerat (Shah Nawaz Khan, 
father-in-law to both Aurungzebe and 
Morad), obtained possession of the whole 
province, including Surat and Baroach. 
The territories of Jeswunt Sing extended 
from Guzerat to Ajmeer : to prevent his 
forming the projected coalition with Dara, 
was, therefore, of the highest importance to 

* On the fourth day, Dara was met hy Bernier, 
who was on his way to Delhi, unconscious of passing 
events. The sultana had been wounded, and there 
was no physician among the little band. The pro- 
fession of the traveller being discovered, he was 
obliged to join Dara, and would have been taken on 
to Sinde, but that neither threats nor entreaties 

Aurungzebe, who, laying aside his plans of 
vengeance for a more convenient season, 
instead of soldiers and musketry, sent the 
rajah a letter in his own hand-writing, full 
of flattery and blandishments, conceding 
the rank and office, the withholding of which 
had previously been a cause of irritation. 
This politic conduct, added to the delay of 
Dara, made Jeswunt falter in his resolve, 
and by the mediation of Jey Sing, Aurung- 
zebe succeeded in persuading him to rely 
on his good faith, and keep aloof from a 
cause which could only end in the ruin of 
its object and all connected with him. 
Dara, disappointed of the expected co-opera- 
tion, fortified a commanding position on the 
hills near Ajmeer, and there awaited the 
approach of his brother. Three days' can- 
nonading was followed by a general assault, 
in which, after the lapse of many hours, 
Shah Nawaz fell just as a party of the im- 
perial troops mounted the ramparts. The 
prince fled precipitatel}'^, attended by the 
females of his family and a small body of 
horse, and reached the neighbourhood of 
Ahmedabad, after eight days* and nights of 
almost incessant marching, rendered nearly 
intolerable by the heat and dust of a scorch- 
ing season, to which were latterly added the 
merciless attacks of the hill Coolies, who 
stripped or massacred every man separated 
from his companions. When within a march 
of Ahmedabad, Dara was informed that the 
gates were shut against him, and he must 
seek shelter elsewhere. Amid tears and 
lamentations the weary cavalcade resumed 
its toilsome progress ; and after much loss 
of life in {he desert, through hunger, thirst, 
and fatigue, at length reached the small 
territory of Joou, on the eastern frontier of 
Sinde. The chief of Joon,t apparently an 
Afghan, had been twice condemned to death 
for murder and treason, but saved from the 
vengeance of Shah Jehan by the interces- 
sion of Dara, who novv relied upon his gra- 
titude, notwithstanding the warnings and 
entreaties of his adherents. Dara's wife (the 
daughter of Prince Parvaez) , who had been 
wounded in the late battle, and was fast 
sinking under suff'ering and fatigue, im- 
plored him to leave her, and prosecute with- 
out delay his journey to Persia. But the 

could procure a single horse, ox, or camel for his 
use. Having beheld the hapless prince and his 
family depart, Bernier, after a week's detention, suc- 
ceeded in persuading the Coolies, " by a grand display 
of professional skill," to attach a bullock to his car- 
riage and conduct liim to Ahmedabad. (Vol. i. p. 106.) 
t Called Jihon Khan m Brock's .Bernier. 


prince could not be prevailed upon to for- 
sake his faithful companion in the trying 
hour of death, and after she had expired in 
his arms, he sent a portion of his small 
force, with two confidential servants, to at- 
tend her remains to Lahore. When the 
period of mourning permitted, he set out 
towards the Indus, accompanied by a bro- 
ther of the chief of Joon and a body of 
troops, under pretence of escorting him to 
the frontier ; but suddenly, the signal being 
given, Dara and his son, Seper Sheko, were 
seized and carried prisoners to Aurungzebe, 
who was then engaged in celebrating the 
anniversary of his accession. Loaded with 
chains, habited in coarse and dirty raiment, 
and mounted on a sorry elephant without 
housings, the royal captives were conducted 
through the most populous streets of the 
capital, amid the tears and groans of the 
people. No attempt at a rescue was made ; 
but the next day the chief of Joon being 
recognised on his way to court, was nearly 
torn to pieces by the populace.* The leader 
of the tumult was executed; and shortly 
after, a mock consultation having been held 
by the chief counsellors and lawyers, Dara 
was pronounced worthy of death as an 
apostate Mohammedan. Aurungzebe gave 
his consent with alFected reluctance, and 
selected a personal enemy of his brother's 
to carry the sentence into effect. When 
the assassins entered the prison, Dara and 
his son were occupied in preparing some 
lentils, the only food they would touch for 
fear of poison. Seizing a small kitchen 
knife, the sole weapon in his possession, 
Dara defended himself to the last; but 
being overwhelmed by numbers, was thrown 
down and decapitated. His body was ex- 
hibited to the populace on an elephant, and 
his head carried to Aurungzebe, who, having 
satisfied himself of its identity by washing 
the blood from the distorted features, af- 
fected to weep, and directed its interment 
in the tomb of Humayun. Seper Sheko 
was sent to the dreary fortress of Gwalior, 

• When returning to his own country, laden with 
the price of blood, lie was waylaid and assassinated. 

t Dow asserts (but without giving his authority, 
who is evidently neither Khafl Khan nor Bernier) 
that Aurungzebe wrote a letter to his son, as if in 
answer to an appeal for forgiveness, and caused it to 
fall into the hands of Shuja, who, thereupon, dis- 
missed his son-in-law and daughter from the camp, 
not crediting their protestations of innocence. 

X Bernier, vol. i., p. 124. According to Dow, 
Shuja and his son, after bravely defending the moun- 
tain passes while endeavouring to make good their 
retreat to Pegu, were overpowered by means of 

whose gates soon afterwards opened to re- 
ceive no less a person than Mohammed 
Sultan, the eldest son and acknowledged 
heir of Aurungzebe. 

This prince had been betrothed to his 
cousin, the daughter of Shuja, but the mar- 
riage was broken off by the outburst of 
civil war. Seeing the critical position of 
her father, the princess addressed a com- 
munication to Mohammed, reminding him 
of their engagement; this appeal, added to his 
restless, disposition and jealousy of Meer 
Jumla, who was associated with him in the 
command of the army, induced him to go 
over to his uncle, a step which he probably 
thought would be followed by the majority 
of the imperial army. Any such movement 
was prevented by the zeal and influence of 
Meer Jumla, and hostilities were recom- 
menced at the conclusion of the rainy sea- 
son. Shuja received his nephew with honour, 
and gave him his daughter in marriage; 
but either from the machinations of Aurung- 
zebe,t or some other cause not satisfactorily 
explained, distrust sprang up between them, 
and the prince again deserted his party, and 
threw himself upon the mercy of his father, 
who immediately sent him to Gwalior. 
After a series of unsuccessful struggles, Shuja 
retreated to Dacca, and being hotly pursued 
by Meer Jumla, fled, with a few attendants, 
to Arracan. The remainder of his history is 
very imperfectly known. A difference is 
said to have arisen between him and the 
rajah, whose avarice was roused by the 
sight of the wealth of the prince, and, on one 
pretext or another, he was prevented from 
hiring vessels in which to proceed to Mokha, 
en route for Mecca. Shuja, irritated by this 
treatment, entered into a plot with the 
Mussulmans of the country to overturn the 
existing government; but, being detected, 
was seized by the rajah's emissaries, and 
put to death. Of his wife and family, no 
certain particulars were ever made public 
in Hindoostan; but it is probable they all 
perished by violence about the same time.f 

stones hurled upon them from the adjoining rocks. 
Shuja was drowned (the doom of royal criminals in 
Arracan) in sight of his wife and daughters, who, in 
despair, flung themselves headlong into the river, 
but were rescued and carried to the palace. Of 
these four unhappy ladies, three perished by their 
own hands ; the fourth was married to the rajah, 
but did not long survive her sufferings and disgrace. 
The elder son of Shuja and his infant brother were 
both ])ut to death. Shah Jehan, on learning the 
melancholy intelligence, exclaimed, "Alas ! could not 
the rajah of Arracan leave one son to Shuja to revenge 
his grandfather ?" — (Hindoostan, vol. iii. p. 390.) 


At the commencement of 1661, Aurung- 
zebe obtained possession of the person of 
Dara's eldest son, SoHman; the Rajah of 
Sireenuggur, after prolonged negotiations, 
having been at length persuaded, by the 
arguments of Jey Sing, to deliver up the 
prince to the imperial officers. He was 
paraded through the city on an elephant, 
and then brought into the presence of his 
uncle in golden fetters. Bernier, who was 
present, describes his manly bearing as hav- 
ing affected many of the courtiers to tears ; 
and when he implored that his life might be 
taken at once, rather than that his strength 
and reason should be undermined by the 
hateful opium draught* (which he evidently 
believed to be the common fate of captive 
princes), even Aurungzebe seemed touched 
with compassion, and assured him of safety 
and good treatment. 

It is not likely that this pledge was re- 
deemed ; for Soliman, together with his bro- 
ther, Seper Sheko, and the young sonof Mo- 
i rad, all died in Gwalior within a short space 
of time, while the emperor's own son, Mo- 
hammed, lived several years, and was even- 
; tually restored to comparative freedom. The 
■ doom of Morad was less easily decided ; for 
i it was necessary to Aurungzebe's views that 
I his death should be well known; and the 
I convenient method of poisoning him in 
' prison might leave a doubt regarding his 
fate on the public mind, which, in the event 
of a political crisis, would be eagerly seized 
by agitators or pretenders. The prince was 
popular, despite (or probably on account of) 
his misfortunes : he had endeavoured to es- 
cape by means of a rope let down from the 
battlements ;t and Aurungzebe felt that 
there was no time to lose in compassing his 
destruction. The son of a man who had 
been arbitrarily put to death by the prince, 
while viceroy of Guzerat, was incited to 
complain against him as a murderer; and, 
after the formality of a trial and sentence, 
the last act of this family tragedy closed 
with the execution of Prince Morad, in 
prison. The three brothers of Aurungzebe 
and their brave sons had now all fallen vic- 
tims to his ambition and their own, goaded on 
by the hateful policy which too often leaves to 
eastern princes little choice beyond a throne 
or a grave. Their aged parent, by a terrible re- 
* Bernier calls it pousta, and says it was simply a 
strong infusion of poppy-heads, which the intended 
victims were compelled to drink daily until they be- 
came toqrid and senseless, and so died. 

t Khati Khan, quoted by Elphinstone, vol. ii., 
p. 45t, It is to be regretted that no complete 

tribution, sickened with horror as the tidings 
of one catastrophe after another slowly 
reached him within the walls of his palace- 
prison. He execrated the name of the son 
whose crimes had thus cast his own into the 
shade, and would not suffer his presence. 
Aurungzebe made repeated overtures of 
reconciliation by affecting to seek his advice 
on various affairs of state, and ventui'cd to 
proffer two requests — the first on behalf of 
his third son. Prince Akber, for the hand of 
the daughter of Dara, then under the pro- 
tection of her aunt Jehanara ; the second, 
for some of the jewels retained by Shah 
.Tehan, for the decoration of the throne. 
The deposed monarch indignantly rejected 
both demands, declaring that his grand- 
daughter should never, with his consent, be 
thus degraded ; and the maiden, on her part, 
avowed her purpose of self-destruction, 
should force be attempted to ally her with 
the son of her father's murderer. With 
regard to the jewels, Shah Jehan sternly 
bade his son make wisdom and equity the 
ornaments of his throne, and use no imnor- 
tunity to obtain the coveted gems, since the 
hammers were in readiness which should, in 
that case, crush them to powder. Aurungzebe 
prudently gave way, and his father, gratified 
by this submission, and by the ample pro- 
vision made for his expenditure, afterwards 
sent him various articles more especially 
connected with the insignia of royalty. 

The early measures of the new emperor 
were well calculated to obliterate from the 
minds of his subjects the monstrous iniqui- 
ties above detailed. In the Deccau he had 
gained a high character for justice as well 
as austerity ; and on grasping the reins of 
government, he evinced a determination to 
make the welfare of the people his leading 
object. In marching to battle against Dara, 
Aurungzebe had strenuously restrained his 
soldiers from plundering the countries 
through which they passed, and had even 
given compensation for the damage unavoid- 
ably occasioned. During a terrible famine 
which prevailed over diflFerent parts of 
India, resulting from the combined effects 
of drought and civil war, he made great 
exertions for the relief of the wretched suf- 
ferers, by remitting the taxes, and spending 
large sums from the treasury in the pur- 
translation has been made of the works of this 
author, Vv'hose real name was Mohammed Hashem 
Khan. He wa^ brought up in the service of Aurung- 
zebe, by whom both he and his father (also an his- 
torian) were employed in various important military 
and diplomatic positions. 



chase and conveyance of grain, from Bengal 
and the Punjanh, to the chief seats of dis- 
tress. This calamity having passed over, 
the emperor found leisure to plan the exten- 
sion of his dominions, resting the justifica- 
tion, alike of past and future aggression, on 
the duty of propagating the Koran by all 
and every means. One quality, essential to 
the character of a statesman, or even a suc- 
cessful genera], he wanted — namely, confi- 
dence in his fellow-men. It was the fitting 
curse of this arch-hypocrite, that suspicion 
should lie like the canker-worm at the root 
of his best-laid plans, occasioning the haras- 
sing distrust, or at least the want of cordial 
support to which the reverses of his generals 
may be for the most part attributed. 

Towards the end of 1661, a successful ex- 
pedition v;as despatched against the Rajah of 
Bikaneer ; and early in the following year, 
Meer Jumla, whose talents were at once the 
dread and admiration of his distrustful mas- 
ter, was sent to attempt the subjugation of 
Assam. Having obtained possession of the 
capital, the victor boastfully declared his 
intention of pursuing his conquests, and 
opening the way to China. The rainy sea- 
son brought with it a change of affairs. 
The rich plains on either side the Burram- 
pootra were flooded ; the cavalry could not 
march or even forage ; and when the floods 
subsided, a pestilence broke out among the 
troops, so that Meer Jumla was glad to 
make terms with the rajah, renounce his 
magnificent projects, and withdraw his 
army. Before reaching Dacca he expired 
(January 7, 1663), stung by disappoint- 
ment, and worn down by the fatigues which, 
despite the burden of advanced age, he had 
shared in common with the humblest sol- 
dier. His son, Mohammed Ameen, was im- 
mediately raised to the rank enjoyed by the 
deceased. Aurungzebe himself had recently 
received a forcible warning of the precarious 
tenure by which emperors and peasants 
alike hold, not merely worldly possessions, 
but life itself. A dangerous attack of fever 
completely prostrated him, and his tongue 
became so palsied as to deprive him almost 
entirely of the power of speech. Intrigues 
regarding the succession arose immediately; 
but Aurungzebe clung to political even more 
tenaciously than to physical existence, and 
during the crisis of his disorder, caused him- 
self to be carried into the diurnal assembly 
of the nobles. Some days after, Vhen scarcely 
recovered from a swoon (so long and deep 
that his death was generally reported), he 

sent for Rajah Jey Sing, and two or tliree 
other chief omrahs, to convince them that 
he lived; and iu their presence, being still 
unable to articulate, wrote an order for the 
great seal, which had been placed in the 
charge of the Princess Roushenara, enclosed 
in a bag, and impressed with the signet which 
had remained fastened to his arm. These 
manifestations of a strong will triumphing 
over bodily weakness, inspired fear and ad- 
miration in the beholders, and had the de- 
sired effect of preventing any plots for the 
rescue of Shah Jehan, or conspiracies for 
less worthy ends. When convalescent, 
Aurungzebe sought repose and change of 
scene iu Cashmere, little thinking of the 
fierce and prolonged strife • about to burst 
forth in the Dccean, mainly in consequence 
of his own insidious policy. By gradually 
undermining the strength of the two re- 
maining Mohammedan kingdoms of the 
south, he had anticipated their reduction to 
a state of enfeeblement and disorganisation, 
which must render them an easy conquest 
so soon as he should find leisure to take the 
field in person at the head of an extensive 
and powerful army. Meanwhile, he cared 
not to trust Jey Sing, Jeswunt Sing, Di- 
leer Khan, or any other general, much 
less his own son, Mauzim, with a sufficient 
force for the reduction of these kingdoms, 
lest he should furnish weapons against him- 
self: the troops placed under their com- 
mand were, therefore, skilfully calculated as 
sufficient to maintain a distressing and desul- 
tory warfare, but nothing more. The im- 
perial schemer had not a suspicion that in 
thus, as it were, drawing the claws of the 
Moslem rulers of Beejapoor and Golconda, 
he could possibly be serving the interest of 
a third party, as intriguing and hardly less 
bigotted than himself, though in a precisely 
opposite direction. 

Rise of Mahratta power. — It will be re- 
membered, that in sketching the ancient 
condition of India, the Mahrattas have been 
mentioned as inhabiting the territory lying 
between the range of mountains which 
stretches along the south of the Nerbudda, 
parallel to the Vindya chain; and a line 
drawn from Goa, on the sea-coast, through 
Beder to Chauda on the Wurda ; that river 
being the eastern, and the sea the western 
boundary. This singular country will be 
described in a subsequent section, as also its 
inhabitants, of whom it is here only neces- 
sary to remark, that the soldiery were small 
sturdy men, active and persevering, posses- 


sing nothing of the chivalrous sentiments or 
dignified bearing of the Rajpoots, but a great 
deal more worldly wisdom. The chiefs, in 
the time of the Great Moguls, were the 
representatives of families who had for gene- 
rations filled the old Hindoo offices of heads 
of ■\'illages, or functionaries of districts, 
under the names of patels, desmookhs, &c., 
and had often been employed as partisans 
under the governments of Ahmednugger and 
Beejapoor. They were nearly all Soodras, 
of the same caste with their people, but 
some claimed to have Rajpoot blood in their 
veins. Though our present knowledge does 
not show that the Mahrattas formed at any 
time an united commonwealth, their strongly 
marked characteristics indicate a broad line 
of demarcation between them and the people 
of Camara and Telingana, and also between 
the lower orders of Hindoostan ; although 
the difference in this latter case is less 
striking. Mussulman writers, proverbially 
slow to recognise differences among infidels, 
scarcely notice the Mahrattas by this dis- 
tinctive appellation until the beginning of 
the seventeenth century; although the sur- 
names of chiefs, mentioned at earlier periods, 
prove their having belonged to that race. 
In the time of Malek Amber they first 
emerge into notice ; and, under his govern- 
ment, the noblest of them, Lookjee* Jadu 
Rao, held a jaghire for the support of 10,000 
men. Among his dependants was Malojee 
Bhoslay, a man of inferior rank, who, by a 
singular chain of circumstauces,t obtained 
Jeejee Bye, the daughter of Jadu, in mar- 
riage for his son Shahjee, a.d. 1604; and the 
issue of this union was two children, of 
whom the younger was the famous Sevajee. 
Shahjee has been mentioned as an important 
actor in the concluding events of the Ahmed- 
nuggur state. He was subsequently em- 
ployed by the king of Beejapoor on con- 
quests to the southward, and obtained a 
considerable jaghire in the Mysore country, 
including the towns of Sera and Bangalore, 
in addition to that he had previously pos- 
sessed, of which the chief place was Poona. 

• Jee is the Mahratta adjunct of respect, equiva- 
lent to our Mr. Bije, signifies lady. — (Grant Duff's 
History of the Mahrattas, vol. i., p. 121.) 

t When Shahjee was about five years old, he was 
taken by his father to the house of Jadu Rao, 
•where a large number of Hindoos of all castes had 
assembled to celebrate a religious festival. Pleased 
with the boy's bearing, Jadu merrily asked his 
daughter, a pretty child of three years' old, whether 
she would take her play-fellow for a husband ; and 
the little maiden, by throwing at him some of the 

Three years after the birth of Sevajee (in 
1627), a disagreement arose between his 
parents, on account of a second marriage 
being contracted by Shahjee, who took his 
elder son with him to the Mysore, leaving 
the younger with his mother at Poona. 

As all Mahratta chiefs were wholly illite- 
rate, they usually retained a number of 
Brahmins in their service, styled Carcoons, 
or clerks, who were necessarily entrusted 
with their most private affairs. One of 
this class, Dadajee Konedeo, a man of talent 
and integrity, was left by Shahjee in charge 
of the Poona jaghire ; and from him and his 
mother, Sevajee imbibed a deep and bitter 
hatred against the Mohammedans. The ex- 
ploits of the heroes of the Raraayana and Ma- 
habarat,with other wild andfantastic legends, 
were the boy's delight ; he performed with 
earnest zeal the numerous observances en- 
joined by his creed, and anxiously waited the 
time whenhe should be old enough and strong 
enough to assert the rights and dignity of 
the insulted gods of his country. These 
feelings, in part, supplied the want of a 
more enlightened and exalted patriotism ; 
and they afforded to Sevajee an object and 
a rallying point, of which, in after years, 
he learned the value. Like the mail-clad 
barons of old England, Shahjee deemed all 
book-learning undignified, if not degrading 
drudgery ; and his son could never so much 
as write his name. In horsemanship, and the 
use of warlike weapons, he was unrivalled. 

Poona is situated at the junction of the 
hilly country with the plains ; hence Sevajee, 
in the hunting parties and military exercises, 
which formed his chief occupations, con- 
stantly associated with the soldiery iij his 
father's service, and the plundering high- 
landers of the neighbouring Ghauts. The 
Bheels and Coolies, to the north of Poona 
— .the Ramoosees to the south — viewed with 
admiration the young chief, to whom every 
glen and defile of their mountain recesses 
were well known ; but his earliest adherents 
were the Mahrattas, called Mawulees, from 
the appellation of the valleys which they 

red colour at hand, in accordance with the usages 
of the festival, seemed to express assent. To the 
astonishment of all present, Malojee instantly started 
up, and desired the company to bear witness that 
Jeejee Bye and Shahjee were affianced. Jadu was 
exceedingly indignant at the advantage taken of 
him ; but Malojee persisted in his claim, and being 
an active partisan, rose gradually in the service of 
the state of Ahmcdnuggur, and by the intercession 
of the king himself, eventually obtained the fulfil- 
ment of his long-cherished desire. 



inhabited immediately to the west of Poona. 
Before he was sixteen, Sevajee began to 
talk of becoming an independent poligar, to 
the serious alarm of Dadajee, who endea- 
voured to wean him from his lawless asso- 
ciates by confiding much of the affairs of 
the jaghire to his superintendence^ and tried 
earnestly to convince him that a much more 
brilliant destiny might be expected to await 
him, as a steady adherent of the Ahmed- 
nuggur government, than as a rebel. But 
the twig was already bent, and would grow 
only in one direction ; and, in spite of the 
popularity gained by the courteous and 
winning manner of Sevajee among the 
respectable ^Mahrattas in the neighbour- 
hood, it was whispered that he was a sharer 
in the profits of several extensive gang-rob- 
beries committed in tlie Concan. 

The hill-forts possessed by Beejapoor, like 
most others under Moslem rule, were much 
neglected. Being remote and unhealthy, 
they were sometimes occupied by a single 
foreign commander, with a small garrison of 
ill-paid local troops ; or, in other cases, left 
in charge of the nearest desmookh, or other 
•revenue-officer. Our adventurer saw the 
opportunity afforded by this state of things 
for his plans of gradual and insidious aggres- 
sion; and by some means, not precisely 
known, succeeded in getting possession of 
Torna, a hiU-fortress, twenty miles S.W. of 
Poona, A.D. 1646. He immediately sent 
ambassadors to Beejapoor, representing his 
conduct in the most favourable light, and, by 
dint of arguments and bribery, was suSered 
to retain possession unmolested for several 
years, until it became known that he had 
built a stronghold on a neighbouring hill, 
by the aid of a golden treasure supposed to 
have been miraculously discovered to him, 
among some ruins at Torna, by the goddess 
Bhavani. A serious remonstrance was ad- 
dressed to Shahjee, who wrote in strong 
terms to Dadajee and his son, reminding 
them of the danger to which he was exposed 
by their encroachments, and bidding them 
desist from all such attempts. Dadajee 
once more essayed to change the settled 
purpose of his young master ; but soon after- 
wards, when about to expire, worn out with 
age and anxiety, he bestowed on him a part- 
ing benediction ; and instead of further dis- 
suasion, bade him protect Brahmins, kine 
and cultivators, preserve the temples of the 
Hindoos from violation, and — follow the for- 
tune which lay before him. 

'J^hcsc injunctions were obeyed to the 

letter. Under pretence of the poverty of 
the country and its increasing expenditure, 
Sevajee withheld the revenue from his father, 
and proceeded step by step, by manoeuvring 
and bribery, to gain fort after fort; until 
at length, as before stated (p. 130), he had 
gained possession of the whole tract between 
the Chakun and the Neera, without blood- 
shed or any disturbance. " The manner in 
which he established himself," says Grant 
Duff, "watching and crouching like the 
wily tiger of his own mountain valleys, 
until he had stolen into a situation from 
whence he could at once spring upon his 
prey, accounts both for the difficulty found 
in tracing his early rise, and the astonishing 
rapidity with which he extended his power 
when his progress had attracted notice, and 
longer concealment was impossible." In 
1648, Sevajee thought fit to throw down the 
gauntlet of open rebellion, by attacking and 
pillaging a convoy of royal treasure on the 
road to Callian ; and the news had scarcely 
reached Beejapoor, before it was followed 
by tidings, that five of the principal hill- 
forts in the Ghauts, and subsequently 
Callian, and the whole of the northern 
Concan, were in the occupation of the same 
insidious foe. 

