Indian national evolution: a brief survey of the origin and progress of the Indian National Congress and the growth of Indian nationalism

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INDIAN NATIONAL
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INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION

A BRIEF SURVEY OF
THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF \ ^

THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS
AND THE GROWTH OF INDIAN NATIONALISM

riY

AMVIKA CHARAN MA2UiMDAR.

SECOND EDITION,

PRICE Rs. Five

G. A. NATESAN & CO.,
MADRAS.

!

NOTE TO THE SECOND EDITION,

The first; edition of fchis book was brought oufc in
September, 1915. Advantage has been taken by the
author of the issue of this second edition to add more
incidents in connection with the origin and early stages
of the Congress Movement and to bring the book itself
up to date i.e. down to the last Congress at Lucknow of
which the author, the Hon. Mr. Amvica Charan Muzum-
dar was the President.

The publishers are gratified at the ready welcome
accorded by the public to the account of the national
movement from the pen of one of the oldest of the
congress veterans.

It is hoped that this new and revised edition will
meet with equal success.

November, 1917. . The Publishers,

Ms

PREFACE TO THE FIEST EDITION.

Sometime in August 1913 at the instance of some
friends I undertook to write a few articles for a
magazine on the Eise and Growth of the Indian
National Congress, the most important and pheno-
menal movement in the political history of new
India. After only a few pages were written, it was
discovered that such a subject could not be properly
dealt with in the spare columns of any magazine in
the country without taxing its capacity to an unrea-
sonable extent and that for a much longer period
than was perhaps consistent with the sustained
interests of such a review. The idea was, therefore,
abandoned. In January following while turning
over some of the materials which I had collected
and arranged for the articles, it occurred to me that
these might be published in the form of a pamphlet
so that they may be of some use to any one who may
be disposed to write a well-digested history of this
evolutionary movement. That is the origin of the
little volume which is now presented to the public.
The book was fairly completed by July 1914 when it
was partly handed over to Mr. G. A. Natesan of
Madras, who kindly undertook to illustrate and
publishit. In August the great War broke out and
as the book necessarily contained occasional criticisms

iS00144

of Government, it was deemed proper and expedient
to defer its publication until the War conditions
were fairly settled. Those conditions having passed
the doubts a^nd uncertainties, as well as the excite-
ment, of the preliminary stage and taken a definite
shape as also a favourable turn, the book is now
issued to the public.

My most grateful acknowledgments are due to my
esteemed friend and chief, the Hon'ble Mr. Suren-
dranath Banerjea, who not only readily supplied me
with whatever information I wanted from him, but
also in the midst of his multifarious duties, kindly
went through a considerable portion of the manu-
script. I am also deeply indebted to my esteemed
friends, Mr. D. E. Wacha and Mr. G. Subramania
Iyer for a lot of valuable information v/hich they
from time to time gave me regarding their respective
Presidencies. To Sir William Wedderburn I
am no less deeply indebted for the kind permis-
sion which he gave me for the free use of his
excellent memoirs of Allan Octavian Hume,
though I was precluded from using any of his
private correspondence. Mr. G. A. Natesan of
Madras materially helped me with a number of his
valuable publications bearing on the Congress ;
while to the Education Department of the Govern-
ment of India I feel deeply obliged for the courtesy
and readiness with which they supplied me with

the Educational Statement of March, 1914.
Mr. Satyananda Bose, the energetic Secretary of
the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee, was
good enough to supply me with the papers relating to
the Surat incident which will be found in an appen-
dix. Lastly, I am highly indebted to my friends
Mr. Amrita Chandra Ghosh of the Bipon College,
Calcutta, and Mr. Prithwis Chandra Ray, late Editor
oi the Indian Tl^orM, who kindly undertook to read
my proofs when my eyes being affected I was
incapacitated from dealing with them myself.

I am perfectly conscious of the many defects
which will be noticed in these pages mostly written
at intervals of a protracted and distressing illness.
These defects may, however, stimulate others to write
a more careful and exhaustive book on the subject.
If in the meantime these imperfect and desultory
notes will attract the attention of my young friends
of the rising generation and direct them to a careful
study of the Indian Problems and of the Indian
Administration, I shall deem my humble labours a s
amply rewarded.

Faeidpore,! ^^YlKk CHARAN MAZUMDAR.

Sept. 1915.\

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Pagk,,.

Hume — Dadabbai — Wedderburn ...• 1

W. C. Bonnerjee, President, 1885 ... 1

Lord RipoQ ... ... ... 16

John Brigbfc ... .. ... 36^

Henry Fawcefcfc ... ... ... 17

Charles Bradlaugh ... ... 17

Dadabbai Naoroji, President, 1886, 1893 & 1906 ... 64

Budruddin Tyabjee, President, 1887 ... 65

W, Wedderburn, President, 1889 and 1910 ... 144:

George Yule. President, 1888 ... ... 145>

Sir P. M. Mehta, President, 1890 ... 145

Alfred Webb, President, 1894. ... 160^

Eai Bahadur P. Anandacharlu, President, 1891. ... 160

R, M. Sayani, President, 1896. ... 161

Babu Surendranath Banerjeo, President, 1895 & 1902. 161
Hon. Sir Dinshaw Edulji Wacha, Presic^ent, 1901... 208

Hon. Sir C. Sankaran Nair, President, 1897 ... 208

Romesh ChunderDutt, President, 1899 ... 209

Sir N. G. Chandavarkar, President. 1900 ... 209
Hon. Pt. Madan Mohan Malaviya, President, 1909. 224

Sir Henry Cotton K.C.S.I., President, 1904 ... 224

Lai Mohan Ghose ... ... 226

Pundit Bishen Narain Dhar ... ...- 226

Gopal Krishna Gokhale, CLE., President, 1905 ... 288

Ananda Mohan Bose, President, 1898 ... 288

Eao Bahadur R.N. Mudholkar, President, 1912 ... 289

Hon. Nawab Syed Mahomed, President, 1913 ... 289

Hon. Babu Bupendranath Basu, President, 1914 ... 400'
Dr. Sir Rash Behari Ghose, President, 1907 & 1908.. 400

Hon. Sir S. P. Sinha, President, 1915. ... 401

Hon. Babu A. 0, Mazumdar, President, 1916 ... 401

CONTENTS.

Page.

