LIBRARY OF
WELLESLEY COLLEGE
PRESENTED BY
Alice Stone Bleckwell
INDIAN HOME RULE
BY
M. K. G A N D H I
FIFTH EDITION
AS. 6
GANESH *32> Co., MADRAS
Books by C. F. Andrews
The Claim for Independence
Within or without the British Empire Price As. 8.
Non-Co operation
The Whys and Wherefores Price A*. 8.
Indians in South Africa
Helots within the British Empire Price Ac . 8.
The Drink and Opium Evil
Miss La Molte says : " A nation that; can nubjuRate 300,000,000
helpless Indian people, and then turn tnern into drug
idiots, for the sake of revenue, is a nition, whioh commits
a cold-blooded atrooir,y unparalleled by any atrooity com-
mitted in the rage and heat of war." Price As. 4.
How India can be Free
" I^dia has no need to take the sword in order to be free : 8he
has a muoh more powerful weapon ready to her hand. If
once her people unisediy decide to be free tbey o*n bo free."
Price As. 4.
Indian Independence :
The immediate need
To be in subjeation to a band of foreign rulers, ifSeeley's
historcal m^xim is true, oannor, but lead to national
deterioration. This is why the need for independence is so
immediate. Tbis is way it oannor, be postponed. The verdioc
of the most sober English Historians is this. thar. India,
without a single baud oeing lifted to strike a single blow,
can aetermine her own destiny. The sheer weight of
numbers* — three hundred and twenty millions against a fpw
thousands, — is so great, that if these numbers could once
speak with one mind, their will must be oarried out.
Price As. 8.
GANCiH 12 Co., Publishers, A^adras.
INDIAN HOME RULE
BY
M. K. GANDHI
Reprinted with a Dew foreword by the author
FIFTH EDITION
GANESH <3? Co., MADRAS
1922
226017
MADRA8:
THE MODERN PRINTING WORKS, MO0NT ROAD.
P (if"
•
NOTE
The doctrine of violence is more widely believ-
ed in than is generally realised. The votaries of
violence can be divided into two classes. Some,
a small and dwindling class, believe in it and are
prepared to act according to their faith Others, a
very large class always, and now, after bitter ex-
periences of the failure of constitutional agitation,
larger than ever, believe in violence, but that belief
does not le.id them to action. It disables them
from work on any basis other than force. The
belief in violence serves to dissuade them from all
other kinds of work or^sacrifice. In both cases
the evil is great.
There can be no reconstruction or hope for
this land of ours, unless we eradicate the worship of
force in all its forms, and establish work on a basis
other than violence. A refutation of the doctrine
of violence is, in the present situation of the
affairs of our country, more necessary than ever.
To this end, nothing better can be conceived
than the publication and wide distribution of
Mr. Gandhi's famous book.
It was extremely patriotic of Messrs. Ganesh
and Company to have readily agreed to undertake
the work when they were approached with the
request.
Satyagrah Sabha,]
Madias, C. Rajagopalachar.
6-6—19.
FOREWOBD
I have re-read this booklet more thai*
once. The value at the present moment lies,
in re-printing it as it is. But if I had to
revise it, there is only one word I would
alter in accordance with a. promise made to
an English friend. She took exception to
my use of the word ^prostitute ' in speaking
of the Parliament. Her fine taste recoiled
from the indelicacy of the expression. I
remind the reader that the booklet purports
to be a free translation of the original which
is in Gujarati.
After years of endeavour to put into
practice the views expressed in the following
pages, I feel that the way shown therein is
the only true way to Swaraj. Satyagrah—
the law of love is the Law of life. Depar-
ture from it leads to disintegration. A firm
adherence to it leads to regeneration.
BOMBAY, }
[ M. K. GANDHI
88th May, 1919.
HIND SWARAJ
OR
THE INDIAN HOME RULE
Beply to Critics
It is certainly my good fortune that
this booklet of mine is receiving wide atten-
tion. The original is in Gujarati. It had a
chequered career. It was first published in
the columns of the ' Indian Opinion ' of
South Africa. It was written in 1908 during
my return voyage from London to South
Africa in answer to the Indian school of vio-
lence, and its prototype iu South Africa, I
•came in contact with every known Indian
anarchist in London. Their bravery impressed
me, but I feel that their zeal was misguided.
I felt that violence was no remedy for India's
ills, and that her civilization required the use
of a different and higher weapon for self-
protection. The Satyagrah of South Africa
was still an infant hardly two years old- But
it had developed sufficiently to permit me to
write of it with some degree of confidence. It
6 INDIAN HOME EULE
was so much appreciated that it was published
as a booklet. It attracted some attention in
India. The Bombay Government prohibited
its circulation. I replied by publishing its
translation. I thought that it was due to my
English friends that they should know its
contents. In my opinion it is a book which
can be put into the hands of a child. It tea-
ches che gospei of love in the place of that of
hate. It replaces violence with self-sacrifice.
It pits soul force against brute force. It has
gong through several editions and I commend
it to those who would care to read it. I with-
draw nothing except one word of it, and that
in deference to a lady friend. I have given
the reason for the alteration in the preface^to
the Indian edition.
The booklet is a severe condemnation of
'modem civilization.' It was written in 1908.
My conviction is deeper to-day than ever. I
feel that if India would discard ' modern civili-
zation' she. can only gain by doing so.
But I would warn the reader against
thinking that lam to-day aiming at the Swaraj
described therein. I know that India is not
ripe for it. It may seem an impertinence to
KEPLY TO CRITICS 7
say so. But such is my conviction. I am
individually working for the self-rule pictured
therein. But to-day my corporate activity is
undoubtedly devoted to the attainment of
Parliamentary Swaraj in accordance with the
wishes of the people of India. I am not aiming
at destroying railways or hospitals, though I
would certainly welcome their natural
destruction. Neither railways nor hospitals
are a test of a high and pure civilization. At
best they are a necessary evil. Neither adds
one inch to the moral stature of a nation. Nor
am I aiming at a permanent destruction of
law courts, much as I regard it as a ' consum-
mation devoutly to be wished for.' Still less
am I trying to destroy all machinery and mills.
It requires a higher simplicity and renuucia-
tion than the people &re to-day prepared for.
The only part of the programme which is
now being carried out in its entirety is that of
non-violence. But I regret to have to confess
that even that is not being carried out in the
spirit of the book. . If it were, India would
establish Swaraj in a day. If India adopted
the doctrine of love as an active part of her
religion and introduced it in her politics, Swaraj
8 INDIAN HOME EULE
would descend upon India from heaven. But I
am painfully aware that that event is far off
as yet.
I offer these comments because I observe
that much is being quoted from the booklet to
discredit the present movement. I have even
seen writings suggesting that I am' playing a
deep game, that I am using the present turmoil
to foist my fads on India, and am making
religious experiments at India's expense. I cau
only answer that Satyagrah is made of sterner
stuff. There is nothing reserved and nothing
Secret in it. A portion of the whole theory
of life described in 'Hind Swaraj' is undoubtedly
being carried into practice. There is no
danger attendant upon the whole of it being
practised. But it is not right to scare away
people by reproducing from my writings
passages that are irrelevant to the issue before
the country.
M. K. GANDHI,
Young India, 26th January, 1921.
\
CONTENTS
Chap.
Page
I
The Congress aad Its Officials....
11
II
The Partition of Bengal
18
III
The Discontent and Unrest ....
21
IV
What is Swaraj ?
22
V
The Condition of England ....
26
VI
Civilization
30
VII
Why was India Lost ?
35
VIII
The condition of India
39
IX
Do. Kailways
43
X
Do. Hindus and Mahomedafis
47
XI
Do. Lawyers
55
XII
Do. Doctors
60
XIII
What is True Civilization ? .....
63
XLV
How can India become Free?....
67
XV
Italy and India
71
XVI
Brute Force
75
XVII
Passive Resistance
84
XVIII
Education
97
XIX
Machinery
105
XX
Conclusion
110
Appendices .... 123
INDIAN HOME RULE
CHAPTER I
The Congress and Its Officials
Reader : Just at present there is a Home Rule
wave passing over India. All our countrymen ap-
pear to be pining for National Independence. A
similar spirit pervades them even in South Afri -a,
Indians seem to be eager after acquiring rights. Will
you explain your views in this matter ?
Editor : You have well puj; the question, but
the answer is not easy. One of the objects of a
newspaper is to understand the popular feeling and
to give, expression to it ; another is to arouse among
the people certain desirable sentiments ; and the
third is fearlessly to expose popular defects. The
exercise of all these three functions is involved in
answering your question. To a certain extent trie
people's will has to be expressed ; certain senti-
ments will need to be fostered, and defects will
have to be brought to light. But, as you have asked
the question, it is my duty to answer it.
Reader : Do you then consider that a desire
for Home Rule has been created among us ?
12 INDIAN HOME RULE
Editor : That desire gave rise to the National
Congress The choice of the word "National"
implies it.
Reader : That, surely, is not the case. Young
India seems to ignore the Congress. It is consi-
dered to be an instrument for perpetuating British
Rale.
Editor : That opinion is not justified. Had
not the Grand Old Man of India prepared the soil,
our young men could not have even spoken about
Home Rule. How can we forget what Mr. Hume
has written, how he has lashed us into action, and
with what effort he has awakened us, in order to
achieve the objects of the Congress? Sir William
Wedderburn has given his body, mind and money
to the fame cause. His writings are worthy of
perusal to this day. Professor Gokhale, in order
to prepare the Nation, embraced poverty and gave
twenty years of his life. Even now, he is living in
poverty. The late Justice Buddrudin Tyebji was
also one of those who, through the Congress, sowed
the beed of Home Rule. Similarly in Bengal, Madras,
the Punjab and other places, there have been lovers
of India and members of the Congress, both Indian
and English.
Reader : Stay, stay, you are going too far, you
are straying away from my question, I have asked
you about Home or Self-Rule; you are discussing
THE CONGRESS AND ITS OFFICIALS 13
foreign rule. I do not desire to hear English names,
and you are giving me such names. In these cir-
cumstances, I do not think we can ever meet. I
shall be pleased if you will confine yourself to
Home Rule. All other wise talk will not satisfy me.
Editor : You are impatient. I cannot afford to
be likewise. If you will bear with me for a while,
I think you will find tnat you will obtain what you
want. Remember the old proverb that the* tree does
not grow in one day. The fact that you have
checked me, and that you do not want to hear about
the well-wishers of India, shows that, for you at
any rate, Home Rule is yet far away. If we had
many like you, we would never make any advance.
This thought is worthy of your attention.
Reader : It seems to me that you simply want
to put me off by talking round and round. Those
whom you consider to be well-wishers of India are
not such in my estimation. Why, then, should I
listen to your discourse on such people ? What has
he whom you consider to be the father of the nation
done for it ? He says that the English Governors
will do justice, and that we should co-operate with
them.
Editor : I must tell you with all gentleness
that it must be a matter of shame for us that you
should speak about that great man, in terms of dis-
respect. Just look at his work. He has dedicated
his life to the service of India. We have learned
14 INDIAN HOME RULE
what we know from hirn. It was the respected
Dadabhai who taught us that the Eoglish had
sucked our life-blood. What does it matter that, to-
day, his trust is still in the English nation?
Is Dadabhai less to be honoured because, in the
exuberance of youth, we ate prepared to go a step
further ? Are we, on that account, wiser than he ?
It is a mark of wisdom not to kick against the very
step from which we have risen higher. The removal
of a step from a staircase brings down the whole of
it. When, out of infancy we grow into youth,
we do not despise infancy, but, on the contrary, we
recall with affection the days of our childhood. If,
after many years of study, a teacher were to
teach me something, and if I were to build
a little more on the foundation laid by that
teacher, 'I would not, on that account, be considered
wiser than the teacher. He would always com-
mand my respect. Such is the case with the Gran<}
Old Man of India. We must admit that he is the
author of Nationalism.
Reader : You have spoken well. I can now
understand that we must look upon Mr. Dadabhai
with respect. Without him and men like him, we
would probably not have the spirit that fires usV.
How can the same be said of Professor Gokhale ?
He has constituted himself a great friend of the Eng-
lish ; he says that we have to learn a great deal from
them, that we have to learn their political
THE CONGRESS AND ITS OFFICIALS 15
wisdom, before we can talk of Home Rule. I am
tired of reading his speeches.
Editor : If you are tired, it only betrays your
impatience, We believe that those who are dis-
contented with the slowness of their parents, and
are angry because the parents would not run with
their children, are considered disrespectful to their
parents. Professor Gokhale occupies the place of
a parent. What does it matter if he cannot run
with us ? A nation that is desirous of securing
Home Rule cannot afford to despise its ancestors.
We shall become useless if we lack respect for out-
siders. Only men with mature thoughts are capable of
ruling themselves and not the hasty-tempered. More-
over, how many Indians were there like Professor
Gokhale, when he gave himself to Indian education?
I verily believe that whatever Professor Gokhale
does he does with pure motives and with a view to
serving India. His devotion to the Motherland is
so great, that he would give his life for it if neces-
sary. Whatever he says is said not to flatter anyone
but because he believes it to be true. We are bound,
therefore, to entertain the highest regard for him.
Reader : Are we, then, to follow him in every
respect ?
Editor : I never said any such thing. If we
conscientiously differed from him, the learned
Professor himself would advise us to follow the dic-
tates of our conscience rather than him. Our chief
16 INDIAN HOME RULE
purpose is not to cry down his work, but to believe
that he is infinitely greater than we, and to feel
assured that compared with his work for India,
ours is infinitesimal. Several newspapers write
disrespectfully of him. It is our duty to protest
against such writings. We should consider men
like Professor G-okhile to be the pillars of Home
Rule. It is a bad habit to say that another man's
thoughts are bad and ours only are good, and that
those holding different views from ours are the
enemies of the country.
Reader: I now begin to understand some-
what your meaning. I shall have to think the
matter over, but what you say about Mr. Hume
and Sir William Wedderburn is beyond comprehen-
sion.
Editor : The same rule holds good for the
English as for the Indians. I can never subscribe
to the statement that all Englishmen are bad.
Many Englishmen desire Home Rule for India.
That the English people are somewhat more selfish
than others is true, but that does not prove that
every Englishman is bad. We who seek justice will
have to do justice to others. Sir William does not
wish ill to India — that should be enough for us. As
we proceed, you will see that, if we act justly, India
will be sooner free. You will see, too, that, if we
shun every Englishman as an enemy, Home Rule
will be delayed. But if we are just to them, we
THE CONGRESS AND ITS OFFICIALS 17
shall receive their support in our progress towards
the goal.
Reader : All this seems to me at present to be
simply nonsensical. English support and the
obtaining of Home Rule are two contradictory
things. How can the English people tolerate
Home Rule for us? But I do not want you to
decide this question for me just yet. To pass time
over it is useless. When you have shown how we
can have Home Rule, perhaps I shall understand
your views. You have prejudiced me against
you by discoursing on English help. I would,
therefore, beseech you not to continue this subject.
Editor : I have no desire to do so. That you
are prejudiced against me is not a matter for rrruch
anxiety. It is well that I should say unpleasant
things at the commencement, it is my duty patiently
to try to remove your prejudice.
Reader : I like that last statement. It em-
boldens me to say what I like. One thing still
puzzles me. I do not understand how the Congress
laid the foundation of Home Rule.
Editor : Let us see. The Congress brought
together Indians from different parts of India, and
enthused us with the idea of Nationality. The
Government used to look upon it with disfavour.
The Congress has always insisted that the Nation
should control revenue and expenditure. It has
always desired self-government after the Canadian
2
18 INDIAN HOME RULE
model. Whether we can get it or not, whether we
desire it or not, and whetner there is not some-
thing more desirable, are different questions. All I
have to show is that the Congress gave us a fore-
taste of Home Rule. To deprive it of the honour
is not proper, and for us to do so would not only be
ungrateful, but retard the fulfilment of our object.
To treat the Congress as an institution inimical to
our growth as a Nation would disable us from using
that body.
CHAPTER II
The Partition op Bengal
Reader : Considering the matter as you put
it, it seems proper to say that the foundation of
Home Rule was laid by the Congress. But you
will admit that it cannot be considered a real
awakening. When and how did the awakening
take place ?
Editor : The seed is never seen. It works
underneath the ground, is itself destroyed, and the
tree which rises above the ground is alone seen,
Such is the case with the Congress. Yet, what
you call the real awakening took place after the
Partition of Bengal. For this we have to be
thankful to Lord Curzon. At the time of the
Partition, the people of Bengal reasoned with
Lord Curzon, but, in the pride of power, he
THE PABTITION OF BENGAL 19
disregarded all their prayers — he took it for grant-
ed that Indians could only prattle, that they
could never take any effective steps. He used in-
sulting language, and, in the teeth of all. opposition,
partitioned Bengal. That day may be considered to
be the day of the partition of the British Empire.
The shock that the British power received through
the Partition has never been equalled by any other
act. This does not mean that the other injustices
done to India are less glaring than that done
by the Partition. The salt-tax is not a small in-
justice. We shall see many such things liter on.
But the people were ready to resist the Partition.
At that time, the feeling ran high. Many leading
Bengalis were ready to lose their all. Thee knew
their power ; hence the conflagration It is now
well nigh unquenchable ; it is not necessary to
quench it either. Partition will go, Bengal will be
re-united, but the rift in the English barque will
remain : it must daily widen, India awakened is
not likely to fall asleep. Demand for abrogation of
Partition is tantamount to demand for Home Rule.