Shahjee was seized and brought before 
Mohammed Adil Shah, who, heedless of 
his assurances that his son was acting in 
his defiance, as much as in that of their 
mutual sovereign, imprisoned him in a 
stone dungeon, of which he caused the 
door to be walled up, declaring, that if the 
insurrection continued beyond a certain 
time, the remaining aperture should be 
likewise closed. Sevajee was extremely 
alarmed by this menace, and is alleged to 
have been only dissuaded from submission 
by the arguments of his wife, who urged 
that his father's liberty might more pro- 
bably be wrung by necessity from the king 
of Beejapoor, than obtained by blind re- 
liance on the promises of a power so noto- 
riously treacherous. He therefore main- 
tained his position, and made overtures to 
Shah Jehan, who received his application 
the more favourably, as the wily Mahratta, 
anxious to leave himself a resource in the 
event of being hard pressed by his own 
government, had carefully avoided inroads 
on !Mogul territory. It was probably by 
the intercession of the emperor that Shahjee 
was released from his dungeon ; but four 
years elapsed before he was permitted to 
leave Beejapoor : at the expiration of which 


time his presence in the Carnatic became 
necessary to the interests of the govern- 
ment, on account of an extensive insurrec- 
tion, in which his eklest son had been slain. 
The restoration of Shahjee to his jaghire 
was the signal for the renewal of Sevajee's 
plans of aggrandisement. During the pre- 
vious interval, he had delayed entering the 
imperial service, by preferring an hereditary 
claim to certain dues on land in the Joonere 
and Ahmednuggur districts, which he affected 
to desire to see settled before proceeding 
to Delhi. His first step, on resuming open 
hostilities against the Beejapoor state, was 
to seize the hilly country south of Poona, 
whose rajah, having refused to co-operate 
with him, he had allowed to be removed by 
assassination. The arrival of Aurungzebe 
in the Deccan, in 1655, somewliat discon- 
certed Sevajee, who at first addressed the 
prince as his suzerain ; but, on seeing him 
engaged in war with Golconda, thought to 
profit by the general confusion, and, for the 
first time, invaded the Mogul dominions. 
He surprised and plundered the town of 
Joonere; but a similar attempt upon Ahmed- 
nugger proved less successful : and, alarmed 
by the rapid conquests of the imperial 
troops, Sevajee sought, by excuses and pro- 
mises, to obtain forgiveness for his recent 
proceedings. At this crisis the illness of 
Shah Jehan suddenly called off Aurung- 
zebe to Delhi; and the Mahratta chief, 
taking advantage of his departure, imme- 
diately renewed his attacks on Beejapoor, 
where the king had been succeeded by his 
son, a minor. A large army was despatched, 
(a.d. 1659), under the command of a noble, 
named Afzool Khan, who, at his public 
audience of leave, boastfully declared that 
he \yould bring back the insignificant rebel, 
and cast him in chains under the footstool 
of the throne. Sevajee was informed of the 
vaunt of his opponent, with whose character 
he was acquainted, and concerted his mea- 
sures accordingly. On the approach of the 
hostile force, he took up his residence in the 
hill-fort of Pertabghur, and sent ofiers of 
submission, couched in the humblest terms, 
to Afzool Khan, who deputed a Brahmin, 
high in his confidence, to complete the 
negotiation. This man, Sevajee, during a 
private interview by night, contrived to win 
over to his cause, which he afBrmed to be 
that of the Hindoos and the Hindoo faith. 
By their joint artifice, the haughty Moslem 
was persuaded that Sevajee's excessive alarm 
could only be overcome by his personal 

assurances of mediation at the court of 
Beejapoor, and he readily consented to leave 
the army and advance to meet the repentant 
rebel. In compliance with the suggestion 
of the treacherous Brahmin, the 1,500 men, 
who had escorted their general to within a 
few hundred yards of the fort, were forbidden 
to proceed further, for fear of exciting the 
apprehensions of Sevajee. Accompanied by 
a single armed attendant, Afzool Khan ad- 
vanced to the appointed place of meeting, 
and, descending from his palanquin, entered 
the open bungalow prepared for his recep- 
tion, where, clad in thin white robes, with a 
straight sword in his hand, he impatiently 
awaited the arrival of Sevajee, whose figure 
(unpretending, from its diminutive size, and 
rendered ungainly by the extreme length of 
the arms) was seen descending the heights 
with slow and hesitating steps. His only 
follower carried two swords in his waist- 
band, a common circumstance among the 
Mahrattas; but Sevajee himself was seem- 
ingly unprovided with any offensive or de- 
fensive weapon, although secretly prepared 
for deadly strife. The convenient axiom 
for evil-doers — that the end justifies the 
means — had induced the Mahratta chief to 
proceed on this occasion as if about to at- 
tempt an act of heroic self-devotion, instead 
of a treacherous assassination, lifter per- 
forming, with earnest solemnity, his morning 
devotions, he laid his head at the feet of his 
mother (Jeejee Bye), and having received 
her blessing, arose and equipped himself in 
a suit of chain armour, over which he placed 
his turban and a cotton tunic. His right 
sleeve concealed a crooked dagger, named 
from its form a " beechwa," or scorpion, and 
his left-hand held a small steel instrument, 
called a " wagnuck," or tiger-claw, on ac- 
count of its three crooked blades, which are 
easily hidden by half-closed fingers. Thus 
provided, Sevajee approached the khan, and, 
at the moment of the embrace, struck the 
wagnuck into his body ; then, instantly fol- 
lowing up the blow, dispatched him with his 
dagger. The attendant of Afzool refused 
quarter, and fell vainly endeavoui-ing to 
avenge his ill-fated master. The blast of a 
horn and the firing of five guns announced 
the unhallowed triumph of Sevajee to the 
Mawulees. They rushed from the different 
wooded recesses, where they had been posted, 
upon the Beejapoor troops, who, suddenly 
roused from fancied security, were slaugh- 
tered or dispersed almost without resistance. 
Numbers were driven by hunger into a sur-i 


render, after long wandering in the neigh- 
bouring wilds, and all were humanely re- 
ceived by Sevajee, who, throughout his 
whole career, was remarkable for gentle 
treatment of prisoners, always excepting 
such as were suspected of concealing trea- 
sure, in which case, like the Great Moguls, 
he resorted to torture without stint or 

By this violent deed, Sevajee gained pos- 
session of the whole train of equipment 
which had been sent against him, and many 
of the Mahrattas were induced to enlist in 
his service ; but the most distinguished 
captive of that nation having steadily refused 
to renounce his allegiance, was honourably 
dismissed with costly presents. From this 
period, up to the close of 1662, Sevajee was 
engaged in hostilities with the king of 
Beejapoor, who took the field against him 
in person ; but, after recovering much terri- 
tory, was compelled to turn his chief atten- 
tion to a revolt in the Carnatic, upon which 
the Mahratta chief regained his former con- 
quests, with usury, and succeeded, through 
Shahjce's mediation, in obtaining a peace, by 
which he was recognised as master of the 
whole coast-line of the Concan for 250 
miles (between Goa and Callian), and ex- 
tending above the Ghauts for more than 
150 miles from the north of Poona to the 
south of Merich on the Kistna. The ex- 
treme breadth of this territory did not 
exceed 100 miles. The hardiness and pre- 
datory habits of his soldiery, enabled Sevajee 
to support an army of 7,000 horse and 
50,000 foot (a much larger force than the 
size of his country would seem to warrant), 
and he soon prepared to take advantage of 
his truce with Beejapoor, by extending his 
dominion at the expense of the Moguls. 

To put an end to these aggressions, Shaista 
Khan (viceroy* of the Decean, and the empe- 
ror's maternal uncle) marched from Aurun- 
gabad, drove the marauding force from the 
field, captured Poona and Chakun, and 
took up his position at the former place, 
within twelve miles of Singhur, the hill-fort 
to which Sevajee had retired. The house 
occupied by the viceroy had been originally 
built by Dadajee for Jeejee Bye, and her son 
resolved to take advantage of his perfect 
acquaintance with its every inlet and outlet, 
by surprising the intruder, notwithstand- 
ing his well-planned precautions. Leaving 
Singhur one evening after dark, and posting 
small bodies of infantry on the road to sup- 
port him, Sevajee, attended by twenty-five 

Mawulees, proceeded to the town, into which 
he gained admission by joining a marriage 
procession, planned for the purpose. By 
the aid of a few pickaxes, the party suc- 
ceeded in entering the mansion, but not 
without awakening some of the women of 
the family, who gave the alarm. Shaista 
Khan escaped from the window of his bed- 
chamber, having first received a sword- 
cut, which severed two of his fingers, while 
letting himself down into the court below. 
His son, and most of his attendants, were 
cut to pieces in a moment, after which 
Sevajee retreated with all speed, and as- 
cended Singhur amid a blaze of torches, in 
full view of the Mogul camp. 

On the following morning, a body of the 
enemy's horse came galloping towards the 
fort, but were driven off in confusion ; and 
on this occasion the Mahrattas, for the first 
time, pursued the Mogul cavalry. Shaista 
Khan, blinded by grief and mortification, 
instead of taking active measures against 
Sevajee, accused Jeswunt Sing (who had not 
long before arrived with re-inforcements) of 
treachery ; and the dissensions of the leaders 
crippled the movements of the army, until 
Aurungzebe removed Shaista Khan to 
Bengal, and sent Prince Mauzim to com- 
mand in conjunction with the rajah. 

After a feeble attempt to invest Singhur, 
Jeswunt retired to Aurungabad ; and Seva- 
jee, glad to be released from the necessity of 
standing on the defensive, having spread 
several false reports of his intentions, set off 
with 4,000 horse, surprised the rich and 
defenceless city of Surat, and, after six days 
of systematic plunder, leisurely proceeded to 
Raighur, a newly-erected fort in the Con- 
can, which became thenceforth the seat of 
his government. The booty acquired at 
Surat was very considerable, and would 
have been greater, but for the determined 
defence made at the English and Dutch 
factories, where some of the native chiefs 
had taken refuge. The English, especially, 
gained much favour with Aurungzebe, who 
granted them a perpetual exemption from a 
portion of the customs exacted from the 
traders of other nations at Surat.* 

At Raighur, Sevajee learned the death of 
Shahjee, who, although of a great age, con- 

* It seemed necessary to notice this circumstance 
here ; but the progress of European power, until 
the close of the reign of Aurungzebe, so little affected 
the general state of India, that I have thouglit it 
best, for the sake of clearness, to reserve an accounl 
of it for a brief separate sketch. 


tinued to pursue his favourite diversion of 
hunting, until he was killed by a fall from 
his horse, a.d. 1664. He had restored his 
jaghire to perfect order, and extended his 
dominions to the southward, ■with the tacit 
permission of the king of Beejapoor, until 
they comprehended the country near Ma- 
dras, and the principality of Tanjore. Seva- 
jee now assumed the title of rajah, struck 
coins in his own name, and carried on hos- 
tilities alternately against the Beejapoor and 
imperial authorities. He collected a fleet, 
took many Mogul ships, and exacted ran- 
soms from all the rich pilgrims proceeding 
therein towards Mecca. On one occasion 
he embarked with a force of 4,000 men, in 
eighty-seven vessels, and made an unex- 
pected descent on the wealthy town of 
Barcelore, about 130 miles below Goa, plun- 
dered all the adjacent territory, and returned 
in triumph to his mountain capital. His 
homeward voyage was, however, prolonged 
for many days by adverse winds, which, with 
several other unfavourable circumstances, 
were interpreted as indications of the displea- 
sure of the goddess Bhavani, at this the only 
naval enterprise in which Sevajee ever in per- 
son engaged. Alarming intelligence awaited 
his return. Aurungzebe at length resolved 
to punish the sacrilegious conduct of "the 
mountain rat," as he contemptuously styled 
the Mahratta chief; had sent a powerful force 
against him under Jey Sing and Dileer Khan, 
with orders, after his subjugation, to proceed 
against Beejapoor. Sevajee, for once taken 
by surprise (in consequence of the neglect or 
treachery of one of his own commanders), 
held out for some time, and then opened a 
negotiation with Jey Sing, who assured him, 
"on the honour of a Rajpoot," of safety, 
and even favour, on the part of the em- 
peror, in return for entire submission and 
co-operation. This guarantee, even Sevajee 
deemed sufficient ; and he proceeded, with a 
few attendants, to the Mogul camp, and 
agreed to deliver up twenty of the forts 
which he possessed, together with the terri- 
tories attached thereto. Raighur and eleven 
others, with the dependent country, he was 
to hold as a jaghire from Aurungzebe, in 
whose service his son, Sumbajee — a boy, 
seven years old — was to receive the rank of 
a munsubdar of 5,000; and, probably in 
lieu of the alleged hereditary claims which 
he had so pertinaciously asserted, Sevajee 
stipulated for certain assignments (Chout 
and Surdeshmooki) on the revenue of each 
I district under Beejapoor ; an arrangement 

which laid the foundation of the ill-defined 
claims of the Mahrattas in after-times. 

No mention is made of this condition in 
the letter written by Aurungzebe to Sevajee, 
in which he distinctly confirmed every other 
article of the treaty ; nor in the subsequent 
communications, in which he highly com- 
mended the conduct of Sevajee and his 
10,000 followers during the invasion of 
Beejapoor by Jey Sing, and invited him to 
court, with a promise of returning at plea- 
sure to the Deccan. 

The wily Mahratta was, in this instance, 
duped by the equally wily Mogul, and, at 
the termination of the campaign, set off for 
Delhi, accompanied by his son, and escorted 
by 1,500 men. Aurungzebe thought his foe 
secure within his grasp ; and instead of act- 
ing as Akber would have done, by surpassing 
in courtesy and generosity the expectations 
he had raised, and binding to him the now 
submissive chief by the ties of self-interest, 
at least, if not of gratitude, — he broke every 
pledge, received him with marked disre- 
spect, and caused him to be placed among 
the commanders of the third rank, in the very 
position promised to his child. Overpowered 
by rage and mortification, Sevajee sank to 
the ground in a swoon, and, on recovering 
his senses, bitterly reproached Ram Sing 
with the breach of his father Jey Sing's 
plighted faith ; and then, declaring that life 
was valueless to him without honour, abruptly 
quitted the imperial presence. 

Aurungzebe, astounded by this unex- 
pected display of vehemence, refused again 
to receive the Mahratta, who requested per- 
mission to return to the Deccan, but, not 
obtaining it, affected to be quite cast down, 
and begged that his followers at least might 
be suffered to depart, as the air and water of 
Delhi injured their health. This solicita- 
tion was gladly complied with, and Sevajee 
seemed completely at the mercy of his foes. 
But Ram Sing, feeling his father's honour 
compromised by the conduct of Aurungzebe, 
connived at the escape of the captive, who, 
having taken to his bed on pretence of sick- 
ness, caused himself and his son to be con- 
veyed by night out of the house and city in 
two large hampers, which the guards suf- 
fered to pass without examination, having 
been purposely accustomed to see similar 
baskets sent to and fro, filled with sweet- 
meats, flowers, &c., as presents to the Brah- 
mins and physicians. His couch was occupied 
by a servant, and his flight remained undis- 
covered till a late hour on the following 


day. In the meantime, Sevajee repaired to 
an obscure spot, where a swift liorse had 
been posted in readiness, and rode off with 
liis son behind him. At Muttra he shaved 
off his hair and whiskers, assumed the dis- 
guise of a Gosaeu, or Hindoo religious men- 
dicant, and leaving Sumbajee under the 
charge of a Brahmin, pursued liis journey 
by the most obscure and circuitous roads, 
arriving at Raighur in December, 1666, after 
an absence of nine mouths. Tidings of his 
recovered liberty reached the Deccan long 
before his arrival ; and the English factors at 
Carwar, in the Concan, wrote, September 
29th — " If it be true that Sevajee has es- 
caped, Aurungzebe will quickly hear of him 
to his sorrow." 

Shah Jehan died about this time, and his 
favourite child, Padshah Begum, or Jeha- 
nara, was formally reconciled to her brother, 
whose fortunes were then in the zenith of 
prosperity. Tranquillity prevailed through- 
out his territories, the limits of which had 
been extended by the acquisition of Little 
Thibet, to the north, and Chittagong, on the 
eastern shore of the Bay of Bengal. Some 
questions of etiquette had arisen with Shah 
Abbas II., of Persia, which threatened to 
involve a war with India, and preparations 
were being made, but set aside in conse- 
quence of the death of the Shah. The sole 
drawback on the general success of the 
empire was the ill-fortune of its army at 
Beejapoor, where the king had resorted to 
the old plan of defence, by reducing the 
surrounding country to a desert. Jey Sing, 
after investing the capital, was compelled to 
withdraw with loss to Aurungabad. Being 
soon after recalled, he died on the road to 
Delhi, having (according to Tod) been poi- 
soned by his second son, at the instigation 
of Aurungzebe, who promised that he should 
succeed to the raj (or kingdom) of Mewar, 
to the prejudice of his elder brother. Ram 
Sing ; but, when the crime was committed, 
withheld the promised reward, giving the 
parricide only the district of Kamah,* and 
offering no opposition to the claims of the 
rightful heir. Jeswunt Sing was now asso- 
ciated in command of the troops with Prince 
Mauzim and Dileer Khan — an arrangement 
which proved very advantageous to Sevajee ; 
for Jeswunt exercised great ascendancy over 
the mind of the prince, and was secretly 
better disposed towards the Hindoos than 
to the government he served. By his 
mediation a treaty was concluded, a.d. 1667, 

* Annals of Majast'han, vol. ii., p. 355. 

on highly favourable terms for Sevajee, to 
whom a considerable portion of territory 
was restored, a new jaghire granted in 
Berar, and his title of rajah recognised. 
Aurungzebe confirmed these extraordinary 
concessions in the hope of deluding Sevajee 
again into his power : with this view the 
Mogul leaders were enjoined to keep up a 
constant intercourse with him, and even 
directed to feign disaffection to their own 
government, and a disposition to enter into 
a separate alliance with the Mahrattas. 
The emperor long patiently waited the result 
of his scheme ; but at length discovering or 
suspecting the truth — namely, that his in- 
tended victim had turned his weapons 
against himself, by conciliating both the 
prince and rajah by bribes and gifts — he 
renewed hostilities by giving orders for an 
open attempt to seize his person, a.d. 1670. 
During the preceding prolonged truce, Se- 
vajee, after obtaining from Beejapoor and 
Golconda the promise of an annual tribute, 
had laid aside his sword, and diligently 
employed himself in giving a regular form 
to his government. His great and varied 
talents were never displayed in a more 
forcible light than when exerted in domestic 
administration ; and his rules were rigo- 
rously enforced, whether framed to check 
oppression of the cultivatorsf or fraud against 
the government. In the arrangement of 
the army, the most careful attention to 
method and economy was manifest. Both 
troops and officers received high pay, but 
were obliged to give up their plunder of 
every description to the state, or to retain it 
at a fixed price. 

The trump of war again sounded in the 
ears of the miserable inhabitants of the 
Deccan. Sevajee recovered Singhur near 
Poona, plundered Surat anew, carried his 
ravages over Candeish, and levied the famous 
"chout," which, like the black mail of Scot- 
tish border warfare, exempted from plunder 
the districts in which it was regularly paid. 
He equipped a powerful fleet, and resumed 
his attacks on the Abyssinians of Jinjeera, 
which induced them to seek the protection 
of the Moguls. These successes were, in 
great measure, attributable to the inadequacy 
of the opposing force. Aurungzebe at length 
convinced of this, sent 40,000 men, under 
Mohabet Khan, to the scene of action, but 
quite independent of the authority of Prince 

t Ssvajee's assessments were made on the actual 
state of the crop, of which lie is alleged to have 
taken two-fifths. — (Duff's MahraUas,so\. i., p. 231.) 


Mauzim, whose fidelity he doubted, and 
with whom he left Dileer Khan, but recalled 
Jeswunt Sing. The consequence of this 
divided command was the total defeat of 
20,000 Moguls, A.D. 1672, in a field-action 
with the Mahrattarf. Mauzim and !Moha- 
bet were recalled, and Khan Jehan Bahadur, 
the viceroy of Guzerat, sent to take their 
place ; but active hostilities were soon 
dropped by mutual consent, the energies of 
both Aurungzebe and Sevajee* being fully 
employed in other quarters. 

The emperor's attention was drawn off by 
the increasing importance of a war which 
had been going on for some time with the 
north-eastern Afghans, including the Eusof- 
zies. In 1670, an army under Ameen Khan, 
the governor of Cabool, had been totally 
destroyed ; and, about the same time, a king 
was set up by the Afghans, who is repre- 
sented by European writers as an impostor, 
assuming to be the murdered Prince Shuja; 
but is described, by Indian authorities, as 
an Afghan chief. In 1673, the emperor 
proceeded to direct, in person, the military 
operations of his troops, accompanied by his 
son, Mohammed Sultan, who was now re- 
leased from prison ; but, at the close of two 
years of unsatisfactory effort, he returned to 
Delhi, and a very imperfect settlement was 
afterwards arranged with the Afghans. 

In 1676, an insurrection of an extra- 
ordinary character broke out near the 
capital, originating in the disorderly con- 
duct of some soldiers of the police, who 
had mobbed and beaten a Hindoo devotee of 
the sect of quietists, called Sadhs or Satna- 
mis, in consequence of a quarrel between 
him and one of their comrades. The Sat- 
namis came to the rescue, several lives were 
lost, and the affray increased until the 
numbers of both parties became conside- 
rable. The devotees took possession of the 
town of Narnol, and maintained it, defeating 
two separate detachments sent against them 
from Delhi. The idea gained ground that 
they were endowed with supernatural powers; 
that swords would not cut, nor bullets pierce 
them, whUe their weapons dealt death at 
every blow. From standing on the defen- 
sive, they took an aggressive part, and were 
joined by several of the neighbouring zemin- 

• Sevajee is said to have given a large sum of 
money to Khan Jehan, part privately, and part pub- 
licly: the Mogul styled the latter, tribute ; but the 
Hindoo called it " oil-cake given to his milch cow." 

t i'he three eldest sons of Jeswunt Sing had 
perished : two, it is alleged, in consequence of the 
inclement climate of Cabool. The third, a youth of 

dars. The growing belief in their invinci- 
bility seemed likely to justify its assertion; 
for no troops could be induced to face them ; 
and, on learning their approach to Delhi, 
Aurungzebe found it necessary to order his 
tents to be prepared to take the field, and, 
with his own hand, wrote extracts from the 
Koran, to be fastened to the standards as a 
protection against enchantment. The royal 
force made a stand, and the insurgents 
were defeated and dispersed with great loss. 
But the previous success had tempted many 
of the Hindoo inhabitants of Ajmeer and 
Agra to take up arms, and it was with 
difficulty that order could be restored in 
these provinces. Instead of the conciliatory 
measures which were imperatively needed, 
Aurungzebe, chafed by recent occurrences, 
took the only step necessary for the com- 
plete alienation of the minds of his Hindoo 
subjects, by reviving the jezia (capitation tax 
on infidels) abolished by Akber. In vain 
the populace assembled in crowds round the 
palace ; no notice was taken of their tears 
and complaints. Determined that their 
appeal should be no longer ignored, they 
intercepted the emperor on his way in pro- 
cession to the mosque ; but the stern com- 
mand was given to force a path, and many 
of the suppliants were trampled under the 
feet of the horses and elephants. The tax 
was submitted to without further demur, but 
the good-wiU of the Hindoos was gone for 
ever : in the Deccan every one of them 
became at heart a partisan of the Mahrattas ; 
and the little fanning needed to blow into a 
flame the long-smouldering discontent of the 
Rajpoots was given within a few months of 
the imposition of the hated jezia. 

Rajah Jeswunt Sing died at Cabool, and 
his widow immediately set out for India, 
without waiting the permission of Aurung- 
zebe, who made this insubordination a pre- 
text for endeavouring to seize her two infant 
sons.t By the ingenuity of Durga Das, 
the Hindoo leader, the rani and her chil- 
dren were enabled to escape to Marwar, over 
which principality the elder of the boys, 
Ajeet Sing, lived to enjoy a long reign, and 
became a formidable enemy to the Great 
Mogul, t Ram Sing, of Jeypoor or Amber, 
remained faithful to the master who had so 

great promise, expired suddenly at Delhi in extreme 
torture, owing to a poisoned robe of honour bestowed 
on him by the perfidious emperor. — (Hy'ast'han.) 

X Another female and two infants were captured 
by Aurungzebe, the Rajpoots sacrificing their lives 
freely, as if the supposititious family had been really 
the widow and orphans of the deceased rajah. 


little desei-ved such loyalty ; but Raj Sing,* 
the rana of Oudipoor, entered heartily into 
the cause of the children of Jeswuut Sing, 
and refused to agree to the jezia. A long 
and tedious contest commenced with the 
year 1679, and was carried on by Aurung- 
zebe in a spirit of the most barbarous 
intolerance. His orders to the tvTO princes, 
Mauzim and Akber, were " to make the 
enemy feel all the evils of Avar in their 
utmost severity ;"f and the Rajpoots, having 
at length caught something of the intolerant 
spirit of their foes, plundered the mosques, 
burned the Koran, and insulted the Moollahs. 
A strange turn was given to affairs by the 
conduct of Prince Akber, then only twenty- 
three, who was induced to join the Rajpoots, 
on condition of being proclaimed emperor, 
in lieu of his father. This rebellious attempt 
proved unsuccessful; and after being deserted 
by every Mohammedan follower, Akber 
resolved to take refuge with the Mahrat- 
tas, and, under the escort of Durga Das 
and 500 Rajpoots, arrived safely iu the Con- 
ean, a.d. 1681. Great changes had taken 
place in the affairs of the Deccan since the 
withdrawal of the flower of the Mogul troops 
to the north-eastern frontier, in 1672. Se- 
vajee having turned his arms against Beeja- 
poor, had, in the course of the year 1673, 
become master of the whole of the southern 
Concan (excepting the points held by the 
English, Abyssinians, and Portuguese), and 
of a tract above the Ghauts, extending to 
the east beyond the upper course of the 
Kistna. In 1675 he crossed the Nerbudda, 
and began to invade the Mogul territory. 
In the next four years he formed separate 
alliances with the kings of Golconda and 
Beejapoor against the Moguls, now under 
the command of Dileer Khan ; and, in return 
for his co-operation, received valuable ces- 
sions of territory, including the jaghire 
in Mysore, which had been suffered to de- 
scend to his half-brother, Venkajee. 

* About this time Aurungzebe had sent a body of 
2,000 horse to escort to his court a princess of 
Koopnagurh, a younger branch of the Marwar 
house, whom he demanded in marriage. The 
maiden, indignant at the thougiit of wedding the 
enemy of her race, sent a message to Raj Sing by 
her preceptor (the family priest), entreating him to 
come to her rescue. " Is the swan," she asked, " to 
be the mate of the stork ; a liajpootni, pure in blood, 
to be wife to the monkey-faced barbarian ?" The 
rana accepted the challenge, appeared suddenly be- 
fore Roopnagurh, cut off the imperial guard, and 
carried away the princess in triumph to Oudipoor. 

t Elphinstone, vol. ii., p. 498. The same para- 
graph states, " their orders were to employ part of 

One singular feature in this period of the 
history of Scvajee, is the flight of Sumba- 
jee, the elder of his two sons, who had been 
imprisoned in a hill-fort for attempting to 
violate the wife of a Brahmin. This young 
man, of his father's better qualities, seems to 
have only inherited personal daring. He 
succeeded in making liis escape, and took 
refuge with Dileer Khan, who welcomed 
him gladly, but on learning that Aurung- 
zebe was treacherously disposed, connived at 
his quitting the imperial camp. Sumbajee 
then threw himself upon the mercy of his 
father, who sent him back to the fort of 
Panalla. From thence he was speedily re- 
leased by an unexpected event. Sevajee, 
shortly after dictating a letter to Venkajee, 
in which he bade hira " arouse and be 
doing," for the present was the time for 
great deeds, was seized with a painful swell- 
ing in the knee-joint, which threw him into 
a fever, and in a few days cut short his 
extraordinary career, in the fifty-third year 
of his age, a.d. 1680. 