Introductory ... ... ... 1

The Genesis of the Political Movement in India... 4

The Early Friends of India ... ... 8

The Indian Press ... ... ... 20

The Gathering Clouds ... ... ... 25

The Clouds lifted ... ... ... 34

The Dawning light ... ... ... 40

The Inauguration and the Father of the Congress. 45

The First Session of the Congress ... ... 57

The Career of the Congress ... ... 65

The Surat Imbroglio and the Convention ... 99

The Work in England ... ... ... 127

—The Congress : A National Movement ... 140

The Success of the Congress ... ... 161

-The Partition of Bengal ... ... 199

The Indian unrest and Its remedy ... ... 225

The Depression ... ... ... 264

Keorganisation of the Congress ... * ... 282

The Reconstruciiion of the Indian Civil Service ... 302

Indian Representation in British Parliament ... 322

Jndia in Party Politics ... ... ... 336

The Edueational Problem ... ... 341

Indian Renaissance ... ... ... 373

The Aim and Goal of the Congress ... ... 391

Conclusion ... ... ... ... 406

8

India and the War ... ... ... 410^

The New Spirit and Self-Government for India... 430

APPENDIX A.

CoDstitution of the Indian National Congress ... i

Hules for the conduct of meetings ... ... x

Tentative P^ules for' the Congress ... xvii

APPENDIX B.

The Convention ... ...

The Extremist's Version
Mr. Gokhale and the Extremists' Version
Extremists' Version Contradicted
Bengal Protest

xxxiv

XXXV

xlix

Ix

Ixiv

APPENDIX C.
The Presidents of the Congress from 1885 to 1916. Ixviii

APPENDIX D.
Congress League Scheme ... ... Ixix

INDEX

THE VENERABLE VETERANS.

HUME DADABHAI WEDDERBURN

I

W. C. BONNERJEE
PRESIDENT, 1885,

INDIAN NATIONAL EVOinTION.

GHAPTEE I.

Introductory.

A FULL and crifeical account of the origin, progress
and developDQenfc of an epoch-making political
event in any country is always a very delicate and
difficult task ; for, the secret and sometimes silent origin
of such a movement, like the many-sided meandering
course of a deceptive rivulet at its source, is often
shrouded in the mazes of imperfect records and con-
flicting reports ; while the subtle influence of jealousy
and spite on the one hand, no less than that of suspi-
cion and distrust on the other, leading to misrepresenta-
tions and exaggerations, serves not a little in its onward
course to obscure the vision and warp the judgment
of contemporary minds. Then the effects of divergent
views and colliding interests have also to be reckoned
with to no small extent. Even the histories of such
great events as the birth of American Independence
and the establishment of the French Republic, not to
speak of the Great Revolution, have not been altogether
free from doubts, difficulties and contradictions. But
if the histories of revolutions are sometimes so varying

2 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

and divergent; in their accounts, the history o!
an evolution must be sfcill more obscure and defec-
tive in its narratives. There a much larger area of
time and space is covered by the slow and silent
trend of gathering events which in their noiseless pro-
gress at first naturally attract much less attention and
are more tardily recognised than the sensational and
dramatic developments of a revolution, and then by
the time the tangible results of these events begin
to be realised much of the historical accuracy of the
process is lost, if not actually sacrificed, to the extrava-
gant demands of either individual or sectional pride
and egotism. The history of the Indian National Con-
gress is the history of the origin and development of
national life in India, and a bare epitome of that his-
tory would involve a cribical analysis of the diverse
phases of that life in its different baarings and with all
its recommendations and its lapses, as well as its suc-
xjesses and its failures during che past thirty years. The
object t)f this book is not, however, to attempt such
a venturesome task, nor has the time probably fully
arrived for a complete and well-digested history to be
written on this great evolutionary movement. Its
humble aim is to record a few contemporaneous events
s,ud impressions which, in the peculiar shortness
of Indian memory on matters historical, are already
fast drifting towards the realm of faint traditions, and
thus to rescue them from possible oblivion, so that they
may be of some use to the future historian. tEa¥~a
correct and adequate appreciation of the movement, it
would, however, be necessary to recapitulate, though

INTKODUCTOKY. 3

'Very briefly, the condition of the country immediately
preceding its inauguration, as well as the circumstances
which gradually led up to its inception.

The Indian National Congress marks an important
-epoch in the history of British Rule in India. Apart from
the questions of reforms with which it is immediately
-concerned, it is engaged in a much wider and nobler task
iot which it has already laid a fairly solid foundation
— the task of i^ation-building in India after the model'
-of modern Europe. Coming in contact with Western
people and Western culture the Indian mind could not
fail to expand in the direction of Western ideas and insti-
tutions. It is as impossible for one civilization, whether
superior or inferior, to come in touch with another civili-
zation without unfolding its own characteristics, as it is
impossible for one vessel to throw its search-light upon
another without exposing its own broad outlines to the
gaze of the latter. A barbarous race may become extinct ;
but two civilized people coming in close contact are
in spite of all their differences and conservatism bound to
coalesce and act and react upon each other. The
superior may dominate the inferior ; but cannot trans-
form it altogether : while the latter, however vigorously
it may struggle to maintain its peculiar identity, is
bound gradually and even unconsciously to imbibe and
assimilate, either for the better or for the worse, some
of the properties of the former. The Indian National
Congress and the evolution which is slowly working
its way through almost every phase of Indian life, are
the natural and visible manifestation of such a contact.

CHAPTER II.

The Genesis of Political Movement in India.
Raja Ram Mobaa Roy, the recognised progenifcor
of raodern India, was the ficsfc apostle of a politi-
cal creed based upon constitutional agitation in tbis
country. But the political gospel which his versa-
tile genius preached was, under the circumstances of the
country very properly subordinated to the prior claims-
of religious, social and educational reforms, and like
all gospels of truth, which have revolutionised human
society whether in ancient or raodern times, it natu-
rally took time to establish its hold upon the public
mind and present any tangible results. His mission
to England in 1832 was no doubt a political one; but
the remarkable evidence which he gave before a com-
mittee of the House of Commons attracted more atten-
tion in England than in India, and although that
evidence was largely responsible for some of the reforms
effectad in the Indian administration shortly after his
death the Indian public were very little influenced by
it at the time. It was not until the fifties of the last
century that with this Pawning light of Western Educa-
tion, of which the pioneer Indian Reformer was perhaps
the greatest champion of his time, the public mind
began to expand and political ideas and activities began
to manifest themselves in one form or another in diff-
erent parts of the country. Since then an association
here andean association there sprung up, like a few
cases in the desert, some of which no doubt possessed*