Leaders in Bengal know this, British officials realise
it. That is why Partition still remains. As time
passes, the Nation is being forged. Nations are not
formed in a day ; the formation requires years.
Reader ; What, in your opinion, are the re-
sults of Partition ?
Editor : Hitherto we have considered that for
20 INDIAN HOME RULE
redress of grievances, we must approach the Throne
and, if we get no redress, we must sit still, except
that we may still petition. After the Partition,
people saw that petitions must be backed up by
force, and that they must be capable of suffering.
This new spirit must be considered to be the chief
result of Partition. That spirit was seen in
the outspoken writings in the press. That which
the people said tremblingly and in secret began
to be said and to be written publicly. The Swadeshi
movement was inaugurated. People, young and
old, used to run away at the sight of an English
face ; it now no longer awed them. They did not
fear even a row, or being imprisoned. Some of the
best sons of India are at present in banishment.
This is something different from mere petitioning.
Thus are the people moved. The spirit generated in
Bengal has spread in the North to the Puujab, and
in the South to Cape Comorin.
Reader: Do you suggest any other striking
result ?
Editor : The Partition has not only made a
rift in the English ship, but has made it in ours
also. Great events always produce great results.
Our leaders are divided into two parties : the
Moderates and the Extremists. These may be
considered as the slow party and the impatient
party. Some call the Moderates the timid Party,
and the Extremists the bold party. All interpret
DISCONTENT AND UNREST 21
the two words according to their pre-conceptions.
This much is certain — that there has arisen an
enmity between the two. The one distrusts the
other, and imputes motives. At the time of the
Surat Congress, there was almost a fight. I think
that this division is not a good thing for the
country, bat I think also that such divisions will
not last long. It all depends upon the leaders how
long they will last.
CHAPTER III
Discontent and Unrest
Reader : Then you consider Partition to be a
cause of the awakening ? Do you welcome the
unrest which has resulted from it ?
Editor : When a man rises from sleep, he
twists his limbs and is restless. It takes some time
before he is entirely awakened. Similarly, although
the Partition has caused an awakening, the comatose
has not yet disappeared. We are still twisting our
limbs and still restless, and just as the state between
sleep and awakening must be considered to be
necessary, so may the present unrest in India be
considered a necessary and, therefore, a proper
state. The knowledge that there is unrest will, it
is highly probable, enable us to outgrow it. Rising
from sleep, we do not continue in a comatose state,
but* according to our ability, sooner or later, we
22 INDIAN HOME RULE
are completely restored to our senses. So shall we
be free from the present unrest which no one likes.
Reader : What is the other form of unrest ?
Editor : Unrest is, in reality, discontent. The
latter is only now described as unrest. During
the Congress-period it was labelled discontent ; Mr.
Hume alwajfnfiaid that the spread of discontent in
India was i ry. This discontent is a very
useful thing., . ong as a man is contented with
his present lot, so long is it difficult to p<^r^ uade
him to come out of it. Therefore it is that
every reform must be preceded by discontent.
We throw. away things we have only when we
cease to like them. Such discontent has been
produced among us after reading the great works
of Indians and Englishmen. Discontent has
led to unrest, and the latter has brought about
many deaths, many imprisonments, many banish-
ments. Such a state of things will still continue.
It must be so. All these may be considered good
signs, but they may also lead to bad results.
CHAPTER IV
What is Swaraj ?
Reader : I have now learnt what the Congress
has done to make India one nation, how the Parti-
tion has caused an awakening, and how discontent
and unrest have spread through the land. I would
WHAT IS SWARAJ 23
now like to know your views on Swaraj. I fear that
our interpretation is not the same.
Editor : It is quite possible that we do not
attach the same meaning to the term. You and I
and all Indians are impatient to obtain Swaraj, but
we are certainly not decided as to what it is. To
drive the English out of India is a t+ ght heard
from many mouths, but it does nr 1 that many
have properly considered why it l be so. I
must'"a°k you a question. Do you think that it is
necessary to drive away the English, if we get all
we want ?
Reader : I should ask of them only one thing
that is : " Please leave our country." If after they
have complied with this request, their withdrawal
from India means that they are still in India, I
should have no objection. Then we would under-
stand that, in our language, the word " gone " is
equivalent to "remained."
Editor . Well then, let us suppose that the
English have retired. What will you do then ?
Reader : That question cannot be answered
at this stage. The state after withdrawal will
depend largely upon the manner of it. If, as you
assume, they retire, it seems to me we shall still
keep their constitution, and shall carry on the
government. If they simply retire for the asking,
we should have an army, etc. ready at hand. We
24 INDIAN HOME RULE
should, therefore, have no difficulty in carrying on
the government.
Editor: You may think so: I do not. Bat
I will not discuss the matter just now. I have to
answer your question, and that I can do well by
asking you several questions. Why do you want
to drive away the English ?
Reader: Because India has become im-
poverished by their government. They take away
our money from year to year. The most important
posts are reserved for themselves. We are kept in
a state of slavery. They behave insolently towards
us, and disregard our feelings.
Editor : If tbey do not take our money away,
become gentle, and give us responsible posts, would
you still consider their presence to be harmful ?
Reader : That question is useless. It is
similar to the question whether there is any harm
in associating with a tiger, if he changes his nature.
Such a question is sheer waste of time. When a
tiger changes his nature, Englishmen will change
theirs. This is not possible, and to believe it to be
possible is contrary to human experience.
Editor : Supposing we get self-government
similar to what the Canadians and the South
Africans have, will it be good enough ?
Reader : That question also is useless. We
may get it when we have the same powers ; we
shall then hoist our own flag. As is Japan, so
WHAT IS SWARAJ 25
must India be. We must own our navy, our army,
and we must have our own splendour, and tben
will India's voice ring through the world.
Editor : You have well drawn the picture.
In effect it means this : that we want English rule
without the Englishman. You want fche tiger's
nature, but not the tiger; that is to say, you would
make India English, and when it becomes English,
it will be called not Hindustan but Englistan. This
is not the Swaraj that I want.
Reader : I have placed before you my idea of
Swaraj as I think it should be. If the education
we have received be of any use, if the works of
Spencer, Mill and others be of any importance
and if the Eagiish Parliament be « the mother
of Parliaments, I certainly think that we should
copy the English people and this to such an
exten* that, just as they do not allow otheia
to obtain a footing in their country, so we
should not allow them or others to obtain it in ours.
What they have done in their own country has
not been done in any other country. It is, there-
fore, proper for us to import their institutions
But now I want to know your views.
Editor: There is need for patience. My
views will develop of themselves in the course of this
discourse. It is as difficult for me to understand the
true nature of Swaraj as it seems to you to be easy.
I shall, therefore, for the time being, content
26 INDIAN HOME KULE
myself with endeavouring to show that what you
call Swaraj is not truly Swaraj.
CHAPTEK V
The Condition of England
Eeader : Then from your statement, I deduce
the Government of England is not desirable and
not worth copying by us.
Editor : Your deduction is justified. The
condition of England at present is pitiable. I pray
to God that India may never be in that plight.
That which you consider to be the Mother of
Parliaments is like a sterile woman and a prostitute.
Both these are harsh terms, but exactly fit toe case.
That Parliament has not yet of its own accord
done a single good thing, hence I have compared
it to a sterile woman. The natural condition of that
Parliament is such that, without outside pressure,
it can do nothing. It is like a prostitute because it
is under the control of ministers who change from
time to time. To-day it is under Mr. Asquith, to-
morrow it may be under Mr. Balfour.
Eeader: You have said this sarcastically.
The term " sterile woman " is not applicable. The
Parliament, being elected by the people, must work
under public pressure. This is its quality.
Editor : You are mistaken. Let us examine it
a little more closely. The best men are supposed
THE CONDITION OF ENGLAND 27
to be elected by the people. The members serve
without pay and, therefore, it must be assumed
only for the public weal. The electors are con-
sidered to be educated and, therefore, we should
assume that they would not generally make mistakes
in their choice. Such a Parliament should not need
the spur of petitions or any other pressure. Its work
should be so smooth that its effect would be more
apparent day by day. But, as a matter of fact, it is
generally acknowledged that the members are
hyprocritical and selfish. Each thinks of his own
little interest.. It is fear that is the guiding motive.
What is done to-day may be undone to-morrow. It
is not possible to recall a single instance in which the
finality can be predicted for its work. When the
greatest questions are debated its members have been
seen to stretch themselves and to dose. Sometimes
the members talk away until the listeners are dis-
gusted. Carlyle has called it the " talking shop of
the world." Members vote for their party without a
thought. Their so-called discipline binds them to
it. If any member, by way of exception, gives an
independent vote, he is considered a renegade. If
the money and the time wasted by the Parliament
were entrusted to a few good men, the English na-
tion would be occupying to-day a much higher
platform. The Parliament is simply a costly toy
of the nation. These views are, by no means,
peculiar to me. Some great English thinkers have
28 INDIAN HOME EULE
expressed them. One of the members of the Par-
liament recently said that a true Christian could not
become a member of it. Another said that it was a
baby. And, if it has remained a baby after an exis-
tence of seven hundred years, when will it outgrow
its babyhood ?
Header : You have set me thinking ; you do
not expect me to accept at once all you say. You
give me entirely novel views. I shall have to
digest them, Will you now explain the epithet
"prostitute"?
Editor : That you cannot accept my views at
once is only right. If you will read the literature
on this subject, you will have some idea of it. The
Parliament is without a real master. Under the
Prime Minister, its movement is not steady, bat it
is buffeted about like a prostitute. The Prime
Minister is more concerned about his power than
about the welfare of the Parliament. His energy
is concentrated upon securing the success of his
party. His care is not always that the Parliament
shall do right. Prime Ministers are known to have
made the Parliament do things merely for party
advantage. All this is worth thinking over.
Reader : Then you are really attacking the
very men whom we have hitherto considered to be
patriotic and honest ?
Editor : Yes, that is true ; I can have nothing
against Prime Ministers, but what I have seen leads
THE CONDITION OF ENGLAND 92
me to think that they cannot be considered really
patriotic. If they are to be considered honest be-
cause they do not take what is generally known as
bribery, let them be so considered, but they ace
open to subtler influences. In order to gain their
ends, they certainly bribe people with honours. I
do not hesitate to say that they have neither real
honesty nor a living conscience.
Header : As you express these views about
the Parliament, I would like to hear you on the
English people, so that I may have your views of
their Government.
Editor : To the English voters their news-
paper is their Bible. They take cue from their
newspapers, which latter are often dishonest. The
same fact is differently interpreted by different
newspapers, according to the party in whose inter-
ests they are edited. One newspaper would con-
sider a great Englishman to be a paragon of honesty,
another would consider him dishonest. What must
be the condition of the people whose newspapers
are of this type ?
Reader : You shall describe it.
Editor : These people change their views fre-
quently. It is said that they change them every
seven years. These views swing like the pendulum
of a clock and are never steadfast. The people
would follow a powerful orator or a man who gives
them parties, receptions, etc, As are the people, sc
30 INDIAN HOME BULK
is their Parliament. They have certainly one quality
very strongly developed. They will never allow
their country to be lost. If any person were to cast
an evil eye on it, they would pluck out his eyes.
Bui that does not mean that the nation possesses
every other virtue or that it should be imitated. If
India copies England, it is my firm conviction that
she will be ruined.
Eeader : To what do you ascribe this state of
England ?
Editor : It is not due to any peculiar fault of
the English people, but the condition is due to mo-
dern civilization. It is a civilization only in name.
Under it the nations of Europe are becoming de-
graded and ruined day by day.
CHAPTER VI
Civilization
Header : Now you will have to explain what
you mean by civilization.
Editor : It is not a question of what mean.
Several English writers refuse to call that, civiliza-
tion which passes under that name. Many books
have been written upon that subject. Societies have
been formed to cure the nation of the evils of civili-
zation. A great English writer has written a work
called ''Civilization : Its Cause and Cure." Therein
he has called it a disease,
CIVILIZATION 31
Reader : Why do we not know this generally ?
Editor : The answer is very simple. We rarely
find people arguing against themselves. Those who
are intoxicated by modern civilisation are not likely
to write against it. Their care will be to find out
facts and arguments in support of it, and this they
do unconsciously, believing it to be true. A man,
whilst he is dreaming, believes in his dream ; he is
undeceived only when he is awakened from his
sleep. A man labouring under the bane of civiliza-
tion is like a dreaming man. What we usually read
are the work of defenders of modern civilization,
which undoubtedly claims among its votaries very
brilliant and even some very good men. Tiieir
writings hypnotise us. And so, one by one, we are
drawn into the vortex.
Readek: This seems to be very plausible.
Now will you tell me something of what you have
read and thought of this civilization.
Editor : Let us first consider what state of
things is described by the word " civilization. " Its
true test lies in the fact that people living in it make
bodily welfare the object of life. We will take some
examples. The people of Europe to-day live in
better-built houses than they did a hundred years
ago. This is considered an embhm of civiliza-
tion, and this is also a matter to promote bodily
happiness. Formerly, they wore skins, and
used as their weapons spears. Now, they wear
32 INDIAN HOME RULE
long trousers, and for embellishing their bodies
they wear a variety of clothing, and, insteai of
spears, they carry with them revolvers containing
five or more chambers If people of a certain
country, who have hitherto not been in the habit
of wearing much clothing, boots, etc., adopt
European clothing, they are supposed to have
become civilised out of savagery. Formerly, in
Europe, people ploughed their lands mainly by
manual labour. Now, one man can plough* a vast
tract by means of steam-engines, and can" thus
amass great wealth. This is called a sign of civili-
zation. Formerly, the fewest men wrote books, that
were most valuable. Now, anybody writes and
prints anything he likes and poisons people's minds.
Formerly, men travelled in waggons ; now they fly
through the air, in trains at the rate of four hun-
dred and more miles per day. This is considered the
height of civilization. It has been stated that, as
men progress, they shall be able to travel in airships
and reach any part of the world in a few hours. Men
will not need the use of their hands and feet. They
will press a button, and they will have their cloth-
ing by their side. They will press another button,
and they will have their newspaper. A third, and
a motor-car will be in waiting for them. They will
have a variety of delicately dished up food. Every-
thing will be done by machinery. Formerly, when
people wanted to fight with one another, they
CIVILIZATION 33
measured between them their bodily strength ; now
it is possible to take away thousands of lives by
one man working behind a gun from a hill. This
is civilization. Formerly, men worked in the open
air only so much as they liked. Now, thousands
of workmen meet together and for the sake of
maintenance work in factories or mines. Their
condition is worse than that of beasts. They are
obliged^ to work, at the risk of their lives, at most
dangerous occupations, for the sake of millionaires.
Formerly, men were made slaves under pnysical
co mpulsion, now they are enslaved by temptation
of money and of the luxuries that money can buy.
There are now diseases of which people never
dreamt before, and an army of doctors is
engaged in finding out their cures, and so hos-
pitals have increased. This is a test of civiliza-
tion. Formerly, special messengers were required
and much expense was incurred in order to send
letters;: to-day, anyone can abuse his fellow by
means of a letter for one penny. True, at the same
cost, one can seud one's thanks also. Formerly,
people had two or three meals consisting of home-
made bread and vegetables; now, they require
something to eat every two hours, so that they
have hardly leisure for anything else. What more
need I say ? All this you can ascertain from several
authoritative books. These are all true tests of
civilization. And, if auy one speaks to the contrary,
3
34 INDIAN HOME EULE
know that he is ignorant. This civilization takes-
note neither of morality nor of religion. Its votaries
calmly state that their business is not to teach reli-
gion. Some even consider it to be a superstitious
growth. Others put on the cloak of religion, and
prate about morality. But, after twenty years'
experience, I have come to the conclusion that
immorality is often taught in the name of morality.
Even a child can understand that in all I have
described above there can be no inducement to
morality. Civilization seeks to increase bodily
comforts, and it fails miserably even in doing so.
This civilization is irreligion, and it has taken
such a hold on the people in Europe that those who
are in it appear to be half mad. They lack real
physical strength or courage. They keep up their
energy by intoxication. They can hardly be happy
in solitude. Women, who should be the queens
of households, wander in the streets, or they slave
away in factories. For the sake of a pittance, half
a million women in England alone are labouring
under trying circumstances in factories or similar
institutions. This awful fact is one of the causes
of the daily growing suffragette movement.
This civilization is such that one has only to
be patient and it will be self-destroyed. According
to the teaching cf Mahomed this would be consider-
ed a Satanic civilization. Hinduism calls it the
Black Age. I cannot give you an adequats concep-
WHY WAS INDIA LOST 35
tion of it. It is eating into the vitals of the
English nation. It must be shunned. Parliament
are really emblems of slavery. If you will sufficiently
think over this, you will entertain the same
opinion, and cease to blame the English. They
rather deserve our sympathy. They are a shrewd
nation and I therefore believe that they will cast
off the evil. They are enterprising and industrious
and their mode of thought is not inherently
immoral. Neither are they bad at heart. I,
therefore, respect them. - Civilization is not an
incurable disease, but it should never be forgotten
that the English people are at present afflicted
by it.
CHAPTER VII
Why was India Lost ?
Reader : You have said much about civiliza-
^on — enough to make me ponder over it. I do not
now know what 1 should adopt and what I should
avoid from the nations of Europe, but one question
comes to my lips immediately. If civilization is
a disease, and if it has attacked England why has
she been abie to take India, and why is she able to
retain it?