The emperor expected, that deprived of 
their leader, the Mahrattas would sink into 
insignificance. But he was mistaken. Se- 
vajee well knew the character of his coun- 
trymen, and Iv^d carefully used that know- 
ledge in laying down rules for their govern- 
ment. The Brahminical creed could not 
be used as a weapon of persecution, but 
its mingled tolerance and exclusiveness 
made it a powerful instrument for concen- 
trating the religious feelings of the Hindoos, 
and directing their full force against the 
cruel and bigotted oppression commanded 
by the Koran, and practised by Aurungzebe. 
Sevajee made it his mainstay, scarcely less 
when the boy-chief of a band of half-naked 
and superstitious mountaineers, than when 
these had become the nucleus of a powerful 
army, and he the crowned king of a state 
(under Providence) of his own creation, with 
yearly-increasing territory and revenue. It is 

their troops to cut off all supplies from the fugitives in 
the hills ; and with the rest to lay waste the country, 
burn and destroy the villages, cut down the fruit- 
trees, and cany off the tcometi and children," of 
course as slaves, or for the services of the harem 
and its degraded eunuch guards. This barbarity 
contrasts with the practice of the Hindoos, whether 
Rajpoot or Mahratta. Sevajee himself decreed, that 
" cows, cultivators, and women were never to be 
molested ; nor were any but rich Mohammedans, or 
Hindoos in their service, who could pay a ransom, to 
be made prisoners" (Duff, vol. i., p. 230) ; and El- 
phinstone remarks, that " his enemies bear witness to 
his anxiety to mitigate the evils of it [war] by humane 
regulations, which were strictly enforced." 


not wonderful that the memory of the 
man whose well-digested plans " raised 
the despised Hindoos to sovereignty, and 
brought about their own accomplishment, 
when the hand that had framed them 
was low in the dust," should be grate- 
fully remembered by his countrymen; but 
it affords melancholy evidence of the dark- 
ness of heathenism to be told, that the 
murder of Afzool Khan is spoken of as a 
" commendable exploit," and its perpetrator 
" as an incarnation of the Deity setting an 
example of wisdom, fortitude, and piety."* 

Impartial judges admit that Sevajee pos- 
sessed qualities which, in an unenlightened 
Hindoo, may be termed admirable. Pre- 
pared for every emergency, peril could not 
daunt, nor success intoxicate him. Frugal 
even to parsimony in his habits, courteous and 
endearing in manner though passionate in 
disposition, he continued to the last to move 
freely about among the people, inspiring 
them with his own spirit of determined op- 
position to the Mohammedans. Intent on 
following every turn and winding of Aurung- 
zebe's snake-like policy, he also practised 
treacherous wiles ; but the use of these un- 
worthy weapons did not detract from his 
personal courage. To have seen him charge, 
was the favourite boast of the troops en- 
gaged in the Deccani wars ; and his famous 
sword (a Genoa blade of the finest temper, 
named after his tutelary goddess, Bhavani) 
was preserved and regarded with nothing 
short of idolatrous veneration. 

On the death of Sevajee, one of his sur- 
viving widows burned herself with his body. 
The other, Soyera Bye, endeavoured to place 
her son, Rajah Ram, a boy of ten years old, 
on the throne, to the exclusion of Sumbajee, 
whose mother had died during his infancy. 
The attempt failed, and Sumbajee was pro- 
claimed king. He caused Soyera Bye to 
be put to a painful and lingering death; 
imprisoned her son; threw the leading 
Brahmin ministers into irons; and slew 
such of his other enemies as were not pro- 
tected by the sanctity of their caste. Prince 

• History of the Mahrattas, vol. i., p. 297. The 
above account of Sevajee is almost exclusively de- 
rived from the able and interesting narrative of 
Grant Duff, whose labour of love has rendered him 
as eminently the historian of the Mahrattas, as Colo- 
nel Tod of the llajpoots. 

t Dileer Khan died in this year. He was, perhaps, 
the ablest officer in the service of Aurungzebe, whose 
battles he fought for six-and-twenty years ; but he, 
like Jey Sing and Jeswunt Sing, found, in the sus- 
picion and neglect of his crafty master, fit punish- 

Akber reached the Deccan in June, 1681, 
and was honourably received by Sumbajee, 
who acknowledged him as emperor, but 
showed no intention of supporting his pre- 
tensions; devoting such time as he could 
spare from drinking and debauchery to mak- 
ing war upon the Abyssinians of Jinjeera 
and the Portuguese. The vast treasure 
accumulated by his father was soon dis- 
sipated; the people were harassed by op- 
pressive taxes; and the troops, being left 
in arrears of pay, began to appropriate the 
plunder taken on expeditions for their own 
use, and to degenerate from comparatively 
regular bands into hordes of rapacious and 
destructive freebooters. 

Such was the state of things when Au- 
rungzebe, in 1683, arrived at the head of the 
whole force of the empire. Sumbajee awoke 
from his stupor; and ably seconded by his 
father's trained troops, cut off the greater 
part of the army sent under Prince Mau- 
zim to overrun the Concan, in 1684 ;f and, 
in the following year, retaliated this inva- 
sion by taking advantage of the march of 
the emperor against Ahmednuggur, to 
sack and burn the great city of Boorhan- 
poor. In 1685, tlie Moguls being again 
drawn off to the south, Sumbajee made 
another bold inroad into the territory in 
their rear, and plundered Baroach with the 
adjacent part of Guzerat. About this time 
he entered into a defensive alliance with 
the king of Goleonda, which Aurungzebe 
resenting, sent an army against that state, 
then weakened by internal dissension. Its 
sovereign, Abool Hussun, though indolent 
and voluptuous, was popular, and his go- 
vernment and finances were ably managed 
by ]\Iaduna Punt, an active and upright 
Brahmin, in whom he placed full con- 
fidence, thereby exciting the discontent of 
the Mussulmans, especially of Ibrahim 
Khan, the commander-in-chief, who, on 
the approach of the imperial force, under 
Prince Mauzim, deserted to him with the 
greater part of the army. The obnoxious 
minister was murdered; the king fled to 

ment for treachery to the brave and unfortunate 
Dara. The emperor confiscated the property of the 
deceased, and being disappointed in its value, vainly 
strove to extort, by torture, from his secretary, a 
confession of the manner in which the supposed sur- 
plus had been employed. The relatives of Dileer 
Khan were not, however, more unfortunate than 
those of Khan Jelian Bahadur, foster-brother to the 
emperor, who visited his death-bed, but appropriated 
his property, giving the usual order to seek for hid- 
den deposits, and recover all outrstanding debts. 


the hill-fort of Golconda; and Hyderabad 
was captured and plundered for three days 
by tlie Mogul soldiery, notwithstanding the 
efforts of the prince to check this breach of 
discipline, which his suspicious father attri- 
buted to his connivance, as a means of em- 
bezzlement for ambitious purposes. 

By a large pecuniary payment, Abool 
Hussun purchased a brief respite from 
Aurungzebe, who then moved in person 
against Beejapoor. The army of this mo- 
narchy had been so reduced by prolonged 
warfare, that the. city, although surrounded 
by walls six miles in circumference, was 
soon completely invested. The Patan gar- 
rison seemed determined to perish sword in 
hand, and were therefore suffered to capitu- 
late after a practicable breach had been 
made, through which Aurungzebe entered 
the place on a portable throne. The state 
was extinguished, a.d. 1686; and Beeja- 
poor, after attaining a grandeur quite dis- 
proportioned to the extent of the kingdom 
of which it formed the capital, sunk rapidly 
into the deserted condition in which it now 
stands. The young king, after three years' 
close imprisonment in the Mogul camp, 
perished suddenly, it is said by violence, 
the fears of his imperial gaoler having been 
raised by a popular commotion in his favour. 
Golconda, the last independent Moham- 
medan state, was next destroyed, after a 
duration of 175 years. Abool Hussun strove 
by costly gifts to deprecate the ambition 
of Aurungzebe, who, while receiving these 
offerings, was secretly occupied in in- 
trigues with the ministers and troops of the 
unhappy king; and at length, his plans 
being matured, denounced him as a pro- 
tector of infidels, and laid siege to Gol- 
conda. Roused by this treachery, Abool 
Hussun, though deserted on all sides, de- 
fended the fort for seven months, but was 
eventually betrayed into the hands of his 
merciless foe, by whom he was sent to end 
his days in the fortress of Doulatabad. 
His fate and treatment awakened the com- 
passion of Prince Mauzim, whose media- 
tion he solicited; and the prince, touched 
by the dignity and resignation with which 
the monarch bore his misfortunes, or rather 
injuries, made an earnest appeal in his 
favour. The result was his own imprison- 

* In all these countries Aurungzebe acquired little 
more than a military occupation. " The districts were 
farmed to the Desmookhs and other zemindars, and 
were governed by military leaders, who received 
twenty-five per cent, for the expense of collecting ; 

ment for nearly seven years, after which he 
was released and sent as governor to Cabool. 
All the territories which had been acquired 
by Beejapoor and Golconda were annexed 
to the empire, as well as many of Sevajee's 
conquests; Venkajee was deprived of the 
Mysore jaghire, and confined to Tanjore; 
and Sumbajee seemed to have sunk into 
a state of inertia, and become heedless of 
passing events. Prince Akber, dreading to 
fall into his father's hands, fled to Persia, 
where he remained till his death, about 
eighteen years afterwards. 

Aurungzebe had now reached the culmi- 
nating point of success; neither humanity 
nor policy had stayed his covetous grasp: 
he stood alone, the sole jMoslem ruler in 
India — the despotic master of an unwieldy 
empire, over which the seeds of disorgani- 
sation and dissolution were sown broadcast. 
In Hindoostan, the finest provinces were, for 
the most part, entrusted to the care of in- 
competent and needy governors, chosen 
purposely from the lower ranks of the -o- 
bility. These men oppressed the peopiO 
and neglected the troops — evils which 
Aurungzebe preferred to the risk of being 
supplanted by more able and influential 
officers. His policy in the Deccan was 
equally selfish and short-sighted. In the 
governments of Beejapoor and Golconda, he 
might have found valuable auxiliaries in 
keeping under the power of the Mahrattas ; 
but, by their destruction, he threw down 
the chief barrier to lawless incursions, set- 
ting aside constituted authorities without 
supplying any efficient substitute.* Of the 
disbanded armies, the Patans and foreign 
mercenaries probably obtained service under 
the emperor ; the remainder joined Sumba- 
jee, or plundered on their own account; and 
amid the general anarchy and distress, the 
new-born feeling of religious opposition 
rapidly gained ground. Notwithstanding 
the inefficiency of their rajah, the Mah- 
ratta chiefs exerted themselves individually 
against the invader, and their energies were 
rather stimulated than enfeebled by the un- 
expected capture of Sumbajee, with his mi- 
nister and favourite companion, a Brahmin 
named Kaloosha, who were surprised by a 
body of Moguls during a revel at a favourite 
pleasure-house in the Concan. It was sug- 

and sent up the balance, after paying their troops, to 
the emperor ; unless, as often happened, assignments 
were made for a period of years on fixed districts for 
the payment of other chiefs."— (Elphinstone's His- 
tory of India, vol. ii., p. 522.) 


gested, that Sumbajee might be used as a 
tool to obtain possession of the Mahratta 
strongholds ; and with this view, he was 
offered life on condition, of becoming a 
Mussulman. But misfortune had awakened 
in him a sense of degradation, and the only 
reply was a sarcastic message to Aurungzebe, 
and an invective on the False Prophet, for 
which offence a cruel punishment was de- 
creed. His eyes were destroyed by a red- 
hot iron, his tongue cut out, and he was at 
last beheaded in the camp bazaar, together 
with Kaloosha, a.d. 1689. 

Sumbajee had neither deserved nor ob- 
tained the confidence of his subjects; but 
they were deeply mortified by his ignominious 
fate. The chiefs assembled at Raighur, 
acknowledged the infant son of the deceased 
as his successor, and nominated his uncle, 
Rajah Ram, regent. Raighur was invested 
by a Mogul force, and taken in 1690, after 
a siege of several months, through the 
treachery of a Mawulee leader. The young 
rajah and his mother fell into the hands of 
Aurungzebe, who treated them with un- 
usual kindness.* Rajah Ram remaining at 
liberty, proceeded to the distant fortress of 
Jinjee, in the Carnatic, and assumed the 
sovereignty. He did not attempt more than 
the general direction of affairs, sending two 
able leaders to create a diversion in his own 
country, and leaving independent com- 
manders to carry on desultory operations 
against the Moguls, with whom a tedious 
and harassing struggle commenced, in which 
the advantage lay on the side of the ap- 
parently weaker party. 

Yet Aurungzebe was indefatigable. Al- 
though far advanced in years, he superin- 
tended every hostile operation, and besieged 
in person the chief places. t His immense 
armies were marshalled forth in splendid 
array. The nobles went to battle in quilted 
cotton tunics, covered with chain or plate 
armour, and rode on chargers, whose huge 

• Begum Sahib, the emperor's daughter, evinced 
unremitting kindness to both mother and child 
during their long captivity. The boy, being much 
with her, attracted the notice of Aurungzebe, who 
jestingly applied to him the nick-name of Sahoo or 
Shao, a word signifying the opposite of thief, robber, 
and similar terms, by which he habitually designated 
Sumbajee and Sevajee. — (Buff's Mahrattas, vol. i.) 

+ The traveller, Gemelli Carreri, who saw Aurung- 
zebe at Bepjapoor, in 1695, describes him as slender 
and of low stature, with a smiling aspect, bright 
eyes, a long nose, and a beard whose silvery white- 
ness contrasted with an olive-coloired skin. His 
dress was of plain white muslin, with one .arge 
emerald in the turban. He stood amid his omrahs 

saddles, housings of cloth or velvet, satin 
streamers, bells, chains, and other ornaments 
of gold and silver, with the frequent ad- 
dition of pairs of the bushy ox-tails of Tibet 
hanging down on either side, were better 
adapted for a triumphal procession, than 
for warfare with mountaineers in their own 
country. The common soldiers imitated 
their superiors in their cumbersome attire, 
and likewise in sloth and effeminacy : the 
result was a total relaxation of discipline. 
The Mahrattas, on the contrary, were 
mounted on horses, small, strong, and active 
as themselves, with a pad for a saddle, and 
a black blanket folded over it for nightly 
covering during their expeditions, when 
each man slept on the ground, with his 
spear stuck by him, and his bridle tied to 
his arm, ready for any emergency. A led 
horse, with bags to contain the expected 
plunder, formed the remainder of their 
camp equipage. Their common food was a 
cake of millet, ^vith perhaps an onion ; their 
dress, a small turban, a fold of which was 
frequently passed under the chin,J a quilted 
cotton tunic, tight drawers descending to 
the knee, and a scarf or sash rolled round 
the waist. Some carried a sword and shield; 
a certain proportion were armed with match- 
locks, or bow and arrows ; but the prevailing 
weapon was a bamboo spear, thirteen or 
fourteen feet long, which they wielded with 
extraordinary skill. Thus armed and habited, 
they wisely adhered to the desultory war- 
fare which could alone be successfully 
waged against the heavily-attired legions of 
the Mogul. § Then, as now, their only 
name for a victory was, " to plunder the 
enemy," this being, in their eyes, the chief 
object as well as sole irrefragable evidence 
and measure of conquest. 

Fort after fort was captured by the im- 
perial army; but the Mahrattas meanwhile 
issued from their lurking-places and over- 
spread the newly-acquired territories, as 

leaning on a staff or crozier (like those used by the 
fakeers) ; received petitions, read them without spec- 
tacles, and endorsed them with his own hand. In 
youth, savs Manouchi, he was pale even to ghastliness. 

X The Mahratta description of a very fierce-look- 
ing person, includes a turban tied beneath the 
chin, and mustachios " as thick as my arm." 'Their 
national flag, swallow-tailed and of a deep orange 
colour, is emblematic of the followers of Mahdeo. 

§ The Mawulees were famous for sword-in-hand 
combat; the Hetkurees (Concan mountaineers) 
ueed a species of firelock, and excelled as marks- 
men : both parties could, with ease, scale rocks and 
mount precipices, which the Moguls would have 
found certain destruction in attempting. 


well as Berar, Candeisli, and Malwa. De- 
tachments were sent against them in various 
directions, but to little avail; for, on per- 
ceivinn; their approach, the wily mountai- 
neers dispersed at once, without attempting to 
stand a charge ; and after leading the Moguls 
a weary, and generally fruitless chase, were 
themselves ready to follow the retreating 
track of their disheartened pursuers, and 
take advantage of any opening or confusion 
in the ranks, occasioned by accident or 
exhaustion. Fighting such foes was like 
beating the air, and even worse ; for while 
their number and power were rapidlj' in- 
creasing by the alliance of the zemindars 
of the countries which they overran, the 
troops of Aurungzebe, thinned by long and 
sanguinary sieges, required frequent recruit- 
ment from Hindoostan, whence also supplies 
of money had to be drawn. 

Rajah Ram died a.d. 1700, and was suc- 
ceeded by his infant son, Sivajee, under the 
regency of Tara Bye, mother of the young 
rajah. This change had little effect on the 
war. Aurungzebe went on taking forts, 
until, by the close of the next five years, all 
the principal Mahratta strongliolds had 
fallen before him ; but then the tide turned, 
and the rapidly-multiplying foe themselves 
became besiegers, and regained many for- 
tresses, at the same time intercepting several 
convoys, and thus depriving the emperor of 
the means of paying his army.* No writer 
has delineated the condition of the agricul- 
tural population of the Deccan ; but their 
sufferings from these prolonged and deso- 
lating wars must have been frightful. From 
them the circle of distress spread gradually 
but surely, until scarcity of food began to be 
felt even in the imperial camp, and was aggra- 
vated by the devastating effects of heavy 
rains. On one occasion, a sudden flood of 
the Beema inundated the imperial canton- 
ment during the night, and caused the de- 
struction of 12,000 persons, with horses, 
cattle, and stores beyond calculation. 

The contempt with which the Moguls 
once regarded the Mahrattas had long given 
place to dread; while the Mahrattas, on 
their part, began to see the emptiness of 
the pomp which surrounded the Great 
Mogill, and mocked the Mussulmans, by 
pretending to ejaculate devout aspirations 
for the prolonged life of their best patron, 

• Among the many letters extant, written by Au- 
lungzebe, are several addressed to Zulfikar Khan, 
desiring him to search for hidden treasures, and 
hunt out any that may have fallen into the hands 

Aurungzebe. The news from Hindoostan 
was of an increasingly-disheartening cha- 
racter; the Rajpoots were, for the most part, 
in open hostility, and their example had been 
followed by the Jats (a Hindoo people of 
the Soodra class), near Agra: against these, 
as also against a body of Sikhs at Muttra, 
it had been necessary to send a force under 
a prince of the blood. Zulfikar Khan, the 
chief Mogul general, being treated with 
irritating distrust by his sovereign, seems to 
have grown dilatory and indifferent, if, in- 
deed, the dark clouds which were gathering 
over the political horizon did not induce 
him, like other nobles, designedly to tem- 
porize with the foe. The princes — now fa- 
voured, now disgraced — turned pale when 
summoned to the presence of their father ;t 
while he, remembering the fate of Shah 
Jehan, trembled yet more at the semblance 
of overstrained humility than at open insu- 

At length overtures of peace were made 
to the Mahrattas, and Aurungzebe was 
brought to consent to the liberation of 
Shao, the son of Sumbajee, and to the pay- 
ment of ten per cent, of the whole revenues 
of the six soubahs of the Deccan (as Sur- 
deshmooki), on condition of the maintenance 
of a body of horse to keep order; but the 
negotiation was broken off by the exorbi- 
tant demands and overbearing conduct of 
the ^Mahrattas. Disgusted and unhappy, 
with dispirited troops and exhausted cattle, 
the aged emperor retreated from Beejapoor 
to Ahmednuggur, harassed all the way by 
the enemy, who succeeded in dispersing 
and destroying a portion of the grand army; 
and, had they chosen to hazard a general 
attack, would probably have captured the 
person of their inveterate foe. That no 
such attempt was made is a subject of fer- 
vent exultation with Mussulman writers. 
Aurungzebe gained Ahmednugger in safety; 
and, when pitching his camp on the same 
spot whence it had marched in so much 
pomp and power twenty years before, he 
sorrowfully remarked, that his campaigns 
were ended — his last earthly journey com- 
pleted. He had now entered the fiftieth 
year of his reign, and the eighty-ninth of his 
age ; but the extreme temperance and regu- 
larity which characterised his physical ex- 
istence, had preserved his faculties in an 

of individuals, that means may be afforded to 
silence " the infernal foot-soldiers," who were croak- 
ing like the tenants of an invaded rookery. 
1" Khafi Khan. — {Vide Elphinstone,vol.ii. p. 544.) 


extraordinary degree of perfection.* Yet to 
him, freedom from the imbecility frequently 
attendant on extreme age was rather a 
curse than a blessing. The few sands still 
remaining in his measure of life would, he 
feared, be rudely shaken by the ambition of 
his heirs, and, to avoid this danger, he made 
a last exertion of power by sending away 
his favourite son, Kaumbuksh, to Beejapoor, 
and preventing Mauzim (then in Cabool) or 
Azim (in Guzerat) from coming to Ahmed- 
nuggur. His own children could not be 
trusted to minister to their aged father, 
although, in this awful period, he seems to 
have had a newly-awakened yearning for 
human sympathy. Death was fast ap- 
proaching ; and what provision had he made 
for the stability of the empire, the welfare 
of the people, the salvation of his own soul ? 
After his decease, which took place in Feb- 
ruary, 1707, a willf was found beneath his 
pillow, decreeing the division of the empire 
among his sons : but he probably foresaw 
the little attention which would be paid to 
it, and might reasonably have adopted the 
saying of another crooked politician, "Apres 

* Khafi Khan says, " none of his five senses were 
at all impaired, except his hearing in a small degree ; 
but not so that others could perceive it." Aurung- 
zebe possessed, in perfection, what Lytton Bulwer, 
following a French proverb, calls the twin secrets for 
wearing well — " a bad heart and a good digestion." 

•r A previous will contained directions for his 
funeral, the expense of which was to be defrayed 
by a sum, equal to ten shillings, saved from the price 
of caps which he had made and sold : 805 rupees, 
gained by copying the Koran, were to be distributed 
among the poor. (Elphinstone's India,yo\. ii.,p.551.) 

X These remarkable and well-authenticated letters 
contain many characteristic and interesting pas- 
sages : for instance, " the camp and followers, help- 
less and alarmed, are like myself — full of affliction, 
restless as the quicksilver. The complaints of the 
unpaid troops are as before. • • » The fever 
has left me; but nothing of me remains but skin 
and bone. My back is bent with weakness; my 
feet have lost the power of motion. » • • I'he 
Begum [his daughter] appears afflicted ; but God is 
the only judge of hearts." To Kaumbuksh he says, 
" Odiporee, your mother, was a partner in my ill- 
ness, and wishes to accompany me in death ; but 
everything has its appointed time."— (Scott's History 
of the Deccmi, vol. i., pp. 8 and 9.) According to 
Tod, this lady was a princess, not of Oudipoor, but 
of Kishenghur, a minor division of Joudpoor. 

§ As in the Deccan, so also throughout Hindoos- 
tan, we can only form an idea of the condition of the 
mass of the people by an incidental remark, scattered 
here and there, amid many weary pages filled with 
details of invasion and slaughter, pomp and intrigue. 
The Mussulman writers were usually pensioners of 
the monarch, whose deeds they chronicled; the Hin- 
doo annalists were the bards of the leading families, 
of which they formed important and cherished mem- 
b»rs. Neither the one nor the other could be ex- 

moi le diluge." His subjects — at least the 
Mussulman portion — he commends to the 
care of his sons, in his farewell letters, as a 
charge committed to them by God himself; 
and then proceeds to give vent, in discon- 
nected sentences, to the terrible apprehen- 
sions before which his spirit shrank in dis- - 
may. " Wherever I look," writes the dying 
emperor, " I see nothing but the Deity. I 
know nothing of myself — wjiat I am — and 
for what I am destined. The instant whicli 
passed in power hath left only sorrow be- 
hind it. I have not been the guardian and 
protector of the empire," he adds, in the same 
tone of remorse rather than repentance. 
* * * "J have committed many crimes ; and 
know not with what punishments I may be 
seized. The agonies of death come upon me 
fast. Farewell ! farewell ! farewell !"{ 

It has been shown that, during the latter 
part of the reign of Aurungzebe, the empire 
was manifestly losing its coherent power. 
After his death, strife, luxury, and corrup- 
tion in the court; disorganization in the 
camp, and discontent among the people ;§ 

pected to rise above the class of mere annalists. 
To have given a true and lively picture of the actual 
state of the Indian population under Moslem rule, 
would have tasked to the utmost the intellect of a 
philosopher, the zeal of a pliilanthropist, the courage 
of a martyr. And to whom should an historian, 
thus richly gifted, havu addressed himself? Would 
either the degraded Hindoo or the sensual Moham- 
medan have cared to trace " the practical operation 
of a despotic government, and rigorous and san- 
guinary laws, or the efiect, upon the gre-at body of 
the nation, of these injurious influences and agen- 
cies." — (Preface to Elliot's Biblioffrapkical Index of 
Historians of Mohammedan India.) No ; for to 
Christianity alone belongs the high prerogative of 
teaching men to appreciate justly their rights, duties, 
and responsibilities. Even with her teaching, the 
lesson is one which nations are slow to learn. Con- 
cerning the reign of Aurungzebe, we know less than 
of many of his predecessors ; because he not only 
left no autobiography behind him, but even, for a 
considerable number of years, forbade the ordinary 
chronicling of events. Of the wretchedness pre- 
vailing among the people, and the indignation with 
which the imposition of the jezia was generally re- 
garded, a forcible representation is given in a letter, 
addressed by Raj Sing of Oudijjoor (wrongly attributed 
by Orme to Jeswunt Sing of Marwar) to Aurungzebe, 
in which he reminds him of the prosperity atten- 
dant on the mild conduct of Akber, Jehangeer, and 
Shah Jehan towards the Hindoos, and points out 
the opposite results of the present harsh measures, 
in the alienation of much territory, and the devasta- 
tion and rapine which universally prevailed. " Your 
subjects," he says, " are trampled under foot, and 
every province of your empire is impoverished ; de- 
population spreads, and difficulties accumulate. • • • 
The soldiery are murmuring ; the merchants com- 
plaining ; the Mohammedans discontented ; the Hin- 


fostered by the imposition of the jezia and 1 to pacify the weeping boy with caresses, 
excessive imposts upon land, grew apace, and promising to treat him as one of his own 
the power of the great Moguls crumbled into children, a pledge he faithfully redeemed, in 
ruins, its decay being hastened by the rapid | spite of the jealous insinuations of his own 

increase of the Mahratta nation; the struggles 
of the Rajpoots for independence ; the irrup- 
tion of the Sikhs ; and the desolating inva- 
sion of the Persian monarch. Nadir Shah. 
The career of the successors of Aurungzebe 
need be but briefly narrated, since their 
reigns are not of sufficient interest to occupy 
space which can be ill-spared from more 
important matters ; beside which, the leading 
events of the eighteenth century will again 
come into notice in sketching the marvellous 
rise of the English from humble traders to 
lords paramount of India. 