THE GENESIS OF POLITICAL MOVEMENT IN INDIA. 5

a degree of vitaliiiy, but mosfe of which were of ephe-
meral existence. The Brifcish Indian Association in
Bengal and the Bombay Association in the Western
Presidency were almost simultaneously started about
the year 1851, the former under the guidance and ins-
piration of stalwarts like Mr. Prasanna Kumar Tagore,
Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, Mr. Ramgopal Ghosh, Raja
Digamvar Mitter, Mr. Pearychand Mitter and Mr.
Harish Chandra Mukherjea, the pioneer of independent
Indian journalism ; while the latter owed its origin to
the patriotic labours of Mr. Jugganath Sankersetfe,
who was tha first non-official member of the Bombay
3Jegislat}ive Council established in 1863, and of that
^venerable political Rishi who, thank God, after a
-strenuous active life extending over half a century, now
sits in his quiet retreat at Versova as the patron saint
of the Indian political world silently watching and
guarding its interests and occasionally cheering it with
messages of hope and confidence — Mr. Dadabhai Nao-
roji. " As the genius of Mr. Kristodas Pal ultimately
raised the British Indian Association to a power in
Bengal, so the Bombay Association owed not a little
of its usefulness to its subsequent acquisition of the
services of Sir Mangaldas Nathubhoy and Mr, Naoroji
Furdunji who for his stout and fearless advocacy of the
popular cause received, like Ramgopal Ghosh and
Kristodas Pal in Bengal, the appellation of the *'Tri-
bune of the People" in connection with his many
^ghts in the Municipal Corporation of Bombay so
graphically described in that excellent book which has

• DiedonJmie 30,1917.

6 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

recently been written by Mr. Dinshaw Edulji Wacha on*
*' The Eise and Groivth of Bombay Municipal Govern-
ment.'''*' But wbile the British Indian Association has
vigorously maintained a useful existence for more than
half a century, the Bombay Association did not survive
more than a decade, and although it was revived in 1870^
and galvanized into fresh life by Mr. Naoroji Furdunji
in 1873, it shortly became practically extinct in
an unequal competition with the East India Asso-
ciation which again in its turn fell into a moribund
condition in the early eighties. The Southern Presi-
dency jvas still more slow in developing its public life ;
there was an old association called the " Madras Native
Association," chiefly worked by some officials, which'
possessed very little vitality and had practically little or
no hold upon the public mind in Madras. Madras was
first vivified into life by that able and independent
journal. The Hindu, which was started in 1878 un5er
the auspices of a galaxy of stars in Southern India
composed of Ananda Charlu, Veeraraghavachari, Ean-
giah Naidu and G. Subramania Iyer (alas ! all of whom
have now vanished into space). At Poona the Bar vajanih
Sahha was started towards the middle of the seventies
under the management of Rao Bahadur Krishnaji Laxa-
man Nulkar, Mr. Sitaram Hari Chiplonkar and several
other gentlemen of light and leading who gave the-
first impetus to public activities in the Deccan.

These were practically all the important public
bodies in the country between the fifties and the early

* Tlie Rise and Growth of Bombay Municvpal Govermnent.
By D. E. Wacha. G. A. Natesan & Co., Publishers, Madras..

THE GENESIS OP POLITICAL MOVl^ENT IN INDIA. 7

seventies of the last century which, though exercising
no inconsiderable influence within their limited spheres
of particular activities, were but the general exponents
of particular interests and for a long time devoted
mainly to occasional criticisms of important ad-
ministrative or legislative measures affecting their
respective provinces. Constructive policy they had
none, and seldom if ever they laid down any programme
of systematic action for the political advancement of the
country. In fact the idea of a united nationality and of
national interests ; the cultivation of politics in its wider
aspects as the fundamental basis of national progress-
and not merely as a means to temporary adminis-
trative make-shifts; the all-embracing patriotic fervour
which like the Promethean spark has now made
the dead bones in the valley instinct with life ;
and, above all, the broad vision of political eman-
cipation which has now dawned upon the people and
focussed their energies and has directed their operations
towards a definite goal and common aspiration, throw-
ing all local and sectional considerations largely into
the background — these were still very remote though
not altogether foreign to the aims and objects of these
Associations. But from this it must not be inferred
that it is at all suggested, that these conceptions were
the sudden evolution of a single year, or the revelation
of a single evangelist who saw them in an apocalypse
and proclaimed them to a wondering people at a single
session of the Congress in the blessed year of 1885.
Great events always cast their shadows before. Prior
to 1880 even the semblance of a political status the

€ INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

people had none, while their economic condition was
becoming more and more straitened every day. Indian
wants and grievances were accumulating with the rapidly
changing conditions of the country, education was ex-
panding Indian views and aspirations and Indian
thoughts from various causes had been for a long time
in a state of ferment vainly seeking for some sort of
palliatives for the complicated diseases from which the
-country had been helplessly suffering in 'almost every
direction. Many were thus the causes at work which
contributed towards forcing the educated Indian mind
into new channels of thought and action.

CHAPTER III

The Early Eribnds of India.

It must be gratefully recorded that while India was
thus struggling in a sub-conscious state, alternat-
ing between hope and despair, painfully alive to her
sufferings, yet quite helpless as regards any appropriate
and effective remedy, she was not a little comforted by
the fact that even among Englishmen, who were held res-
ponsible for the situation, there were men who, though
they belonged to a particular nationality, were men
born for justice and fairness towards suffering huma-
nity. Since the time of Edmund Burke scarcely a
voice had been heard in England in favour of the
*' voiceless millions " of India until John Bright sounded
bis warning note against the injustice systematically

THE EARLY FKIENDS OF INDIA. 9

'done to this country. In 1847 Bright entered Parlia-
ment and he was not long in the House of ComnQons
i^efore his generous impulses turned his attention to
India. From 1847 to 1880, amidst his multifarious
duties as a British politician and cabinet minister, he
worked for India as none had worked before him. In
the famous debate on Sir Charles Wood's India Bill of
1853, Mr. Bright entered a vigorous protest against the
system of Government established in India and cate-
gorically pointed out nearly all the defects of that
system some, if not most, of which are still applicable
to the present-day arrangement. In his passionate
eloquence he called the attention of the House to the
extreme inadequacy of Parliamentary control over the
administration of India which both sides of the House
formally agreed in proclaiming as a " solemn sacred
trust", though neither side raised its little finger even
to treat it as more than a grazing common. He held
that there was no continuity or consistency of any
settled policy with regard to India, while everything
was allowed to drift, there being no real disposition to
grapple with any difficulty ; that Indian opinion was
unanimous in calling for a constitutional change and
in complaining of the delay and expense of the law
courts, the inefficiency and low character of the police
and the neglect of road-making and irrigation ; that
the poverty of the people was such as to demonstrate
of itself a fundamental error in the system of Govern-
ment ; that the statute authorising the employment of
Indians in offices of trust was a dead letter ; that
the continuance of the system of appointments and