Editor : Your question is not very difficult
to answer, and we shall presently be able to
examine the true nature of Swaraj ; for I am aware
that I have still to answer that question. I m\\,
36 INDIAN HOME RULE
however, take up your previous question. The-
English have not taken India ; we have given it to
them. They are not in India because of their
strength, hut because we keep them. Let us now
see whether these propositions can be sustained.
They came to our country originally for purposes of
trade. Recall the Company :Bahadur. Who made
it Bahadur ? They had not the slightest intention
at the time of establishing a kingdom. Who assist-
ed the Company's officers ? Who was tempted at
the sight of their silver? Wrho bought their goods ?
History testifies that we did all this. In order to
become rich all at once, we welcomed the
Company's officers with open arms. We assisted
them. If I am in the habit of drinking Bhang
and a seller thereof sells it to me, am I to blame
him or myself ? By blaming the seller shall I be
able to avoid the habit ? And, if a particular retailer
is driven away, will not another take his place ?
A true servant of India will have to go to the root
of the matter. If an excess of food has caused me
indigestion, I will certainly not avoid it by blaming
water. He is a true physician who probes the
cause of disease and, if you pose as a physician for
the disease of India, you will have to find out its
true cause.
Reader : You are right. Now, I think you
will not have to argue much with me to drive your
conclusions home. I am impatient to know your
WHY WAS INDIA LOST 37
further views, We are now on a most interesting
topic* I shall, therefore, endeavour to follow your
thought, and stop you when I am in doubt.
Editor: I am afraid that, in spite of your
enthusiasm, as we proceed further we shall have
differences of opinion. Nevertheless, I shall argue
only when you will stop me. We have already
seen that the English merchants were able to get a
footing in India because we encouraged them.
When our princes fought among themselves, they
sought the assistance of Company Bahadur. That
corporation was versed alike in commerce and war.
It was unhampered by questions of morality. Its
object was to increase its commerce, and to make
• money. It accepted our assistance, and increased
the number of its warehouses. To protect the latter
it employed an army which was utilised by us also.
Is it not then useless to blame the English for what
we did at that time ? The Hindus and the Maho-
medans were at daggers drawn. This, too, gave
the Company its opportunity ; and thus we created
the circumstances that gave the Company its con-
trol over India. Hence it is truer to say that we
gave India to the English than that India was lost,
Keader : Will you now tell me how they are
able to retain India?
Editor : The causes that gave them India
enable them to retain it. Some Englishmen state
that they took, and they hold, India by the sword.
38 INDIAN HOME EULE
Both these statements are wrong, The sword Ss>
entirely useless for holding India. We alone keep
them. Napoleon is said to have described
the English as a nation of shop-keepers. It is
a fitting description. They hold whatever domi-
nions they have for the sake of their commerce.
Their army and their navy are intended to pro-
tectit. When the Transvaal offered no such
attractions, the late Mr. Gladstone discovered that
it was not right for the English to hold it. When
it became a paying proposition, resistance led to war.
Mr. Chamberlain soon discovered that England
enjoyed a suzerainty over the Transvaal. \t is
related that some one asked the late President
Kruger whether there was gold in the moon. He
replied that it was highly unlikely, because, if there
were, the English would have annexed it. Many
problems can be solved by remembering that money
is their God. Then it follows that we keep the
English in India for our base self-interest. We
like their commerce, they please us by their subtle
methods, and get what they want from us. To
blame them for this is to perpetuate their power.
We further strengthen their hold by quarrelling
amongst ourselves If ycu accept the above state-
ments, it is proved that the English entered India
for the purposes of trade. , They remain in it for
the same purpose, and we help them to do so Their
arms and ammunition are perfectly useless. In,
CONDITION OF INDIA 39
this connection, I remind you that it is the British
flag which is waving in Japan, and not the Japa-
nese. The English have a treaty with Japan for
the sake of their commerce, and you will see that,
if they can manage it, their commerce will greatly
expand in that country. They wish to convert the
whole world into a vast market for their goods.
That they cannot do so is true, but the blame will
not be theirs. They will leave no stone unturned
to reach the goal.
CHAPTER VIII
The Condition of India
Reader : I now understand why the English
hold India. I should like to know your views about
the condition of our country.
Editor : It is a sad condition. In thinking of
it, my eyes water and my throat get parched. I
have grave doubts whether I shall be able sufficiently
to explain what is in my heart. It is my deliberate
opinion that India is being ground down not under
the English heel but under that of modern civili-
zation. It is groaning under the monster's terrible
weight. There is yet time to escape it, but every day
makes it more and more difficult. Religion is dear
to me, and my first complaint is that India is be-
coming irreligious- Here I am not thinking of the
Hindu and Mahomedan or the Zoroastrian religion,
40 INDIAN HOME EULE
but of the religion which underlies all religions.
We are turning away from God.
Header: How so?
Editor : There is a charge laid against us that
we are a lazy people, and that the Europeans are
industrious and enterprising. We have accepted
the charge and we, therefore, wish to change our
condition. Hinduism, Islamism, Zoroastrianism,
Christianity and all other religions teach that we
should remain passive about worldly pursuits and
active about godly pursuits, that we should set a
limit to our worldly ambition, and that our religious
ambition should be illimitable. Our activity should
be directed into the latter channel.
Header : You seem to be encouraging religious
charlatanism. Many a cheat has by talking in a
similar strain led the people astray.
Editor : You are bringing an unlawful charge
against religion. Humbug there undoubtedly is
about all religions. Where there is light, there is
also shadow. I am prepared to maintain that
humbugs in worldly matters are far worse than the
humbugs in religion. The humbug of civilization
that I endeavour to show to you is not to be found
in religion.
Header : How can you say that? In the narns
of religion Hindus and Mahomedans fought ag'ainst
one another. For the same cause Christians fought
Christians. Thousands of innocent men have been
CONDITION OF INDIA 41
murdered, thousands have been burned and tortured
in its name. Surely, this is much worse than any
civilization.
Editor : I certainly submit that the above
hardships are far more bearable than those of
civilization. Everybody understands that the
cruelties you have named are not part of religion,
although they have been practised in its name :
therefore there is no aftermath to these cruelties.
They will always happen so long as there are
to be found ignorant and credulous people. But
there is no end to the victims destroyed in the fire
of civilization. Its deadly effect is that people came
under its scorching flames believing it to be all
good. They become utterly irreligious and, in
reality, derive little advantage from the world.
Civilization is like a mouse gnawing, while it is
soothing us. When its full effect is realised,, we
will see that religious superstition is harmless
compared to rhat of modern civilization. I am not
pleading for a continuance of religious superstitions.
We will certainly fight them tooth and nail, but we
can never do so by disregarding religion. We can
only do so by appreciating and conserving the
latter.
Reader : Then you will contend that the Pax
Britannica is a useless encumbrance ?
Editob : You may see peace if you like ; I see
none.
42 INDIAN HOME EULE
Eeader : You make light of the terror that
Thugs, the Pindaris, the Bhils were to the country.
Editor : If you will give the matter some
thought, you will see that the terror was by no
means such a mighty thing. If it had been a very
substantial thing, the other people would have died
away before the English advent. Moreover, the
present peace is only nominal, for by it we. have
become emasculated and cowardly. We are not to
assume that the English have changed the nature
of the Pindaris and the Bhils, It is, therefore,
better to suffer the Pindari peril than that some one
else should protect us from it, and thus render us
effeminate. I should prefer to be killed by the
arrow of a Bhil than to seek unmanly protection.
India without such protection was an India full of
valour. Macaulay betrayed gross ignorance when
he libelled Indians as being practically cowards.
They never merited the charge. Cowards living in
a country inhabited by hardy mountaineers, infested
by wolves and tigers must surely find an early
grave. Have'you ever visited our fields ? I assure
you that our agriculturists sleep fearlessly on their
farms even to-day, and the English, you and I
would hesitate to sleep where they sleep. Strength
lies in absence of fear, not in the quantity^of flesli
and muscle we may h~ave"^n~our"~:bod1esrTSroreover5
I must rem inTyb1T~w¥o~~Hesire Home Bule that,
after all, the Bhiis, the Pindaris, the Assamese and
CONDITION OF INDIA— RAILWAYS 43
the Thugs are our own countrymen. To conquer
them is your and my work. So long as we fear
our own brethren, we are unfit to reach the goal.
CHAPTER IX
The Condition op India {Continued)
Railways
Reader : You have deprived me of the consola-
tion I used to have regarding peace in India.
Editor : I have merely given you my opinion
on the religious aspect, but when I give you my
views as to the poverty of India you will perhaps
begin to dislike me, because what you and I have
hitherto considered beneficial for India no longer
appears to me to be so.
Reader : What may that be ?
Editor : Railways, lawyers and doctors have
impoverished the country, so much so that, if we dc
not wake up in time, we shall be ruined.
Reader : I do now indeed fear that we are
not likely to agree at all. You are attacking the
very institutions which we have hitherto considered
to be good.
Editor : It is necessary to exercise patience.
The true inwardness of the evils of civilization you
will understand with difficulty. D octors assure us
that a consumptive clings to life even when he is
about to die. Consumption does not produce ap-
44 INDIAN POME KULE
>
parent hurt — it even produces a seductive colour
about a patient's face, so as to induce the belief that
all is well. Civilization is such a disease, and we
have to be very wary.
Readek : Very well, then, I shall hear you on
the railways.
Editor : It must be manifest to you that, but
for the railways, the English could not have such a
hold on India as they have. The railways, too, have
spread the bubonic plague. Without them, masses
could not move from place to place. They are the
carriers of plague germs. Formerly we had natural
segregation. Railways have also increased the fre-
quency of famines, because, owing to facility of
means of locomotion, people sell out their grain,
and it is sent to the dearest markets, People become
careless, and so the pressure of famine increases.
They accentuate the evil nature of man. Bad men
fulfil their evil designs with greater rapidity. Toe
holy places of India have become unholy. Formerly
people went to these places with very great difficulty.
Generally, therefore, only the real devotees visited
such places. Now-a-days, rogues visit them in
order to practise their roguery.
Reader : You have given an one-sided account.
Good men can visit these places as well as bad
men. Why do they not take the fullest advantage
of the railways?
CONDITION OF INDIA— RAILWAYS 45
Editor : Good travels at a snail's pace — it can,
therefore, have little to do with the railways.
Those who want to do good are not selfish, they
are not in a hurry, they know that to impregnate
people with good requires a long time. But evil
has wings. To build a house takes time. Its
destruction takes none. So the railways can be-
come a distributing agency for the evil one only.
It may be a debatable matter whether railways
spread famines, but it is beyond dispute that they
propagate evil.
Reader : Be that as it may, all the disadvan-
tages of railways are more than counter-balanced by
the fact that it is due to them that we see in India
the new spirit of nationalism.
Editor: I hold this to be a mistake. The
English have taught us that we were not one
nation before, and that it will require centuries
before we become one nation. This is without
foundation. We were one nation before they came
to India. One thought inspired us. Our mode of
life was the same. It was because, we were one
nation that they were able to establish one kingdom.
Subsequently they divided us.
Reader : This requires an explanation.
Editor : I do not wish to suggest that because
we were one nation we had no differences, but it is
submitted that our leading men travelled through-
out India, either on foot or in bullock-carts. They
46 INDIAN HOME EULE
learned one another's languages, and there was
no aloofness between them. What do you think
could have been the intention of those far-seeing
ancestors of ours who established Shethubindu-
Karoeshwar in the South, Juggernaut in the
South-East and Hardwar in the North as places
of pilgrimage ? You will admit they were
no fools. They knew that worship of God could
have been performed just as well at home. They
taught us that those whose hearts were aglow with
righteousness had the Ganges in their own homes.
But they saw that India was one undivided land so
made by nature. They, therefore, argued that it
must be one nation. Arguing thus, they established
holy places in various parts of India, and fired the
people with an idea of nationality in a manner
unknown in other parts of the world. Any two
Indians are one as no two Englishmen are. Only
you and I and others who consider ourselves civilised
and superior person imagine that we are many
nations. It was after the advent of railways that
we began to believe in distinctions, and you are at
liberty now to say that it is through the railways
that we are beginning to abolish those distinctions.
An opium-eater may argue the advantage of opium-
eatmg from the fact that he began to understand
the evil of the opium habit after having eaten it. I
would ask you to consider well what I have said on
the railways. m
HINDUS AND THE MAHOMEDANS 47
Reader : I will gladly do so, but one question
occurs to me even now. You have described to me
the India of the pre-Mahomedan period, but now
we have Mahomedans, Parsees and Christians.
How can they be one nation? Hindus and Maho-
medans are old enemies. Our very proverbs prove
it. Mahomedans turn to the West for worship
whilst Hindus turn to the East. The former look
down on the Hindus as idolators. The Hindus
worship the cow, the Mahomedans kill her. The
Hindus believe in the doctrine o'i non-killing, the
Mahomedans do not. We thus meet with differ-
ences at every step. How can India, be one nation ?
CHAPTER X
The Condition of India (Continued)
The Hindus and the Mahomedans
Editor : Your last question is a serious one ;
and yet, on careful consideration, it will be found
to be easy of solution. The question arises because
of the presence of the railways, of the lawyers and
of the doctors. We shall presently examine the last
two. We have already considered the railways. I
should, however, iike to add that man is so made by
nature as to require him to restrict his movements
as far as his hands and feet will take him. If we did
not rush about from place to place by means of
railways and such other maddening .conveniences,
much of the confusion that arises would be obviated.
48 INDIAN HOME KULE
Our difficulties are of our own creation. God set a
limit to a man's locomotive ambition in the
construction of his body. Man immediately pro-
ceeded to discover means of overriding the limit.
G-od gifted man with intellect that he might know
his Maker. Man abused it, so that he might for-
get his Maker. I am so constructed that I can
only serve my immediate neighbours, but in my
conceit, I pretend to have discovered that I must
with my body serve every individual in the
Universe. In thus attempting the impossible,
man comes in contact with different natures,
different religions and is utterly confounded.
According to this reasoning, it must be apparent to
you that railways are a most dangerous institution.
Man has there through gone further away from his
Maker.
Reader: But I am impatient to hear your
answer to my question. Has the introduction of
Mahomedanism not unmade the nation ?
Editor : India cannot cease to be one nation
because people belonging to different religions live
in it. The introduction of foreigners does not
necessarily destroy the nation, they merge in it. A
country is one nation only when such a condition
obtains in it That country must have a faculty for
assimilation. India has ever been such a country.
In reality, thare are as many religions as there are
individuals, but those who are conscious of the
HINDUS AND THE MAHOMEDANS 49
spirit of nationality do not interfere with one
another's religion. If they do, they are not fit to
be considered a nation. If the Hindus believe that
India should be peopled only by Hindus, they are
living in dreamland. The Hindus, the Mahomedans,
the Parsees and the Christians who have made
India their country are fellow-countrymen, and they
will have to live in unity if only for their own in-
terest. In no part of the ^orld are one nationality
and one religion synonymous terms ; nor has it ever
been so in India.
Reader : But what about the inborn enmity
between Hindus and Mahomedans ?
Editor : That phrase has been invented by our
mutual enemy. When the Hindus and Mahomedans
fought against one another, they certainly spoke in
that strain. They have long since ceased to fight.
How, then, can there be any inborn enmity ? Pray
remember this too, that we did not cease to fight
only after British occupation. The Hindus flourished
under Moslem sovereigns and Moslems under the
Hindu. Each party recognised that mutual fight-
ing was suicidal, and that neither party would
abandon its religion by force of arms. Both parties,
therefore, decided to live in peace. With the English
advent the quarrels re-commenced. ■
The proverbs you have quoted were coined
when both were fightmg ; to quote them now is
obviously harmful, Should we not remember that
4
50 INDIAN HOME EULE
•
many Hindus and Mahomedans own the same
ancestors, and the same blood runs through their
veins ? Do people become enemies because they
change their religion ? Is the God of the Mahoniedan
different from the G-od of the Hindu ? Religions are
different roads converging to the-same point. What
does it matter that we take different roads, so long
as we reach the same goal ? Wherein is the cause
for quarrelling ?
Moreover, there are deadly proverbs as between
the followers of Shiva and those of Vishnu, yet
nobody suggests that these two do not belong to the
same nation. It is said that the Vedic religion is
different from Jainism, but the followers of the
respective faiths are not different nations. The fact
is that we have become enslaved, and, therefore,
quarrel and like to have our quarrels decided by a
third party. There are Hindu iconoclasts as there
are Mahomedan. The more we advance in true
knowledge, the better we shall understand that we
need not be at war with those whose religion we
may not follow.
Reader : Now I would like to know your views
about cow protection.
Editor : I myself respect the cow, that is I
look upon her with affectionate reverence. The cow
is the protector of India, because, it being an
agricultural country, is dependant on the cow's
HINDUS AND THE MAHOMEDANS 51
progeny. She is a most useful animal in hundreds
of ways. Our Mahomedan brethren will admit this.
But, just as I respect the cow so do I respect
my fellow-men. A man is just as useful as a cow,
no matter whether he be a Mahomedan or a Hindu.
Am T, then, to fight with., or kill a Mahomedan in
order to save a cow ? In doing so, I would become
an enemy as well of the cow as of the Mahomedan.
Therefore, the only method I know of protecting
the cow is that I should approach my Mahomedan
brother and urge him for the sake of the country to
join me in protecting her. If he would not listen
to me, I should let the cow go for the simple reason
that the matter is beyond my ability. If I were
oyer full of pity for the cow, I should sacrifice my
lrfejio^sj^jier^but not, take my brother's. This, I
hold, js_the_±awpf our religion.