Bahadur Shah* — Prince Mauzim, the 
rightful heir to the throne, on receiving 
tidings of his father's decease, assumed the 
crown at Cabool with the title of Bahadur 
Shah, and offered to confirm to his brothers 
the territorial possessions bequeathed to them 
by Aurungzebe: viz., to Azim — Agra, with all 
the country to the south and south-west ; to 
Kaumbuksh — Beejapoor and Golconda. The 
generous and upright character of Bahadur 
Shah warranted belief in his good faith ; but 
Azim, who, on the death of the emperor, had 
hastened to the camp, from which he was 
not far distant, and caused himself to be 
proclaimed sovereign of the whole empire, 
could not be prevailed upon to retract this 
unwarrantable pretension. 

Despite the exhausted state of the king- 
dom, very large armies were assembled on 
both sides, and a sanguinary contest took 
place to the south of Agra, in which Prince 
Azim and his two grown-up sons were slain. 
The third, a child, was taken by the soldier 
who decapitated his father, as he lay sense- 
less in his howdah, and carried into the 
presence of the emperor, together with the 
bloody trophy of victory, the head of Azim. 
Bahadur Shah burst into tears, and strove 

doos destitute ; and multitudes of people, wretched 
even to the want of their nightly meal, are beating 
their heads throughout the day in want and destitu- 
tion. How can the dignity of the sovereign be pre- 
served who employs his power in exacting tribute 
from a people thus miserably reduced?" — (Orme's 
Historical Fragments of the Moyul Empire, p. 252.) 
Aurungzebe's persecution of his Hindoo subjects 
consisted in pecuniary exactions and systematic dis- 
couragement: they were excluded from office, their 
fairs and festivals forbidden, and even some of their 
temples destroyed; but bodily suffering was rarely, if 
ever, inflicted from mere bigotry; and capital punish- 
ments, for any offence whatever, were infrequent. 

sons. In this important battle the valour 
and ability of Monaim Khan, who had been 
Bahadur Shah's chief officer in Cabool, were 
very conspicuous. Concealing his own dan- 
gerous and painful wounds, he remained on 
the field till late at night to restore order 
and prevent plunder; and then, perfectly 
exhausted, was lifted from his elephant, and 
carried into the presence of the emperor, by 
whom he was appointed vizier. Zulfikar 
Khan and his father, Assud Khan, who had 
at first taken part with Prince Azim, quitted 
his camp, disgusted by hip arrogance, before 
the late engagement, of which they had 
remained spectators. On presenting them- 
selves with fettered hands before the emperor, 
they were gladly welcomed, and appointed to 
high positions. 

Prince Kaumbuksh, avain and flighty young 
man, persisted in refusing to acknowledge the 
supremacy of his elder brother, who, after 
repeated attempts at negotiation, which were 
rejected with scorn and defiance, marched 
against him to the Deccan, and was again 
victor in a battle near Hyderabad. Kaum- 
buksh died of his wounds the same day ; his 
children fell into the hands of their uncle, 
by whom they were treated as kindly as 
their orphan cousin.f The next important 
event was a truce with the Mahrattas, among 
whom internal dissensions had arisen, owing 
to the release of Shao (by Prince Azim, 
immediately after his father's death), and 
the disputed succession between him and the 
son of Tara Bye, whose claims, although an 
idiot, were actively upheld by his ambitious 
mother. The ascendancy of Shao was 
recognised by the Mogul government, and 
the chout, or fourth, of the revenues of the 
Deccan conceded to him. The Rajpoots 
were likewise permitted to make peace on 
very favourable terms. The territory cap- 

* Sometimes entitled Alum Shah Bahadur. 

t Eradut Khan, one of the many rebellious nobles, 
who, after the defeat of Azim, were freely pardoned, 
says, that the sons of the fallen princes were always 
permitted to appear fully armed before the em- 
peror, to accompany him dailv in the chase, and 
share in all his diversions. Seventeen princes— 
his sons, grandsons, and nephews, sat round his 
throne: the royal captives of Beejapoor and Gol- 
conda were likewise suffered to take their place im- 
mediately behind the royal princes ; and a crowd 
of the high nobility daily thronged " the platform 
between the silver rails."— (Scott's Deccan, vol. ii., 
p. 49.) 



tured from the rana of Oudipoor was restored, 
aud he became again independent in all but 
name. Ajeet Sing, the rajah of Marwar, 
and Jey Sing, of Jeypoor, appear to have 
obtained nearly similar advantages, but rather 
from necessity than good-will, since the em- 
peror was about to advance against them, 
when his attention was diverted by intelli- 
gence of the capture of Sirhind by the 
Sikhs. These people, from an inoffensive, 
religious sect, founded about the end of the 
fifteentli century by a Hindoo named 
Nanuk,* had been changed by persecution 
into fanatical warriors. When driven from 
the neiglibourhood of Lahore, which had 
been their original seat, they took refuge in 
the northern mountains, a.d. 1606, and 
there remained for nearly seventy years, 
until the accession of Guru Govind, the 
tenth spiritual chief from Nanuk. This 
leader conceived the idea of forming the 
Sikhs into a religious and military common- 
wealth. To increase their numbers, he 
abolished all distinction of caste, and all 
prohibitions regarding food or drink, except 
the slaughter of kine, which was strictly 
forbidden. Hindoo idols and Brahmins were 
to be respected, but the usual forms of 
worship were set aside. All converts were 
admitted to a perfect equality, and were 
expected to take a vow to fight for the 
cause, always to carry steel in some part of 
the person, to wear blue clothes, allow the 
head and beard to grow, and neither clip nor 
remove the hair on any part of the body. 

The Sikhs fought desperately, but were 
too few in number to accomplish the plans 
of resistance and revenge planned by Guru 
Govind, who, after beholding his strong- 
holds taken, his mother and children mas- 
sacred, his followers slain, mutilated, or 
dispersed, was himself assassinated by a 
private enemy. To his spiritual authority, 
as Guru, no successor was appointed. The 
temporal command of the infuriated Sikhs 
was assumed by a Hindoo ascetic, named 
Bandu, under whose leadership they overran 
the east of the Punjaub, and, true to their 

* The beauty of Nanuk, when a mere boy, attracted 
the attention of a learned and wealthy Seyed, who 
caused him to be educated and instructed in the 
doctrines of Islam. As he grew up, Nanuk extended 
his reading, collected maxims alike from the Koran 
and the Vedas, and endeavoured to unite Moham- 
medan and Hindoo doctrines on the basis of the 
unity of God. Converts flocked around him, taking 
the name of Sikhs {the instructed), and giving to 
their preceptor the name and authority of Guru 
{spiritual chief.) The doctrines of the sect Avere 

vengeful motto of unceasing enmity to 
the Mohammedans, not only destroyed the 
mosques and slaughtered the mooUahs, but 
massacred the population of whole towns, 
sparing neither age nor sex, and even dis- 
interring the bodies of the dead, and ex- 
posing them as food for carrion. The chief 
seat of these atrocities was Sirhind, which 
they occupied after defeating the governor 
in a pitched battle : they subsequently retired 
to the country on the upper course of the 
Sutlej, whence they made marauding in- 
cursions, extending to the neighbourhood of 
Lahore on the one side, and of Delhi on the 

Bahadur Shah marched against them in 
1711, and soon obliged them to take refuge 
in the hills, where they long continued to 
struggle against the imperial force. Bandu 
was at last shut up in a fort, which was 
strictly blockaded ; but the Sikhs continued 
the defence until large numbers perished of 
hunger, and then made a desperate sally, 
upon which the enemy took possession of 
the fort without further resistance ; but 
Bandu escaped through the self-devotion 
of one of his followers, by whom he was 
personated. t 

After this success, the emperor took his 
departure ; but the Sikhs had received only 
a temporary check; and their power was 
again in the ascendant, when Bahadur Shah 
expired suddenly at Lahore (not without 
suspicion of poison), in the seventy-first 
(lunar) year of his age, and the fifth of his 
reign, a.d. 1712. 

Jehandar Shah. — On the death of the 
emperor, a deadly' conflict commenced be- 
tween his four sons, in which three perished 
— the eldest ascending the throne, notwith- 
standing his well-known incapacity, by the 
aid of Zulfikar Khan, who had taken part 
with him from ambitious motives, hoping to 
govern absolutely under the name of vizier. 
All the princes of the blood, whose persons 
were within reach, were slain, to secure the 
authority of the new ruler. But this iniquity 
only served to heighten the hatred and disgust 

gradually embodied in sacred volumes called Orunths, 
and the Sikhs silently increased; until, in 1606, the 
Moslem government took offence at their leading 
tenet— that the form of worship offered to the- Deity 
was immaterial — and put to death their existing 
chief, whereupon the Sikhs took up arms under his 
son, Hur Govind. — (H. T. Prinscp's Sikh Power.) 

t Though struckby the generosity of the impostor, 
Bahadur is said to have nevertheless sent him pri- 
soner, in an iion cage, to Delhi, an act singularly at 
variance with his compassionate nature. 


excited by the pride and tyranny of Zulfikar 
Khan, and the vices and follies of his impe- 
rial froUgi, who lavished honours upon his 
favourite mistress (originally a public dancer), 
and promoted her relations, although, like 
herself, of a most discreditable class, to the 
highest dignities in the state. Dissatisfac- 
tion prevailed throughout the court, when 
tidings arrived that Teroksheer (the son of 
one of the fallen princes whom Jehandar 
had vainly striven to get into his power) 
had prevailed upon two Seyed* brothers, 
the governors of Behar and Allahabad, to 
espouse his cause ; and having, by their aid, 
assembled an army, was now marching to- 
ivards Agra. Jehandar and Zulfikar met the 
invaders, at the head of 70,000 men ; but, 
being defeated, the emperor fled in disguise 
to Delhi, and took refuge in the house of 
Assud Khan. The treacherous old man 
made him a prisoner, and persuaded Zulfikar 
(who arrived soon after, with the remaining 
troops) to make terms with the conqueror, 
by the surrender of their unfortunate master. 
The father and son then presented them- 
selves to Feroksheer, with fettered hands, as 
they had done to his grandfather, Bahadur 
Shah, some six years before, but with a very 
different result. Zulfikar and Jehandar 
were strangled with a leathern thong, after 
which their bodies were fastened to an ele- 
phant, and dragged through the leading 
thoroughfares of Delhi, followed by the 
wretched Assud Khan, and all the female 
members of his family, in covered carriages. 
Thus ended the nine months' sway of Je- 
handar Shah, A.D. 1713. 

'Feroksheer' s first act of sovereignty was 
to appoint the Seyed brothers to the highest 
offices in the empire — the elder, Abdullah 
Khan, being made vizier ; the younger, 
Hussein Ali, ameer ool omra, or com- 
mander-in-chief. He next proceeded to 
remove from his path, by the bow-string, 
such of the old nobility as might be disposed 
to combine against him ; and the same in- 

• Lineal descendants of Mohammed. 

t The mother of Feroksheer had taken a leading 
part in persuading the Seyed brothers, for the sake 
of her husband who had befriended them, to uphold 
her son ; and had sworn upon the Koran, that if they 
would do so, no plot should ever be formed against 
them, of which she, if cognizant, would not give them 
immediate information. This jjledge was conscien- 
tiously redeemed, and her timely warning more than 
once preserved their lives. — Vide Col. Briggs' revised 
translation of the Siyar-uUMutakherin — (Manners of 
the Moderns), a work comprising the history of the 
greater part of the eighteenth century, written in a 
very clear and interesting manner, by Mir Gholam 

strument was freely used among the remain- 
ing members of the royal family, including 
even his own infant brothers. These cruel- 
ties were sure indications of a .suspicious 
and cowardly nature ; and, as might be ex- 
pected, his distrust was soon excited against 
the very persons by whom he had been 
raised to the throne. The consequence was, 
that his whole reign was a continued, 
though long-disguised struggle with the two 
Seyeds, whose watchfulness and confidence 
in each other rendered them eventually 
victorious.f Feroksheer endeavoured to 
weaken, by dividing them ; and, for this end, 
sent Hussein against Ajeet Sing, of Marwar, 
to whom a private intimation was for- 
warded, that the emperor would be well- 
pleased by the defeat and death of his own 
general. The plot failed ; for the parties 
immediately concerned wisely consulted 
their mutual interest, by making a speedy 
peace, and Hussein returned to court, bear- 
ing with him the daughter of the rajah, to 
be the bride of his ungrateful sovereign. 
The nuptials were celebrated on a scale of 
extraordinary magnificence; but were no 
sooner terminated, than Hussein Ali was 
sent to the Dcccan, ostensibly to prosecute 
hostilities against the Mahrattas. Daud 
Khan Panni, an Afghan commander, re- 
nowned for reckless courage, received orders 
to join Hussein, and, under pretence of 
co-operation, to take the first opportunity of 
effecting his destruction. But the agent 
selected to carry this nefarious scheme into 
execution was ill-chosen. Daud Khan, 
though well-disposed to revenge the death 
of his old patron, Zulfikar Khan, J would 
not stoop to stab in the dark ; he therefore 
set the Seyed at defiance, engaged him as 
an open enemy, and, by the impetuosity of 
his charge, had nearly triumphed, when a 
ball pierced his brain, and at once changed 
the fortune of the day. Hussein Ali pro- 
ceeded to execute his commission against 
the Mahrattas, without openly attributing 

Hussein, a Delhi noble. Mr. St. George Tucker, late 
chairman of the East India Company, who met him 
repeatedly at Gya Behar, in 1786-7, alludes to him 
as " the finest specimen of a nobleman I had ever 
seen." — {Tucker's Life and Correspondence, edited 
by J. W. Kaye, vol. i., p. 40.) 

X Zulfikar Khan, on receiving the appointment^ of 
viceroy of the Dcccan, had been permitted to reside 
at court, leaving Daud Khan as his representative, 
or, as it was then termed, naik suhah-dar, deputy 
viceroy. He was himself succeeded, in 1713, by 
Cheen Kilioh Khan (afterwards well-known under 
the titles of Nizam-ool-Moolk and Asuf Jah), who 
was in turn removed by Hussein Ali. 


157 . 

to tlie emperor the opposition which he had 
encountered, and sent a strong detachment 
against a chief named Dabari, who had 
established a line of fortified villages in 
Candeish, and by his depredations on cara- 
vans, shut up the great road from Hiudoo- 
stan and the Deeean to Surat. While one 
portion of the imperial troops was thus 
employed, another was dispatched against 
the Sikhs, who had renewed their ravages 
with increased fury. Bandu was defeated, 
captured, and put to death in a most barba- 
rous manner, and a large number of his 
followers were slaughtered in cold blood.* 
Those who remained at large were hunted 
down like wild beasts, and a considerable 
time elapsed before they became again for- 
midable. In the Deccan the Moguls were 
less successful : the Mahrattas practised 
their usual tactics of evacuating assaulted 
positions, and leading their foes, by the oft- 
repeated expedient of a pretended flight, 
among hilly and broken ground, where they 
were easily separated and defeated in de- 
tail, many being cut to pieces, and others 
stripped of their horses, arms, and even 
clothes. This inauspicious campaign was 
at length brought to a discreditable con- 
clusion ; for Hussein Ali, determined at 
any cost to rejoin his brother at Delhi, 
made a treaty with Rajah Shao, acknow- 
ledging his claim to the whole of the terri- 
tory possessed by Sevajee, with the addition 
of later conquests, and authorising not only 
the levy of the chout, or fourth, over the 
whole of the Deeean, but also of surdesh- 
mooki,t or one-tenth of the remaining re- 
venue. In return, Shao was to pay a tribute 
of ten lacs of rupees; to furnish a contin- 

* The majority were executed on the field of 
battle ; but 740 were sent to Delhi, and after being 
paraded through the streets on camels, were be- 
headed on seven successive days, having firmly re- 
jected the ofl'er of life, on condition of belying their 
religious opinions. Bandu was exhibited in an iron 
cage, clad in a robe of cloth-of-gold and a scarlet 
turban : around him were the heads of his followers, 
fixed on pikes ; and even a dead cat was stuck up to 
indicate the extirpation of everything belonging to 
him. On his refusal to stab his own infant, the 
child was slaughtered before his eyes, and its heart 
forced into his mouth. The wretched father was then 
torn to pieces with hot irons, and died defying his 
persecutors, and exulting in the belief that he had 
been raised up to scourge the iniquity and oppres- 
sion of the age. — (Scott's History of the Deccan.) 

t The Desmookh, literally chief of the district, was 
Ml hereditary officer under the Hindoo government, 
who received a portion of the revenue in money or 
in kind ; " and," says General Briggs, " in the local 
or modern appellations of Dcssavi, Nat Gour, Na- 

gent of 16,000 horse; to preserve the tran- 
quillity of the country; and to be answerable 
for any loss occasioned by depredations, 
from whatever quarter. 

As Shao was at this time engaged in 
civil war, it was manifest that he could but 
very imperfectly perform his part of this 
extraordinary agreement, since a consider- 
able portion of the country recognised as 
his, was really in possession of the hostile 
party. Peroksheer refused to ratify the 
treaty ; but Hussein Ali gained his point, 
by returning to Delhi, where his presence 
was much needed by his brother, Abdullah 
Khan. This noble, though a man of talent, 
was indolent, and devoted to the pleasures of 
the seraglio; he therefore delegated the 
business of the vizierat almost wholly to 
his deputy, a Hindoo named Ruttun Chand, 
whose strict measures, arbitrary temper, and 
zeal for the Brahminical faith, aggravated 
the jealous feelings with which his adminis- 
tration was regarded by the Mussulman 
nobility. Of this state of affairs Peroksheer 
endeavoured to take advantage, by forming 
a combination of the chief persons to whom 
the vizier was known to have given offence. 
Among these were Jey Sing, of Jeypoor,J 
Cheen Kilich Khan, and others of impor- 
tance, who entered warmly into the matter; 
but the irresolution and timidity of the 
emperor, together with the continued pre- 
ference which he evinced, even at this 
critical period, for incapable and profligate 
advisers, disgusted and disheartened the 
nobles who were inclined to take part with 
him, and all except Jey Sing deserted his 
cause, § and made their peace with the 
vizier, from whom Cheen Kilich Khan re- 

tumkur, Naidu, Dessye, Desmookh, and Zemindar, 
we recognise the same person, from Ceylon to Cash- 
mere, to the present day." — (Note to Siyar-ul-Mutak- 
herin, p. 146.) It was as compensation for an 
hereditary claim of this description, purchased by 
Shahjee, that his son Sevajee stipulated with Au- 
rungzebe for certain assignments on the Beejapoor 
reveniieasearly as 16G6. — (Grant Dufl', vol. i.,p. 497.) 

X This chieftain had been employed against the 
Jats, whom, after a long course of operations, he 
had succeeded in reducing to extremities ; when the 
vizier opened a direct negotiation with them, in a 
manner considered very derogatory to the honour 
of the Rajpoot general. The cause of offence to 
Cheen Kilich Khan was his removal from the vice- 
royalty of the Deccan to the petty government of 
Moradabad.— (Elphinstone's India', \o\. ii., p. 580.) 

§ In marching through Amber, Hussein Ali, to 
punish the fidelity of Jey Sing to the emperor, 
gave full scope to the rapacity of the soldiery, who 
ravaged the land and carried away many persons, of 
both sexes, into captivity. — {Siyar-ul-Mutakherin.) 


ceived large promises of increased rank and 
influence, in return for co-operation against 
Peroksheer, whose doom was now sealed by 
the arrival of Hussein Ali, at the head of an 
army devoted to him, and strengthened by 
10,000 Mahrattas. Hussein immediately 
demanded the dismissal of Jey Sing to his 
own principality. Feroksheer complied, and 
strove to deprecate the vengeance of his 
enemies by the most abject submission, 
giving no encouragement to the few nobles 
who were still inclined to take part with 
him. All was gloom and uncertainty, when 
the townspeople suddenly rose against the 
Mahrattas, upon which the Seyeds, taking 
advantage of the disturbance, marched into 
the city, forcibly occupied the palace, and 
wrung by torture, from the women of the 
seraglio, a knowledge of the hiding-place of 
the unhappy emperor, who was seized, flung 
into a dark closet, and soon afterwards put 
to death in a cruel and insulting manner. 
The body was then buried in that general 
receptacle for the murdered princes of the 
house of Timur — the sepulchre of Hu- 
mayun : but the people evinced an un- 
looked-for degree of grief; and of the needy 
multitude who followed the funeral proces- 
sion, no one could be induced to accept the 
money brought for distribution, or partake 
of the victuals prepared in conformity to 
custom. Three days afterwards a number 
of poor persons assembled at the place where 
the corpse had been washed and perfumed, 
according to Mussulman rites, and having 
distributed a large quantity of food, sent for 
several readers of the Koran, with whom 
they passed the whole night in tears and 
lamentations, separating in the morning in 
an orderly manner. 

" Oh, wonderful God ! " exclaims Khafi 
Khan, in concluding the above narration, 
" how did thy Divine justice manifest 
itself in the several events of this revolu- 
tion ! Feroksheer, in his days of power, 
had strangled his own brothers, yet in their 
tender years : he had murdered numbers of 
innocent persons, and blinded others ; and 
he was, therefore, destined to sufler all these 
cruelties before he was permitted to die : 
he was doomed to experience, from the 

• Vide Siyar-ul-Mutahherin, vol. i., p. 193. From 
using such language respecting two Seyeds, Khafi 
Khan was evidently a Sonnite or Sunni (see note to 
p. 62) ; and disputes between this sect and the 
Sheiahs had risen to an alarming height during the 
late reign, a violent affray having taken place be- 
tween them in the capital. In Ahraedabad, a still 
more serious contest, in which many lives were lost, 

hands of strangers, all those agonies which 
others had suflered at his. Nor did the two 
brothers escape the day of retribution, or 
go themselves unpunished : in a little time 
they met with that same usage which they 
had inflicted on others."* 

During their remaining tenure of pros- 
perity, the Seyeds exercised unlimited power. 
Upon the deposition of Feroksheer, a sickly 
prince of the blood-i-oyal was brought forth 
from the seraglio, and crowned under the 
name of Rafi-ed-derjut. He died of con- 
sumption in little more than three months, 
and his younger brother, Rafi-ed-dowlah, 
being set up in his stead, fell a victim to 
the same disease in a still shorter period. 

Mohammed Shah was the title bestowed 
by " the king-makers" on Roshen-aJrhter, 
grandson to Bahadur Shah, whom they 
raised to the throne on the death of Rafi-cd- 
dowlah. This prince, now in his eighteenth 
year, had been educated, like his predeces- 
sors, in enervating seclusion; but he pos- 
sessed an able counsellor in his mother, who 
enjoined the most unhesitating acquiescence 
with the will of his imperious protectors, 
until the time should arrive when he might 
safely defy their anger. The desired oppor- 
tunity was not long in presenting itself. 
The decease of the two pageant emperors 
so soon after the murder of Feroksheer 
(although really not the interest of the 
Seyeds, but the reverse), had served to 
deepen the distrust and dislike with which 
they were generally regarded ;t and in Alla- 
habad, Boondi, and the Punjaub, efforts 
were made to take advantage of a govern- 
ment which was daily becoming weaker. 
In Cashmere, a furious contest took place 
between the Hindoos and Mussulmans, pro- 
voked by the persecuting and insulting con- 
duct of the latter, in which some thousand 
lives and much property were destroyed 
before the authorities could restore tran- 
quillity. But the most important event of 
this period was the revolt of Cheen Kilich 
Khan, the governor of Malwa. This chief, 
whose descendants were the famous NizamsJ 
of the Deccan, is better known by his titles 
of Nizam-ool-Moolk or Asuf Jah, by which 
he will henceforth be indiscriminately 

had occurred between the Hindoos and the Mussul- 
mans, in which the governor (Daud Khan Panni) 
took part with the former. 

t Rqfi-ed-derjut was said to have been poisoned 
for attempting to contravene the will of the Seyeds. 

X Nijam-ool-Moolk, signifies regulator of the state , 
" the Nizam," though scarcely a correct expression, is 
commonly used by European writers to this day. 



termed. His father, a Turk, had been a 
favourite officer with Aurungzebe, under 
whom he had himself served with distinc- 
tion. The waywardness of Feroksheer had 
induced him to take part with the Seyeds, 
from whom he received the government of 
!Malvva ; but their evident weakness tempted 
his ambition, and induced him to levy 
troops, and attempt the establishment of an 
independent power in the Deccan. March- 
ing to the Nerbudda, he obtained possession 
of the fortress of Aseerghur, by the simple 
expedient of furnishing the garrison their 
two years' arrears of pay ; the citadel of Boor- 
hanpoor was acquired in a somewhat similar 
manner; and many Deccani officers, both 
Mussulman and Mahratta, joined the in- 
vader. Two armies were dispatched against 
him from Malwa and Aurungabad; but Asuf 
Jah, knowing the impetuous character of 
one of the commanders (Dilawur Khan), 
drew him into an engagement before he 
could be supported by his colleague. Alum 
Ali (a nephew of the two Seyeds) ; and both 
forces were separately engaged and defeated, 
with the loss of their respective leaders. 