10 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

promotion by seniorifcy in the covenanted service was a-
great bar to a nauch wider empIoynQent of the
most intelligent and able men among the native popu-
lafcion ; " that taxation was clumsy and unscientific
and its burden intolerable to a people destitute of
mechanical appliances ; that the salt-tax was unjust
and the revenue from opium precarious ; that the
revenue was squandered on unnecessary wars ; that the
Civil Service was overpaid ; that there was no security
for the competence and character of the collectors
whose power was such that each man could make or
mar a whole district; that Parliament was unable to
grapple fairly with any Indian question ; that the people
and Parliament of Britain were shut out from all con-
siderations in regard to India, and that " on the whole
the Government of India was a Government of secrecy
and irresponsibility to a degree that should not be toler-
ated." In the peroration of this remarkable speech
referring to the Indian people John Bright said : —

" There never was a more docile people, nerer a more tractable
nation. The opportunity is present, and the power is not wanting.
Let us abandon the policy of aggression and confine ourselves to a
territorj' ten times the size of France, with a population four
times as numerous as that of the United Kingdom. Surely, that
is enough to satisfy the most gluttonous appetite for glory and-
supremacy. Educate the people of India, govern them wisely,
and gradually the distinctions of caste will disappear, and they
will look upon us rather as benefactors than as conquerors. And
if we desire to see Christianity, in some form professed in that
country, we shall sooner attain our object by setting the example
of a high-toned Christian morality, than by any other means we-
can employ."

Again in 1858 when the question of the reconsti-
tution of the Government of India came up for

THE EABLY FKIENDS OF INDIA. It

discussion in Parliament; after the Mutiny, John
Bright submitted a scheme of his own for the better
Government of India embodying many a liberal principle
which have not yet been fully accepted. He contended
that

" The population of India were in a condition of great impove-
rishment and the taxes were more onerous and oppressive than the ■
taxes of any other country in the world. Nor were the police
arrangements, administration of justice, the educational policy and
the finances in a satisfactory condition."

And he urged that what was wanted with regard to
the administration of India was ** a little more dayliglat,
more simplicity and more responsibility." It may not
be generally known that, although Lord Derby had a
just tribute paid to him for the drafting of the Great
Proclamation of 1858, its original inspirer was John
Bright. In the celebrated speech to wkich reference
has just been made, he said :

" If I had the responsibility of administering the affairs of '
India there are certain things I would do. I would, immediately
after the Bill passes, issue a Proclamation in India which should
reach every subject of the British Crown in that country and be
heard of in the territories of every Indian prince or rajah,''

Much of what he suggested was actually embodied^
in the Greart Proclamation and almost in the form and^
style in which the originator of the idea put it. Accord-
ing to Bright's biographer, the opportunity of *' adminis-
tering the affairs of India " was actually offered to him
by Mr. Gladstone in 1868, but unfortunately for India
he did not see his way to accept the Indian port-
folio, not only because the task was too heavy
for his delicate health, but also because he thought

12 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

thafc public opinion in England was not sufficientily
advanced to allow him to adopt his views with regard
to the Government of India. But although he declined
to be the Secretary of State for India he never lost
sight of India during his active Parliamentary career
which extended down to 1886. So great was his genuine
sympathy for the Indians, that when on a certain
occasion a responsible member in the House of Com-
mons made certain unparliamentary observations with
regard to the people of India Mr. Bright indignantly
observed: —

'' I would not permit any man in my presence, without
rebuke, to indulge in the calumnies and expressions of contempt
which I have recently heard poured forth without measure upon
the whole population of India."

And in that last great speech, which he made touch-
ing India in the House of Commons, he poured forth his
genuine love for the Indian people in the following
pathetic strain : —

*• All over those vast regions there are countless millions, helpless
and defenceless, deprived of their natural leaders and their ancient
chiefs, looking with only some small ray of hope to that omnipre-
sent and irresistible power by which they have been subjected. I
appeal to you on behalf of that people. I have besought your
mercy and your justice for many a year past : and if I speak to you
earnestly now it is because the object for which I plead is dear to
my heart. Is it not possible to touch a chord in the hearts of
Englishmen, to raise them to a sense of the miseries inflicted on
that unhappy country by the crimes and the blunders of our
rulers here ? If you have steeled your hearts against the natives, if
nothing can stir you to sympathy with their miseries, at least have
pity upon your own countrymen."

It may be interesting to learn that the great Indian
-orator, the late Mr. Lai Mohan Ghose, was a political

THE EARLY FRIENDS OF INDIA. 13*

disciple of John Bright; and the masterly diction and
atyle which he commanded in his orations he inherited
from his great master. The one great lesson which he
learnt from John Bright, as he himself once said to the
writer of these pages, was to make as few speeches aa
possible, but always to make those few speeches telling
and effective — a lesson which the apt Indian pupil
religiously enjoined upon himself with rather too much
austerity in his after-life.

Next to John Bright, Henry Fawcett was one of
the greatest and truest friends of India in England.
He was a trained financier and economist and entering
Parliament in 1865, he soon found ample materials to
direcifc his attention to the Government of India which
soon earned for him the sobriquet of " Member for
India " by his close vigilance and unremitting attention
to the Indian finance. Mr. Fawcett always maintained
that " the natives of India should be given a fair share
in the administration of their own country" and that
the ablest among them should be provided with
** honourable careers in the public service ". In 1868
he accordingly moved a resolution in the House of
Commons for holding the Civil Service Examination
simultaneously in Calcutta, Bombay and Madras, as
well as in London. It was precisely the same resolution:
which 25 years later Mr. Herbert Paul moved and
carried in the House to be only ignominiously consign-
ed ultimately into the dusty upper shelves of the India
Office. He bitterly complained of the culpable apathy
and indifference of the British Parliament towards the
grievances of the Indian people. Twitted in !^riiament

14 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

and not unoften charged outside it with neglecting the
interest of his own constituency, Fawcett fought for
India single-handed with a resoluteness of purpose, sense
of justice and mastery of facts which extorted the
admiration of even his worst critics. Addressing his own
constituency of Brighton in 1872, he said : —

" The most trumpery question ever brought before Parliament,
a wrangle over the purchase of a picture, excited more interest than
the welfare of one hundred and eighty millions of our Indian
fellow-subjects. The people of India have no votes, they cannot
bring even so much pressure to bear upon Parliament as can be
brought by one of our Railway Companies ; but with some
confidence I believe that I shall not be misinterpreting your wishes
if, as your representative, I do whatever can be done by one
humble individual to render justice to the defenceless and
powerless."