When men become obstinate, it is a difficult
thing. If I pull one way, my Moslem brother will
pull another. If I put on a superior air, he will
return the compliment. If I bow to him gently, he
will do it much more so, and if he does not, I shall
}M>t be considered to have done wrong in having
bowed. Whm the Hindus became insistent, the
killing of cows increased. In my opinion, cow
protection societies may be considered cow-killing
societies. It is a disgrace to us that we should
need such societies. When we forgot how to
protect cows, I suppose we needed such souiaties.
52 INDIAN HOME RULE
What am I to do when a blood-brother is on
the point of killing a cow ? Am I to kill biro, or to
fall down at his feet and implore him? If you admit*
that I should adopt the latter course, I must do the
same to my Moslem brother.
Who protects the cow from destruction by
Hindus when they cruelly ill-treat her ? Whoever
^laiasons with the Hindus when they mercilessly
belabour the progeny of the cow with their sticks ?
But this has not prevented us from remaining one
nation.'
Lastly, if it be true that the Hindus believe in
the doctrine of non-killing and the Mabomedans
do not, what, I pray, is the duty of tbe
former ? It is not written that a follower of the
religion of Ahimsa (non-killing) may kill a fellow-
man. For him the way is straight. In order to save
one being, he may not kill another. He can only
plead — therein lies his sole duty.
But does every Hindu believe in Ahimsa?
Going to the root of the matter, not one man really. /
practises such a religion, because we do destroy life-
We are said to follow that religion because we want
to obtain freedom from liability to kill any kind of
life. Generally speaking, we may observe that many
Hindus partake of meat and 'are not, therefore,
followers of Ahimsa. It is, therefore, prepos-
terous to suggest that the two cannot live
HINDUS AND THE MAHOMEDANS 53
together amicably because the Hindus believe in
Ahimsa and the'Mahomedans do not.
These thoughts are put into our minds by
selfish and false religious teachers. The English put
the finishing touch. They have a habit of writing
history ; they pretend to study the manners and
customs of all peoples. God has given us a limited
mental tapacity, but they usurp the function of the
God-head and indulge in novel experiments. They
write about their own researches in most laudatory
terms and hypnotise us into believing them. We
in our ignorance, then fall at their feet.
Those who do no; wish to misunderstand
things may read up the Koran, and will find there-
in hundreds of passages acceptable to the Hindus ;
and the Bhagavad-Gifca contains passages to which
not a Mahoraedan can take exception. Am I to
dislik- a Mahomedan because there are passages in
the Koran I do not understand or like ? It takes
two to make a quarrel. If I do not want to quarrel
with a Mahomedan, the latter will be powerless to
foist a quarrel on me, and, similarly, I should be
powerless if a Mahomedan refuses his assistance to
quarrel with me. An arm striking the air will .
become disjointed. If every one will try to under-
stand the core of his own religion and adhere to it,
and will not allow false teachers to dictate to him,
there will be no room left for quarrelling.
54 INDIAN HOME RULE
Reader : But will the English aver allow the
two bodies to join hands ?
Editor : This question arises out of your
timidity. It betrays our shallowness. If two
brothers want to live in peace is it possible for a
third party ,to separate them ? If they were to
listen to evil counsels, we would consider them
to be foolish. Similarly, we Hindus and Maho-
metans would have to blame our folly rather
than the English, if we allowed them to put us
asunder. A claypot would break through impact ;
if not with one stone, then with another. The way
to save the pot is not to keep it away from the
danger point, but to bake it so that no stone would
break it, We have then to make our hearts of
perfectly baked clay. Then we shall be steeled
against all danger. This can be easily done by the
Hindus. They are superior in numbers, they
pret-nd that they are more educated, they are,
therefore, better able to shield themselves from
attack on their amicable relations with the Maho-
medans.
There is mutual distrust between the two
communities. The Mahomedans, therefore, ask
for certain concessions from Lord Morley. Why
should the Hindus oppose this ? If the Hindus
desisted, the English would notice it, the
Mahomedans would gradually begin to trust the
Hindus, and brotherliness would be the outcome-
CONDITION OF INDIA— LAWYERS 55
We should be ashamed to take our quarrels to the
English. Everyone can find out for himself that
the Hindus can lose nothing by desisting. That
man who has inspired confidence in another has
never lost anything in this world.
I do not suggest that the Hindus and the
Mahomedans will never fight. Two brothers living
together often do so. We shall sometimes have
our heads broken. Such a thing ought not to be
necessary, but all men are not equiminded. When
people are in a rage, they do many foolish things.
These we have to put up with. But, when we do
quarrel, we certainly do not want to enagage counsel
and to resort to English or any law-courts. Two men
fight ; both have their heads broken, or one only.
How shall a third party distribute justice amongst
them ? Those who fight may expect to be injured.
CHAPTER XI
The Condition op India {Continued)
Lawyers
Reader : You tell me that, when two men
quarrel, they should not go to a law-court. This
is astonishing.
Editor : Whether you call it astonishing., or
not, it is the truth. And your question introduces
us to the lawyers and the doctors. My firm opinion
is that the lawyers have enslaved India and they
* INDIAN HOME RULE
have accentuated the Hindu-Mahomedan dissen-
sions, and have confirmed English authority.
Reader : It is easy enough to hring these
charges, hut it will he difficult for you to prove
them. But for the Lawyers, who would have shown
us the road to independence? Who would have oro-
tected the poor ? Who would have secured justice ?
For instance, the late Mr. Manomohan Grhose de-
fended many a poor man free* of charge. The
Congress, which you have praised so much, is depen-
dent for its existence and activity upon the work of
the lawyers. To denounce such an estimahle class
of men is to spell justice injustice, and you are abus-
ing the liberty of the press by decrying lawyers.
Editor: At one time I used to think exacffly
like you. I have no desire to convince you that
they have never done a single good thing. I honour
Mr. Ghose's memory. It is quite true that he
helped the poor. That the Congress.^ owes the
lawyers something is believable. Lawyers are also
men, and there is something good in every man.
Whenever instances of lawyers having done go.^d
can be brought forward, it will be found that the
good is due to them as men rather than as lawyers.
All I am concerned with is to show you that the
profession teaches immorality; it is exposed to
temptations from which few are saved.
The Hindus and the Mahomedans have quar-
relled. An ordinary man will ask them to forget
CONDITION OF INDIA— LAWYERS 57
all about it, he will tell them that both must be
more or less at fault and will advise them no Lor.
to quarrei They go to lawyers. The latter's duty
is to side with their clients, and to find out w
and arguments in favour of the clients to which
they (the clients) are often strangers. If they do not
do so, they will be considered to nave degraded their
profession. Trie lawyers, therefore, will, as a -
advance quarrels, instead of repressing them.
Moreover, men take up ttaJ; profession, not in order
to help others out of thou miseries, bat
enrich themselves. It is one of the avenues
becoming wealthy and their interest exists in
multiplying disputes, it is within my ko
ledge that they are grid when mm have .:
Petty pleaders actually manufacture fchem, T
touts, like so ma lvjl °:
pooi Lawyers ace men who have
ple,i i ttder to indulge in luxui
take up Thisisal
Any other argument is a mete pretension. D
>vered that I
honourable profession. They frame laws
frame their own praises. They de
they will charge, "and they put : i a - m i
poor people almost consider them to be heaven- borp.
lo : f want more fees than ciji
labourers? Why are their requirements great
:n :-e they more profitable to the co"
58 INDIAN HOME RULE
than the laboure-s? Are those who do good enti*
tied to greater payment ? And, if they have done
anything for the country for the sake of money,
how shall it be counted as good ?
Those who know anything of the Hindu-
Mahomedan quarrels know that they have been
often due to the intervention of lawyers," Some
families have been ruined through them ; they
have made brothers enemies. Principalities,
having come under lawyer's power, have become
loaded with debt. Many have been robbed of their
all. Such instances can be multiplied.
But the greatest injury they have done to the
country is that they have tightened the English grip.
Do you think that it would be possible for the
English to carry on their government without
law-courts? It is wrong to consider that courts are
established for the benefit of the people. Those
who want to perpetuate their power do so through
the courts. If people were to settle their own
quarrels, a third party would not be able to exer-
cise any authority over them. Truly, men were
less unmanly when they settled their disputes either
by fighting or by asking their relatives to decide
upon them. They became more unmanly and
cowardly when they resorted to the courts of law.
It was certainly a sign of savagery when they
settled their disputes by fighting. Is it any the
less so if I ask a third party to decide between
CONDITION OF INDIA— LAWYERS 59
vou aud uie ? Surely, the decision of -a third party
is not always right. The parties alone know who is
right. We, in our simplicity and ignorance, imagine
that a stranger, by taking our money, gives us
justice.
The chief thing, however, to be remembered
is that, without lawyers, courts could not have
been established or conducted, and without the
latter the English could not rule. Supposing that
there were only English Judges, English Pleaders
and English Police, they could only rule over the
English The English could not do without Indian
Judges and Indian pleaders. How the pleaders were
made in the first instance and how they were
favoured you should understand well. Then you
will have the same abhorrence for the profession
that I have. If pleaders were to abandon their
profession, and consider it just as degrading as
prostitution, English rule would break up in a day.
They huve been instrumental in having the charge
laid against us that we love quarrels and courts, as
fish love water. What I have said with reference
to the pleaders necessarily applies to the judges ;
they are first cousins, and the one gives strength to
the other.
60 INDIAN HOME RULE
CHAPTER XII
The Condition op India {Continued)
Doctors
Reader : I now understand the lawyers ;
the good they may have done is accidental. I feel
that r,he profession is certainly hateful. You, how-
ever, drag in these doctors also, how is that ?
Editor : The views I submit to you are those
I have adopted. They are not original. Western
writers have used stronger terms regarding both
lawyers and doctors. One writer has likened the
whole modern system to the Upas tree. Its bran-
ches are represented by parasitical professions,
including those of law and medicine, and over the
trunk has been raise \ the axe of true religion.
Immorality is the root of the tree. So you will see
that the views do not come right oat of my mind,
bat they represent the combined experiences of
many. I was afc one time a great lover of the
medical profession. It- was my intention to become
a doctor* for the sake of the country. I no longer
hold' that opinion, I now understand why the
medicine men (the vaids) among us have not occu-
pied a. very honourable status.
The Eoglish have certainly effectively used the
medical profession for holding us. English
physicians are known to have used the profession
with several Asiatic potentates for political gain.
CONDITION OF INDIA— DOCTORS 61
Doctors have almost unhiEged us. Some-
times I think that quacks are better than highly
qualified doctors. Let us consider : the business
of a doctor is to take care of the body, or, properly
speaking, not even that. Their business is really
to rid the body of diseases that may afflict it. How
do these diseases arise ? Surely by our negligence
or indulgence. I overeat, I have indigestion, I go
to a, doctor, he gives me medicine. I am cured, I
overeat again, and I take his pills again. Had I
not taken the pills in the first instance, I would
have suffered the punishment deserved by me, and
I would not have overeaten again. The doctor
intervened and helped me to indulge myself. My
body thereby certainly felt more at ease, but my
mind became weakened. A continuance of a
course of a medicine must, therefore, result in loss
of control over the mind.
I have indulged in vice, I contract a disease,
a doctor cures me, the odds are that I shall repeat
the vice. Had- the doctor not intervened, nature
would have done its work, and I would have
acquired mastery over myself, would have been freed
from vice, and would have become happy.
Hospitals are insiitutions for propagating sin.
Men take less care of their bodies, and immorality
increases. European doctors are the worst of all.
For the sake of a mistaken care of the human body,
they kill annually thousands of animals. They
82 INDIAN HOME RULE
practise vivisection. No religign sanctions this.
All say that it is not necessary to take so many
lives for the sake of our bodies.
These doctors violate our religious instinct.
Most of their medical preparations contain either
animal fat or spirituous liquors ; both of these are
tabooed by Hindus and Mahomedans. We may
pretend to be civilised, call religious prohibitions a
.superstition and wantonly indulge in what we like.
The fact remains that the doctors induce us to
indulge, and the result is that we have become
deprived of self-control and have become effeminate.
In these circumstance?, we are unfit to serve the
country. To study European medicine is to deepen
four slavery.
It is worth considering why we take up the
profession of medicine. It is certainly not taken up
for the purpose of serving humanity. We become
doctors so that we may obtain honours and riches.
I have endeavoured to show that there is no real
service of humanity in the profession, and that it is
injurious to mankind. Doctors make a show of their
knowledge, and charge exorbitant fees. Their
preparati >ns, which are intrinsically worth a few
pennies, cost shillings. The populace in its
credulity and in the nope of ridding itself of some
disease, allow.-' itself to be cheated. Are not quacks
then, whom we know, better thau the doctors who
put on an air ov humaneness ?
WHAT IS TRUE CIVILIZATION 63
CHAPTER XIII
What is True Civilization ?
Reader : You have denounced railways,
lawyers and doctors. I can see that you will discard
all machinery. What, then, is civilization?
Editor : The answer to that question is not
difficult. I believe that the civilization India has
evolved is not to be beaten in the world. Nothing
can equal the seeds sown by our ancestors. Rome
went, Greece shared the same fate, the mighc of the
Pharaohs was broken, Japan has become westernis-
ed, of China nothing can be said, but India is still,
somehow or other, sound at the foundation. The
people of Europe learn their lessons from the
writings of the men of Greece or Rome, which exist
no longer in their former glory. In trying to learn
from them, the Europeans imagine that they will
avoid the mistakes of Greece and Rome. Such is
their pitiable condition. In the midst of all this
India remains immovable, and that is her glory. It
is, a charge against India that her people are so
uncivilised, ignorant and stolid, that it is not possible
to induce them to adopt any changes. It is a charge
really against our merit. What we have tested and
found true on the anvil of experience, we dare not
change. Many thrust their advice upon India, and
she remains steady. This is her beauty ; it is the
sheet-anchor of our hope.
64 INDIAN HOME RULE
Civilization is that mode of conduct which
points out to. man the path of duty. Performance
of duty and observance of morality are convertible
terms. To observe morality is to attain mastery
over our mind and our passions. So doing, we
know ourselves. The G-ajarati equivalent for
civilization means " good conduct."
If this definition be correct, then India, as
so many writers have shown, has nothing to learn
from anvbody else, and this is as it should be.
We notice that mind is a restless bird ; the more it
gets the more it wants, and still remains unsatis-
fied. The more we indulge our passions, the more
unbridled they become. Our ancestors, therefore,
set a limit to our indulgences. They saw that
happiness was largely a mental condition. A man
is not necessarily h^ppy because he is rich, or un-
happy because he is poor. The rich are often seem
to be unhappy, the poor to be happy. Millions will
always remain poor. Observing all this, our
ancestors dissuaded U3 from luxuries and pleasures.
We have managed witn the same kind of plough as
it existed thousands of years ago. We have retain-
ed the same kind of cottages that we had in former-
times and our indigenous education remains the
same as before. We have had no system of life-
corroding competition. Each followed his own
occupation or trade, and charged a regulation wage.
WHAT IS TRUE CIVILIZATION 65
It was not that we did not know how to invent
machinery, but our forefathers knew that, if we set
our hearts after such things, we would become
slaves and lose our moral fibre. They, therefore,
after due deliberation, decided that we should only
do what- we could with our hands and feet. They
saw that our real happiness and health consisted
in a proper use of our hands and feet. They further
reasoned that large cities were a snare aod a useless
encumbrance, and that people would not be happy
in them, that there would be gangs of thieves and
robbers, prostitution and vice flourishing in them,
and that poor men would be robbed by rich
men. They were, therefore, satisfied with small
villages. They saw. that kings and their swords
were inferior to the sword of ethics, and they,
therefore, held the sovereigns of the earth to be
inferior to the Rishis and the Fakirs. A nation with
a constitution like this is fitter to teach others than
to learn from others. This nation had courts, lawyers
and doctors, but they were all within bounds.
Everybody knew that these professions were not
particularly superior ; moreover, these vakils and
vaids did not rob people ; they were considered
people's dependents, not their masters. Justice
was tolerably fair. The ordinary rule was to avoid
courts. There were no touts to lure people into
them. This evil, too, was noticeable only in and
around capitals. The common people lived independ-
5
66 INDIAN HOME RULE
ently, and followed their agricultural occupation.
They enjoyed true Home Rule.
And where this cursed modern civilization has
not reached, India remains as it was before. The
inhabitants of that part of India will very properly
laugh at your newfangled notions. The English
do not rule over them nor will you ever rule over
them. Those whose name we speak we do not
know, nor do they know us. I would certainly
advise you and those like you who love the mother-
land to go into the interior that has yet not been
polluted by the railways, and to live there for six
months; you might then be patriotic and speak of
Home Rule.
Now you see what I consider to be real civili-
zation. Those who want to change conditions such
as I have described are enemies of the country and
are sinners.
Reader : It would be all right if India were
exactly as you have described it ; but it is also India
where there are hundreds of child-widows, where
two-year-old babies are married, where twelve-year-
old girls are mothers and housewives, where women
practise polyandry, where the practice of Niyog
obtains, where, in the name of religion, girls dedicate
themselves to prostitution, and where, in the name
of religion, sheep and goats are killed. Do you
consider these also symbols of the civilization that
you have described ?