Much alarm was created at Delhi by the 
tidings of these disasters; and a violent 
earthquake, which occurred about this time, 
deepened the gloom of the political horizon. 
The usurping Ijrothers shared the general 
feeling; and the young emperor, though 
closely watched, began to form plans of de- 
liverance from his wearisome tutelage, being 

■ aided in this perilous enterprise by a noble- 
man, named Mohammed Ameen Khan, 
with whom he conversed in Turki, a lan- 
guage unknown to the Indian, Seyeds. A 
party was seCretly formed, in which the 
second place was occupied by Sadut Khan, 
originally a merchant of Khorasan, who had 
risen to a military position, and eventually 
became the progenitor of the kings of Oude. 
These combinations were not unsuspected 
by the brothers, between whom it was at 

I length resolved that the younger, Hussein 
Ali, should march against Asuf Jah, carry- 
ing with him the emperor and certain no- 
bles, leaving Abdullah at Delhi to watch 
over their joint interests. Shortly after 

• He appears to have been poisoned ; hut popu- 
lar helief assigned a different cause for his death.. 
An impostor, named Nemud, had established 
himself at Delhi, and promulgated a new scripture, 
written in a language of his own invention, framed 
from those spoken in ancient Persia, and had founded 
a sect, of which the teachers were called Bekooks, 
and the disciples, Feraboods. The Influence of the 
new ])retender increased. His proceedings induced 

their separation, Hussein AU was stabbed 
in his palanquin while reading a petition 
presented to him by the assassin (a Calmuck 
of rank), who immediately fell under the 
daggers of the attendants, a.d. 1720. Ab- 
dullah, on learning his brother's death, set 
up a new emperor, and hastily assembling a 
large but ill-disciplined force, marched 
against Mohammed Shah, who had now 
assumed the reins of government. Chora- 
man, chief or rajah of the Jats (vrhose num- 
ber and influence had thriven amid the 
general disorganisation), joined the vizier, 
while Jey Sing sent 4,000 men to reinforce 
Mohammed, who was further strengthened 
by some chiefs of the Rohilla Afghans, 
a tribe now rapidly rising into importance. 
The armies met between Delhi and Agra, a 
cruel signal being given for the commence- 
ment of the conflict. Ruttun Chand hav- 
ing been seized immediately after the murder 
of Hussein Ali, was severely beaten and kept 
in chains until the day dawned on which 
the decisive encounter was to take place. 
Then, when " the trumpets sounded and the 
heralds had published three times, as usual, 
that courage in war is safer than cowardice," 
the prisoner was decapitated, and his body 
fastened to the elephant on which Ma- 
hommed Shah sat, in the centre of his 
troops, throughout the whole of the ensuing 
day and night, which the contest occupied. 
Abdullah Khan was at length defeated and 
made prisoner, having received several se- 
vere wounds, of which he died in the course 
of a few months. Mohammed Shah entered 
Delhi in triumph : the empress-mother re- 
ceived him at the entrance of the haram, 
bearing a basin filled with gems and new 
coins, which she poured over his head, as a 
" wave-offering" of joy and thanksgiving. 
The puppet-prince, crowned by Abdullah 
Khan, was sent back to his former seclusion, 
happy in thus escaping punishment for the 
part which he had been made to bear in the 
late events. Mohammed Ameen Khan be- 
came vizier, but had scarcely entered upon 
the duties of his office, before he was taken 
ill, and died, after a few hours of extreme 
agony.* Asuf Jah was appointed as his 

Ameen to issue orders for his apprehension ; but be- 
fore they could be executed, the vizier was taken 
ill, and his alarmed family, believing the wrath of 
Nemud to be the cause of this sudden attack, en- 
deavoured, by gifts and entreaties, to avert his ven- 
geance ; but could obtain no other answer than — ■ 
that the arrow being shot, could not be recalled. 
He was, nevertheless, left undisturbed, and died 
about three years after. — (Siyar-id-Mutakherin.) 


successor,* it being hoped that his abilities 
might prop up the falling monarchy. He 
did not, however, choose to leave the Dec- 
can until his arrangements with the Mah- 
rattas should be placed ou a satisfactory 
footing. Meanwhile Mohammed was left to 
make his own terms with Ajeet Sing, whom 
he had offended by breaking his secret 
pledge, that as the reward of the rajah's 
neutrality, with' regard to the Seyeds, he 
should receive the government of Ajmeer, 
in addition to that of Guzerat, which he 
already possessed. But the hour of peril 
having passed, its engagements were forgot- 
ten; not only was Ajmeer withheld, but 
Ajeet Sing was removed from Guzerat, upon 
which, assembling a large army of Rajpoots, 
he occupied Ajmeer, plundered Narnol, and 
marched within fifty miles of Delhi, the 
emperor being at length glad to compromise 
the matter by confirming him in the posses- 
sion of Ajmeer. This happened at the close 
of 1731 : in the beginning of the following 
year, Asuf Jah arrived in Delhi, and beheld 
with dismay the shameless dissipation which 
prevailed there. Corruption and intrigue 
.were venial sins, if not necessary expedients, 
in the sight of a diplomatist brought up at 
the court of Aurungzebe; but indolence and 
sensuality were vices of a class which Asuf 
Jah held in well-merited abhorrence. It 
would seem as if the emperor had by this 
time cast off the salutary influence of his 
mother, since, among the circumstances 
that excited the stern reprobation of the 
vizier, was that of the royal signet being 
entrusted to the cave of a favourite mistress, 
who accumulated a large fortune by means 
of the petitions she was suffered to carry 
within the seraglio. The dissolute com- 
panions of the young monarch cordially 
reciprocated the dislike of the minister, and, 
from mimicking the antiquated dress and 
formal manners of "the old Deccani ba- 
boon," as they insolently termed him, soon 
began to form serious conspiracies, which, 
he perceiving, quitted Delhi on pretence of 
a hunting excursion, and then sent in his 
resignation of the vizierat. Returning to 
the Deccan, he assumed the full powers of 
an independent ruler ; still, however, affect- 
ing to recognise the supremacy of Moham- 
med Shah, who, with equal duplicity, re- 
turned this empty compliment, by conferring 
on him the highest titles that could be held 
by a subject; but, at the same time, sent 

* Asuf Jah signifies " in place and rank, as Asuf," 
who is supposed to have been Solomon's vizier. 

secret orders to Mubariz Khan, the local 
governor of Hyderabad, to endeavour to 
dispossess Asuf Jah, and assume the vice- 
royalty of the Deccan. Mubariz perished 
in the attempt ; and Asuf Jah, not to be out- 
done in dissimulation, sent his head to the 
emperor, with presents and congratulations 
on the suppression of the rebellion. Then, 
fixing his abode at Hyderabad, he strove to 
secure himself against the aggression of 
the Mahrattas, by various manoeuvres, alter- 
nately endeavouring to direct their efforts 
against the Delhi court, or fomenting their 
own internal divisions. Considerable changes 
had taken place since the reign of Bahadur 
Shah. The idiot son of Tara Bye died in 
1713, and a party set up the claims of 
Sumba, a child of the younger widow of 
Rajah Ram. In the struggle between the 
cousins, Shao acquired the superiority by 
the favour of the Moguls, and maintained 
it through the abilities of his minister, 
Balajee Wiswanath (the founder of the 
Brahmin dynasty of Peishwas), who, shortly 
before his death, in 1720, obtained from 
Mohammed Shah a ratification of the 
treaty made with Hussein Ali Khan in 
1717. Chout and surdeshmooki being 
thus made legal claims, Balajee demanded, 
ou account of the former, one-fourth of the 
standard assessment fixed by Todar Mul 
and Malek Amber ; but, as of this only a 
small portion could now be realised from 
the exhausted country, the best that could 
be done was to secure at least 35 per cent, 
of the actual receipts. The latter claim, 
styled the rajah's wutun, or inheritance, 
it suited both the foreign and domestic 
policy of the Mahrattas to keep undefined; 
" but," says Grant Duff, " one system in 
practice — that of exacting as much as they 
could, was as simple as it was invariable."t 
The revenue thus acquired was parcelled 
out by Balajee in assignments on various 
districts, and distributed among different 
chiefs, in such a manner as to give each an 
interest in the increase of the general stock, 
while to none was allotted a compact pro- 
perty calculated to tempt its holder into 
forming plans of independence. This was 
the general rule; but some Mahrattas 
were already landed proprietors, and others 
were occasionally permitted to become so. 
The complicated state of affairs which natu- 
rally resulted from the above arrangements, 
rendered the illiterate chiefs more than ever 
dependent on their carcoons, or Brahmin 
t History of the Mahrattas, vol. i., p. 454. 


clerks.* The power of the peishwas grew with 
that of their caste ; and from being secondt 
in the counsels of the rajah, they became 
paramount even over their nominal master, 
to which result, tlie talents and energy of Ba- 
jee Rao, the son and successor of Balajee, 
greatly contributed. This remarkable man 
united to the enterprise and vigour of a 
Mahratta chief J the polished manners and 
address which frequently distinguish the 
Brahmins of the Concan. He saw clearly 
that the predatory hordes, so useful in an 
enemy's country, would prove ungovernable 
at home ; and, therefore, urged their imme- 
diate employment in invading the northern 
provinces. Shao hesitated : brought up in 
a Mussulman seraglio, he had retained little 
of the restless spirit of his countrymen ; but 
when Bajee Rao pointed out the weakness 
of the Mogul empire, adding, " now is our 
time to drive strangers from the land of 
the Hindoos — let us strike at the trunk of 
the withering tree, the branches must fall 
of themselves," the rajah, roused to enthu- 
siasm by the prophecy that his standard 
should fly from the Kistna to the Attock, 
exclaimed — " You shall plant it on the 
Himalaya, noble son of a worthy father." § 
These ambitious projects were materially 
forwarded by the disputes between the 
emperor and Asuf Jah. The latter, while 
vizier, had obtained possession of the go- 
vernment of Guzerat ; but was deprived of 
it, as also of Malwa, after his return to the 

• " Bajee Rao," says Grant DufF, " had not leisure 
to attend to detail or arrangement; the minute 
divisions which were made of the revenues ceded by 
the Moguls, served to provide hundreds of Brahmin 
carcoons with bread ; and every one interpreted the 
amount of his own or his master's claims to Surdesh- 
mooki, Baptee, Mokassa, &c.; rather according to his 
power to enforce his demands, than his ability to 
prove their justice." — (Vol. i., p. 568.) 

t The prithee nidkee, or representative of the 
rajah, took rank above the eight ministers or purcl- 
hans, of whom the peishwa was the chief; and Bajee 
Rao long found a troublesome rival in Sreeput Rao, 
the prithee nidhee, whose influence with the rajah 
frequently obliged the peishwa to return to Sattara 
while engaged in distant expeditions, lest his power 
should be undermined through prolonged absence. 

J During his first campaign against Bajee Rao, 
the nizam, desiring to form an idea of the person 
of his opponent, desired a famous painter in his 
service to proceed to the hostile army, and take the 
likeness of its leader, in whatever attitude he might 
be first seen. The result was a sketch of the hand- 
some figure of the peishwa, mountbd, with the head 
and heel-ropes of his horse in its feeding-bag, his 
spear resting on his shoulder, and both hands em- 
ployed in rubbing some ears of ripening grain (the 
common Jnowaree), which he ate as he rode. 

§ Duff's Mahratlas, vol. i., p. 48(5. 

Deccan. In Guzerat, Hameed Khan (AsuPs 
uncle and deputy) resisted the occupation 
of the newly-appointed governor, Sirbuland 
Khan, and called in the aid of the Mah- 
rattas (a.d. 1725), giving, in return, the 
chout and surdeshmooki of the country 
under him, which grant, Sirbuland Khan, 
though victorious over Hameed, was even- 
tually obliged to confirm. || Bajee Rao, 
about the same time, made incursions into 
Malwa, entrusting the chief commands to 
the afterwards famous leaders, Puar, Holcar, 
and Sindia.*f 

The nizam (Asuf Jah), beheld with 
alarm the growing power of the peishwa, 
which he strove to undermine in various 
ways. But secret plots and open hostility 
alike failed;** and fearing that the emperor 
might be disposed to revenge his insubordi- 
nation, by transferring the viceroyalty to his 
powerful foe, he changed his policy, and 
made overtures to Bajee Rao, whicli pro- 
duced the mutual good understanding neces- 
sary to the immediate plans of both parties. 

The presence of the peishwa was now 
needed for the support of the Mahratta 
interest in Guzerat, the court of Delhi 
liaving refused to ratify the grant made by 
Sirbuland Khan, who had been dismissed 
from the government, and forcibly expelled 
by his successor, Abhi Sing, rajah of Joud- 
poor, the unnatural son of the brave Ajeet 
Sing.ft Pilajee Guicowar (the ancestor of 
the family still ruling in Guzerat) repre- 

11 In 1729, he granted deeds, ceding ten per cent. 
(surdeshmooki) of the whole revenue, both on the 
land and customs, with the exception of the port of 
Surat and the district around it ; together with one- 
fourth (chout) of the whole collections on the land and 
customs, excepting Surat; and five per cent, on the 
revenues of the city of Ahmedabad. — (Grant Duff's 
Historji of the Mahrattas, vol. i., p. 514.) 

^ Udajee Puar was a chief before his connection 
with the peishwa. Mulhar Rao Holcar was a shep- 
herd on the Neera, south of Poona ; and Sindia, 
though of a respectable family, near Sattara, had 
acted as a menial servant to Bajee Rao. 

•• The nizam first affected to doubt whether the 
money due from his revenues was to be paid to Shao 
or Sumba ; but this question was decided by the 
treaty which the latter was compelled to sign, ac- 
cepting, in lieu of all other claims, a tract of country 
round Kolapoor, bounded on the west by the sea. 
Asuf Jah next allied himself with a powerful leader, 
named Dhabari (the hereditary tenaputee, or com- 
mander-in-chief), who had mainly assisted in the esta- 
blishment of Mahratta power in Guzerat, and viewed 
with envy the paramount sway of Bajee Rao. 
Dhabari assembled an army of 35,000 men, and 
marched against the peishwa, by whom he was de- 
feated and slain, A.D. 1731. 

tt Ajeet Sing refusing to sanction the nefarious 
schemes of the two Seyeds, they sent for his son, and 


sented the rights or claims of the Mahrattas 
ill that district j and Abhi Sing, finding him 
a formidable adversary, procured his removal 
by assassination. This crime roused the in- 
dignation of the countrymen of the deceased: 
his son and brother appeared in great force ; 
the hill tribes of Bheels and Coolies flocked 
round their standard ; and, beside throwing 
the whole province into confusion, made a 
sudden in-uption into the hereditary domi- 
nions of the Rajpoot governor, who, leaving 
a very inefficient deputy in Guzerat, with- 
drew to defend his own principality. In 
Malwa, the fortune of the Moguls was 
equally on the decline : Bajee Rao invaded 
it in person in 1 733, and, taking advantage 
of the hostility between Mohammed Khan 
Bungush, the viceroy of Malwa and Allaha- 
bad,* and the rajah of Bundelcund, whose 
territory lay between those two provinces, 
made common cause with the latter, and 
succeeded in expelling the imperial governor. 
The Bundelcund rajah, in return for this 
co-operation, ceded the territory of Jausi, 
on the Jumna, to the peishwa, and, at his 
death, bequeathed to him certain rights in 
"Bundelcund, which paved the way to the 
occupation of the whole of that country 
by the Mahrattas. Rajah Jey Sing II., of 
Amber, was now made viceroy of Malwa. 
This prince, so celebrated for munificence, 
learning, and love of science,t does not 
seem to have inherited the Rajpoot passion 
for war. He considered it hopeless to 
oppose the partition of the empire, and, 
therefore, surrendered the province to the 
peishwa (a.d. 1734), with the tacit con- 
currence of Mohammed Shah, on whose 
behalf it was still to be held. By this 
conduct, Jey Sing is said, by his own coun- 
trymen, " to have given the key of Hin- 
doostan to the Southron ;" but it is certain 
that he strove to curb the excesses of the 
Mahrattas, whose power and influence con- 
tinued to increase during the two following 

informed him that the deposition and death of his 
father were the only means of averting the destruc- 
tion of Marwar. 15y the offer of the indejjendent 
sovereignty of Nagore, Abhi Sing prevailed on his 
younger brother, Bukht Sing, to murder their 
father, who was stabbed while sleeping. The mother 
of these parricidal sons burnt herself with her hus- 
band's body ; and no less than eighty-four persons 
shared her fate ; for, says Tod, " so much was Ajeet 
beloved, that even men devoted themselves on his 
pyre." — {Rajast'han, vol. i., p. 745.) 

* Mohammed Khan threw himself into a fort, and 
was almost driven to surrender at discretion, when 
his wife sent her veil (the strongest appeal to Afghan 
honour) to her countrymen in Rohilcund; and by 

years, at the expiration of which Bajee Rao, 
after a short interval spent in arranging the 
internal aff'airs of the Deccan, again took 
up the negotiation, and demanded, as the 
price of peace, a jaghire, comprising no- 
thing less than the whole province of Malwa, 
and all the country south of the Chumbul, 
together with the holy cities of Muttra, 
Allahabad, and Benares. As the Mah- 
rattas, like many other diplomatists, inva- 
riably began by demanding much more than 
they expected to obtain, the emperor tried 
to pacify them by minor concessions, in- 
cluding authority to levy tribute on the 
Rajpoots, and to increase that already 
legalised on the territories of Asuf Jah. 
This permission had the doubtless desired 
efl^ect on the mind of the nizam. Be- 
coming seriously alarmed by the rapid pro- 
gress of his allies, he thought he had carried 
his policy of weakening the Moguls too far, 
and listened gladly to the solicitations of 
Mohammed Shah, who, overlooking his 
reliellious conduct, now earnestly desired his 
assistance. The courtiers, likewise, chang- 
ing their tone, began to reckon upon the 
advice of the nizam as that of " an old 
wolf who had seen much bad weather." 
Asuf Jah was yet deliberating how to act, 
when Bajee Rao marched towards the 
capital, sending a detachment of light troops, 
under Holcar, to ravage the country beyond 
the Jumna. Sadut Khan, the governor of 
Oude, advanced to the defence of the ad- 
joining province; and the clieck given by 
this spirited proceeding was magnified into a 
decided victory, the report of which occa- 
sioned excessive rejoicing at Delhi, and so 
galled Bajee Rao, that avoiding the army 
sent out to meet him, he advanced at the 
rate of forty miles daily, being resolved, as 
he said, to prove to the emperor that he 
had not been expelled from Hindoostan by 
showing him flames and Mahrattas at the 
gates of the capital. J As his object was, 

means of the volunteers thus assembled, her husband 
was rescued and escorted to Allahabad. ( Scott, vol. ii.) 

f This prince occupied the gadi, or cushion of 
Amber, for forty-four years. When dismissed by 
Feroksheer {see p. 158), he retired to his hereditary 
dominions, devoting himself to the study of asti-onomy 
and history. He built the city of Jeypoor ; erected 
observatories, furnished with instruments of his own 
invention, at Delhi, Jeypoor, Oojein, Benares, and 
Mat'hura, upon a scale' of Asiatic grandeur ; and 
caused Euclid's Elements, the Treatises on Plain and 
Spherical Trigonometry, and Napier on the Consir.uc- 
tion and Use of Logarithms, to be translated into 
Sanscrit. — [Rajast'han, vol. ii., p. 358.) 

t Duff's Mahrattas. vol. i., n. 532. 



however, to intimidate rather than pro- 
voke, he exerted every effort to prevent 
the devastation of the suburbs by his troops, 
and, for this purpose, drew off to some 
distance from the city. This movement 
being attributed to fear, induced the Moguls 
to make a sally ; but they were driven back 
with heavy loss. The approach of the im- 
perial forces, and also of Sadut Khan, warned 
Bajee Rao of the necessity of making good 
his retreat to the Deccan, which the nizam 
quitted some months later for Delhi, tempted 
by the promise not only of the vizierat, but 
also of the viceroyalty of Malwa and Guzerat, 
provided he could expel the Mahrattas. 

With an army of about 34,000 men under 
his personal command, supported by a fine- 
train of artillery and a reserve, the nizam 
advanced to Seronje against his formidable 
foes, while Bajee Rao crossed theNerbudda at 
the head of a nominally-superior force. Tliis 
circumstance, added perhaps to reliance on 
his artillery, led Asuf Jah, with character- 
istic caution, to establish himself in a strong 
position close to the fort of Bhopal, and 
there await the enemy. But he ought to 
have been better acquainted with Mahratta 
tactics. Seldom formidable in pitched bat- 
tles, they gladly avoided a decisive encounter, 
and resorted to their usual plans of laying 
waste the surrounding country, intercepting 
all communication, and attacking every de- 
tachment that ventured beyond the lines. 
Dispirited by watching and privation, many 
of the nizara's troops were inclined to desert ; 
but Bajee Rao gave them no encouragement, 
well knowing, that so long as the blockade 
could be secured, the greater the numbers 
the greater their straits. After the lapse of 
a month or six weeks, Asuf Jah, straitened 
for supplies, and completely cut off from the 
reserve force, attempted a retreat northward, 
under cover of his powerful artillery, but 
was so harassed by the Mahrattas as to be 
compelled to come to terms, and agree, on 
condition of being suffered to pursue his 
humiliating march unmolested, to give up 
Malwa, with the complete sovereignty of all 
the country from the Nerbudda to the Chum- 
bul, solemnly engaging to use his best en- 

* " I tried hard," says Bajee Rao, in a letter to 
his brother, " to get something from the nabob him- 
self ; but this I scarcely expected. I recollected his 
unwillingness to part with money when I entered on 
an agreement to assist him ;" alluding to their com- 
pact six years before. — (Buff, vol. i., p. 542.) 

t T}u! Wonderful being used as a title of the 
Divinity. The father of Nadir Kooli belonged to 
the Turki tribe of Afshar, and earned his livelihood 

deavours to procure from the emperor a 
confirmation of this cession, together with 
a payment of fifty lacs of rupees (£500,000), 
to defray the peishwa's expenses.* Ba- 
jee Rao proceeded to occupy the territory 
thus acquired ; but before the decision of the 
emperor could be pronounced, an event oc- 
curred which, for the time, threw into the 
shade the internal dissension that mainly 
contributed to bring upon unhappy Hin- 
doostan so terrible a visitation. 

Invasion of Nadir Shah. — The last men- 
tion made of Persia was the circumstance 
of the intended hostilities between Shah 
Abbas II. and Aurungzebe being broken off 
by the death of the former monarch in 1666. 
Since then, great changes had occurred. 
The Saffavi, or Sophi dynasty, after a dura- 
tion of two centuries, had fallen into a state 
of weakness and decay ; and Shah Hussein, 
the last independent sovereign of that race, 
was defeated and deposed by Mahmood, the 
leader of the Afghan tribe of Ghiljeis, who 
usurped the throne of Persia, a.d. 1722. 
Two years (spent in the unsparing destruc- 
tion of the wretched Persians, whose nume- 
rical superiority was their worst crime in 
the eyes of their barbarous conquerors) ter- 
minated the career of Mahmood : he died 
raving mad, and w^s succeeded by his 
nephew, Ashruf. The new king resisted 
successfully the assaults of the Russians 
and Turks, who entered into a confederacy i 
for dismembering Persia, the western pro- 
vinces of which were to be appropriated by ; 
the Porte; the northern, as far as the Araxes, 
by Peter the Great. The death of the czar 
relieved Ashruf from these difficulties ; but 
a more formidable foe arose in the person j 
of Prince Tahmasp, the fugitive son of Shah j 
Hussein, whose claims were supported by a 
freebooting chief, already widely celebrated 
as a daring and successful leader, under the 
name of Nadir Kooli, slave to the Won- 
derful.-^ On entering the service of the 
prince, this designation was exchanged for 
that of Tahmasp Kooli Khan, the lord who 
is slave to Tahmasp; but when, after some 
severe struggles, the Afghans had been ex- 
pelledjf this nominally-devoted adherent, 

by making coats and caps of sheep-skins : his famous 
son was born in Khorasan, in 1688. An uncle of 
Nadir Kooli's, who appears to have been at the head 
of a small branch of the Afshars, was governor of 
the fort of Kelat ; but, having quarrelled with his 
turbulent nephew, fell a victim to his resentment, 
Nadir Kooli slaying him with his own hand. 

X Ashruf was murdered by a Beloochee chief, be- 
tween Kerman and Candahar, in 1729. 


finding his master disposed to exercise the 
prerogatives of royal ty,fouiid means to depose 
tim, and place his infant sou on the throne, 
usurping the sole authority under the name 
of regent. Repeated victories over the Turks, 
ending in a treaty of peace with both Turkey 
and Russia, rendered this soldier of fortune 
so popular in Persia, that he felt the time arrived to. give free rein to ambition. 
The boy-king died opportunely at Ispahan ; 
aud Nadir, assembling the army and the 
leading persons in the empire, to the num- 
ber of 100,000, in the spacious plain of 
Mogham, bade them choose a ruler. They 
named him unanimously ; upon which he, 
after a hypocritical declaration that he 
looked upon the voice of the people as 
the voice of God, and would therefore abide 
by their decision, although it contravened 
his own intention in calling them together, 
accepted the crown, on condition of the 
general renunciation of the Sheiah doc- 
trine and the establishment of that of the 
Sunnis, or Sounites, throughout Persia. 
This proviso was evidently designed for 
the purpose of eradicating any lingering 
■ regret from the public mind regarding the 
Saffavis, who had ever been the champions 
of the Sheiah sect : but it proved unsuc- 
cessful ; for the people secretly adhered to 
their former belief, and its prohibition, to- 
gether with the strangling of the refractory 
chief moollah, oi- high-priest, only served to 
alienate them from their new ruler, who, 
on mounting the throne (a.d. 173G), as- 
sumed the title of Nadir Shah, the Won- 
derful King. 

Hostilities with the Ghiljeis, from whom 
Candahar was captured after a close blockade 
of nearly a twelvemonth, brought Nadir 
Shah to the frontiers of the Mogul empire. 
He could not be ignorant of its weakness; 
and the prospect thus afforded of lucrative 
and congenial employment for the warHke 
tribes who owned his sway, offered tempta- 
tions not to be resisted. In such cases, 
pretexts are seldom wanting ; nor were they 
now. While besieging Candahar, Nadir 
Shah had applied to the court of Delhi 
for the seizure or expulsion of some Afghans 
who had fled into the country near Ghuznee ; 
a demand to which the indolent and effete 

• Khan Dowran, and his supporters, treated the 
account of the intercepted embassy from Cabool as a 
report originated by Nizam-ool-Moolk and the Turani 
party at court, and jeeringly declared, that the houses 
of Delhi had very lofty roofs, from which the citizens 
might see Nadir Shah and his troopers from afar 
whenever they chose. — Siyar-ul-3Iutakherin, p. 414. 

government, after a long interval, returned 
an ambiguous answer, being, it would ap- 
pear, at once unable to comply with the 
request, and disinclined to acknowledge the 
title of the Persian sovereign. Nadir Shah . 
advanced on Ghuznee and Cabool, and, from 
the latter place, which he captured with 
little difficulty, sent another messenger to 
Delhi, who failed in fulfilling his embassy, 
being cut off, with his escort, hj the Afghans 
at Jellalabad.* This circumstance was set 
forth as warranting the invasion of India; 
and after spending some months in settling 
the affairs of the country round Cabool, 
Nadir marched to the eastward in October, 
I738.f Even these proceedings failed to 
rouse the supine authorities at Delhi, or 
teach the necessity of merging internal 
strife in defensive operations against a com- 
mon foe. They knew that Cabool was 
taken, but believed, or tried to believe, 
that the mountain tribes and guarded passes 
between that city and Peshawer would check 
the further advance of the invading force, 
although, in fact, even this barrier had been 
cast down by the peculation or misplaced 
economy of Khan Dowran, the ameer-ul- 
omra, who, by withholding tlie sum of twelve 
lacs of rupees, formerly sent every year for 
the payment of guards, had caused the break- 
ing up of garrisons, until roads and defiles 
being all unwatched, marauding Afghans or 
invading Persians alike passed without ob- 
struction. Its commencement being unop- 
posed, the march of Nadir Shah was speedy 
and terrible. Having sacked Jellalabad, he 
passed through Peshawer, crossed the Attock 
in boats, and entered Moultan. The governor 
of Lahoremade some show of opposition, over 
which Nadir triumphed with little difficulty ; 
and, in fact, met with no serious opposition 
until, on approaching the Jumna, within 100 
miles of Delhi, he found himself in the 
neighbourhood of the whole Indian army. 