While on another occasion speaking from his place
in the House of Commons he boldly said, that all
the responsibility resting upon him " as a member
of Parliament was as nothing compared with the res-
ponsibility of governing 150 millions of distant sub-
jects." In 1870 Fawcett vehemently protested against
the orthodox practice of introducing the Indian
Budget at the fag end of a session to be silently
debated before empty benches. He maintained that
India was a poor country and complained that the
British public failed to appreciate the dangerously
narrow margin upon which the mass of the population
lived on the verge of starvation. In 1871 it was at his
instance that a Parliamentary Committee was appointed
to inquire into the financial administration of India, he
liimself being elected as its President. All this time
India was keenly watching the movements of the one
«ian who^was single-handed, fighting her cause against

THE EARLY FRIENDS OF INDIA. 15

•tremendous odds, and in 1872 a huge public meeting
in Calcutta voted an address to Fawcett expressing
India's deep gratitude towards him and urging him to
continue the fight in defence of her dumb and helpless
•millions which he had voluntarily and so generously
expoused. At the general election of 1874, Fawcett, like
•many other Liberals, lost his seat for Brighton and for
the first time in those days, India seemed to have prac-
tically risen to the exigencies of the situation. A sub-
scription was at once started in this country and a
sum of £750, in two instalments, was remitted to
England to enable Fawcett to contest another seat at
the earliest opportunity, and soon after, Fawcett was re-
turned member for Hackney. In 1875 Fawcett vigor-
ously opposed Lord Salisbury's well-known ball to the
Sultan of Turkey at the expense of India. Fawcett was
not satisfied with his specious plea and pointedly
asked Lord Salisbury how he could *' reconcile it to
himself to tax the people of India for an entertain-
ment to the Sultan " in Bogland. It was on this
occasion that Fawcett coined that smart expression
which has since become so familiar in English phraseo-
logy. He described the bail as an act of * magnifi-
cent meanness '* which in later years Lord Morley by
slight embellishment converted into " magnificent
melancholy meanness " on the occasion of the Suakim
Expedition. The " magnificent meanness,*' the first
of a series, was committed in spite of Fawoett's spirited
protest and was soon followed by the Abyssinian war
when the member for India again stood in defence of
the dumb Indian tax-payer, and it was owing to his

16 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

repeated protests that at last the cost of that unrighte-
ous and abortive war was divided between England and
India. Fawoett again protested when the Duke of
Edinburgh's presents to the Indian princes were also
debited to the Indian account, and violently opposed
another proposal for display of " naagnificent mean-
ness " by debiting the entire expenses of the Prince
of Wales' visit to India to the Indian revenues, and
as a result of this protest poor India escaped with
the payment of £30,000 only, making the maqni-
ficence of the meanness still more visible. In 1877
he denounced Lord Lybton's unjust and indefensible
sacrifice of the cotton import duties for the sake
of party interest in England and raised, though
ineffectually, his loud voice against the uncons-
cionable extravagance of the Delhi Assemblage in the
midst of a terrible famine. Lord Lytton's Afghan War
also came under the searching examination and
scathing criticism of Fawcett who, in 1879, brought
forward another motion asking for the appointment
of a Select Committee of the House to enquire into the
working of the Government of India Act. In 1880
Fawcett had the satisfaction of seeing at the end of a
series of extravagance of a dark and dismal administra-
tion the dawn of a bright morning ushered by. the
appointment of the Marquess of Ripon as Viceroy and
Governor-General of India.

Last but not least there was Charles Bradlaugh,
the poor errand boy, who had by the sheer force of his
character raised himself into a power in British poli-
tics of the nineteenth century. Born of the people

a

Q

THE EARLY FRIENDS OF INDIA. 17

his attention and sympathies were naturally directed'
towards the people. Charles Bradlaugh was however
slow in developing his sympathy for India ; but
having once developed that sympathy he became the
staunchest friend of the Indian people. It has been
truly said that * slow rises merit when by poverny de-
pressed," and added to that this freedom of conscience
proved a serious obstacle from his early career towards
his advancement in public life. But even in the
midst of the deadly struggle in which he was
engaged, with very few friends to back him up*
and a host of enemies to put him down, in his legiti-
mate way to Parliament, he never ceased to study Indian
problems. His prominent attention to India was drawn
by the Ilbert Bill agitation of 1883. The man who in hia
early career had espoused the side of 'Republican
France against Imperial Germany, the man who
had enlisted his sympathies for the Italian patriots.
Garibaldi and Mazzini and congratulated Signior
Castela upon the establishment of a republic in Spain^
was not likely to tolerate the grossly selfish and insen-
sate opposition raised against a measure which aimed
at nothing more than the removal of an unjustifiable
stigma on the Indian judiciary in the administration
of their own country. Mr. Bradlaugh's subsequent
labours in the cause of India relate to a later period and
will be noticed in their proper place.

These three remarkable British statesmen were

among the early pioneers of Indian reform in the British

political field. Most of their projects no doubt failed,

as they were bound to fail in a cold atmosphere of

2

18 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

ignorance, apathy and indifference : bufe they largely
succeeded in drawing the attention of the British ^public
to the affairs of India and in impressing them with the
idea that there was at least something rotten in the
state of Denmark. They also by their example served
in a large measure to conciliate Indian feeling and
inspire the Indian mind in the seventies and early
^eighties with the hope that all may still be well. There
were many in those days to twit these political
philosophers and brand them as visionaries ; but the
^ime may not be far distant when they will be fully
^recognised by all parties concerned as the truest friends
of both India and England.

Following in the footsteps of this distinguished
"triumvirate there were also a few other fair-minded
Englishmen who interested themselves in Indian affairs
at this early stage. Among these may be mentioned
Sir James Caird, Sir William Hunter, Lord Dalhousie,
Mr. R. T. Reid, M. P., Mr. Slagg, M. P., Mr. Baxter,
M. P., and last but not least that extraordinary English-
woman who,, having passed through different phases in
her life and undergone persecutions of no ordinary
<jharacter, has at last made India, her home and her
special interest — Mrs. Annie Besant. In 1878 when
Benjamin Disraeli was the Premier and Lord Lytton the
Viceroy of India, Mrs. Besant, who was then the friend
and co-adjutor of Charles Bradlaugh, wrote a little book
entitled England, India and Afghanistan exposing
the misrule in India in such fierce and bitter language
that it has been truly observed by a shrewd writer
that "if ii v^ere published by an Indian at the

THE EARLY FBIRNDS OF INDIA, 1^

'presenfi time be would likely enough strand himself
into difificulties of a highly serious character." Lord
IRipon's sympathies for India even after his retirement
were too well-known to require any mention. If the
•utterances of these early friends of India in England failed
to render any immediate practical good to India, they
at all events served to inspire men of light and leading
in this country with the hope and confidence that if they
could organize themselves and carefully formulate their
grievances, men would not be wanting in England to
defend their cause either on the floor of Parliament, or
at the bar of public opinion in Great Britain.

In India and among the Anglo-Indian officials,
Mr. A. O. Hume was for a long time noted for his
strong sympathies for the Indian people. His kind
and considerate treatment of the people of Etawah during
the dark days of the mutiny endeared his name through-
out the Punjab and led the people of the country justly
'to regard him as a friend and as a rare officer truly worthy
of the administration of Clemency Canning. Sir Henry
Cotton in Bengal and Sir WilliamWedderburn in Bombay
also developed their love for the Indian people from an
-early stage of their Indian career, and both of them suffer-
ed not a little in the hand of the bureaucracy for their
remarkable independence and strong sense of justice
and fairness. These three Anglo-Indians were regarded
as the most sincere friends of the people and the brightest
ornaments of the Indian Civil Service.