HOW CAN INDIA BECOME FEEE 67
Editor : You make a mistake. The defects that
you have shown are defects. Nobody mistakes
them for ancient civilization. They remain in
spite of it. Attempts have always been made, and
will be made, to remove them. We may utilise
the new spirit that is born in us for purging
ourselves of these evils. But what 1 have describ-
ed to you as emblems of modern civilization are
accepted as such by its votaries- The Indian civili-
zation, as descfibed by me, has been so described
by its votaries. In no part of the world, and
under no civilization, have all men t attained
perfection. The tendency of Indian civilization is
to elevate the moral being, that of the western
civilization is to propagate immorality. The latter
is godless, the former is based on a belief in God.
So understanding and so believing, it behoves every
lover of India to cling to the old Indian civilization
even as a child clings to its mother's breast.
CHAPTER XIV
How Can India Become Free?
Reader : I appreciate your views about cvili-
zation. I will nave to think over them. 1 cannot
take in all at once. What, then, holding the views
you do, would you suggest for freeing India ?
Editor: I do not expect my views to be
accepted all of a sudden. My duty is to place them
68 INDIAN HOME KULE
before readers like yourself. Time can be trusted-
to do the rest. We have already examined the
conditions for freeing India, but we have done so
indirectly; we will now do so directly. It is a
world-known maxim that the removal of the cause
of a disease results in the removal of the disease
itself Similarly, if the cause of India's slavery be
removed, India can become free.
Reader : If Indian civilization is, as you say,
the best of all, how do you account for India's
slavery ?
Editor : This civilization is unquestionably
the best; but it is to be observed that all civilizations
have been on their trial. That civilization which is-
permanent outlives it. Because the sons of India
were found wanting, its civilization has been
placed in jeopardy . But its strength is to be seen
in its ability to survive the shock. Moreover, the
whole of India is not touched. Those alone
who have been affected by western civiliza-
tion have become enslaved. We measure the uni-
verse by our own miserable foot-rule, When we
are slaves, we think that the whole universe is
enslaved, Because we are in an abject condition,
we think that the whole of India is in that condi-
tion. As a matter of fact, it is not so, but it is a&
well to impute our slavery to the whole of India.
But if we bear in mind the above fact we can see
that, if we become tree, India is free*. And in thie
HOW CAN INDIA BECOME FREE 6(J
thought; you have a definition of Swaraj. It is
Swaraj when we learn to rale ourselves. It is
therefore in ihe palm of our hands. Do not con-
sider this Swaraj to be like a dream. Hence there
is no idea of sitting still. The Swaraj that I wish
to picture before you and me is such that, after we
have once reatised it, we will endeavour to the end
of our lifetime to persuade others to do likewise.
Bat such Swaraj has to be experienced by
each one for himself. One drowning man will
never save another. Slaves ourselves, it would be
a mere pretension to think of freeing others. Now
you will have seen that it is not necessary for us
to have as our goal the expulsion of the English.
If the English become Indianised, we can accom-
modate them. If they wish to remain in India
along with their civilization, there is no room for
them. It lies with us to bring about such a state
of things,
Reader : It is impossible that Englishmen
should ever become Indianised.
Editor: To say that is equivalent to saying
that the English have no humanity in them. And
it is really beside the point whether they become so
or not. If we keep our own house in order, only
those who are fit to live in it will remain. Others
will leave of their own accord. Such things occur
within the experience of all of us.
Reader : But it has not occurred in history !
70 INDIAN HOME RULE
Editor : To believe that, wfot has not occurred
in history will not occur at ail, is to argae dis-
belief in the dignity of man. At any rate, it behoves
us to try what appeals to our reason. All countries
are not similarly conditioned. The condition of
India is unique. Its strength is immeasurable. We
need not, therefore, refer to the history of other
countries. I have drawn attention to the fact
that, when other civilizations have succumbed,
th~! Indians has survived many a shock.
Reader: I cannot follow this. There seems
little doubt that we shall have to expel the English by
force of arms. So long as they are in the country,
we cannot rest. One of our poets says that slaves
cannot even dream of happiness. We are, day by
day, becoming weakened owing to the presence of
the English. Our greatness is gone; our people
look like terrified men. The English are in the
country like a blight which we must remove by
every means.
Editor ; In your excitement, you have for-
gotten all we have been considering. We brought
the English, and we keep them. Why do you forget
that our adoption of their civilization makes their
presence in India at all possible? Your hatred
against them ought to be transferred to their civiliza-
tion. But let us assume that we have to drive away
the English by fighting ; how is that to be done ?
ITALY AND INDIA 71
Reader : In the same way as Italy did it.
What it was possible for Mazzini and Garibaldi to
do, is possible for us. You cannot deny that they
were very great men.
CHAPTER XV
Italy and India
Editor : It is well that you have instanced
Italy. Mazzini was a great and good man;
Garibaldi was a great warrior. Both are adorable;
from their lives we can learn much. But the con-
dition of Italy was different from that of India. In
the first instance the difference between Mazzini
and Garibaldi is worth noting. Mazzini's ambition
was not, and has not yet been realised, regarding
Italy. Mazzini has shown in his writings on the
duty of man that every man must learn how to rule
himself. This has not happened in Italy. Garibaldi
did not hold this vi^w of Mazzini's. Garibaldi
gave, and every Italian took arms. Italy and Austria
had the same civilization : they were cousins
in this respect. It was a matter of tit for tat.
Garibaldi simply wanted Italy to be free from the
Austrian yoke. The machinations of Minister
Cavour disgrace that portion of the history of Italy.
And what h^s been the result ? If you believe
that, because Italians rule Italy, the Italian
nation is happy, you are gtoping in darkness,
72 INDIAN HOME KULE
Mazzini has shown conclusively that Italy did
not become free. Victor Emanuel gave one
meaning to the expression; Mazzini gave another.
According to Emanuel, Cavour, and even Garibaldi,
Italy meant the King of Italy and his henchmen.
According to Mazzini. it meant the whole of the
Italian people, that is, its agriculturists. Emanuel
was only its servant. The Italy of Mazzini
still remains in a. state of slavery. At the time
of the so-called national war, it was a game of
chess between two rival kings, with the people of
Italy as pawns. The working classes in that land
are still unhappy. They therefore indulge in
assassination, rise in revoU, and rebellion on their
part is always expected. What substantial gain did
Italy obtain after the withdrawal of the Austrian
troops? The gain was only nominal. The reforms, for
the sake of which the war was supposed to have been
undertaken, have not yet been granted. The cond i-
tion of the people, in general, still remains the same.
I am sure you do not wish to reproduce such a
condition in India. I Relieve that you want the
millions of India to be happy, not that you want
the reins of Government in your hands. If that be
so, we have to consider only one thing : how can
the millions obtain self-rule? You will admit that
people under several Indian princes are being
ground down. The latter mercilessly crush them.
Their tyranny is greater than that of the English,
ITALY AND INDIA 73
and, if you want such tyranny in India, that we
shail never agree. My patriotism does not teach
me that I am to allow people to be crushed under
the beel of Indian princes, if only the English
retire. If I have the power, I should resist the
tyranny of Indian princes just as much as that of
the English. By patriotism I mean the welfare of
the whole people, and, if I could secure it at the
hands of the English, I should bow down my head
to them. If any Englishman dedicated his life k>
securing the freedom of India, resisting tyranny
and serving the land, I should welcome that Eng-
lishman as an Indian.
Again, India can fight like Italy only when she
has arms. You have not considered this problem at
all. The English are splendidy armed; that does not
frighten me, but it is clear that, to fit ourselves
against them in arms, thousands of Indians must be
armed. If such a thing be possible, how many years
will it take. Moreover, to arm India on a large scale
is to Europeanise it. Then her condition will be
just as pitiable as that of Europe. This means, in
short, that India must accept European civil izition,
and if that is what we want, the best thing is that
we have among us those who are so well trained in
that civilization. We will then fight for a few rights,
will get what we can and so pass our days. But the
fact is ttfat the Indian nation will not adopt arms,
and it is well that it does not.
74 INDIAN HOME RULE
Reader : You are overassuming facts. All
need not be armed. At first, we will assassinate a
few Englishmen and strike terror; then a few men
who will have been armed will fight openly. We
may have to lose a quarter of a million men, more
or less, but we will regain our land. We will under-
take guerilla warfare, and defeat the English.
Editor : That is to say, you want to make the
holy land of India unholy. Do you not tremble to
think of freeing India by assassination? What we
need to do is to kill ourselves. It is a cowardly
thought, that of killing others Whom do you sup-
pose to free by assassination ? The millions of India
oo not desire it. Those who are intoxicated bv the
wretched modern civilization think of these things.
Those who will rise to power by murder will cer-
tainly not make the nation happy. Tnose who
believe that India has gained by Dhingra's act and
such other acts in India make a serious mistake-
Dhingra was a patriot, but his love was blind. He
gave his body in a wrong way ; its ultimate result
can only be mischievous.
Reader : But you will admit that the English
have been frightened by these murders, and that
Lord Morley's reforms are due to fear.
Editor : The English are both a timid and a
brave nation. She is, I believe, easilv influenced bv
the use of gunpowder. It is possible that Lord
Morley has granted the reforms through fear but
BRUTE-FORCE 75
what is granted under fear can be regained only so
long as the fear lasts.
CHAPTER XVI
Brute-Forge
Reader : This is a new doctrine ; that what is
gained through fear is retained only while the fear
lasts. Surely, what is given will not be withdrawn ?
Editor : Not so. The Proclamation of 1857
was given at ihe end of a revolt, and for the pur-
pose of preserving peace. When peace was secured
and pepole became simple-minded, its full effect was
toned down. If I ceased stealing for fear of punish-
ment, I would re-commence the operation so soon
as the fear is withdrawn from me. This is almost a
universal experience. We have assumed that we
can get men to do things by force and, therefore,
we use force.
Reader: Will you not admit that you are
arguing against yourself? You know that what the
English obtained in their own country they have
obtained by using brute-force, I know you have
argued that what they have obtained is useless, but
that does not affect my argument. They wanted
useless things, and they got them. My point is
tbat their desire was fulfilled. What does it matter
what means they adopted ? Why should we not
obtain our goal which is good, by any meaus-
?6 INDIAN HOME EULE
whatsoever even by using violence? Shall I think
of the means when I have to deal with a thief in
the house ? My duty is to drive bim out anyhow.
You seem to admit that we have received nothing,
and that we shall receive nothing by petitioning.
Why, then, may we not do so by using brute-force?
And, to retain what we may receive, we shall keep
up the fear by using the same force to the extent
that it may be necessary. You will not find fault
with a continuance of force to prevent a child from
thrusting its foot into fire? Somehow or other, we
have to gain our end.
Editor: Year reasoning is plausible. It has
deluded many. I have used similar arguments before
now. But I think I know better now, and I shall
endeavou/ to undeceive you. Let us first take. the
argument that we are justified in gaining our end
by using brute-force, because the English gained
theirs by using similar means. It is perfectly
true that they used brute-force, and that it is
possible for us to do likewise : but by using
similar means, we can get only the same thing
that they got. You will admit that we do not
want that. Your belief that there is no connection
between the means and the end is a great mistake.
Through that mistake even men who have been
considered religious have committed grievous
crimes. Your reasoning is the same as saying that
we can get a rose through planting a noxious
BRUTE-FORCE 77
weed. If I want to cross the ocean, I can do so-
only by means of a vessel ; if I were to use a cart
for that purpose, both the cart and I would soon
find the bottom. "As is the God, so is the votary,"
is a maxim worth considering Its meaning has
been distorted, and men have gone astray. The
means may be likened to a seed, the end to a tree;,
and there is just the same inviolable connection
between the means and the end as there is between
the seed and toe tree. I am not likely to obtain
the result flowing from the worship of God by
laying myself prostrate before Satan. If, therefore,
anyone were to say : "I want to worship God: it
does not matter that I do so by means of Satan,"
it would be set down as ignorant folly. We reap
exactly as we sow. The English in 1833 obtained
greater voting power by violence. Did they, by using
brute-force, better appreciate their duty ? They
wanted the right of voting, which they obtained by
using physical-force. But real rights are a result
of performance of duty ; these rights they have not
obtained. We, therefore, have before us in England
the force of everybody wanting and insisting on
his rights, nobody thinking of his duty. And, where
everybody wants rights, who shall give them and to
whom ? I do not wish to imply that they never
perform their duty, but I do wish to imply that they
do not perform the duty to which those rights
should correspond ; and, as they do not perform
78 INDIAN HOME RULE*
that particular duty, namely, acquire fitness, their
rights have proved a burden to them. In other
words, what they have obtained is an exaet result
of the means they adopted. They used the means
corresponding to the end. If I want to deprive you
of your watch, I shall certainly have to fight for it ;
if I want to buy your watch, I shall have to pay you
for it ; and, if I want a gift, I shall have to plead for
it ; and, according to the means I employ, the
watch is stolen property, my own property, or a
donation. Thus we see three different results from
three different means. Will you still say that
means do not matter ?
Now we shall take the example given by you
of the thief to be driven out. I do not agree with
you that the thief may be driven out by any
means. If it is my father who has come to steal
I shall use one kind of means. If it is an
acquaintance, I shall use another ; and, in the case
of a perfect stranger, I shall use a third. If it is
a white man, you will perhaps say, you will use
means different from those you will adopt with an
Indian thief If it is a weakling, the means will
be different from those to be adopted for dealing
with an equal in physical strength ; and, if the
thief is armed from tip to "toe, I shall simply
remain quiet.. Thus we have a variety of means
between the father and the armed man. Again, I
fancy that I should pretend to be sleeping whether
BPOJTE-FORCE 79
the thief was my father or that strong-armed man.
The reason for this is that my father would also
be armed, and I should succumb to the strength
possessed by either, and allow my things to be
stolen. The strength of my father' would make
me weep with pity ; the strength of the armed man
would rouse in me anger, and we should become
enemies. Such is the curious situation. From
these examples, we may not be able to agree as to
the means to be adopted in each case. I myself
seem clearly to see what should be done in all
these cases, but the remedy may frighten you.
I, therefore, hesitate to place it before you. For
the time being, I will leave you to guess it, and,
if you cannot, it is clear that you will have to
adopt different means in each case. You will
also have seen that any means willl not avail to
drive away the thief. You will have to adopt means
to fit each case. Hence it follows that your duty
is not to drive away the thief by any means you
like.
Let us proceed a little further. That a well-
armed man has stolen your property, you have
harboured the thought, you are filled with anger ;
you argue that you want to punish that rogue,
not for your own sake, but for the good of your
neighbours ; you have collected a number of armed
men, you want to take his house by assault,
he is duly informed of it, he runs away ; he
80 INDIAN HOME RULE
too, is incensed. He collects his brother-
robbers, and sends you a defiant message that
he will commit robbery in broad day-light. You
are strorjg, you do not fear him, you are prepared
to receive him. Meanwhile, the robber pesters your
neighbours. They complain before you, you reply
that you are doing ail for their sake ; you do not
mind that your own goods have been stolen. Your
neighbours reply that the robber never pestered
them before, and that he commenced his depreda-
tions only after you declared hostilities against him.
You are between Sylla and Charybdis. You are
full of pity for the poor men. What they say is
true. What are you to do ? You will be disgraced
if you now leave the robber alone. You, therefore,
tell the poor men: ''Never mind. Come, my wealth
is yours, I will give you arms, I will teach yon how
to use them ; you should belabour the rogue ; don't
you leave him alone." And so the battle grows;
the robbers increase in number ; your neighbours
have deliberately put themselvs to inconvenience.
Thus the result of wanting to take revenge upon
the robber is that you have disturbed your own
peace ; you are in perpetual fear of being robbed and
assaulted ; your courage has given place to cowardice.
If you will patiently examine the argument, you will
see that I have not overdrawn the picture. This is
one of the means. Now let us examine *he other.
You set this armed robber down as an ignorant
BEUTE-FORCE 81
brother ; you intend to reason with him at a suitable
opportunity ; you argue that he is, after all, a fellow-
man ; you do not know what prompted him to steal.
You, therefore, decide that, when you can, you will
destroy the man's motive for stealing. Whilst you
are thus reasoning with yourself, the man comes
again to steal. Instead of being angry with him,
you take pity on him. You think that this stealing
habit must be a disease with him. Henceforth
you, therefore, keep your doors and windows open ;
you change your sleeping-place, and you keep
your things in a manner most accessible to him.
The robber comes again, and is confused, as all
this is new to him ; nevertheless, he takes away
your things. But his mind is agitated. He
inquires about you in the village, he comes to
learn# about your broad and loving heart, he re-
pents, he begs your pardon, returns you your
things, and leaves off the stealing habit. He
becomes your servant, and you find for him
honourable employment. This is the second method.
Thus, you see different means have brought about
totalely different results. I do not wish to deduce
from this that robbers will act in the above
manner or that all will have the same pity
and love like you ; but I wisii only to show that
only fair means can produce fair results, and that,
al least in the majority of cases, if not, indeed,
in all, the force of love and pity is ^infinitely greater
6
82 INDIAN HOME KULE
than the force of arms. There is harm in the
exercise of brute-force, never in that of pity.
Now we will take the question of petitioning.
It is a fact beyond dispute that a petition, with-
out the backing of force, is useless. However, the
late Justice Ranade used to say that petitions
served a useful purpose because fchey were a means
of educating people. They give the latter an idea
of their condition, and warn the rulers. From
this point of view, they are not altogether useless.