Mohammed Shah, at length thoroughly 
roused to a sense of the impending calamity, 
strove to meet the danger it was now too 
late to avert ; and, being joined by Asuf Jah, 
moved to Kurnaul, where he occupied a 
fortified camp. Sadut Khan, the viceroy of 
Oude, arrived to join his sovereign ; and 
Nadir Shah, by attempting to intercept 

t The number of his force is nowhere satisfac- 
torily stated. Fraser, in one place {History of Nadir 
Shah, p. loo), gives the total, including armed fol- 
lowers, at 1()0,000 ; but, in a previous page, a more 
distinct enumeration, made by a Persian news-writer 
at the camp at Jellalabad, only shows 64,500 lighl- 
ing-men and 4,000 followers. 


him, commenced hostilities, which issued in 
a general engagement. lu this battle it 
would appear, that few (if any) Rajpoot 
princes took part, no longer caring to shed 
their blood for a foreign dynasty, whose 
ingratitude they hated, and whose weakness 
they despised. Even in this emergency, 
disunion prevailed in the Indian camp. 
Asuf Jah, from some real or pretended mis- 
conception, took no part in the action. 
Khan Dowran, the commander-in-chief, was 
killed; Sadut Khan taken prisoner; and Mo- 
hammed Shah, seeing his troops completely 
routed, had no resource but to send Asuf 
Jah to offer his submission, and repair him- 
self, with a few attendants, to the Persian 
camp. Nadir Shah, considering the affinity 
between himself, as of Turcoman race, 
(though the son of a cap-maker), and the 
defeated monarch (a lineal descendant of 
the house of Timur), received his unwil- 
ling visitor with every demonstration of 
respect, and would probably have accepted 
a ransom, and spared Delhi, but for the 
selfish intrigues of Sadut Khan and the 
nizam. The accounts recorded of this 
period differ materially;* but it is certain, 
that after some time spent in apparently 
fruitless negotiations. Nadir Shah marched 
into Delhi, established himself in the palace, 
distributed his troops throughout the city, 
and stationed detachments in different places 
for the protection of the inhabitants. During 
the first day strict discipline was maintained, 
and all was quiet, though, probably, the 
usurpers could as ill-disguise their exulta- 
tion as the Indians their hatred and disgust ; 
but on the second, a rumour spread of the 
death of Nadir Shah,t and the citizens im- 
mediately rising, slew all the Persians within 
reach, to the number of 700, including some 
of those who had been stationed for the 
protection of private dwellings. The tumult 
continued during the whole night : at day- 

* According to the Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, Nadir 
Shah, at an interview with Asuf Jah (procured by 
the diplomacy of the captive, Sadut Khan), consented 
to conclude a peace, and return to his own domi- 
nions, on condition of receiving two crores of rupees 
(£2,000,000 sterling), a piece of intelligence which 
so delighted Mohammed Shah, that he instantly 
conferred the office of ameer-ul-omra on the suc- 
cessful mediator. Sadut Khan, enraged by the suc- 
cess of his rival, told Nadjr Shah, that the ransom 
he had consented to receive was absurdly insuffi- 
cient — that he himself could afford to pay it from 
his private fortune ; and, by these treacherous repre- 
sentations, induced the invader to violate his pledge, 
enter the city, and pillage it without mercy. 

t This rumour is said to have been spread by the 

break. Nadir Shah mounted his horse and 
sallied forth, believing that his presence 
would at once restore order by proving the 
falsity of the current report. Flights of 
stones, arrows, and fire-arms from the houses, 
soon undeceived him ; and one of his chiefs, 
being killed at his side by a shot aimed at 
himself, he ordered his troops to retaliate, 
and not leave a soul alive wherever they 
should discover the corpse of a Persian. 
This command, which, of course, warranted 
nothing less than a general massacre, was 
eagerly obeyed : the soldiery entered the 
houses, and gave free loose to those hateful 
passions — covetousness, lust, revenge; the 
true " dogs of war." The streets of Delhi 
streamed with blood; many thoroughfares 
became blocked up with carcasses ; flames 
burst forth in various places, where the 
wretched citizens, distracted by the thought 
of beholding their wives and children in the 
hands of the foe, had preferred sharing with 
them a fiery death ; the shrieks and groans 
of the dying and the dishonoured pierced 
the air, overpowering at moments the fear- 
ful imprecations, or yet more fiendish scof- 
fing of their persecutors ; and from sunrise 
to broad noon these horrid sights and sounds 
continued unabated. Nadir Shah, it is 
said, after issuing the murderous order, went 
into the little mosque in the Great Bazaar, 
near the centre of the city, and there re- 
mained in gloomy silence until he was 
aroused by the entrance of Mohammed 
Shah, whose deep distress (for though weak 
and sensual, he was compassionate and 
gentle) obtained a command for the termi- 
nation of the massacre. The prompt obe- 
dience of the troops, is quoted by histo- 
rians as a remarkable proof of discipline;, 
but these tigers in human form must have 
been weary of a slaughter, in which, ac- 
cording to the lowest trustworthy statement, 
30,000 human beings were put to the sword. J 

proprietors of certain granaries, which nad been 
forcibly opened, and the wheat sold at a low price. 

X Nadir-nameh, translated from Persian into 
French, by Sir W. Jones ( Works, vol. v.) Scott 
states the number at 8,000; but Mr. Elphinstone 
naturally remarks, that it is incredible so small a re- 
sult should have been produced by a detachment of 
20,000 men, employed for many hours in unresisted 
butchery (vol. ii., p. 630.) Fraser, who among much 
valuable authority, quotes the journal of a native 
Indian, secretary to Sirbuland Khan, writes — " of 
the citizens (great and small), 120,000 were slaugh- 
tered: others computed them at 1 50,000 j" adding, 
in a note, "about 10,000 women threw themselves 
into wells, some of whom were taken out alive, after 
being there two or three days." — (pp. 185-187.) 


The wretched survivors seem to have wanted 
energy even to perform the funeral obsequies 
of the dead. " In several of the Hindoo 
houses," says Fraser, " where one of a family 
survived, he used to pile thirty or forty car- 
casses a-top of one another, and burn them : 
and so they did in the streets ; notwithstand- 
ing which, there still remained so many, that 
for a considerable time, there was no such 
thing as passing any of those ways." After 
some days, the stench arising from the mul- 
titudes of unburied dead becoming intole- 
rable, the bodies were dragged into the 
river, thrown into pits, or else collected to- 
gether in heaps, without distinction of Mus- 
sulman, or Hindoo, and burned with the 
rubbish of the ruined houses, until all were 
disposed of. 

The sufferings of the wretched people of 
Delhi were not yet complete; the rapacity 
of Nadir afforded fresh cause for bloodshed- 
diug, aggravated by cruel tortures. The 
usurper sat on the imperial throne, receiv- 
ing costly offerings from the humiliated 
monarch and his degraded courtiers. He 
now demanded, under the name of peishcush 
(a gift), a sum stated at from twenty-five 
to thirty million sterling,* exclusive of the 
jewels, gold-plate set with gems, and other 
articles already appropriated. How to pro- 
vide this enormous ransom was a new diffi- 
culty; for Mohammed Shah was far from 
inheriting the wealth of his ancestors. The 
prolonged wars of Aurungzebe, and the con- 
tinued struggles of his successors, had well 
nigh emptied the treasury ; and the present 
emperor had neither striven to replenish it 
by legitimate methods, nor, to his credit, be 
it recorded, by injustice or oppression. The 
jezia had been formally abolished at the 
commencement of his reign ; and he alone, 
of all the Great Moguls, had steadily re- 
fused to confiscate the property of deceased 

• Siyar-ul-Mutakherin ; on the authority of Haz. 
veen, an eye-witness; and Scott's Zleccon, vol. ii., p. 208. 

•j- Dow's account of this period, though very in- 
teresting, is not deemed reliable; the rumours in 
circulation at the period, being too often suffered to 
usurp the place of carefully-sifted facts. This want 
of judgment is aggravated by the infrequency with 
which he gives authorities for particular stafements. 
He describes Nadir Shah as having been invited to 
Hindoostan by Asuf Jah and Sadut Khan, and after- 
wards represents him as reproaching them for the 
treachery, by which he had gained the battle of Kur- 
naul, and spitting upon their beards. The nizam, see- 
ing the fury of Sadut at this public disgrace, proposed 
that they should end their lives by poison, which 
being agreed to, they returned to their respective 
homes. Sadut, doubting the sincerity of his wily 
colleague, sent a messenger to his house to discover 

nobles, leaving, not a small portion, as a 
matter of favour, for the maintenance of 
their families, but suffering the appropria- 
tion of the whole as a matter of right. The 
result was, that Mohammed Shah had com- 
paratively little to lose : even the famous 
peacock-throne, now seized by Nadir, had 
been deprived of its most costly ornaments ; 
and other portions of the imperial regalia 
were proportionately diminished in value. 
During the administration of the Seyeds, 
large sums had been abstracted from the 
treasury ; and even the gold and silver rails 
of the hall of audience had been coined 
into money. A large quantity of gold, 
silver, and jewels was found in vaults, 
sealed up long ago (probably by Shah 
Jehan), and immense sums were levied from 
the nobles. Neither the crafty nizam nor 
his treacherous rival, Sadut Khan, were 
exempted from furnishing their quota, the 
former being compelled to disgorge treasure 
exceeding in value a million and a-half 
sterling ; the latter, above a million ; while 
both were treated by the conqueror with un- 
disguised contempt and distrust. Sadut 
Khan died suddenly, whether from the 
eflfects of disease, anger, or poison, is an 
open question : the old nizam lived on, 
waiting for the turn of the wheel des- 
tined to restore to him that political power 
which was the sole end and aim of his 
existence.f The means of exacting the 
required tribute grew severe in proportion 
to the difficulty of its obtainment. The 
property of the nobles, merchants — even of 
the smallest tradesmen — was subjected to an 
arbitrary assessment, which, being frequently 
much above the actual value, impelled num- 
bers of all ranks to commit suicide, as a 
means of avoiding the disgrace and torture 
likely to follow their inability to furnish the 
amount required;! while others perished 

whether the oath had been carried into effect. Being 
made aware of the presence of the spy, the nizam 
swallowed an innoxious draught, and pretended to faii 
down dead. The trick succeeded ; Sadut Khan took, 
poison, and died, leaving his rival to exult over his 
wicked device. — {Hindoostan, vol. ii., p. 425.) 

X The vakeel from Bengal, being ordered to send 
for seven crore of rupees, said, " so much would fill a 
string of waggons from Bengal to Delhi ; for which, 
beingroughlyused,he went horae,and murdered him- 
self and family." (Fraser, p. 200.) The rough usage 
here alluded to was probably a severe bastinadoing ; 
since that punishment was frequently inflicted on 
men of station and character, by the orders and in 
the presence of Nadir Shah, whose partiality for this 
species of discipline is strange enough, since, if the 
authorities quoted by Fraser may be relied on, he had 
I been himself, in early youth, br.stinadoed by the 


under the tortures inflicted by the merce- 
nary wretches to whom the power of extort- 
ing the tribute was farmed, and who made 
their own profit, or wreaked their private 
revenge unchecked, amid universal misery 
and desolation. " It was before a general 
massacre, but now the murder of individuals. 
In every chamber and house was heard the 
cry of aflSiction. Sleep and rest forsook the 
city." The pangs of hunger and sickness 
were not long absent ; and " no morning 
passed that whole crowds, in every street 
and lane, did not die." * The citizens vainly 
strove to escape these multiplied calamities 
by flight ; the roads were blocked up ; and 
all such attempts punished by mutilation of 
the ears or nose ; until at length — the dignity 
of human nature subdued by terror — the 
wretched sufferers slunk away into holes 
and corners, and cowered down before their 
oppressors like the frightened animals of the 
desert. The Persian horsemen sallied forth 
in different directions, seeking provisions 
and plunder ; ravaging the fields, and killing 
all who offered resistance ; but were occasion- 
ally attacked by the Jats, who had taken up 
arms. Intelligence of what was passing at 
Delhi had reached the Deccan : it was even 
reported that 100,000 Persians were advanc- 
ing to the southward. Bajee Rao, undis- 
mayed, prepared to meet them, declaring, 
that domestic quarrels and the war with the 
Portuguese were to him as nought — there 
was now but one enemy in Hindoostan. 
" Hindoos and Mussulmans," he said, " the 
whole power of the Deccan must assemble ; 
and I shall spread our Mahrattas from the 
Nerbudda to the Chumbul." Nadir, how- 
ever, does not appear to have had any inten- 
tion of risking his rich booty by exposing it 
to the chances of Mahratta warfare. He 
contented himself with inveighing bitterly 
against the insolence of the infidel " wretches 
of Deccan," in venturing to demand tribute 
from the dominions of a Mussulman emperor, 
and the weakness of the government by which 
it had been conceded ; and then, having 
drained to the uttermost those very re- 
sources on which the means of resisting 

order of Shah Hussein, " until his toe-nails dropt off." 
However, it is doubtless true, that in forming an 
opinion regarding the use of the rod, it makes all the 
difference which end falls to our share. 

* Scott's History of the Deccan, vol. ii., p. 210. 
This description is quoted from a journal kept by an 
eye-witness, during this terrible epo'-n. The work 
somewhat resembles De Foe's masterpiece — the 
Plague of London; though the misery which it re- 
cords is of a far more varied character. 

similar extortion depended, he prepared to 
quit the desolated city. Before departing, 
he caused a marriage to be celebrated be- 
tween his son and a princess of the house 
of Timur, with a degree of regal magnifi- 
cence sadly at variance with the gloom and 
desolation which prevailed throughout the 
once stately capital. Seating Mohammed 
Shah anew on his dishonoured throne (after 
severing from the Mogul empire the whole 
of Sinde and Cabool, together with some 
districts that had always been set apart for 
the pay of the garrisons of the latter pro- 
vince), he placed the crown upon his head, 
and bade him keep strict watch over the 
intrigues and corruption of his courtiers — 
especially of Asuf Jah, who was too cunning 
and ambitious for a subject. To this advice 
he added an assurance, that in the event of 
any cabals, an appeal from Mohammed 
Shah would bring him to his assistance, 
from Candahar, in forty days ; and although 
this speech would, at first sight, appear only 
an additional insult, yet it is just possible, 
that it was dictated by a sort of compas- 
sionate feeling, which the misfortunes of 
the delicately-nurtured, indolent, and easy- 
tempered monarch had awakened in the 
breast of his victorious foe, whose mental 
characteristics contrasted no less forcibly 
than the extraordinary physical powers of 
his stalwart frame,t with the handsome but 
effeminate person and bearing of his victim. 
To the principal Hindoo leaders, including 
Jey Sing, Abhi Sing, Shao, and Bajee Rao, 
Nadir Shah issued circular-letters, bidding 
them " walk in the path of submission and 
obedience to our dear brother ;" and threat- 
ening, in the event of their rebellion, to 
return and " blot them out of the pages of 
the book of creation."J On the 14th of 
April, 1739, the invader quitted Delhi, after 
a residence of fifty-eight days, bearing with 
him plunder in coin, bullion, gold and 
silver plate, brocades, and jewels (of which 
he was inordinately fond) to an incalculable 
extent. The money alone probably ex- 
ceeded thirty million. § Numerous elephants 
and camels were likewise carried away, as 

+ Fraser's description of a weather-beaten man, of 
fifty-five — above six foot high, very robust, with large 
black eyes and eyebrows — exactly coincides with the 
full-length picture of Nadir Shah preserved in the 
India-house. His voice was so strong, that he could, 
without straining it, give orders to the troops at 
above 100 yards' distance. — (Fraser, p. 227.) 

X Scott's Deccan, vol. ii., p. 215. 

§ Scott, Fraser, and Hanway. The Nadir-nameh 
states it at only 15 million : but this is not probable. 



also many hundreds of skilful workmen and 
artificers. Exactions were levied in the 
towns and villages through which the re- 
treating army marched, until they reached 
Cabool, where the mountaineers threatened 
to attack them ; and Nadir, considering that 
the soldiers had suffered much from the 
intense heat, and were heavily laden with 
booty, thought it best to purchase forbear- 
ance, and reached Herat in safety, where he 
proudly displayed the spoils of Hindoostan.* 

Reign of Mohammed Shah resumed. — The 
Persian invasion had plunged the court and 
people of Delhi into a " slough of despond," 
from which it was long before they sum- 
moned sufficient resolution to attempt extri- 
cating themselves. The state of public 
affairs held forth no promise that future 
prosperity might make amends for past suf- 
fering ; and the worst of all indications of 
the decadence of the empire, was the readi- 
ness with which the courtiers relapsed into 
the habits of sensuality and intrigue, that 
had rendered them impotent to resist the 
power of a foreign foe; while the lower 
classes?, imitating their apathy, grew to re- 
gard the brutal escesses of the Persian 
soldiery, rather as a subject of coarse mer- 
riment than deep humiliation; and, in 
mimicking their dress and manners, gave 
vent to feelings no less different from what 
may be termed the natural dignity of un- 
civilised man, than from the magnanimous 
forgiveness of injuries, which is the very 
crown of Christian virtue. 

The influence of Asuf Jah was now su- 
preme at Delhi. He was supported by the 
vizier, Kamer-oo-deen, with whom he was 
connected by intermarriage, and by a few 
leading families, who being, like himself, of 
Turki descent, were called the Turani no- 
bles. He was secretly opposed by a large 
number of malcontents, among whom the 
emperorwas thought to be included; and thus 
the counsels of government were again weak 
and divided at a time when there was most 
need of energy and union. On the depar- 
ture of Nadir Shah, Rajee Rao sent a letter 

• A portable tent was constructed from the spoils j 
tlie outside covered with scarlet broad cloth, and the 
inside with violet-satin, on which birds and beasts, 
trees and flowers, were depicted in precious stones. 
On either side the peacock^throne a screen extended, 
•domed with the figures of two angels, also repre- 
lented in various-coloured gems. Even the tent- 
poles were adorned with jewels, and the pins were of 
massy gold. The whole formed a load for seven 
elephants. This gorgeous trophy was broken up by 
Kadir Shth's nephew and successor, Adil Shaji. — 

to the emperor, expressive of submission 
and obedience, together with a nuzur, or 
offering of 101 gold raohurs, and received in 
return a splendid Ichillut,^ accompanied by 
assurances of general good-will, but not by 
the expected sunnud, or grant of the go- 
vernment of Malwa, an omission which the 
peishwa naturally attributed to a breach of 
faith on the part of the nizam. Had Bajee 
Rao, on this, as on previous occasions, 
chosen to advance to the gates of the capi- 
tal, and there insist on the confirmation of 
the agreement, he might have probably 
done so with impunity, so far as the Moguls 
were concerned; for Nadir Shah had 
ravaged the only provinces which the Mah- 
rattas had left intact; the imperial army 
was broken up, and the treasury completely 
empty. But Bajee Rao was himself in a 
critical position : hostilities abroad, intrigue 
at home, crippled his ambitious plans, and 
surrounded him with debt and difficulty. 
His foreign foes were the Abyssinians of 
Jinjeera, and the turbulent sons of Kanhojee 
Angria, of Kolabah, a powerful chief, whose 
piracies (which he called levying chout on 
the sea) had rendered him a formidable 
enemy to the Portuguese and English. 

After the death of Kanhojee, in 1 728, a 
contest ensued between his sons. Bajee 
Rao took part with one of them, named 
Mannajee, whom the Portuguese also at 
first assisted ; but, being disappointed of the 
expected reward, changed sides, and ap- 
peared in arms against him. For this in- 
constancy they paid dearly by the loss of 
their possessions in Salsette, Bassein, and 
the neighbouring parts of the Concan ; and 
hostilities were still being carried on, when 
the tacit refusal of the Delhi government to 
recognise his claims, induced the peishwa 
to direct his chief attention to his old an- 
tagonist, the nizam. Before recommencing 
hostilities in this quarter, it was necessary to 
provide against the coalition of the prithee 
nidhee with other domestic foes (of whom 
the chief was Rugojee Bhonslay, of Be- 
rar,J and the next in importance, Dummajee 

{Memoirt of Khqfeh Abdulktirreem, a Cashmerian of 
distinction, in the service of Nadir Shah. Gladwin's 
translation, Calcutta, 1788, p. 28.) 

t A khillut comprises a complete dress, or sir-pa 
(head to foot), with the addition of jewels, horse, 
elephant, and arms. 

J Parsojee, the founder of the Bhonslay family, 
from whom sprang the rajahs of Berar, being one of 
the first to tender allegiance to Shao on his release 
at the death of Aurungzebe, was promoted from the 
rank of a private horseman to high position. Not- 



Guicowar, of Guzerat), who, envying his 
power, were plotting its overthrow, under 
pretence of emancipating their mutual sove- 
reign. This difficulty Bajee Rao met by 
engaging the Bhonslay chief in a remote 
expedition into the Carnatic ; but another, 
of a different character, remained behind. 
The vast army he had kept up, and the 
necessity of giving high rates of pay, in 
order to outbid the nizam, and secure the 
best of the Deccan soldiery, had induced 
him to incur an expenditure which he had 
no means of meeting.* The troops were in 
arrears, and, consequently, clamorous and 
inclined to mutiny. His financial arrange- 
ments would appear to have been far inferior 
to those of Sevajee ; and, as a nation, the 
MahrattaSj from various causes, no longer 
found war a profitable employment. Still, 
Bajee Rao persisted in endeavouring to 
carry out his ambitious designs, and taking 
advantage of the absence of the nizam, sur- 
rounded the camp of his second son, Nasir 
Jung, who had been left in charge of the 
viceroyalty. The defence was carried on 
with such unlooked-for vigour, that after 
some months of active hostility, the peishwa 
became convinced that his means were in- 
adequate to the task he had undertaken, 
and entered into an accommodation with 
his young and energetic opponent. The 
prudence of the general triumphed over the 
rash valour of the soldier; yet it was a 
moment when many in his position would 
have been inclined to struggle on ; for it 
would appear, that his retreat to court was 
cut off by the machinations which he had 
sought to circumvent by procuring the ab- 
sence of Rugojee Bhonslay. Addressing 
his mahapooroosh, or spiritual adviser, he 

withstanding the coincidence of his surname with that 
of the rajah, they do not appear to have been related. 

• The soucars, or bankers, to whom he already 
owed a personal debt of many lacs of rupees, refused 
to make any further advances ; and he forcibly de- 
scribes his embarrassments, by declaring — " I have 
fallen into that hell of being beset by creditors ; and 
to pacify soucars and sillidars (military commanders), 
I am falling at their feet till I have rubbed the skin 
from my forehead"- — a figurative expression, used in 
allusion to the Hindoo custom of placing the fore- 
head at the threshold of the temple, or at the feet 
of the idol, in humble supplication. 

t History of the Mahrattas, vol. i., p. 559. The 
manner of his death does not appear. 

\ Bajee Kao left three sons — Balajee Bajee Rao, 
Rugonat Rao, or Ragoba (who was at one time 
much connected with the English), and Shumsheer 
Bahadur, to whom, though the illegitimate offspring of 
a Mohammedan woman, and brought up in that creed, 
he bequeathed all his claims and possessions in Bun- 

writes — "I am involved in diSiculties, in 
debt, and in disappointments, and like a 
man ready to swallow poison : near the 
rajah are my enemies; and should I at this 
time go to Sattara, they will put their feet 
on my breast. I should be thankful if I 
could meet death."t After such an avowal, 
there is something strange and startling in 
the fact that Bajee Rao set off suddenly, 
with his army, towards Hindoostan, with 
what object is not known, but only lived to 
reach the Nerbudda, on whose banks he 
expired in April, 1740.J 

Rugojee Bhonslay, although about be- 
sieging Trichinopoly when he heard of the 
death of his rival, instantly hastened to 
Sattara; but being obliged to leave the 
greater part of his army behind him, had 
no sufficient force to cope with Balajee 
Bajee Rao, who asserted his hereditary 
claim to succeed to the office of his father ; 
neither was Dummajee Guicowar ready to 
take the field. In this conjuncture, Rugojee 
proposed that Bappoojee Naik,§ a connec- 
tion, but bitter foe (because a disappointed 
creditor of the late peishwa's), should be ap- 
pointed to the vacant position ; and very 
large sums were offered to Shao, on condi- 
tion of his seconding the arrangement. 

These attempts failed ; and Balajee Bajee 
Rao was formally appointed by the rajah. 
Being answerable for his father's debts, 
he was immediately assailed by Bappoojee 
Naik with the harassing pertinacity fre- 
quently exercised by Mahratta creditors. || 
From this persecution, his own efforts, ably 
seconded by the influence and credit of his 
dewan (treasurer, or high steward), relieved 
him; and, after more than a year spent in 
internal arrangements, he prepared to resist 

delcund. The names of the peishwas (first Balajee, 
then Bajee, and now Balajee Bajee, combined) will, 
it is to be feared, confuse the reader ; but the allite- 
ration is unavoidable. 

§ Brahmin soucars and money-changers assume 
the appellation of Naik. 

II A species of dunning, called tuquazu, is practised 
as a trade. Several men, hired for the purpose, fol- 
low the debtor wherever he goes, and establish 
themselves at the door of his house, subsisting all 
the while upon the food with which the invariable 
custom of the country obliges him to supply them. 
If humble petitions and insolent demands alike fail, 
the creditor himself sometimes resorts to the last 
expedient (as Bappoojee Naik did in the present 
instance), bv the practice of dhurna—t\\dX is, by 
taking up his position in person, as a dun, and ob- 
serving a rigid fast, in which his unfortunate debtor 
is compelled by that powerful agent, public opinion, 
to imitate him, even at the hazard of starvation, 
until he can induce him to raise the siege. 


the encroachments of inimical Mahratta 
chiefs, and to demand the government of 
Malwa from the Delhi court. 

In the interim, no endeavour had been 
made by the Mogul party in the Deccan to 
take advantage of the dissensions in the 
Mahratta state. The active viceroy, the 
successful opponent of Bajee Rao, had been 
fully occupied in rebellion against his own 
father, the nizam, who, in 1741, marched into 
the Deccan to oppose his refractory represen- 
tative, and received, during his progress, a 
personal visit from the new peishwa, together 
with the assistance of a body of troops. 

Rugojee Bhonslay, upon the failure of his 
political schemes at Sattara, returned to the 
Carnatic, and after the successful termination 
of the campaign, by the surrender of Trichi- 
nopoly and the capture of Chunda Sahib, 
the soubahdar (or, according to the English 
phrase, the nabob), he sent a force into Bengal 
under his Brahmin minister, Bhaskur Punt. 