CHAPTEK IV.

The Indian Press.

While the public associations were thus slowly bub
steadily inoculating the educated comnaunity in the
country with political thoughts and ideas, and the
early friends of India in England persistently, though
ineffectually, drawing attention of the British public
to Indian affairs, there was yet another and a more
powerful agency at work silently moulding and shap-
ing public opinion on a much larger scale throughout
the country. The Indian Press, which, like the public
Associations, was founded after the Western model,
was with the rapid spread of education steadily gaining
in strength and rising into power. The early history
of that Press does not date back earlier than 1780
when the Bengal Gazette was started in Calcutta.
From that time to the first decade of the nineteenth
century it was practically an English Press conducted
in English and managed and edited by Englishmen
only. The Indo-English and the Vernacular Press
were of much later growth and strange as it may
sound, the Vernacular Press preceded its Indo-English
comrade. The Vernacular papers were at first few and
feeble and not much given to politics. The Sambad
Kaumudi of Eaja Pi.am Mohan Koy, the pioneer of pure
Indian Journalism, sometimes purveyed but rarely
criticised the acts of the administration. It was
generally devoted to social, religious and educational

♦ THE INDIAN PRESS. 21

<qu88fcions, although ifc must be conceded that as the Raja
was the founder of the Bengali Press he was also the first
and foremost advocate of the liberty of the Press in India.
From 1799 to 1834 the Press in India was kept under
strict censorship and instances were neither few nor
far between where European editors sharply criticising
the Government were visited with deportation to
Europe. In 1835 the Government of Sir Charles
Metcalfe restored the freedom of the Press and it was
irom this time that the Vernacular Press began to make
rapid strides and the Indo-English Press gradually came
into existence. The FrobhaJcar of Iswarchandra Gupta
was probably the earliest Vernacular paper in the country,
which ventured to tread on political grounds though not
without a faltering step and quivering hand. The
Gagging Act of Lord Canning, necessitated by the exi-
gencies of the Mutiny in 1858, was in force only for a
year and did not much interfere with the normal
expansion of the Press. The Hindiv Patriot, the Hur-
Icura, the Indian Mirror, the Amrita Bazar PatriJca,
which was at first an Anglo-Vernacular paper, the
Brahmo Public Opinion which, under the name of Bengal
■Public Opinion, was subsequently incorporated with the
Bengalee, the Eeis and Bayet, the Somprokash, the
Nababibhakar, the Sulabh Samachar, a pice paper, the
Sanjibani, the Sadharani and latterly the Hitavadi and
several others in Bengal ; the East Goftar, the Bombay
Samachar, the Indu PraJcash, the Jam-e-Jam^hed, the
Maharatta and latterly the Bnyan Prokash and the
Kesari in Bombay; the Hindu, the Sta7idard, the
Swadesha Mitrau and several other papers in Madras,
/

22 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION. ^

and laterly the Tribune in Lahore, the Herald in Behar:
and the Advocate in Lucknow became powerful instru-
ments of political education for the people and exercised
considerable injQuence over the public mind up to the<
eighties of the last century. In spite of all that was said,
written or done against it, fche growth and development of
the Indian Press was almost phenomenal, so that in 1875
there were no less than 478 newspapers in the country the
bulk of which were conducted in the vernacular languages
and freely circulated broadcast throughout the country*
In Bengal particularly quite a number of cheap news
sheets, written mostly in the Bengali language, purveying
all sorts of informations and criticisms, sometimes ill-
informed and sometimes over-balanced, but seldom losing:
touch with the new spirit, rapidly sprung up, and
congregations of dozens of eager, illiterate listeners to a
single reader of these papers at a stationery stall or a.
grocer's shop in the leisurely evening became a common
sight. Thus from the petty shop-keeper to the princely
merchant and from the simple village folk to the-
lordly landed aristocracy all were permeated with the
spirit of this Press. The Anglo-Indian Press, though
now naturally jealous of its formidable rival, was in-
those days sometimes conducted in a more liberal
spirit and contributed not a little to the diffusion
of western methods of criticism and the expansion o^
the political views of the people. It is not contended
that a section of this Press was not altogether amenable
to the charge so often levelled against it, that it was as
inefficient as it was ill-informed and injudicious ; but ife
can hardly be denied that on the whole the much-abused

THE INDIAN PRESS. 2^

Indian Press acted nofe only as a powerful adjunct to-
wards popular education, but might have with a little
more sympathetic treatment been easily turned into a
useful guide to a more popular administration. John
Bright, speaking of the Indian Press of the time, once
made the following trenchant observation : —

" There are two sets of newspapers, those first, — which are
published by Englishmen,, and these being the papers of the
services, cannot, of course, be in favour of economy. They assail
me every time I mention India in a speech, if it is even only in a
paragraph, and no doubt they will do the same for what I am
saying now. Then there are the native papers ; and although
there are a great many published in the native languages, still
they have not much of what we call political influence. The
Government officials look into them to see if they are saying,
anything unpleasant to the Government— anything that indicates,
sedition or discontent, but never for the purpose r t being influenced
by the judgment of- the writers and editors. Tne actual press of
the country, which touches the Government is the press of the
English ; and that press, generally, has been in favour of annexa-
tion of more territory, more places, more salaries and ultimately
more pensions."

What a mastery of facts relating to India which he
had never visited and what a remarkable insight into
its internal administration with which he was never
connected ? It would perhaps be no wonder if Indian
youths of the present generation, who know nothing
about the situation in the seventies and eighties of
the last century, were to regard the above observation
as only a prophetic pronouncement of the present-
day condition of the Indian Press clothed only in the
language of the past. Lord Lytton. like Lord Welles-
ley, became nervous and, at the instance of an impatienfr
bureaucracy, gagged the Vernacular Press in 1878.
Four years later the Vernacular Press Act was repealed

24 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

by Lord Eipon as an early instalment of his noble policy
of conciliation. The subsequent history of the Indian
Press is well-known and though not altogether irrelevant,
it seems hardly necessary to pursue it for the purpose of
this narrative. Suffice it to say, that with all its
defects and lapses, as well as its numerous disadvant-
ages, difficulties and disabilities, the Indian Press
has played an important part in the evolution of the
national life, and its chequered history is no mean
•evidence of the sustaining energies of a growing people.
It has suffered in the past and is passing through a
severe ordeal at the present moment. Erom the proud
position of the Fourth State it has been reduced since
1910 to a humble suppliant before a district officer with
the halter tight around its neck, and yet there is no know-
ing when that halter will be either removed or relaxed to
enable it to breathe more freely. But there is no
cause for despair. The Indian Press Act of 1910, with
its drastic provisions for security, forfeiture and prosecu-
tions without any remedy and the almost arbitrai-y powers
vested in the magistrates, is no doubt a serious menace
to the healthy growth of public opinion in the country
and has practically paralysed for the moment all honest
and independent criticism ; but all violent measures defeat
their own end and the vitality of a national life gathers
strength not so much from easy indulgence as through
violent; repression. Liberty is always nurtured on the
lap of Persecution and '* action and reaction " is the law
of Progress in all living organisms.