A petition of an equal is a sign of courtesy ; a
petition from a slave is a symbol of his slavery,
A petition backed by force is a petition from an
equal and, when he transmits his demand in the
form of a petition, it testifies to his nobility.
Two kinds of force can back petitions. "We will
hurt you if you do not give this" is one kind of
force ; it is the force of arms, whose evil results
we have already examined. The second kind of
force can thus be stated : "If you do not concede
our demand, we will be no longer your petitioners
You can govern us only so long as we remain
the governed ; we shall no longer have any dealings
with you." The force implied in this may be
described as love-force, soul-force, or, more popularly
but less accurately, passive resistance. This force
is indestructible. He who uses it perfectly under-
stands his position. We have an ancient proverb
which literally means "One negative cures
BRUTE-FORCE 83
thirty-six diseases." The force of arms is powerless
when matched against the force of love or the soul.
Now we shall take your last illustration, that
of the child thrusting its foot into fire. It will not
avail you. What do you really do to the child?
Supposing that it can exert so much physical force
that it renders you powerless and rushes into
fire, then you cannot prevent it. There are
only two remedies open to you — either you
must kill it in order to prevent it- from perish-
ing in the flames, or you must give your own
life, because you do not wish to see it perish
before your very eyes. You will not kill it. If your
heart is not quite full of pity, it is possible that
you will not surrender yourself by preceding the
child and going into the fire yourself. You, there-
fore, helplessly allow it to go into the flames. Thus,
at any rate, you are not using physical force. I hope
you will not consider that it is still physical-force,
though of a low order, when you would forcibly
prevent the child from rushing towards the fire if
you could. That force is of a different order, and
we have to understand what it is.
Remember that, in thus preventing the child,
you are minding entirely its own interest, you are
exercising authority for its sole benefit. Your
example does not apply to the English. In using
brute-force against the English, you consult entirely
your own, that is the national interest There is no
84 INDIAN HOME RULE
question here either of pity or of love. If you say
that the actions of the English, being evil, represent
fire, and that they proceed to their actions
through ignorance, and that, therefore, they
occupy the position of a child, and that you want
to protect such a child, then you will have to
overtake every such ievil action by whomsoever
committed, and, as in the case of the child, you
will have to sacrifice yourself. If you are capable
of such immeasurable pity, I wish you well in its
exercise.
CHAPTER XVII
Passive Resistance
Reader : Is there any historical evidence as to
the success of what you have called soul-force or
truth-force? No instance seems to have happened
of any nation having risen through soul-force. I
still think that the evil-doers i will'not cease doing
evil without physical punishment.
Editor: The poet Tulsidas has said: "Of
religion, pity or love is the root, as egotism of the
body. Therefore, wo should not abandon pity so long
as we are alive." This appears to me to be a
scientific truth, I believe in it as much as I believe
in two and two being four. The force of love is the
same as the force of the soul or truth. We have
evidence of its working at every, step. The universe
PASSIVE RESISTANCE 85
would disappear without the existence of that
force. But you ask for historical evidence. It is,
therefore^ necessary to know what history means.
The Gujarati equivalent means : "It so happened "
If that is the meaning of history, it is possible to
give copious evidence. But if it means the doings
of kings and emperors, there can be no evidence of
soul-force or passive resistance in such history. You
cannot expect silver-ore in a tin-mine. History, as
we know it, is a record of the wars of the world,
and so there is a proverb among Englishmen that
a nation which has no history, that is, no wars, is a
happy nation. How kings played bow they become
enemies of one another and how they murdered one
another is found accurately recorded in history
and, if this were all that had happened in the
world, it would have been ended long ago. If the
story of the universe had commenced with wars,
not a man would have been found alive to-day.
Those people who have been warred against h$ve
disappeared, as, for instance, the natives of
Australia, of whom hardly a man was left alive by
the intruders.. Mark, please, that these natives did
not use soul-force in self-defence, and it does not
require much foresight to know that the Australians
will share the same fate as their victims " Those
that wield the sword shall perish by the sword.'*
With us, the proverb is that professional swimmers
will find a watery grave.
86 INDIAN HOME BULE
The fact that there are so many men still alive-
in the world shows that it is based not on the force
of arms but on the force of truth or love. Therefore
the greatest and most unimpeachable evidence of
the success of this force is to be found in the fact
that, in spite of the wars of the world, it still lives
•n.
Thousands, indeed, tens of thousands, depend
for their existence on a very active working
of this force. Little quarrels of millions of
families in their daily lives disappear before the
exercise of this force. Hundreds of nations live in
peace. History does not and cannot take note of
this fact. History is really a record of every inter-
ruption of the even working of the force of love
or of the soul. Two brothers quarrel : one of them
repents and re-awakens: the love that was lying
dormant in him ; the two again begin to live in
peace: nobody takes note of this. But if the two
brothers, through the intervention of solicitors or
some other reason, take up arms or go to law—
which is another form of the exhibition of brute-
force— their doings would be immediately noticed
in the press, they would be the talk of their neigh-
bours, and would probably go down to history.
And what is true cf families and communities is,
true of nations. There is no reason, to believe
that there is one law for families, and another
for nations. History, then, is a record of an-
PASSIVE RESISTANCE 87
interruption of the course of nature. Soul-force,
being natural, is not noted in history.
Readek : According to what you say, it is
plain that instances of the kind of passive resistance
are not to be found in history. It is necessary
to understand this passive resistance more fully.
It will be better, therefore, if you enlarge upon it.
Editor : Passive resistance is a method of
securing rights by personal suffering ; it is the
reverse of resistance by arms. When I refuse to
do a thing that is repugnant to my conscience, I
use soul-force. For instance, the government of
the day has passed a law which is applicable to
me : I do not like it, if, by using violence, I
force the government to repeal the law. I am
employing what may be termed body-force. If I
do not obey the law and accept the penalty for
its breach, I use soul-force. It involves sacrifice
of self.
Everybody admits that sacrifice of self is
infinitely superior to sacrifice of others. Moreover,
if this kind of force is used in a cause that is unjust
only the person using it suffers. He does not make
others suffer for his mistakes. Men have .before now
done many things which were subsequently foundr
to have been wrong. No man can claim to be
absolutely in the right, or that a particular thing is
wrong, because#he thinks so, but it is wrong for
him so long as that is his deliberate judgment ,
88 INDIAN HOME EULE
It is, therefore, meet thathe should not do that
which he knows to be wrong, and suffer the
consequence whatever it may be. This is the
key to the use of soul%force.
Header : You would then disregard laws —
this is rack disloyalty. We have always been
considered a law-abiding nation. You seem to be
going even beyond the extremists. They say that
we must obey the laws that have been passed, bus
that, if the laws be bad, we must drive out the
law-givers even by force.
Editor: Whether I go beyond them or
whether J[ do not, is a matter of no consequence to
either of us. We simply want to find out what is
right, and to act accordingly. The real meaning
of the statement that we are a law-abiding nation
is that we are passive resisters. When we do not
like certain laws, we do not break the heads of
law-givers, but we suffer and do not submit to the
laws. That we should obey laws whether good or
bad is a new-fangled notion. There was no such
thing in former days. The people disregarded
those laws they did not like, and suffered the
penalties for their breach. It is contrary to our
manhood, if we obey laws repugnant to our
conscience. Such teaching is opposed to religion
and means slavery. If the government were to
ask us to go about without any clothing, should we
do so ? If I were a passive resister, I would say to
PASSIVE KESISTANCE 89
them that I would have nothing to do with their
law. But we have so forgotten ourselves and become
so compliant, that we do not mind any degrading
law.
A man who has realised his manhood, who fears
only God, will fear no one else, Man-made laws
are not necessarily binding on him. Even the gov-
ernment do not expect any such thing from us.
They do not say : " You must do such and such a
thing," but they sav : " If you do not do it, we will
punish you." We are sunk so low, that we fancy
that it is our duty and our religion to do what the
law lays down. If man will only realise that it is
unmanly to obey laws that are- unjust, no man's
tyranny will enslave him. This is the key to self-
rule or home-rule.
It is a superstition and an ungodly thing
to believe that an act of a majority binds a mino-
rity- Many examples can be given in which
acts of majorities will be found to have been
wrong, and those of minorities to have been
right. All reforms owe their origin to the initiation
of minorities in opposition to majorities. If among
a band of robbers, a knowledge of robbing is obli-
gatory, is a pious man to accept the obligation ? ^ So
long as the superstition that men should obey unjust
laws exists, so long will their slavery exist. And
a passive resister alone can remove such a super-
stition.
90 INDIAN HOME RULE
To use brute-force, to use gun-powder is contrary
to passive resistance; for it means that we want our
opponent to do by force — that which we desire but
he dees not. And, if such a use of force is justifi-
able, surely he is entitled to do likewise by us. And
so we should never come to an agreement. We
may simply fancy, like the blindborse moving in
a circle round a mill, that we are making progress.
Those who believe that they are not bound to obey
laws which are repugnant to their conscience have
only the remedy of passive resistance open to them.
Any other must lead to disaster.
Reader : From what you say, I deduce that
passive resistance is a splendid weapon of the weak
but that, when they are strong, they may take up
arms.
Editor : This is gross ignorance Passive
resistance, that is, soul-force, is matchless. It is
superior to the force of arms. How, then, can it be
considered only a weapon of the weak ? Physical-
force men are strangers to the courage that is
requisite in a passive resister. Do you believe that a
coward can ever disobey a law that he dislikes ?
Extremists are considered to be advocates of brute-
force. "Why do they, then, talk about obeying laws?
I do not blame them. They can say nothing else.
When they succeed in driving out the English, and
they themselves become governors, they will want
you and me to obey their laws. And that is a
PASSIVE EESISTANCE 91
fitting thing for their constitution. But a passive
resister will say he will not obey a law that is against
his conscience, even though he may be blown to
pieces at the mouth of a cannon.
What do you think? Wherein is courage
required— in blowing others to pieces from behind
a cannon or with a smiling face to approach a
cannon and to be blown to pieces ? Who is the
true warrior— he who keeps death always as a
bosom-friend or he who controls the death of
others? Believe me that a man devoid of courage
and manhood can never be a passive resister.
This, however, I will admit: that even a
man, weak in body, is capable of offering this resist-
ance. One man can offer it just as well as millions-
Both men and women can indulge in it. It does
not require the training of an army ; it needs no
Jiu-jitsu. Control over the mind is alone necessary,
and, when that is attained, man is free like the king
of the forest, and his very glance withers the
enemy.
Passive resistance is an all-sided sword ; it can
be used anyhow ; it blesses him who uses it and
him against whom it is used. Without drawing
a drop of blood, it produces far-reaching results.
It never rusts, and cannot be stolen. Competition
between passive resisters does not exhaust. The
sword of passive resistance does not require a
scabbard. It is strange indeed that you should:
92 INDIAN HOME RULE
consider such a weapon to be a weapan merely of
the weak.
Reader: You have said that passive resistance
is a speciality of India, Have cannons never been
used in India ?
Editor: Evidently, in your opinion, India
means its few princes. To me, it means its teeming
millions, on whom depends the existence of its
princes and our own.
Kings will always use their kingly weapons.
To use force is bred in them. They want
to command, but those who have to obey commands,
do not want guns; and these are in a majority
throughout the world. They have to learn either
body-force or soul-force. Where they learn the
former, both the rulers and the ruled become like so
many mad men, but, where they learn soul-force,
the commands of the rulers do not go beyond the
point of their swords, for true men disregard unjust
commands. Peasants have never been subdued
hy the sword, and never will be. They do
not know the use of the sword, and they are
not frightened by the use of it by others. That
nation is great which rests its head upon death as
its pillow. Those who defy death are free from all
fear. For those who are labouring under the
delusive charms of brute-force, this picture is not
Overdrawn. The fact is that, in India, the nation
at large has generally used passive resistance in all
PASSIVE RESISTANCE 93
departments of life. We c-ase to co-operate with
our rulers when they displease us. This is passive
resistance.
I remember an instance when, in a small
principality, the villagers were offended by some
command issued by the prince. The former im-
mediately began vacating the village. The prince
became nervous, apologised' to his subjects and
withdrew his command. Many such instances can
be found in India. Real home-rule is possible only
where passive resistance is the guiding force of the
people. Any other rule is foreign rule.
Reader: Then you will say that it is not at
all necessary for us to train the body ?
Editor : I will certainly not say any such thing.
It is diffcult to become a passive resister, unless
the body is trained. As a rule, the mind, residing
in a body that has become weakened by pampering,
is also weak, and where there is no strength of
mind, there can be no strength of soul. We will have
to improve our physique by getting rid of infant
• marriages and luxurious living. If I were to ask a
man having a shattered body to face a cannon's
mouth I would make of myself a laughing-stock.
Reader : From what you say, then, it would
appear that it is not a small thing to become a
passive resister, and, if that is so, I* would like you
to explain how a man may become a passive
resister.
:94 INDIAN HOME RULE
Editor : To become a passive resister is easy
enough, but it is also equally difficult. I have
known a lad of fourteen years become a passive
resister ; I have known also sick people doing like-
wise and I have also known physically strong and
otherwise happy people being unable to take up
passive resistance. After a great deal of experience,
it seems to me that those who want to become
passive resisters for the sevice of the country have
to observe perfect chastity, adopt poverty, follow
truth, and cultivate fearlessness.
Chastity is one of the greatest disciplines
without which the mind cannot attain requisite
firmness. A man who is unchaste loses stamina,
becomes emasculated and cowardly. He whose
mind is given over to animal passions is not
capable of any great effort. This can be proved
by innumerable instances. What, then, is a
married person to do, is the question that arises
naturally ; and yet it need not. When a husband
and wife gratify the passions, it is no less an animal
indulgence on that account. Such an indulgence,
except for perpetuating the race, is strictly
prohibited. But a passive resister has to avoid even
that very limited indulgence, because he can have
no desire for progeny. A married man, therefore,
can observe perfect chastity. This subject is not
capable of being treated at greater length. Several
questions arise : How is one to carry one's wife
PASSIVE KESISTANCE 95
with one ? What are her rights, and such other
questions ? Yet those who wish to take part in a
great work are bound to solve these puzzles.
Just as there is necessity for chastity, so is
there for poverty. Pecuniary ambition and passive
resistance cannot well go together. Those who
have money are cot expected to throw it away, but
they are expected to be indifferent about it. They
must be prepared to lose every penny rather than
give up passive resistance.
Passive resistance has been described in the
course of our discussion as truth-force. Truth,
therefore, has necessarily to be followed, and that
at any cost. In this connection, academic questions
such as whether a man may not lie in order to save
a life, etc. arise, but these questions occur only to
those who wish to justify lying. Those who want
to follow truth every time are not placed in such a
quandary, and, if they are, they are still saved from
a false position.
Passive resistance cannot proceed a step with-
out fearlessness. Those alone can follow the path
of passive resistance who are free from fear
whether as to their possessions, false honour, their
relatives, the government, bodily injuries, death.
These observances are not to be abandoned in
the belief that they are difficult. Nature has
implanted in the human breast ability to cope with
any difficulty or suffering that may come to man
96 INDIAN HOME RULE
unprovoked. These qualities are worth having,
even for those who do not wish to serve
the country. Let there be no mistake as
those who want to train themselves in the use of
arms are also obliged to have these qualities more
or less. Everybody does not become a warrior for
the wish, A woald-be warrior will have to observe
chastity, and to be satisfied with poverty as his lot.
A warrior without fearlessness cannot be conceived
of. It may be thought that he would not need to
be exactly truthful, but that quality follows real
fearlessness. When a man abandons truth, he does
so owing to fear in some shape or form. The
above four attributes, then, need not frighteen any
one. It may be as well here to note that a physi-
cal-force man has to have many otber useless
qualities which a passive resister never needs.
And you will find that whatever extra effort a
swordsman needs is due to lack of fearlessness. If
he is an embodiment of the latter, the sword will
drop from his hand that very moment He does
not need its support. One who is free from hatred
requires no sword. A man with a stick suddenly
came face to face with a lion, and instinctively
raised his weapon in self-defence. The man saw
that he had only prated about fearlessness when
there was none in him That moment he dropped
the stick, and found himself free from all fear.
V
EDUCATION 97
CHAPTER XVIII
Education
Reader : In the whole of our discussion, yoa
have cot demonstrated the necessity for education ;
we always complain of its absence among us. We
notice a movement for compulsory education in our
country. The Maharaja of Gaekwar has introduced
it in his territories. Every eye is directed towards
them. We bless the Maharaja for it. Is all this
effort then of no use?
Editor : If we consider our civilization to be
the highest, I have regretfully to say that much
of the effort you have described is of no use. The
motive of the Maharaja and other great leaders
who have been working in this direction is perfectly
pure. They, therefore, undoubtedly deserve great
praise. But we cannot conceal from ourselves the
result that is likely to flow from their effort.
What is the meaning of education? If it simply
means a knowledge of letters, it is merely an
instrument, and an instrument may be well used
or abused. The same instrument that may be used
to cure a patient may be used to take his life, and so
may a knowledge of letters. We daily observe that
many men abuse it, and very few make good use of
it, and if this is a correct statement, we have proved
that more harm has been done by it than good.
The ordinary meaning of education is a
knowledge of letters. To teach boys reading,
7
98 INDIAN HOME RULE
writing and arithmetic is called primary education.
A peasant earns his bread honestly. He has ordinary
knowledge of the world. He knows fairly
well how he should behave towards his parents, his
wife, his children and his fellow-villagers. He
understands and observes the rules of morality, But
he cannot write his own name. Wbat do you pro-
pose to do by giving him a knowledge of letters ?