At this period, the viceroyalty of Bengal 
was possessed by Ali Verdi Khan (some- 
times called Mohabet Jung.) This celebrated 
individual was of Turki descent, and had 
been promoted by Shuja Khan, the late 
viceroy, to the subordinate government of 
Behar. After his death, Ali Verdi turned 
his arms against Serferaz Khan, the son and 
successor of his late patron, slew him in 
battle, and usurped the government, for 
which he obtained an imperial firman by 
dint of large bribes and hypocritical as- 
surances of devoted submission. He made 
a determined resistance to Bhaskur Punt;* 
but, alarmed by the advance of Rugojee in 
person, he besought the emperor to assist 
him in the defence of the province ; and this 

• Ali Verdi Khan was encamped at Midnapore, 
when he heard of the approach of Bhaskur Punt, at 
the head of 40,000 horse. He marched to Burdwan, 
and there strove to bring on a general engagement, 
which the Mahrattas of course avoided, and ravaged 
the environs with fire and sword, offering, however, 
to evacuate the country on payment of ten lacs of 
rupees. This Ali Verdi refused ; and resolving to 
force his way to Moorshedabad, issued orders 
that the heavy baggage and camp-followers should 
remain at Burdwan. Instead of obeying, the peo))le, 
terrified at the idea of being left to the mercy of the 
enemy, persisted in accompanying the retreating 
army ; and the result was, that on the first day's 
march, the Mahrattas surrounded the line, and cap- 
tured the chief part of the stores, artillery, and tents. 
The sum previously demanded as the price of peace 
was offered, but rejected : Bhaskur Punt would now 
accept nothing less than a crore of rupees (a million 
sterhng), with the surrender of all the elephants. 
Ali Verdi refused these degrading terms, and con- 
tinued his retreat, for three days, through a flat 

request resulted in an appeal for aid to the 
peishwa, seconded by the long-withheld grant 
of the viceroyalty of Malwa. 

Such an invitation would have been at all 
times welcome ; for the Mahrattas were in- 
variably solicitous to find excuses for inter- 
fering in the affairs of the various provinces 
still more or less subject to Mogul rule, and 
were ever labouring silently to increase their 
influence. In the present instance, Balajee 
Bajee was especially glad to be called in to 
act as an auxiliary against his private foe, 
and immediately marching by Allahabad 
and Behar, he reached Moorshedabad in 
time to protect it from Rugojee, who was 
approaching from the south-west. After 
receiving from Ali Verdi the payment of an 
assignment granted to him by the court of 
Delhi on the arrears of the revenue of 
Bengal, the peishwa marched against the 
invader, who retired before him, but was 
overtaken, and suffered a rout and the loss 
of his baggage before he was completely 
driven out of the province, a.d. 1743. The 
reprieve thus purchased for Bengal only 
lasted about two years; for the peishwa, 
who, in the name of his sovereign, Rajah 
Shao, wielded the power of the head of a 
confederacy of chiefs, rather than that of a 
despotic ruler, found it necessary to come 
to terms with Rugojee, by ceding to him the 
right of levying tribute in all Bengal and 
Behar, if not also in Allahabad and Oude. 
Bhaskur Punt was again sent to invade 
Bengal (1745), and proceeded with success, 
until he suS'ered himself to be inveigled 
into an interview with Ali Verdi Khan, by 
whom he was treacherously murdered. Of 
twenty-two principal officers, only one (Ru- 

country, amid heavy rains, constantly harassed by 
the enemy, and greatly distressed for food and shelter. 
On the fourth morning he reached Cutwa ; and al- 
though the foe had been beforehand with him, by 
setting on fire the magazines of grain, enough 
remained to afford means of subsistence to the 
famishing soldiery until further supplies could be 
procured. Yusuf Ali Khan, one of Ali Verdi's 
generals, states, that the first day of the march, 
he and seven nobles shared between them about one 
pound's-weight of kichery (boiled rice, mixed with 
pulse) i the next, they had a few pieces of a sweet con- 
fection ; the third, a small quantity of carrion, which, 
while it was cooking, was eagerly watched by others, 
who could not be refused a single mouthful. The 
common soldiers strove to maintain life on the bark 
of trees, leaves, grass, and ants.- — (See Siyar-ul- 
3Iutakherin, done into Erjglish by a Frenchman, in 
3 vols. 4to.) This translation, though full of gallicisms, 
is of great value to inquirers on Indian history ; since 
the able labours of General Briggs, as yet, extend 
only over the first part of the first volume. 


gojee Guicowar) escaped, having been left 
ia charge of the camp, and by him the army 
was conducted back to Berar. No long time 
elapsed before an opportunity to revenge 
this perfidious massacre arose, as a direct 
consequence of the crime itself; for Mustapha 
Khan, the leader of a body of Afghans who 
had borne the chief part in it, quarrelled 
with Ali Verdi for withholding the promised 
reward — namely, the government of Behar. 
Both parties were well aware that assassina- 
tion was an expedient likely enough to be 
attempted, and soon came to open hostilities, 
in which the Afghans supported their coun- 
trymen. Rugojee Bhonslay took advantage 
of this state of affairs to invade Orissa, where 
he obtained possession of several districts, 
and named 30,000,000 rupees as the sum 
■ for which he would spare the remainder, and 
quit the country. Before narrating the result 
of these proceedings, which occupied several 
years, it is necessary, for the sake of the 
chronological succession of events, to return 
to the court of Delhi. On the departure of 
Asuf Jah for the Deccan, a.d. 1741, his place 
at court was taken by his son, Ghazi-oo- 
deen, the son-in-law of the vizier, Kamer- 
oo-deen. These two nobles, being closely 
united by political and by domestic ties, re- 
sisted successfully many intrigues and com- 
binations; but they fought with the same 
unholy weapons that were employed against 
them. Treacherous and sanguinary deeds 
became frequent, offering unmistakable evi- 
dence of the weakness as well as wickedness 
of those who bore sway, and indicating to 
all accustomed to watch the decline of 
national power, its rapidly-approaching dis- 
solution. The only person who appears 
to have profited by the bitter medicine of 
adversity, was the emperor ; he became a 
wiser and a better man : but long-continued 
habits of ease and indolence are not to be 
lightly broken ; and he gladly sought refuge 
in the devotion of the closet, from the cares, 
vexation, and intrigue which beset the 
council-chamber. Nevertheless, '-'while he 
lived, the royal name was respectable, and 
his prudence sustained the tottering fabric 
of the state from falling into total ruin ; but 
he could not repair the unwieldy fabric."* 

Of the various communities whose separate 
existence was more or less fostered at the 
expense of the empire, the only one against 
which Mohammed Shah took the field in 
person, after the departure of the Persians, 
was that founded by the Rohillas, an Afghan 
• Scott's History of the Deccan, vol. ii, p. 223. 

colony, composed chiefly of Eusofzeis and 
other north-eastern tribes, who had acquired ' 
possession of the country east of the Ganges, 
from Oude to the mountains, and, under a 
chief named Ali Mohammed, had attained 
to so much importance, as to be with diffi- 
culty reduced to even temporary submission. 
Turbulent and rebellious as subjects, they 
were yet more dangerous as neighbours ; and 
scarcely had tranquillity been partially re- 
stored in the territory above designated, 
before a formidable combination of Afghans, 
in their own dominions, threatened India 
with another desolating irruption. The chief 
cause was an event which, above all others, 
would have been least expected to contribute 
to such a result — namely, the assassination 
of Nadir Shah, the spoiler of Hindoostan, 
whose leading share in the expulsion of the 
hated Afghan dynasty and victories over the 
Turks, had gained him a degree of renown 
which, despite his crimes, made him the 
boast of his subjects. On returning to Per- 
sia, he was received with the utmost enthu- 
siasm ; and the troops whom he had trained 
and led to conquest, gloried in the renown of 
their successful leader. At first, it appeared 
as if he were disposed to use his ill-gotten 
wealth for the relief and improvement of his 
kingdom ; but it soon became evident, that 
the hardening influence of rapine and 
slaughter had extinguished every better 
impulse, fostered his evil passions, and 
rendered the once enterprising adventurer 
nothing better than a cruel and capricious 
coward. Even his ability and energy in 
war seemed to fail; and his latest proceedings 
against the Turks evinced little of his early 
skill. When this contest was terminated by 
a treaty. Nadir Shah, no longer occupied by 
external hostilities, gave free vent to his 
fierce, savage, and dastardly nature, and 
instead of the boast, became the terror and 
execration of his country. All around him 
trembled for fear of becoming the object of 
suspicions which their slavish submission 
served only to increase. Among other 
atrocities, he accused his eldest son of having 
incited an attempt to kill him by a shot, 
which slightly wounded him while traversing 
a forest in one of his campaigns ; and, 
although there appeared no reason to think 
that the assassin was not one of the enemy, 
the unhappy prince was blinded at the com- 
mand of his still more unhappy father, who, 
in a paroxysm of gloom and remorse, subse- 
quently caused no less than fifty of his chief 
nobles to be put to death, because they had 


witnessed the execution of his wicked sen- 
tence without one prayer for mercy.* Covet- 
ousness was one of the distinguishing vices 
of his advancing age; and, instead of pursuing 
his avowed intention of relieving the Per- 
sians from the pressure of taxation by means 
of his enormous private wealth, he became 
extortionate and oppressive, as if ravaging a 
conquered territory. Disaffection and re- 
volts ensued, and afibrded pretexts for 
fresh cruelties. Whole cities were depopu- 
lated; towers of heads raised to commemorate 
their ruin : eyes were torn out ; tortures in- 
flicted; and no man could count for a 
moment on his exemption from death in 
torments. t The mad fury of Nadir was 
aggravated by his knowledge of the angry 
feelings excited, at the time of his accession, 
by the prohibition of the Sheiah doctrines, 
and the confiscation of the lands and stipends 
of the priests, and his conviction that, after 
all, the people generally, maintained the for- 
bidden opinions. At length, he came to 
regard every Persian as his enemy, and 
entertained for his protection a band of 
Uzbeg mercenaries, placing his entire confi- 
dence on them and the Afghans, tasing a 
delight in aggrandising these, his former 
enemies, at the expense of his own country- 
men. To such a height had his madness 
attained, that he actually ordered the Afghan 
chiefs to rise suddenly upon the Persian 
guard, and seize the persons of the chief 
nobles ; but the project being discovered, 
the intended victims conspired in turn ; and 
a body of them, including the captain of 
Nadir's guard, and the chief of his own tribe 
of Afshar, entered his tent at midnight, and 
after a moment's involuntary pause — when 
challenged by the deep voice at which they 
had so often trembled — rushed upon the 
king, who, being brought to the ground by 
a sabre-stroke, begged for life, and attempted 

* Elphinstone's India, vol. ii., p. 652. 

f The sole exception is that afforded by his desire to 
encourage commerce ; but even this was, for the most 
part, only another incentive to despotic and harsh 
measures. To foreign traders he, however, extended 
protection ; and Jonas Hanway, the eminent mer- 
chant, who visited his camp at a time when all Persia 
was devastated by his exactions, obtained an order 
that the property of which he had been plundered, 
during a rebellion at Asterabad, should be restored, 
or compensation given instead. 

X Elphinstone, vol. ii., p. 653, on the authority of 
P^re Bazin, a Jesuit, who acted as physician to Nadir 
Shah during the last years of his life. Malcolm 
states, that being suddenly aroused from sleep, the 
king started up, and had slain two of the meaner 
assassins before a blow from Salah Beg, the captain 
at hi» guards, deprived him of life. 

to rise, but soon expired beneath the repeated 
blows of the conspirators. J 

With the morning light, the rumour oi 
this sanguinary deed spread alarm and 
amazement throughout the army. The 
Afghans, under the command of a young 
chief, named Ahmed Khan, the head of the 
Abdalli tribe, were joined by the Uzbegs in 
an efibrt made in the hope of being still in 
time to rescue Nadir Shah; but being re- 
pulsed, and finding that the Shah was really 
dead, they marched to Candahar, obtained 
possession of that city, and captured a large 
convoy of treasure on its way from Cabool 
and Sinde to the Persian treasury. Ali, 
the nephew of the murdered monarch, was 
placed on the vacant throne under the name 
of Adil Shah,§ and, during his short and 
inglorious reign, had probably neither the 
ability nor inclination to interfere with the 
proceedings of Ahmed Khan, who, having 
rapidly extended his influence over the 
neighbouring tribes and countries, including 
Balkh, Sinde, Cashmere, and other pre- 
viously-conquered provinces, was, in the 
course of a few months, formally declared 
king of Candahar. In the plains and cities 
he established absolute authority ; but the 
Afghan tribes retained their internal govern- 
ment : Beloochistan, Seestan, and some other 
places remained under their native chiefs, 
but owned allegiance and military service. 
Without, however, waiting the settlement of 
all the above-named countries, Ahmed Shah 
directed his attention to India as a means 
of employing his army and increasing his 
pecuniary resources. The coronation fes- 
tivities were scarcely concluded before he 
marched to the eastward, and, having rapidly 
subjugated all the territory as far as the 
Indus, proceeded to invade the Punjaub. 
The viceroy being in revolt, could claim no 
aid from the Delhi government ; and Ahmed, 

§ To assuage the fears of the guilty chiefs by 
whom he was raised to the throne, Adil Shah pub- 
licly but falsely declared, that he had himself incited 
the deed by which Persia had been relieved from the 
curse of a despot, who delighted in blood. This 
character was equally applicable to himself; for he 
slew the unfortunate blind prince, Reza Kooli, and 
thirteen of Nadir's sons and grandsons, sparing only 
Shah Rokh, a lad of fourteen, who was afterwards 
protected in his residence at Meshhed, by Ahmed 
Shah, who possessed dependencies immediately to 
the east of that city. All the assassins of Nadir did 
not escape with impunity ; for the Afshar leader, 
having incurred the displeasure of Adil Shah, was 
delirered over to the vengeance of the female rela- 
tives of the murdered monarch, by whom he was cut 
to pieces. — (Malcolm's Hittory of Persia, vol. ii., 
p. 66.) 


with little difficulty, triumphed over the 
feeble opposition offered to his usurpations, 
and occupied Lahore and other towns on 
the road to the Sutlej. News of his approach 
had reached the court, and Prince Ahmed, 
the heir-apparent, with Kamer-oo-deen, the 
vizier, at the head of the Mogul army, were 
sent to arrest his progress.* They had taken 
possession of the fords of the Sutlej ; but the 
Candahar king, despite the inferior number 
of his troops, resolved to force a passage ; 
and having succeeded in crossing at an 
unguarded, because unfordable part, left the 
enemy in his rear, and advancing against 
Sirhind, captured that place, together with 
the baggage, stores, and guns deposited 
therein. The Moguls, intimidated by the 
rapidity of these movements, intrenched their 
camp, soon after which the vizier was shot 
by a cannon-ball ; but the army continued 
to repel the assaults of the Dooranis (as the 
AbdaUis were now termed),t and on the 
tenth day succeeded in effecting their com- 
plete defeat, obliging them to march off 
homeward during the ensuing night. 

Mohammed Shah expired within a month 
of this victory (a.d. 1748), and his only son, 
Ahmed, ascended the throne. For the first 
time from the commencement of the Indian 
annals of the house of Tirnur — in the be- 
ginning of the 15th century — the succession 
was uncontested. J In truth, it was a woe- 
ful heritage — little to be coveted by the 
most ambitious pretender. 

Reign of Ahmed Shah. — The events of the 
next eighteen years can scarcely be woven 
into a connected narrative. The Great 
Mogul is no longer the chief feature in the 
picture ; his proceedings have ceased to 
form the centre around which all other inci- 
dents could be easily and naturally grouped ; 
the governors of provinces, from simple ser- 
vants of the crown, having become indepen- 
dent powers, whose assistance their nominal 
sovereign was glad to purchase, at any cost, 
to ward off a foreign foe. 

After the battle of Sirhind, the victor sent 
a governor to the Punjaub, believing that 

• Elphinstone states his force at 12,000 men; 
Elliot's Hiifiz Rehmet at 15,000; but the Siyar-ul- 
Mutakherin at 67,000 horse. 

\ By the advice of a dervish, who had predicted 
his future greatness, Ahmed assumed the title of 
Door-dowran (the pearl of the age) ; and the Abdalli 
tribe took the name of Doorani. 

X The accession of Jehangeer can scarcely be 
deemed an exception, since opposition was attempted 
before the death of Akber ; and by Prince Khoorum 
vitbin four months after. 


important province secured to the empire by 
the retreat of the Afghan monarch ; but this 
latter, on learning that the prince had been 
recalled to Delhi, by the illness of his father, 
turned back before he had reached the 
Indus, and forced from the newly-appointed 
viceroy an engagement to pay a permanent 
tribute. Ahmed Shah, anxious to forni 
connections which should enable him to 
provide against the incursions of his turbu- 
lent neighbour, offered the " ink-stand of the 
vizierat"§ to Asuf Jali, who had become 
reconciled to his son, Nasir Jung, and wab 
employed in consolidating his own power 
over the territories in the Deccan, conquered 
with so much difficulty by the most powerful 
of the house of Timur, and so easily snatched 
from their feeble descendants. The nizana 
declined the proffered office, on account of 
his great age, and died, shortly after, at 
Boorhanpoor, in his ninety-sixth year. |1 

Nasir Jung assumed his father's govern- 
ment, and Sufdur Jung (son and successor 
of Sadut Khan) became vizier, on condition 
of retaining likewise the viceroyalty of 
Oude. In the northern part of that pro- 
vince, the Rohillas had again become for- 
midable, and the efforts of the imperial 
force were directed to their suppression. 
Sufdur Jung acted in this matter with 
shameless ingratitude,^ and his ill-dis- 
ciplined troops sacked their own towii 
of Bara (famous for being peopled by 
Seyeds), and massacred such of the inhabi- 
tants as attempted resistance. The Ro- 
hillas, though greatly inferior in number, 
gained a complete victory; wounded the 
vizier, set the imperial power at defiance, 
and penetrated to Allahabad. In this emer- 
gency, the common error was committed of 
avoiding one danger by incurring another 
involving greater, though less immediate 
hazard. Mulhar Rao Holcar, and Jeiapa 
Sindia, had been recently sent to Malwa by 
the peishwa: to them Sufdur Jung now 
applied for aid; as also to Suraj Mul, rajah 
of the Jats. With these auxiliaries, he de- 
feated the Rohillas, in a pitched battle ; 

§ An ornamented ink-stand, or rather ink-horn, is 
the insignia of office worn by viziers. 

II Or 104 lunar years, according to the Moham- 
medan mode of computation ; their years consisting 
of 13 months— of 28 days 6 hours each, 

^ He induced Kaium Khan Bungush, the Afghan 

fovernor of Furruckabad, to conduct the war against 
is own countrymen. Kaium was slain in battle, 
and his employer strove to dispossess the widow of 
the chief part of her legitimate possessions, but with 
no avail ; for the people rose upon his representative, 


drove them into the lower branches of the 
Himalaya, about the Kutnaon range, which 
forms their north-eastern boundary, and by 
authorising the Mahrattas to le-vy the pro- 
mised subsidy on the conquered territory, 
soon reduced his foes to such straits for sub- 
sistence, that they submitted on the sole 
condition of receiving the assignment of a 
few villages for their chiefs. 

In the Deccan many important changes 
had occurred since 1745, when Rugojee 
Bhonslay, taking advantage of the rebellion 
of Mustapha Khan, had invaded Orissa. The 
defeat of the Afghans, and the fall of their 
leader, in an attempt to obtain possession of 
Behar, relieved Ah Verdi from one dangerous 
foe, and enabled him to direct his efforts to 
the expulsion of the Mahrattas. In this un- 
dertaking he was less successful ; driven off 
at one point, they attacked another, fighting 
ever in true Cossack* style, until Ali Verdi, 
in 1751, weary of beholding his fertile plains 
desolated by their incursions, and possibly 
influenced by the craving for quiet, natural 
to the old age of even men of war, bought 
off the invaders by the cession of Cuttack 
(the southern division of Orissa), and an en- 
gagement for the annual payment of twelve 
lacs of rupees, as the chout of Bengal and 
Behar. This very inadequate sum, Rugo- 
jee was doubtless induced to accept by the 
necessity of returning to the Deccan, where 
the renewal of internal strife among the 
Mahrattas, and the quarrels and intrigues of 
the sons of Asuf Jah, together with the am- 
bitious projects of M. Bussy, the French 
leader, warned every wandering chief to 
guard his home interests. 

The death of Shao, in 1750, gave the 
expected signal for a struggle between the 
peishwa and his rivals. The rajah was 
childless, and had not complied with the 
Hindoo custom of adopting an heir. His 
wife, Sawatri Bye, an intriguing and ambi- 
tious woman, had strongly urged the claims 
of the nearest relative, the rajah of Kola- 
poor; but Shao, who, after remaining for 
some years in a state of imbecility, had 
shortly before his death recovered his 
senses, rejected this candidate, because he 
also was without offspring, and declared 
that he had received a private intimation 

and called in the Rohillas, against whom the vizier 
took the field in person. — (Scott, vol. ii., p. 225.) 

* The Mahrattas have borrowed this term from 
the Moguls, finding it perfectly applicable to their 
favourite mode of warfare. 

of the existence of a posthumous son of 
Sevajee II., who had been concealed by 
Tara Bye. The story sounded sufficiently 
improbable : but the peishwa and Tara Bye 
agreed in asserting its truth ; and the former 
procured from the rajah an instrument, 
transferring to him all the powers of the 
government, on condition of his maintaining 
the royal dignity in the house of Sevajee, 
through its newly-discovered representative 
and his descendants. Whether this docu- 
ment was authentic or not, the peishwa 
acted as if it had been so, by placing the 
alleged grandson of Tara Bye on the throne, 
with the title of Ram Raja, and by removing 
all obstacles to his own supremacy either by 
force, fraud, or bribery. The prithee nidhee 
was seized and thrown into prison, and 
Sawatri Bye goaded into performing suttee, 
in accordance with her own declaration, 
made before her husband's death, to dis- 
guise her real designs. Rugojee Bhonslay, 
who was anxious to prosecute his annual 
incursions into Bengal — not having then 
come to the above-mentioned agreement 
with Ali Verdi — formally acknowledged the 
succession of Ram Raja, receiving, in return, 
a portion of the confiscated lands of the 
prithee nidhee, and other concessions; 
while the good-will of Holcar and Sindia 
was secured by assignments of almost the 
entire revenue of Malwa.t Believing his path 
now clear, Balajee Bajee left the rajah at 
Sattara, under the control of Tara Bye, and 
starting from Poona, to which place he 
had before transferred his residence, and 
which may be henceforth considered as the 
Mahratta capital, proceeded to take part in 
the civil war that had broken out between 
the sons of the late nizam. He was speedily 
recalled to Delhi by the machinations of 
Tara Bye, who, having vainly endeavoured 
to induce her weak and timid grandchild to 
assert his independence, and set aside the 
dominant influence of the peishwa, vehe- 
mently declared, that she believed he was, 
after all, no true descendant of Sevajee, but 
a base-born Gonedulee,{ having been 
changed, at nurse, by the cottagers to 
whose ch;irge he had been confided; then 
throwing him into a damp, stone dungeon, 
with the coarsest grain doled out as food, 

£1,500,000, £750,000 was allotted to Holcar; 

£650,000 to Sindia; and £100,000 to Puar and 

other chiefs.— (DufFs Mahrattas, vol. ii., p. 40.) 

+ The Gonedulees are a low cast of musicians, in 

1 the house of one of whcm Rajah Ram (according to 

t Of the annual revenue, estimated at about I the statement of Tara Bye) had been first concealed. 


the old virago assumed the government in 
her own name, and called in the assistance 
of Dummajee Guicowar, who had previously 
refused to acknowledge the succession of 
Ham Rajah. Dummajee was treacherously- 
captured by the peishwa at a pretended 
friendly interview, and his army completely 
dispersed. Tara Bye proved a more trouble- 
some opponent, being regarded by the people 
as the rightful regent ; besides which, popular 
superstition attributed to her the possession 
of supernatural power ; but whether she was 
a deo or a dyt — that is, a good or an evil 
spirit — was a disputed point, though one on 
which most persons, acquainted with her 
character and history, would scarcely enter- 
tain much doubt. 

At Delhi, another revolution was impend- 
ing. During the absence of the vizier in 
Rohilcund, the Dooraui king had extorted 
from the emperor the cession of the Punjaub ; 
and this arrangement, though it would seem 
to have been almost inevitable, the vizier 
made the pretext for insult and reproach; 
and soon after, vented his jealous spleen by 
the assassination of Jaweed, a eunuch much 
favoured by the emperor and his mother, at 
a banquet to which the victim had been 
purposely invited. Exasperated by this out- 
rage, Ahmed Shah turned to the ameer- 
ool-omra for aid against the vizier. Tliis 
young man, named Shaab-oo-deen,* was 
grandson to Asuf Jah, and had inherited too 
much of his ancestor's unprincipled am- 
bition to hesitate taking any part that pro- 
mised to gratify his dominant passion ; he, 
therefore, gladly sided with the emperor 
against the very man whose patronage had 
placed him in an influential position. -A 
civil war ensued, determined not by one 
great battle, but carried on for six months 
in daily combats in the streets, during which 
time the vizier being a Sheiah, and his oppo- 
nent a Sunni, the war-cry of their respective 
adherents was the test-word of either sect. 
Becoming wearied of this unprofitable con- 
test, the rival ministers came to terms ; and 
the unhappy monarch, betrayed by both, 
made an effort to assert his independence ; 
but being captured by the Mahratta auxili- 
aries of his treacherous servants, under 
Mulhar Rao, was delivered over into the 
hands of the ameer-ool-omra, by whom he 
was deposed and blinded, together with the 
queen his mother, a.d. 1754. 

* Ho also bore his father's and grandfather's title 
of Ohazi-oo-deen ; but to avoid confusion, I have 
adhered to his original appellatitm. 

Alumgeer II. — Under this name a prince 
of the blood was placed on the vacant throne 
by Shaab-oo-deen, who, upon the death of 
the vizier, which happened about this 
time (at Lucknow, the capital of Oude), took 
upon himself the vacant office, and soon 
afterwards marched towards Lahore, secretly 
hoping to take advantage of the state of 
affairs in the Punjaub. Upon the death 
of the Mogul governor, whom Ahmed Shah 
had continued in his office after the cession, 
his infant son had been appointed to the 
viceroyalty under the tutelage of his mother. 
It so happened, that Shaab-oo-deen had been 
affianced to the daughter of the late viceroy, 
and he now approached on pretence of claim- 
ing his bride. The marriage festivities were in 
course of celebration, when a sudden attack 
was made upon the town, and the governess 
captured in her bed. While being conveyed 
to the camp, she vehemently denounced the 
treachery which had been practised, declar- 
ing, that the vengeance of Ahmed Shah 
would be swift and terrible. Her prediction 
was verified: the Doorani king marched 
rapidly from Candahar, passed through the 
Punjaub without opposition, and advanced 
upon Delhi to enforce his demand of pecu- 
niary compensation. The culprit escaped 
through the intercession of his mother-in- 
law, whom he had contrived to conciliate; 
but the devoted city was again given over 
to pillage and slaughter, Alimed Shah, if 
willing, being quite unaljle to restrain the 
excesses of his soldiery. A detachment 
was sent into Bengal to levy a contribution, 
and Ahmed proceeded in person to Agra, 
against the Jats, with n similar object. The 
troops enforced his exactions by the most 
barbarous methods, and found, in bigotry, 
an excuse and incentive for the indulgence 
of their natural ferocity. The ancient and 
venerated city of Muttra was surprised dur- 
ing the celebration of a religious festival, and 
the defenceless worshippers massacred with- 
out distinction of sex or age. 