CHAPTER V.

The Gatherinc^ Clouds.
Those who confidently indulge in lavish criticisms
of the present unrest as a sudden and unprecedented
development of public agitation in this country would
do well to remember, that it is not altogether a new
organic change in the body politic, but only a recrudes-
cence of the malady, though somewhat in an aggravated
iorm, from which the country has suffered in the
.past and is likely to suffer still more for some time
at least in future. The Government of the East India
Company was largely tainted with corruption, and
the trial of Warren Hastings and the judicial murder
of Nund Goomar were only typical illustrations of
the kind of administration established in this country
since the batole of Piassey. The military rising of
1857 was a protest against that scandalous administra-
tion, although for the time being religion was the
ostensible compelling force. Though the people wisely
and loyally dissociated themselves from that protest,
there are enough evidence on record to show that there
was as much discontent among them as there were
insecurity, inequality and injustice prevailing in the
country. The transfer of the sovereignty of che country
from the Company to the Grown in 1858, therefore, led
not a few to suppose that a millennium was at last in
sight and the change was hailed by the people with a
deep sigh of relief ; while the great Proclamation simul-
taneously issued to the princes and the peoples of

26 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

India filled the public mind with high hopes of reform
and progress. But a few years' experience greatly
disappointed them. For, although peace was restored
and substantial measures were adopted for the improve-
ment of the administration of justice and three Univer-
sities were established in the three Presidencies for the
spread of education among the people, the political
aspect of the defunct administration remained alto-
gether unchanged, if it did not in some respect become
even more retrograde. The Secretary of State for
India became a more autocratic and irresponsible sub-
stitute for the Court of Directors without, however, a
Board of Control to supervise his action ; vrhile the
control of Parliament which used periodically to enquire
into the affairs of India upon the renewal of the Com-
pany's charter at the end of every twenty years — a
salutary check faithfully exercised since 1773 — was prac-
tically wholly removed. A whole nation was disarmed
and the entire administration was vested in a bureaucracy
which with all its recommendations became in its gradual
development as imperious in its tone and as unsympathe-
tic in its attitude as it was saturated with the principles
and prejudices of autocratic rule. That bureaucracy was
no doubt at times and within certain limits, generously
disposed to grant patronage and extended favours of
a minor description to any native of the country
who might successfully court them : but as regards any
material advancement and participation in the ad-
ministration, the entire population were jealously kept
at arm's length and the slightest indication on their
part of a desire to enter even the border land of its q\os&

THE GATHERING CLOUDS. 2T

preserves was resented as an intolerable and dangerous
trespass. In fact no better expression than " benevolent
despotism" could be coined honestly to denote the form
of administration established in the country. The vast
mass of the people were suffering from abject poverty and
practically living on "one meal a day"; while at recurring,
intervals of few years they were decimated not by hund-
reds or thousands, but by hundreds of thousands, through
famine and pestilence. The indigenous industries of
the country were ruined and the bulk of the population
driven to the soil to eke ou\; a precarious subsistence
as best as they could and left wholly without any sub-
stantial means to keep the wolf out of the door. The-
people had neither any share nor any voice in the ad-
ministration which was conveniently allowed to drift
according to the current of events and circumstances..
The feeble and ineffectual complaints from time to time
made either by the public Associations, or by the Press,
and the failure of the spasmodic, though perfectly
honest, efforts made by Government towards a super-
ficial treatment of these organic deseases caused a deep
and widespread commotion among a patient and docile
people until a strong tide set in to swell the wave of
popular restlessness and discontent. The invidious
distinction sharply drawn along the whole line between
the ruling race and the ruled, and the repeated instances
of glaring and irritating miscarriage of justice in cases
between Indians and Europeans — a most deplorable
phase, if not a foul blot, still extant — served as a cons-
tant reminder to the educated community, which every
year received fresh accessions to its strength, weight and.

•28 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

imporfcance, that some solution must be found for this
highly unsatisfactory, if not intolerable, situation. That
situation however reached its climax during the weak and
extravagant Viceroyalty of Lord Lytton who in his
innate love for the romance came with a light heart
to play the role of an administrator in a country fabled
for its romances. The military ruled, while a selfish,
short-sighted bureaucracy found it convenient to
pander to the extravagant tastes and designs of a
modern Dupleix without} however the consummate
powers and abilities of the great French adventurer.
The costly and gigantic farce of the Dalhi Assemblage
was enacted in 1877 while a terrible famine was com-
mitting havoo among millions of helpless population in
'Southern India whose dire effects were severely felt
even in Bengal and the Punjab, and which led an intre-
pid veteran journalist in Calcutta openly to declare that
"Nero was fiddling while Kome was burning." The
wanton invasion of Cabul , the massacre of Sir Louis
Cavagnari, and his staff followed by the Second Afghan
War ; the large increase of the army under the hallucina-
tion of the Russian bugbear ; the costly establishment of
a " scientific frontier " which afterwards did not stand
the test of even a tribal disturbance, the complete dis-
arming of an inoffensive and helpless population,
although the Eurasians were left untouched ; the gag-
ging of the Vernacular Press as a means to stifle public
voice against all these fads, which led another indomit-
able journalist in Bengal to convert in one night a
Vernacular paper into an English journal ; the sacrifice
of the import cotton duties as a conservative sop to

THE GATHERING CLOUDS. 29*

Ijaneashire, and the unmerifced and undignified rebuff
adminisfeered by fche Viceroy personally to a leading
association in the country which had the temertiy to
raise its voice against this iniquitious naeasure and
which was deeply resented by the entire Indian Press
not altogether unsupported even by a section of the
more fair-minded Anglo-Indian journalists, followed in-
quick, bewildering succession ; and at last a reckless
bureaucratic Government, as bankrupt in its reputation
as in its exchequer, sat trembling upon the crumbling
fragments of a " mendacious budget" on one side and
the seething and surging discontent of a multitudinous
population on the other. The theory of the dis-
appointed place-seekers " and the " microscopic mino-
rity" of the educated community was invented to mini-
mise the importance of the growing unrest. The edu-
cated community in the minority in every country, but
nonetheless it is everywhere the mouthpiece of the
majority and the exponent of the popular voice. His-
tory does not perhaps present a single instance
where the mass has been actively associated in any
evolution, although it has everywhere been largely in
evidence in a revolution. Besides, if any evidence were
needed to show that the discontent had sunk deep into
the mass, enough of such evidence w as furnished to an
unbiassed mind by the mass- mee tings held at Jhinger-
gacha, Salem and other places where the people attend-
ed in their thousands to ventilate their grievances
though they were unable to formulate any remedy.