Will you add an inch to his happiness? Do you
wish to make him discontented with his cottage or
his lot ? And even if you want to do that, he will
not need such an education. Carried away by the
flood of western thought, we came to the conclu-
sion, without weighing pros and cons, that we should
give this kind of education to the people.
Now let us take higher education. I have
learned Geography, Astronomy, Algebra, Geometry,
etc. What of that ? In what way have I benefitted
myself or those around me? Why have I learned
these things ? Professor Huxley has thus defined
education: — "That man I think has had a liberal
education who has been so trained in youth that his
body is the ready servant of his will and does with
ease and pleasure all the work that as a mechanism
it is capable of, whose intellect is a clear, cold
logic engine with all its parts of equal strength and
in smooth working order whose miod is stored
with a knowledge of the fundamental truths of
nature whose passions are trained to come
EDUCATION * 99
to heel by a vigorous will, the servant oi a tender
conscience who has learnt to hate all vile-
ness and to respect others a3 himself. Such an one
and no other, I conceive, has had a liberal educa-
tion, for he is in harmony with Nature. He will
make the best of her and she of him."
If this be true education, I must emphatically
say that the sciences I have enumerated above, I
have never been able to use for controlling my
senses. Therefore, whether you take elementary
education or higher education, it is not required
for the main thing. It does not make of us men*
It does not enable us to do our duty.
Reader: If that is so. I shall have to ask yoa
another question. What enables you to tell all
these things to me ? If you had not received
higher education, how would you have been able
to explain to me the things that you have ?
Editor : You have spoken well. But my
answer is simple: I do not for one moment]believe
that my life would have been wasted, had I nob
.received higher or lower education. Nor do I con-
sider that I necessarily serve because I speak. But
I do desire to serve and, in endeavouring to fulfil that
desire, I make use of the education I have received.
And, if I am making good use of it, even then it 13
not for the millions, but I can Use it only for such
as you, aud this supports my contention. Bjch you
and I have come under the bane of what is mainly
100 INDIAN HOME RULE
false education. I claim to have become free from
its ill-effects, and I am trying to give you the benefit
of my experience, and, in doing so, I am demon-
strating the rottenness of this education.
Moreover, I have not run down a knowledge of
letters under all circumstances. Ail I have shown is
that we must not make of it a fetish. It is not our
Kamdhuk. In its'place it can be of use, and it has
its place when we have brought our senses under
subjection, and put our efchic3 on a firm foundation.
And then, if we feel inclined to receive that edu-
pation, we may make good use of it. As an orna-
ment it is likely to sit well on us. It now follows
that it is not necessary to make this education
compulsory, Our ancient school system is enough.
Character-building has the first place in it, and that
is primary education . A building erected on that
foundation will last.
Header : Do I then understand that you
do not consider English education necessary for
obtaining Home Rule?
Editor : My answer is yes and no. To give
millions a knowledge of English is to enslave them.
The foundation that Macaulay laid of education
has enslaved us. 1 do not suggest that he had any
such intention, but that has been the result. Is it
not a sad commentary that we should have to speak
of Home Rule, in a foreign tongue ?
EDUCATION 101
And it is worthy of note that the systems which
the Europeans have discarded are the systems ifl
■vogue among us. Their learned men continually
make changes. We ignorantly adhere to their cast-
off systems. They are trying each division to im-
prove its own status. Wales is a small portion of
England. Great efforts are being made to r-vive a
knowledge of Welsh among Welshmen. The
English Chancellor, Mr. Lloyd Greorge, is taking a
leading part in the movement to make Welsh chil-
dren speak Welsh. And what is our condition ? We
write to each other in faulty English, and from this
even, our M. A's are not free ; our best thought
are expressed in English ; the proceedings of our
Congress are conducted in English ; our best news-
papers are printed in English. If this state of things
continues for a long time, posterity will — it is my
firm opinion — condemn and curse us.
It is worth noting that, by receiving English
education, we have enslaved the nation. Hypocrisy,
tyranny, etc., have increased ; English-knowing
Indians have not hesitated to cheat and strike terror
into the people. Now, if we are doing anything for
the people at all, we are paying only a portion of
the debt due to them.
Is it not a most painful thing that, if I want
to go to a court of justice, I must employ the
English language as medium ; that, when I become
a barrister, I may not speak my mother-tongue, and
102 INDIAN HOME EULE
that some one else should have to translate to me
from my own language? Is not this absolutely
absurd ? Is it not a sign of slavery ? Am I to
blame the English for it or myself ? It is we, the
English-knowing men, that have enslaved India,
The curse of the nation will rest not upon the
English but upon us.
I have told, you that my answer to your last
question is both yes and so. I have explained to
you why it is yes. I shall now explain why it is no.
We are so much beset by the disease of civiliza-
tion, that we cannot altogether do without English
education. Those who have already received
it may make good use of it wherever neces-
sary. In our dealings with the English people, in our
dealings with our own people, when we can only
correspond with them through that language, and
for the purpose of knowing how much disgusted
they (the English) have themselves become with
their civilization, we may use or learn English, as
the case may be. Those who have studied English
will have to teach morality to their progeny through
their mother-tongue, and to teach them another
Indian language ; but when they have grown up,
they may learn English, the ultimate aim being
that we should not need it. The object of making
money thereby should be eschewed. Even in
learning English to such a limited extent we will
have to consider what we should learn through ife
EDUCATION 103
and what we should not. It will be'necessary to know
what sciences we should learn. A little thought
should show you that immediately we cease to care
for English degrees, the rulers will prick up their
cars. *
Reader : Then what education shall we give ?
Editor : This has been somewhat considered
above, but we will consider it a little more. I think
that we have to improve all our languages. What
subjects we should learn through them need not be
elaborated here. Those English books which are
valuable we should translate into the various Indian
languages. We should abandon the pretension of
learning many sciences. Religious, that is ethical,
education will occupy the first place. Every cultured
Indian will know in addition to his own provincial
language, if a Hindu, Sanskrit ; if a Mahomedan,
Arabic ; if a Parsee, Persian ; and all, Hindi. Some
Hindus should know Arabic and Persian ; some
Mahomedans and Parsees, Sanskrit. Several
Northerners and Westerners should learn Tamil. A
universal language for India should be Hindi, with
the option of writing it in Persian or Nagric charac-
ters. In order that the Hindus and the Mahomedans
may have closer relations, it is necessary to know
both the characters. And, if we can do this, we
can dfive the English language out of the field in
a short time. All this is necessary for us, slaves.
104 INDIAN HOME EULE
Through our slavery the nation has been enslaved,
and it wiil be free with our freedom.
Header : The question of religious education
is very difficult.
Editok : Yet we cannot do without it. India
will never be godless. Bank atheism cannot flourish
in that land. The task is indeed difficult. My
head begins to turn as I think of religious education.
Our religious teachers are hypocritical and selfish ;
they will have to be approached. The Mullas, the
Dasturs and the Brahmins hold the key in their
hands, but if they will not have the good sense,
the energy that we have derived from English
education will have to be devoted to religious
education. This is not very difficult. Only the
fringe of the ocean has been polluted, and it is
those who are within the fringe who alone need
cleansing. We who come under this category can
even cleanse ourselves, because my remarks do not
apply to the millions. In order to restore India to
its prestine condition, we have to return to it. In
our own civilization, there will naturally be pro-
gress, restrogression, reforms, and reactions ; but
one effort is required, and that is to drive out
Western civilization. All else will follow.
MACHINERY 105
CHAPTER XIX
Machinery
Readeb : When you speak of driving out
Western civilization, I suppose you will aho say
that we want no machinery.
Editor : By raising this question, you have
opened the wound I had received. When I read
Mr. Datt's Economic History of India I wept ;
and, as I think of it, again my heart sickens, It is
machinery that has impoverished India. It is
difficult to measure the harm that Manchester has
-done to us. It is due to Manchester that Indian
handicraft has all but disappeared.
But I make a mistake. How can Manchester
be blamed ? We wore Manchester cloth, and that
is why Manchester wove it. I was delighted when
I read about the bravery of Bengal. There are no
cloth-mills in that Presidency. They were, there-
fare, able to restore the original hand- weaving
occupation. It is true Bengal encourages the
mill-industry of Bombay. If Bengal had proclaim-
ed a boycott of all machine-made goods, it would
have been much better.
Machinery has begun to desolate Europe.
Ruination is now knocking at the English gates.
Machinery is the chief symbol of modern civili-
zation ; it represents a great sin.
The workers in the mills of Bombay have
become slaves. The condition of the women working
106 INDIAN HOME RULE
in the mills is shocking. When there were no
mills, these women were not starving. If the
machinery craze grows in our country, it will
become an unhappy land. It may be considered^
heresy, but I am bound to say that it were better
for us to send money to Manchester and to use
flimsy Manchester cloth than to multiply mills in
India. By using Manchester cloth we would only
waste our money, but by reproducing Manchester
in India, we shall keep our money at the price of
our blood, because our very moral being will be
sapped, and I call in support of my statement the
very mill-hands as witnesses. And those who have
amassed wealth out of factories are not likely to be
better than other rich men. It would be folly to
assume that an Indian Rockfeller would be better
than the American Rockfeller. Impoverished India
can become free, but it will be hard for an India,
made rich through immorality, to regain its freedom.
I fear we will have to admit that moneyed men
support British rule ; their interest is bound up
with its stability. Money renders a man helpless.
The other thing is as harmful as sexual vice. Both
are poisou, A snakebite is a lesser poison than
these two, because the former merely destroys the
body, but the latter destroys body, mind and souL
We need not, therefore, be pleased with the prospect
of the growth of the mill-industry.
MACHINERY 107
Reader: Are the mills, then, to be closed
down ?
Editor : That is difficult. It is no easy task
to do away with a thing that is established. We,
therefore, say that the non-beginning of a thing is,
supreme wisdom. We cannot condemn mill-owners,
we can but pity them. It would be too much to expect
them to give up their mills, but we may implore them
not to increase them. If they would be good,
they would gradually contract their business. They
can establish in thousands of households the ancient
and sacred handlooms, and they can buy out the
cloth that may be thus woven. Whether the
mill-owners do this or not, people can cease to use
machine-made goods.
Reader: You have so far spoken about
machine-made cloth, bat there are innumerable
machine-made things. We have either to import
them or to introduce machinery into our country.
Editor : Indeed, our gods even are made in
Germany. What need, then, to speak of matches,
pins, and glassware ? My answer can be only one.
What did India do before these articles were intro-
duced ? Precisely the same should be done to-day.
As long as we cannot make pins without machinery,
so long will we do witnout them. The tinsel splen-
dour of glassware we will have nothing to do with
and we will make wicks, as of old, with home-grown
cotton, and use hand-made earthern saucers for
108 INDIAN HOME EULE
lamps. So doing, we shall save our eyes and money,
and will support Swadeshi, and so shall we attain
Horn Rule.
It i3not to be conceived that all men will do
all these things at one time, or that some men will
give up all machine-made things at once. But, if
the thought is sound, we will always find ouc what
we can give up, and will gradually cease to use this.
What a few may do, others will copy, and the
movement will grow like the cocoanut of the mathe-
matical problem. What the leaders do, the popu-
lace will gladly follow. The matter is neither com-
plicated nor difficult. You and I shall not wait
until we can carry others with us. Those will be
the losers who will not do it, and those who will not
do it, although tbey can appreciate the truth, will
deserve to be called cowards.
Reader : What, then, of the tram-cars and
electricity?
Editor : This qestion is now too late. It
signifies nothing. If we are to do without the
railways, we shall have to do without the tram-
cars. Machinery is like a snake-hole which
may contain from one to a hundred snakes.
Where there is machinery there are large cities ;
and where there are large cities, there are tram-
cars and railways; and there only does one see
electric light. English villages do not boast any
of these things. Honest physicians will tell you
MACHINEEY 109'
that, where means of artificial locomotion have
increased, the health of the people has suffered. I
remember that, when in a European town there was
a scarcity of money, the receipts of the tramway
company, of the lawyers and of the doctors, went
down, and the people were less unhealthy. I cannot
recall a single good point in connection with machi-
nery. Books can be written to demonstrate its
evils.
Reader: It is a good point or a bad one that
ail you are saying will be printed through machi-
nery ?
Editor. This is one of those instances which
demonstrate that sometimes poison is used to kill
poison. This, then, will not be a good point regard-
ing machinery, As it expires, the machinery, as it
were, says to us : " Beware and avoid me. You will
derive no benefit from me, and the benefit that may
accrue from printing will avail only those who are
infected with the machinery-craze/' Do not, there-
fore, forget the main thing. It is necessary to rea-
lise that machinery is bad. We shall then be able
gradually to do away with it. Nature has not pro-
vided any way whereby we may reach a desired goal
all of a sudden. If, instead of welcoming machinery
as a boon, we would look upon it as an evil, it
would ultimately go.
110 INDIAN HOME KULE
CHAPTER XX
Conclusion
Reader : From your views I gather that you
would form a third party. You are neither an
extremist nor a moderate.
Editor: That is a mistake. I do not think of
a third party at all. We do not all think alike. We
cannot say that all the moderates hold identical
views. And how can those who want to serve
only have a party ? I would serve both the moder-
ates and the extremists. Where I should differ
from them, I would respectfully place my position
before them, and continue my service.
Reader : What, then, would you say to both
the parties ?
Editor : I would say to the extremists : — " I
know that you want Home Rule for India ; it is
not to be had for your asking. Everyone will have
to take it for himself. What others get for me is
not Home Rule but foreign rule ; therefore, it would
not be proper for you to say that you have obtained
Home Rule, if you expelled the English. I have
already described the true nature of Home Rule.
This you would never obtain by force of arms.
Brute-force is not natural to the Indian soil. You
will have, therefore, to rely wholly on soul-force.
You must not consider that violence is necessary at
any stage for reaching our goal."
CONCLUSION 111
I would say to the moderates : — " Mere peti-
tioning is derogatory ; we thereby confess inferio-
rity. To say th^t British rule is indispensable, is
almost a denial of the Godhead We cannot say
that anybody or anything is indispensable except
God. Moreover, common sense should tell us that
to state that, for the time being, the presence of the
English in India is a necessity, is to make them
conceited.
" If the English vacated India bag and
baggage, it must not be supposed that she would
be widowed. It is possible that those who are
forced to observe peace under their pressure would
fight after their withdrawal. There can be no
advantage in suppressing an eruption, it must have
its vent. If, therefore, before we can remain at
peace, we must fight amongst ourselves, it is better
that we do so. There is no occasion for a third
party to protect the weak. It is this so-called
protection which has unnerved us. Such protection
can only make the weak weaker. Unless we realise
this, we cannot have Home Rule. I would
paraphrase the thought of an English divine and
say that anarchy under home rule were better than
orderly foreign rule. Only, the meaning that the
Jearned divine attached to home rule is different to
Indian Home Rule according to my conception.
We have to learn, and to teach others, that we do
112 INDIAN HOME RULE .
not want the tyranny of their English ruie or
Indian rule."
If this idea were carried out both the
extremists and the moderates could join hands.
There is no occasion to fear or distrust one
another.
Reader: What, then, would you say to the
English?
Editor : To them I would respectfully say:
" I admit you are my rulers. It is not necessary to
debate the question whether you hold India by the
sword or by my consent. I have no objection to
your remaining in my country, but although you
are the rulers, you will have to remain as servants
of the people. It is not we who have to do as you
wish, bus it is you who have to do as we wish. You
may keep the riches that you have drained away
from this land, but you may not drain riches hence-
forth. Your function will be, if you so wish, to
police India ; you must abandon the idea of deriv-
ing any commercial benefit from us. We hold the
civilization that you support to be the reverse of
civilization. We consider our civilization to be far
superior to yours. If you realise this truth, it will
be to your advantage, and, if you do not, according
to your own proverb, you should only live in our
country in the same manner as we do. You must
not do anything that is contrary to our religions.
It is your duty as rulers that, for the sake of the;
CONCLUSION 113
Hindus, you should eschew beef, and for the sake
of the Mahomedans, you should avoid bacon and
hauu. We have hitherto said nothing, because we
have been cowed down, but you need not consider
that you have not hurt our feelings by your conduct.
We ace not expressing our sentiments either
through base selfishness or fear, but because it is
our duty now to speak out boldly. We consider
your schools and law courts to be useless. We
want our own ancient schools and courts to be
restored. The common language of India is not
English but Hindi. You should, therefore, learH
it. We can hoid communication with you only in
our national language.
" We cannot tolerate the idea of your spending
money on railways and the military. We see no
occasion for either. You may fear Russia; we do
not. When she comes' we will look after her. If
you are with us, we will then receive her jointly.
We do not need any European cljth. We will
manage with articles produced and manufactured
at home. You may not keep one eye on Manches-
ter and the other on India. We can work together
only if our interests are identical.
" This has not been said to you in arrogance.
You have great military resources. Your naval
power is matchless. If we wanted to fight with
you on your own ground we would be unable to do
so, but, if the above submissions be not acceptable
8
114 INDIAN HOME RULE
to you, we cease to play the ruled You may,
if you like, cut us to pieces. You may shatter ug
at the cannon's mouth. If you act contrary to our
will, we will not help you and, wifcho it oar help,
we know that you cannot, move one step jrward.