Happily, the career of these destroyers 
was stopped by the excessive heat, which 
occasioned an alarming mortality among 
them, and compelled Ahmed Shah to re- 
nounce the siege of the citadel of Agra, 
which was defended by a Mogul governor, 
and be content with the money already 
levied. Before returning to his own terri- 
tories, he married a princess of the house 
of Timur, and affianced another to his son, 
afterwards Timur Shah. He also caused an 
able and enterprising Roliilla chief, named 



Nujeeb-oo-dowla, to be appointed ameer- 
ool-omra at the especial request of the 
emperor, who hoped to find in him a coun- 
terpoise against his intriguing vizier. This 
scheme failed ; for Shaab-oo-deen called in 
the assistance of the Mahrattas, under 
Ragoba (brother to the peishwa), who had 
recently acquired notoriety by his proceed- 
ings in Guzerat, and in levying contributions 
on the Rajpoot states. Thus aided, the 
vizier forcibly re-established his paramount 
influence in Delhi, the prince, afterwards 
Shah Alum, having first escaped to a place 
of safety, and Nujeeb to his own country 
about Seharunpoor, to the north of Delhi. 

The ascendancy of his ally being se- 
cured, Ragoba next turned his attention to 
the Punjaub, where a turbulent chief, named 
Adina Beg, whose whole career had been a 
aeries of intrigues, was plotting the over- 
throw of Ahmed Shah's sway by means of 
the Sikhs, who, during the late disorders, 
had again become considerable. Ragoba, 
seeing in this disorganisation the promise 
of an easy conquest, marched to Lahore 
(May, 1758), and took possession of the 
whole of the Punjaub, the Dooranis retiring 
across the Indus without hazarding a battle. 
The death of Adina Beg threw the power 
wholly into the hands of the Mahrattas, 
who now began to talk unreservedly of 
their plans for the obtainment of unques- 
tioned supremacy over the whole of Hin- 
doostan. These pretensions, though little 
likely to be vigorously contested by the no- 
minal emperor, were opposed to the interests 
of various individuals, especially of Shuja- 
oo-dowla, who had succeeded his father, 
Sufdur Jung, in the government of Oude, 
and who now joined his hereditary foes, 
Nujeeb-oo-dowla and the Rohillas, against 
the common enemy. The first result of 
this alliance was the invasion of Rohilcund 
by the Mahrattas, and the destruction of 
1,300 villages in little more than a month : 
but Shuja marched from Lucknow to the 
relief of his allies, and drove the invaders, 
with heavy loss, across the Ganges, obliging 
their leader, Duttajee Sindia, to conclude a 
peace, which he did the more readily on 
account of the reported approach of Ahmed 
Shah from Cabool. 

The retaliation of the Afghan ruler for 
the expulsion of his son from the Punjaub, 
had been retarded by the attempt of Nadir 
Khan, chief of the Beloochees, to establish his 
entire independence ; but this question was 
no soouer settled than Ahmed, for the fourth 

time, invaded India (September, 1759), ad- 
vancing by the southern road of Shikarpoor 
to the Indus, and marching along its banks 
to Peshawer, where he crossed the river and 
entered the Punj aub. The Mahrattas ofi"ered 
no obstacle ; and he continued his progress 
towards Delhi, avoiding the swollen rivers, 
keeping near the northern hills until he 
passed the Jumna, opposite Seherunpoor. 

The approach of the Afghans greatly 
alarmed the vizier, who, conscious of the 
friendly feeling existing between Ahmed 
Shah and the emperor, thought to remove 
an obstacle from his path, and ensure a safe 
tool, by causing the assassination of Alum- 
geer II., and hurrying from the palace-prison 
of Selimghur to the throne, another ill- 
fated descendant of Aurungzebe. 

Extinction of Mogul power. — The title of 
the prince brought forward by Shaab-oo- 
deen was never recognised; and the heir- 
apparent (Shah Alum) being, happily for 
himself, beyond the reach of his father's 
murderer, the strange confederacy of Mo- 
guls, Mahrattas, and Jats, against Doorani 
and Rohilla Afghans, had no crowned leader 
whose uncontested supremacy epuld aiford a 
bond of union to all concerned. 

At this crisis, the question naturally arises 
— where were the Rajpoots, and how occu- 
pied, at an epoch so favourable for the 
assertion of national independence and in- 
dividual aggrandisement? Their eloquent 
historian. Colonel Tod, candidly admits, that, 
absorbed in civil strife, enfeebled by luxury, 
degraded by intrigue — their position, in no 
small degree, resembled that of the once 
powerful dynasty, whose most distinguished 
members they had opposed so bravely, or 
served so loyally. Yet, even had Mewar 
possessed a rana able and energetic as Pertap 
or Umra — Marwar, a rajah like Jeswunt or 
Ajeet; or Amber (Jeypoor), like Maun or 
Jey Sing, it is still not probable that 
Rajast'han would have become the nucleus 
of a Hindoo empire. The characteristics of 
feudal confederacies are, under any circum- 
stances, scarcely consistent with compre- 
hensive and enlightened patriotism ; and the 
temporary alliances between Rajpoot states, 
formed in an hour of mutual peril, were 
thrown aside as soon as their immediate 
cause was removed. The spirit of clanship, 
unrestrained by higher and holier princi- 
ples, prompted in proud and ardent breasts 
many deeds which, at the first glance, seem 
grand and heroic, but when tried by the 
standard of Christian law, severe in its sim- 



plicity, are found to be fair-seeming fruit 
rotten at the core. To raise the honour of 
a clan — to humble a rival — to avenge an 
affront — these were objects to be gained at 
any cost of blood or treasure, and without 
regard to the character and true interest of 
the state. It was by taking advantage of the 
opportunities thus oiFered, and by becoming 
partisans in disputed successions, that the 
Mahrattas, as much by stratagem as by 
force, were enabled to levy chout over all 

The Mahratta power was now at its 
zenith. The whole territory, from the Indus 
and Himalaya, on the north, to nearly the 
extremity of the Peninsula, was either sub- 
jugated or tributary. The authority of the 
peishwa had become absolute, Tara Bye 
having, though ungraciously enough, been 
compelled to enter into terms of peace. She 
still, however, persisted in retaining the un- 
fortunate Rajah Ram in rigorous confine- 
ment, a measure which entirely coincided 
with the views of the wily Brahmin, who 
ensured its continuance by perpetually so- 
liciting its revocation. The army, no longer 
composed of predatory bands, now included 
a large body of well-paid and well-mounted 
cavalry, 10,000 infantry, and a train of artil- 
lery. Nor were external signs of increasing 
wealth and dominion wanting. The pomp 
which had characterised the palmy days of the 
Delhi court, together with much of the cere- 
monial of Rajpoot states, was now observed 
at Poona; and the peishwa and inferior 
ministers, possessing the comely forms and 
courteous manners common among Concan 
Brahmins, bore their new-fledged honours 
with natural dignity. The case was very 
different with the field-oflBcers, who, by ex- 
changing the rude but picturesque garb and 
homely manners of former days, for the 
cumbersome attire and wearisome conven- 
tionalities, in which they rather caricatured 
than copied the Moguls, not only rendered 
themselves ridiculous, but really lost much 
eflBciency in vain attempts to assume a 
stateliness of demeanour in correspondence 
with the cloth-of-gold uniforms in which 
their short, sturdy, active, little bodies were 
now encased. Their love of plunder had, 
however, undergone no change : they even 
seemed to have become more extortionate 

* The Bhow, or brother, is a terra commonly ap- 
plied by the Mahrattas to cousins German. 

t llagoba remained in the Deccan, having given 
offence by his improvidence in previous campaigns. 

I The Jats (who, according to Tod, are " assuredly 

in proportion to their growing passion for 
ostentatious display. Their conduct, at this 
epoch, brought its own punishment; for, 
although there were 30,000 Mahratta horse 
in the field, in two bodies, at some distance 
from each other, when the Dooranis crossed 
the Jumna, the country people, exasperated 
by their depredations, kept them in com- 
plete ignorance of the movements of the 
enemy. Ahmed Shah was consequently 
enabled to prevent their junction; and, 
coming suddenly on the body under Dut- 
tajee Sindia, slew that chief and two-thirds 
of his force, while the other division was 
overtaken and almost destroyed by a de- 
tachment which had made an extraordinary 
march for that purpose. The news of this 
inauspicious commencement of the war, 
enraged but did not dispirit the Mahrattas, 
who prepared for a desperate and decisive 
encounter. The command of the assembled 
force was given to the peishwa's cousin, 
Sewdasheo Rao Bhow, commonly called the 
Bhow,* a brave soldier, but too violent and 
headstrong for a safe general. He was ac- 
companied by Wiswas Rao, the youthful 
son and heir-apparent of the peishwa, 
and by almost all the leading Mahratta 
chiefs. t The pressing necessity of uniting 
to repel the common foe of the Hin- 
doos, seems to have aroused even the Raj- 
poots from their apathy, and induced them 
to lay aside their private quarrels ; for seve- 
ral Rajpoot detachments were sent to join 
the Mahratta force on its march from the 
Deccan, and Suraj Mul came to meet them 
with 30,000 Jats. This experienced old 
chief beheld with dismay the gorgeous ap- 
pearance of the advancing cavalcade, and 
earnestly entreated the Bhow to leave his 
heavy baggage, infantry, and guns, under 
the protection of the strong forts in the Jat 
territory, and practise the same tactics 
which had so often proved successful; 
urging, that if the war could only be pro- 
tracted, the Dooranis, who had been already 
many months in India, would probably be 
constrained by the climate to withdraw to 
their native mountains. This judicious 
counsel, though seconded by the Mahratta 
chiefs, was haughtily rejected by their com- 
mander, who affected to despise the Jats; J 
treated Suraj Mul as a petty zemindar, 

a mixture of the Rajpoot and Yuti, Jit, or Jete races") 
formed the cliief part of the agricultural popula- 
tion of Agra in the reign of Aurungzebe, by whose 
persecutions they were driven to rebel and elect 
Choramun for their leader and rajah. 


incapable of judging of politics on a large 
scale; and marched on, in defiance of all 
counsel, with his whole force to Delhi, which 
was held by a small garrison of Dooranis and 
their partisans, Ghazi-oo-deen having sought 
refuge in the Jat country. The citadel 
yielded after a feeble defence. The Bhow 
triumphantly entered the ill-fated capital; 
defaced the palaces, tombs, and shrines, for 
the sake of the rich ornaments which had 
been spared by the Persians and Afghans ; 
tore down the silver ceiling of the hall of 
audience (which was coined into seventeen 
lacs of rupees) ; seized the throne, and all 
other royal ornaments ; and even talked of 
proclaiming Wiswas Rao emperor of India. 
Disgusted and alarmed by these rash and 
grasping proceedings, Suraj Mul returned 
to his own territory, and the Rajpoots like- 
wise withdrew from the confederacy. Ahmed 
Shah passed the rainy season on the fron- 
tier of Oude, and during that time suc- 
ceeded in procuring the co-operation of 
Shuja-oo-dowla. He then marched rapidly 
towards Delhi, and on reaching Cunjpoora, 
on the Jumna, learned that the Doorani 
garrison stationed there had been captured 
by the enemy, and put to the sword. In a 
paroxysm of rage, the Shah, thirsting for 
revenge, crossed the river between fording 
and swimming ; and this impetuous act, by 
which many lives were sacrificed, so asto- 
nished the Mahrattas, that they retired to 
Paniput, and intrenched their camp. 

The force of Ahmed Shah was computed 
at less than 100,000 men; that of his oppo- 
nent at 300,000, including followers.* This 
disparity prevented the invader from ven- 
turing an attack, and induced him to en- 
camp, and fortify his position. For three 
months the hostile armies remained face to 
face, without coming to any decisive en- 
gagement. During that time the state of 
affairs underwent a material change. The 
Mahrattas at first endeavoured to provoke 
an attack, by cutting off the supplies of the 
Doorani camp ; and with this object a chief, 
named Govind Rao Bondela, was ordered to 
collect troops on the lower course of the 
Jumna, and spread over the country in the 

* The Bhow's force consisted of 65,000 caTalry, in 
regular pay, with at least 15,000 predatory Mahratta 
horse, and 15,000 infantry ; of whom, 9,000 were 
disciplined sepoys, under Ibrahim Khan Gardi, a 
Mussulman deserter from the French service. He 
had 200 guns, with numerous wall-pieces, and a great 
supply of rockets, which is a favourite weapon with 
the Mahrattas. These troops, with their immediate 
followers, made the numbers within his lines amount 

Mahratta fashion. Govind Rao obeyed, and 
levied 10,000, or 12,000 men, who proved 
very successful plunderers, until their leader 
was surprised in a mango-grove and cut off, 
with about a thousand followers, by a body 
of horse, who had come upon them, after 
performing a march of sixty miles. Other 
disasters followed ; and, at length, all means 
of forage being cut off, Ahmed Shah suc- 
ceeded in establishing a rigid blockade ; and 
the resources of the town of Paniput, which 
was within the lines, being quite exhausted, 
the pressure of want began to be severely felt ; 
and, from clamouring for arrears of pay, the 
Mahrattas now began to lack daily food. 
Cooped up amidst the stench of a besieged 
camp, among dead and dying animals, sur- 
rounded by famished followers, the once 
mighty host grew weaker daily ; and, to the 
dispiriting influences of physical evils, the 
knowledge of the dissensions between the 
Bhow, Holcar, and minor chiefs, added 
greatly. The position of Ahmed Shah was 
one of considerable difficulty; but he rejected 
the overtures of peace made through the 
intervention of Shuja-oo-dowla, judging, 
by the impatience and weariness of his own 
troops, of the condition of the foe, and feel- 
ing convinced that they would soon be 
driven into quitting their intrenchments, as 
the only alternative from starvation. Mean- 
while he kept a vigilant guard, visiting his 
posts, reconnoitring the enemy, and riding 
fifty to sixty miles a-day. Among the last 
efforts of the besieged, was the dispatch of a 
party, with innumerable camp-followers, on 
a midnight foraging expedition. The at- 
tempt was discovered by the watchful picket 
stationed by Ahmed Shah, and the defence- 
less crowd were surrounded and slaughtered 
in prodigious numbers. On this, the chiefs 
and soldiers called upon the Bhow to put an 
end to their sufferings and suspense, by 
leading them to the attack. The necessary 
orders were given; the last grain in store 
distributed among the famishing troops ; 
and, an hour before day-break, the Mah- 
rattas quitted their intrenchments, marching 
forth with the ends of their turbans loosened, 
and their hands and faces dyed with turmeric; 

to 300,000 men. Ahmed Shah had about 4,000 
Afghans and Persians, 13,000 Indian horse, and a 
force of Indian infantry, estimated at 38,000, of which 
the part consisting of Kohilla Afghans would be very 
efficient ; but the great majority, the usual rabble 
of Indian foot-soldiers. He had, also, about thirty 
ijieces of cannon of different calibres, chiefly be- 
longing to the Indian allies, and a number of 
wall-pieces. (Elphinstone, vol. ii., p. 679.) 



their gait and expressions bespeaking vic- 
tims prepared for sacrifice, rather than war- 
riors hoping for conquest. The sight of the 
foe revived their courage ; a fierce onslaught 
was made on the centre of the Mohammedan 
army ; and a general encounter followed, 
which lasted in unabated violence until noon 
— the field of action being one mass of dust 
and confusion, the combatants fighting hand 
to hand, and the shrieks and groans of the 
dying drowned by the incessant " Allah ! " 
and "Deen \" of the Mohammedans, and the 
"Hur! Hur! Mahdeo !" of the Mahrattas. 
Up to this period, victory seemed to incline 
to the latter party ; but a reserve, sent for- 
ward by Ahmed Shah, who, from his little 
red tent, had eagerly watched the engage- 
ment, decided the fortune of the day. The 
Bhow and Wiswas were slain.* Holcar and 
Dummajee Guicowar quitted the field ; and 
" all at once, as if by enchantment, the 
whole Mahratta army turned their backs, 
and fled at full speed." f The victors pur- 
sued them with the utmost fury, giving no 
quarter, and slaying without mercy all who 
fell into their hands. Men, women, and 
children crowded into the town of Paniput, 
where they were blockaded for the night, 
and the next morning divided into allot- 
ments by their barbarous captors, the 
women and children being taken for slaves, 
the men ranged in lines, and prevented 
from fainting by a few grains of parched 
corn, and a little water poured into the 
palms of their hands preparatory to their 
decapitation ; after which, their heads were 
piled around the doors of the tents,J as 
fitting trophies of what men call "a glorious 
victory." These atrocities Ahmed Shah 
made no effort to restrain ; but, on the 
contrary, sanctioned by example the cold- 
blooded massacre of the most distinguished 
prisoners, among whom was Jancojee Sindia, 

* The body of Wiswas Rao was brought to the 
tent of the Shah, where the whole camp assembled 
to look upon it, and admire the extraordinary beauty 
which, strange to say, a violent death had not 
marred. Yet the Afghans, untouched by pity, looked 
upon the pale corpse only as an evidence of victory ; 
and were, with difficulty, induced by Shuja-oo-dowla 
to renounce the idea of having " it dried and stuffed, 
to carry to Cabool." Concerning the fate of the 
Bhow considerable uncertainty prevailed, although a 
headless trunk was said to be recognised as his by a 
scar on the back — certain marks in the hands and feet, 
which seemed to bear evidence of the 1,400 prostra- 
tions he made daily before the sun, and what the 
astrologers term the Puddum Mutch, or fortunate 
lines in his foot. 

t See narrative of Casi Rai, an officer in the ser- 
vice of Shuja-oo-dowla. {Asiatic Mesearches, vol. iii.) 

a youth about the age of Wiswas Rao. 
Ibrahim Khan was cruelly treated; and it 
was even reported that his death had been 
caused by the poison put into his wounds. 

This great overthrow was a blow from 
which the aspiring Mahrattas never whollj 
recovered. In the course of the cam- 
paign, 200,000 of them are alleged to have 
perished, including nearly all their leading 
chiefs. The disastrous intelligence reached 
the Deccan through the medium of a letter 
addressed to the soucars or bankers, who 
generally contrive to obtain the earliest 
tidings of all afiairs affecting the money- 
market. The letter-carrier was intercepted 
by the peishwa while about to cross the 
Nerbudda, on his way to Hindoostan, and 
its brief contents — " two pearls have been 
dissolved ; twenty-seven gold mohurs have 
been lost ; and, of the silver and copper, the 
total cannot be cast up" — revealed to him 
the fate of his beloved sou and cousin, of 
the officers and army. The shock proved 
fatal to a mind worn down with intrigue, 
and a frame enfeebled by indolence and sen- 
suality; and the peishwa, retiring towards 
Poona, died in a temple which he had erected 
near that city. Notwithstanding the personal 
faults of Balajee Bajee Rao, his political 
sagacity, polished manners, and great ad- 
dress, together with the honoured names 
he bore, had rendered him popular, and his 
death increased the gloom which overhung 
the country. § 

With the battle of Paniput || the Moham- 
medan portion of the history of India natu- 
rally closes. Ahmed Shah quitted Hindoo- 
stan without attempting to profit by the fruits 
of his victory; and Alum Shah, after endur- 
ing many vicissitudes of fortune, ended his 
days as a pensioner of the powerful company 
whose proceedings will occupy the chief por- 
tion of the following section. 

I The Dooranis said, that " when they left their 
own country, their mothers, wives, and sisters de- 
sired, that whenever they should defeat the un- 
believers, they would kill a few of them on their 
account, that they also might possess a merit in the 
sight of God." — (Casi Rai.) 

§ Tara Bye did not long survive her old adversary, 
the peishwa. She died, aged eighty-six, full of 
exultation at the misfortunes which had overtaken 
her foes. The rajah was then taken out of prison, 
and suffered to reside at large in Sattara ; his origi- 
nally weak intellect, still further broken down by 
persecution, rendering such a procedure free from 
any danger to the interests of Madhu Kao, the 
youthful son and successor of the late minister. 

II Paniput is in 29' 22' N., 76° 51' E. ; the town, 
about four miles in circumference, was formerly sur- 
rounded by a brick wall, of which a part still remains. 


Mohammedan Conquerors and Rulers of Ilindoosfan. 

House or 

House of 




Ghor dynasty 

Slave Kings. 

House of 

House of 


The Seyeds, 
or Seids. 

House of 




Name or Title. 




Ahmed , , . . . 


Abul Hussun 

Abul Baschid 




Masaud II 

Arslan i . 

Behram ... . . . 


Khosru Malik 

Shahab-oo-deen . . . . 



Altamsh .....*. 


llezia (Sultana) .... 
Behram (Moiz-oo-deen). . 
Masaud (Ala-oo-deen) . . 
Mahmood (Nasir-oo-deen) . 
Bulhun, or Balin .... 

Kei Eobad 




Gheias-oo-deen . . . . 

Mohammed (Juno) . . . 





Humayun ...... 

Mahmood Toghlak . . . 

Doulat Khan Lodi . . . 

Seyed Khizer Khan . . 

Moiz-oo-deen, or Seyed ) 

J^ Mobarik J 

j Seyed Mohammed' . . 
LSi'ved Al-oo-deen . . . . 

Bheilol Lodi . . , . 

Seeander Lodi 

Ibrahim Lodi ... 


Humayun . . ... 

Sheer Shah Soor . . . . 

Selim Shah Soor .... 

Feroze Soor 

Mohammed Shah Soor AdUi 

Ibrahim III 

^Seeander Soor 




Shah Jehan 

Aurungzebe (Alumgeer) , 
) Bahadur Shah 

Jehandar Shah .... 


Mohammed Shah .... 

Ahmed Shah 

Alumgeer II 

VAlum Shah 








Ghuznee . . . 

Ditto . . . 

Ditto . . . 

Ditto . . . 

Ditto . . . 

Ditto . . . 

Ditto . . . 

Ditto . . . 


Ditto . . . 
Do. and Lahore 

Ditto . . . 

Ditto . . . 

Ditto . . . 

Ditto . . . 

Ditto . . . 

'Ghor, Ghuz-1 

nee, & Delhi / 
"Delhi . 




■. Ditto 







/Deoghiri, or ") 

t Doulatabad ./ 

Delhi . . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 

Ditto . 
Agra . . 
Delhi & Gwalior 
Agra . 
Delhi . 

]. Delhi* Agra I 

■' Delhi . 


Son . 
Brother . , 
Son . . 
Brother . 
Uncle .... 
No Relation . . 
Prince of the Blood 
Brother .... 


Son . . 
Brother . 
Son .... 
Son . 

Conqueror . . 
His slave & general 
Son .... 
Son .... 
Sister , . . 
Brother . . . 
Son of Rukn . 
Grandson of Altamsh 
His Vizier . . , 
Son of Bakhara . 
A Khilji Chief. . 
Nephew .... 




Nephew .... 

Grandson . . . 

Ditto of Feroze . 

Son of Feroze . . 


Brother, a Minor . 
No Relative 
No Relative 
Eldest Son . . 

Son. . 


Conqueror . . , 



Conqueror . . . 


Usurper . 
Youngest Son . . 


Uncle .... 
(■Division of Domi-"l 

Death or Deposition. 

^ nion J 

Humayun . . . 




Fourth Son . 
Son . . 

Eldest Son . . . 
Son of Azim-u-Shan 

Nephew , . 

Son. . . . 
Prince of the Blood 


No successor . . 

Natural death, 1030. 

Deposed and blinded. 

Deposed and murdered. 


Natural death. 



Assassinated. \ 


Natural death. 

Natural death. 


Natural death. 

Natural death. 

Imprisoned and murdered. 


Natural death. 

Natural death. 

Natural death. 

Deposed after 7 mths. reign. 

Imprisoned and murdered. 

Imprisoned and murdered. 

Imprisoned and murdered. 

Natural death. 

Natural death. 





Killed, supposed by his son. 

Natural death. 

Natural death. 

Deposed and murdered. 


Natural death. 

Natural death. 

Driven from Delhi by TimtiT 


Natural death. 

Murdered in a Mosque. 

Natural death. 


Natural death. 

Natural death. 

Slain in battle at Paniput, 

Natural death. 

Driven into Persia. 

Killed at a siege. 

Natural death. 

Assassinated in 3 days. 

Expelled and slain. 

Imprisoned and slain. 

Defeated in battle, and fled 

Killed by a fall. 

Natural death. 

Natural death. 


Natural death.. 

Natural death. 


Deposed and slain. 

Natural death. 

Deposed and eyes put out. 


Natural death. 

Nctte. — Of the above 65 conquerors and rulers, 24 were assassinated or poisoned ; 1 1 were deposed, driven from th,e throne, 
or abdicated ; two were slain in battle ; one killed by a fall ; and 27 were said to have died a natural death. Fifteen 
princes of the Ghaznivede dynasty had an average duration of reign of II years ; 10 Slave kings of eight years ; three 
Khiljii of 10 years; eight Toghlak of 11 years; four Seyeds of nine years; three Lodi of 25 years; two Mogul 
of eight years ; six Afghan of two years; and 12 Mogul of 17 years each. If the reign of Akber, which lasted for 
49 years, and that of Aurungzebe, for 49 = 98, be deducted, the average duration of the remaining 10 princes' reigns 
was only lOJ years. The period of 751 years gives an average reign, to each prince, of exactly H years. These state- 
ments must, however, be regarded rather as affording a general view of the Indo-Mohammedan Dynasties, than aa 
^sertions of opinions on various disputed points respecting the death and exact date of accession of several potentates : 
for accounts of the minor Mohammedan kingdoms see pp. 93 to 107. The Great Moguls alone assumed the title of 
Padsha, or Emperor. 



Some light is thrown on the communication 
between the eastern and western hemis- 
pheres by the scriptural account of the fre- 
quent supplies of spices and other oriental 
products obtained by Solomon from the sou- 
thern parts of Asia, b.c. 1000. The Phoe- 
nicians were even then supposed to have 
long been the chief carriers in the Indian 
trade, by way of the Red Sea and the Per- 
sian Gulf; but an overland intercourse ap- 
pears to have been simultaneously main- 
tained through Persia and Arabia. Of the 
Asiatics themselves, and of their territories, 
little was known in Europe until the inva- 
sion of the Indian frontier by Alexander the 
Great, b.c 331. For nearly three centuries 
after his death, the Indian traffic was chiefly 
conducted by Egyptian and Arabian mer- 
chants, by way of the Red Sea, the Nile, 
and the Mediterranean; the marts being 
Berenice, Coptos, and Alexandria. There 
were, besides, two other and far less fre- 
quented routes : the first lay through Persia 
and the upper part of Arabia to the Syrian 
cities, and stretched over a long and dreary 
desert tract, in which the only halting-place 
was the famous Tadmor or Palmyra — the 
city of palms — whose independence and 
growing prosperity exciting the jealousy of 
imperial Rome, proved the occasion of its 
destruction, notwithstanding the determined 
efibrts of its brave queen, Zenobia. With 
Palmyra the overland traffic of the desert, 
which had existed since the time of Abra- 
ham, terminated ; but the other route, 
across the rocky passes of the Hindoo 
Koosh, is still in existence, and by this 
means an inland trade is maintained between 
India, Persia, and Russia {vid Bokhara