*' It is hkely that you will laugh i all this in
the intoxication of your power. We may not be
able to disillusion you at once, but, if there be any
manliness in us, you will see shortly that your in-
toxication is suicidal, and that your laugh at our
expense is an aberration of iutetlci. We oelieve
that, at heart you belong to a religious nation. We
are living in a land which is the source or. religions.
How we came together need not be considered, but
we can make mutual good use of our relations.
" You English who have come to [ndia are not
a good specimen of the English natsioj, u«>r can we
almost half Anglicised Indians, beconsid red a good
specimen of the real Indian nation. If toe English
nation were to know all you have done\ it would
oppose many of your actions. The m-tss of the
Indians have had few dealings with 5 1. If- you
will abandon your so-called civilization, and search
into your own scriptures, you will find that our
demands are just. Only on conditions of our
demands being fully satisfied may you remain in
India, and, if you remain under those conditions we
shall learn several things* from you, and you will
learn many from us, So doing, we snail benefit
• N
CONCLUSION 115
each other and the world. But that will happen
only when the root of our relationship is sunk in a
religious soil."
Reader : What wil you say to the nation ?
' Editor : Who is the nation ?
Reader : For our purposes it is the nation
that you and I have been thinking of, that is, those
of us who are affected by European civilization, and
who are eager to have Home Rule.
Editor : To these I would say : It is only
those Indians who are imbued with real love who
will be able to speak to the English in the above
strain without being frightened, and those only
can be said to be so imbued who conscientiously
believe that Indian civilization is the best, and that
European is a nine days' wonder. Such ephemeral
civilizations have often come and gone, and will
continue to do so. Those only can be considered
to be no imbued, who, having experienced the
force of the > ii within themselves, will not cover
before brute-force, and will not, on any account,
desire bo use brute- force. Those only can be con-
sidered to nave been so imbued who are intensely
dissatisfied with the present pitiable condition
having already drunk the cup of poison.
If there be only one 'such Indian, he will speak
as above to the English, and the English will have
to listen to him.
116 INDIAN HOME KULE
These demands are not demands, but they
show our mental state. We will get nothing by
asking ; we shall have to take what we want, and
we need the requisite strength for the effort and
that strength will be avaiiabe to him only who -
1. will, ccly on rare occasions, make use of th6
English language ;
2. if a lawyer, will give up his profession and
take up a hand-loom ;
3. if a lawyer, will devote his knowledge to
enlightening both his people and the
English;
4. if a lawyer, will not meddle with the quar-
rels between parties, but will give up the
courts and from his experience induce the
people to do likewise ;
5. if a lawyer, will refuse to be a judge, as the
will give up his profession;
6. if a doctor, will give up medicine, and
understand that rather than mending
bodies, he should mend souls;
7. if a doctor, will understand, that no
matter to what religion he belongs, it is
better that bodies remain diseased rather
than that they are cured through the ins,*
trumentality of the diabolical vivisection
that is practised in European schools of
medicine;
CONCLUSION 117
•8. although a doctor, will take up a hand-loom
and, if any patients come to him, wiU
tell them the cause of their diseases, and
will advise them to remove th6 cause,
rather than pamper them by giving useless
drugs ; he will undestand that, if by not
taking drugs, perchance the patient dies,
the world will not come to grief, and that
he will have been really merciful to him ;
9. although a wealthy man, regardless of his
wealth, will speak out his mind and fear
do one ;
10. if a wealthy man, will devote his money to
establishing hand-looms, and encourage
others to use hand-made goods by wearing
them himself ;
11. like every other Indian, will know thai
this if? a time for repentance, expiation
and mourning ;
12. like every* other Indian, will know that to
blame the English is useless, that they
came because of us, and remain also for
the same reason, and that they will either
go or change their nature, only when we
reform ourselves ;
13. like others, will understand that, at a time
of mourning, there can be no indulgence,
and that, whilst we are in a fallen state, to>
118 INDIAN HOME RULE
be in gaol or in banishment is much the
best ; V
14. like others, will know that it is superstition
to imagine it necessary that^ we should
guard against being imprisoned in order
that we may deal with the people ;
15. like others, will know that action is much
better than speech ; that it is our duty to
say exactly what we think and face the
consequences, and that it will be only
then that we shall be able to impress
anybody with our speech;
16. like others, will understand that we will
become free only through suffering ;
17. like others, will understand that deporta-
tion for life to the Andamans is not enough
expiation for the sin of encouraging
European civilization ;
18. like others, will know that no nation has
risen without suffering; that, even in
physical warfare, the true test is suffering
and not the killing of others, much more
so in the warfare of passive resistance ;
19. like others, will know that it is an idle
excuse to say that we will do a thing when
the others also do it ; that we should do
what ws know to be right, and that others
will do it when they see the way ; that when
CONCLUSION 119
I fancy a particular delicacy, I do not wait
till others taste it ; that to mike a national
effort and to suffer are in the nature of
delicacies; and that to suffer under pres-
sure is no suffering.
Reader : This is a large order. When will
all carry it out ?
Editor : You make a mistake. You and I
have nothing to do with the others. Let each do
his duty. If I do my duty, that is, serve myself,
I shall be able tn k >rve others. Before 1 leave you,
I will take the liberty of repeating.
1. Real hom^-ruJe is se'f-rule or self-control.
2. The way to it is passive resistance: that is
soul force or love- force.
3. In order to exert this force, Swadeshi in
every sense is necessary.
4. What we want to do should bo done, not
because we object to the English or that
we want to retaliate, but because it is our
duty to do so. Thus, supposing that the
English remove the salt-tax, restore our
money, give the highest posts 'o Indians,
withdraw the English troops, we shall
cer ainly not use their machine-made
goods, nor use the English language, nor
many of their industries. It is worth
nothing that these things are, in their
120 INDIAN HOME EULE
nature, harmful ; hence, we do not want
them. I bear no enmity towards th©
English, but I do towards their civiliza-
tion.
In my opinion, we have used the term "Swaraj"
without understanding its real significance. I have
endeavoured to explain it as I understand it, and
my conscience testifies that my life henceforth is
dedicated to its attainment.
APPENDICES:
Some Authorities.
Testimonies by Eminent Men.
APPENDICES.
Some Authorities.
The following book3 are recommended for perusal
to follow up the study of the foregoing : —
11 The Kingdom of God is Within You"— Tolstoy.
" What is Art T— Tolstoy.
u Slavery of Our Times "—Tolstoy,
" The First Step '''—Tolstoy.
" How Shall We Escape "—Tolstoy.
" Letter to a Hindoo " — Tolstoy.
" The White Slaves of England "Sherard.
" Civilization : Its Cause and Cure " — Carpenter.
" The Fallacy of Speed "—Taylor.
" A New Crusade "—Blount.
" On the Duty of Civil Disobedience " — Thoreau.
11 Life Without Principle " — Thoreau.
" Unto This Last "—Buskin.
122 INDIAN HOME EULE
" A Joy for Ever " — Uuskin.
" Duties of Man " — Mazzini.
" Defence and Death of Socrates "From Plato.
" Paradoxes of Civilization " — Max Nordau.
" Poverty anil Un-British Rule in India " — Naoroju
'* Economic Histovy of India " — Dutt.
" Village Communities " — Maine.
Testimonies by Eminent Men
The following extracts from Mr. Alfred Webb's
valuable collection, if the testimony g<ven therein
be true, show shat the ancient Indian civilization.
has little to learn from the modern : —
Yictor Cousin,
(1792—1867). Founder of Systematic Electricism
in Philosophy.
" On the other hand when we read with atten-
tion the poetical and philosophical movements of
the East, above all, those of India, which are
beginning to spread in Europe, we discover there
so many truths, and truths so profound, and which
make such a contrast with the meanness of the
results at which the European genius has sometimes
stopped, that we are constrained to bend the kne-
before that of the East, and 10 see in this cradle of
the human race the native land of the highest
philosophy."
APPENDICES 123
J Seymour Keay, M. P.
Banker in India and India Agent.
{Writing in9 1883.)
" It cannot be too well understood that our .
position in India has never been in aiy degree that
of civilians bringing civilization to s-ivage races.
When we landed in Lndia we found there a hoary
civilization, which, during the progress of thousands
of years, had flitted itself into the character and ad-
justed itself to the wants of highly intellectual races.
The civilization was not prefunctory, but uni-
versal and ali-pervading — furnishing the country
not only with political systems but with social and
domestic institutions of the most ramified descrip-
tion. The beneficed nature of these institutions as
a whole may be judged of from their effects on the
character of the Hindu race. Perhaps there are no
other people in the world who show so much in
their characters the advantageous effects of their
own civilization. They are shrewd in business,
acute in reasoning, thrifty, religious, sober, charit-
able, obedient to parents, reverential to old age,
amiable, law-abiding, compassionate towards the
helpless, and patient under suffering. "
Friedrich Max Muelier, LL.D.
"If I were to ask myself from what literature
we hear in Europe, we who have been nurtured al-
most exclusively on the thoughts of Greeks and
124 INDIAN HOME RULE
Boinans, and of one Semetic race, the Jewish may
draw that corrective which is most wanted in order
to make our inner life more perfect, more compre-
hensive, more universal, in fact more truly human,
a life, not for this life only but a transfigured and
eternal life — again I should point to India."
Michael G. Mulhall, FR.S.S.
Statistics {1899).
Prison population per 100,000 of inhabitants :
* Several European States ... 100 to 230
England and Wales 90
India 38
— " Dictionary of Statistics," Michael G. Mulhati,
£7fi.S.S.., houtledge and Sons, 1899.
Colonel Thomas Munro.
Thirty -two years' service in India.
" If a good system of agriculture, unrivalled
manufacturing skill, a capacity to produce whatever
can contribute to convenience or luxury ; schools
established in every village, for teaching, reading,
writing and arithmetic ; the general practice of
hospitality and charity among each other ; and, above
all, treatment of the female sex, full of confidence,
respect and delicacy, are among the signs which
denote a civilised people, then the Hindus are no*
inferior to the nations of Europe ; and if civilization
^is to become an article of trade between the two
/
APPENDICES 1-26
countries, I am convinced that this country [Eng-
land] will gain by the import cargo."
Frederick Yon Schlegel.
" It cannot be denied that the early Indians
possessed a knowledge of the true God ; all their
writings are replete with sentiments and expressions
noble, clear and severely grand, as deeply conceived
and reverently expressed as in any human language
in which men have spoken of their God
Among nations possessing indigenous philosophy
and metaphysics, together with an innate relisn for
these pursuits, 3uch as at present characterises Ger-
many ; and in olden times, was the proud distinction
of Greece, Hindustan holds the first rank in point
of time "
Sir William Wedderburn, Bart.
" The Indian village has thus for centuries re-
mained a bulwark against political disorder, and the
home of the simple domestic and social virtues. No
wonder, therefore, that philosophers and historians
have always dwelt lovingly on this ancient institu-
tion which is the natural social unit and the best
type of rural life ;' self-contained, industrious, peace-
loving, conservative in the best sense of the word.
I think you will agree with me that there is
much that is both picturesque and attractive in this
glimpse of social and domestic life in an Indian vil-
lage. It is a harmless and nappy form of human ex-
istence. Moreover, it is not without good practical
126 INDIAN HOME RULE
J. Young.
Secretary, Siivon Mechanics' Institutes.
{Within recent years).
" Those races, fthe Indian viewed from a moral
-aspect] are peihaps the most remarkable people in
the world. Taey breathe an atmosphere of moral
purity, which cannot bat excite admiration, and this
isj3specia( > the case with the poorer classes who,
notwithstanding the privations of their humble lot,
appear to ha happy and contented. True children of
nature, they live on from day to day, taking no
thought of to-morrow and thankful for the simplefare
which Providence has provided f jr them. It is curi-
ous to witness the spectacle of coolies of both sexes
returning home at nightfall after a hard day's work
often lasting from sunrise to sunset. In spite of fa-
tigue from the effects of the unremitting toil, they
are, for the most part, gay and animated, conversing
cheerfu'iy together and occasionally breaking into
snatches oi l^ht-hoatted song. Yet what awaits
them on their return to the hovels which they call
home? A dish of rice for food, and the fl >or for a
bed. Domestic felicity appears to be the rule among
the Natives, and this is the more strange when the
customs of marriage are taken into account, parents
arranging all such matters. Many Indian households
afford examples of tne married state in its highest
degree of perfection. This may be due to the
APPENDICES 127
teachings of the Shastras, and to the strict injunc-
tions which they inculcate with regard to marital
obligations; but it is no exaggeration to say that
husbands are generally devote" bed to their
wives, and in many instances the Utter have the
most exalted conception of their duties towards
their husbands."
Abbe J A. Dubois.
Missionary in Mysore. Extracts from letter dated
Seringa pat am, 15 th December, 1820.
" The authority of married women within their
houses is chiefly exerted in preserving good, order
and peace among the persons who compose their
families: and a great many among them discharge
this important duty with a prudence and a discre-
tion which have scarcely a parallel in Europe. I
have known families composed of between thirty
and forty persons, or more, consisting of grown-up
sons and daughters, all married and all having chil-
dren, living together under the superintendence of
an old matron— their mother or mother-in-law,
The latter, by ^ood management, rv.: d by accom-
modating herself to tne temper of the daughters-in-
law, by using, according to circumstances, firmness
or forbearance, succedeed in preserving peace and
harmony during many years amongst so many
females, who had all jarring interests, and still more
jarring tempers. I ask you wbetner it would be
128 INDIAN HOME RULE
possible to attain the same end, in the same circum-
stances, in our countries, vvhere it is scarcely possible
to make two women living under the same foot to
agree together.
" In fact, there is perhaps no kind of honest
employment in a civilised country in which the
Hindu females have not a due share. Besides the
management of the household, and the care of the
family, which (as airead noticed) under their con-
trol, the wives and daughters of husbandmen attend
and assist their husbands and fathers in the labours
of agriculture. Those of tradesmen assist theirs in
carrying on their trade. Merchants are attended
and assisted by theirs in their shops. Many females
are shopkeepers on their own account and without
a knowledge of the alphabet or of the decimal scale,
they keep by other means their accounts in excel-
lent order, and are considered as still shrewder than
the males themselves in their commercial dealings.'''
TEE MODERN PRINTING WORKS, MOUNT ROAD, MADRAS,
Books on Liberty and Freedom
The Ideal of Swaraj.
In Education and Government by Nirpendra Chandra Banerjee
with an introduction by C. F. Andrews.
Those who are out of sheer prejudice and incapacity for
politioal thought, sneer, at the goal of Swaraj proclaimed by
the National Congress as merely a destructive and at best a
visionary ideal as well as those who in spite of their approval
of the goal are unable to visualise it in oonorete oontents,
will do will to read this interesting and instructive book
by an ardent Bengali patriot and ex-school master. The
author has political insight, and faith in the country's
capacity. He reoognises that the soul of India is in her
numerous villages in rural centres and has given out practical
suggestions for national reooustruotion along sound lines.
Mr. Audrews has wricten an introduction to the volume
wherein he has dealt with the value of the 8w»raj ideal and
his own conception of the same. It is a useful publication
worthy to be placed in the hands of our young men and
women.— Hindu. .
Price Re. i.
India's Will to Freedom.
Ey Lala Lajpat Rai. A collection of Writings and Addresses
on the present situation and iba wora before us. "We in
India should, one and all, take a vow that whether we have
to lay down our life, whether we are mutilated or banged,
whether our women and children are mal-treated, our desire
for Swaraj will never grow a little any the less. Every ohild
of this land, whatever his religion or persuasion, should
swear that, as lorg as there is life in his limba, or breath in
hi3 nostrils, he would strive for national liberty. "
Price K», Z-o.
GAiNESH 81 Co., Publishers, Madras.
Books on Liberty and Freedom
Footsteps of Freedom
By. James H Cousin?. "An tb-r stunt which will alto- be
v rgofoualy vamped by the opponent of dyarehy, io fact of alt
reform will pa the absolute necessity of politically educating
the m'aBseg of India before giving them auy measure of
v "1 i"*l freedom. In a bo^k of charming essays which he
h&ti j ist. publi-b* -ri thn ueh Mespre. Ganesb & Co , of Madras,
under the title of " Footsteps of Freedom" Mr. James Cousins
attacks this cartioular fallacy and shatters it convincingly."
Ditcher in Capital. Prica Rs. 2.
Freedom's Battle
A comprehensive collection of Writings and Speeches of Mahat-
ma Gandhi on the present situation including The Khilafat
Wmng«. The Punjab A^^nv, Bwaraj, Hindu-Muslim Unity,
Indians Overseas, The Drpresned Classes. Non-co-operation,
etc., with an historical introduction by Mr. C. Kajagopala-
ohar.
" The war that tha peopU of India have dseUrrd and which
will purify and consolidate India, una forge for her * true
and stable liberty is a war with the latest and most effective
weapon. In this war, what has bitherti been in tb» w.~>rld
an undesirable but necessary incident in freedrm's battles,
the killing of innooent men has been eliminated ; *• d that
which is the true essential for forg»ng liberty, the nelf-puri-
fif-ation and self-strengthening of man and women h*9 been
kept pure and unalloyed."
The best preparation for any one who desires to take part in
the great battle now gomg on is a silent study of the writ-
ing! and speeches collected herein. Price Ra 2-8.
GANESH 81 Co., Publishers, Madras.
Library Bureau Cat no. 1137
TO*
CLAW
I
gQ02 00411 5221
?£hom.r».«/
DS 480. 45 . G253 1922
Gandhi, 1869-1948.
Indian home rule
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11