It was about this time that the Indian Association
was established in July 1876 with the object of

^0 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

organising a system of active political propaganda
throughout the country and to rouse the people to a sense
of political unity and concerted activity. As the British
Indian Association was mostly composed of tho landed
aristocracy, the Indian Association became the centre
of the educated community in Bengal. Its moving spirit
was Mr. Surendra Nath Banerjee who had, luckily for
himself and for the country, been recently discharged
from the Civil Service and whose talents and abilities,
but for this incident, would in all probability have remain-
ed buried among the dusty shelves of either a Divisional
Office or a Secretariat and entirely lost to the country.
In the establishment; of the Indian Association, Mr.
►Banerjee was associated with that brilliant star of
Eastern Bengal, Mr. Ananda Mohan Bose, and assisted
by a band of energetic men among whom the late Mr.
Dwaraka Nath Ganguly, Mr. Bama Charan Banerjee,
the brother of Mr. Justice Pramada Charan Banerjee
and the founder of the Ufcterparah Hitakari Sabba, Mr.
Bhairab Chandra Banerjee, cousin of Mr, W.C. Bonnerjee,
and Mr. Jogendra Chandra Vidyabhushana who was one
of the early pioneers of practical social reform and a
remarkably independent member of the subordinate
Judicial and Executive Service, are worthy of particular
-mention. The first president of the Association was that
eminent jurist, the author of the Vyadastha Darpan.
Mr. Shama Charan Sarkar who was shortly after-
wards succeeded by the illustrious savant and linguist,
the Kev, Dr. KM. Banerjee. The first secretary was Mr.
.A. M. Bose both on account of his high attainments as
well as probably because it was not deemed expedient at

THE GATHHIRING CLOUDS, 31

the oufcsefc to place a "dismissed servanfc of Government"
at the executive head of a newly established political
■association. That "dismissed servant of Government "
has however long outlived that dreaded disqualification
which was not only voluntarily removed by^ a Lieutenant
-Governor, but acted as no bar to his being twice elected
by his countrymen as president of the great National
Assembly, four times as their trusted representative in
the Bengal Opuncii and at last as a prominent member
of the Supreme Lagislative Council. The Indian Associa-
tion was hardly a year old when the Government of
Lord Salisbury reduced the age-limit for the Civil Service
examination to nineteen years. Strong and emphatic
were the protests raised throughout the country and
none stronger or more emphatic than that entered by
Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, a host in himself, through the
columns of the English Press. The new Association
however went upon a somewhat different plan. It at
first organised a representative meeting held at the
Calcutta Town Hall and armed with its mandate opened
-a political campaign, the first of its kind throughout the
country. Mr. Surendra Nath was chosen as the first
missionary to undertake this active political propaganda.
Ha made his first tour in the summer of 1877 all through
Northern India from Benares to Bawalpindi. The
principal questions raised in this campaign were (l) the
raising of the age-limit for the Civil Service examination
which a conservative Government had reduced to such
an extent as to practically shut out all Indians from
admission into that service, and (2) the establishment
of Simulaneous Examinations held both in England and

32 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

in India for the recruitment of the service. Meeting*
were held and adressed by the rising orator at Benares^
Allahabad, Lucknow, Cawnpore, Meerut, Agra, Delhi,
Aligarh, Amritsar, Lahore and Rawalpindi, at all of
which he was listened to with breathless attention which
led Sir Henry Cotton to make pointed reference to this
significant incident in his New India. At the Aligarh-
meeting Sir Syed Ahmed himself presided and strongly
supported the proposed Simultaneous Examination,
though for reasons best known to him, as a member
of the Public Service Commission, he afterwards resiled
from that position. The great meeting at Lucknow
was held in the historic Burdtvari palace and was
attended, as at Aligarh, by a large number of respect-
able Mussalmans who form such an influential majority
in that city. On his return journey Mr. Banerjee
stopped at Bankipur and addressed a meeting there.
The tour was a grand success and, as remarked by Mr.
Nam Joshi of the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha, fully
demonstrated that educated India, despite all racial and
linguistic differences, could easily be brought upon a
common platform on political ground. It will be re-
membered that Mr. Banerjee also attended the Delhi
Assemblage as the representative of the Hindu Fatriot,.
Men like Sir Jamsefcji Jeejeebhoy, the second baronet
of that name, Mr. Viswanath Narain Mandlik, Sir
Mangaldas Nathubhoy and Mr. Naoroji Furdoonji
with many others from different parts of the country
witnessed the brilliant function. It must have struck
these men of light an^^ leading, that if the princes and
the nobles in the land could be forced to form a

THE GATHERING CLOUDS. 33

pageant} for fche glorificafcion of an autocratic Viceroy, why
could not the people be gathered together to unite
themselves to restrain, by constitutional Daeans and
methods, the spirit of autocratic rule ? Mr. Banerjee
personally gave expression to a similar sentiment on a
subsequent occasion which will be noticed in its proper
place. The idea worked and was freely, though some-
what vaguely, discussed in the Associations,. as well as
in the Press. The platforms had not up to this time-
come into such prominent use as now for the discus-
sion of political subjects. Verily good often cometh
out of evil, and if the idea of a united India was pre-
sented by a spectacular demonstration, the Delhi Assem-
blage of 1877 was, in spite of its extravagance, truly a
blessing in disguise. Mr. Murdoch gives currency to
an opinion that *' the idea of a Congress was suggested
by the great International Exhibition" held in Calcutta
in 1884. But the more generally accepted and consistent
theory seems to be that it had its inspiration from the
Delhi Assemblage of 1877. The Exhibition might have
supplied an immediate impulse to put the idea into
execution, but if ever there was an object lesson,,
as contemporary testimony bears out that there was, for
the great movement, that lesson could only have been
furnished by the Assemblage and not the Exhibitios, as
the one could appeal only to the passive admiration of
the people for the economic and scientific development
of the world ; while the other was calculated directly to
force their attention to the political aspect of it, and as
the country secretly resented the useless display, the
princes on account of their humiliation and the people
3

34 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

for its paicful exfcravagaace, id is not unnatural to
suppose that it created a general desire to draw some
honey out of the sting. Besides, the object-lessons pre-
sented by the Assemblage could not be wholly lost upon
the mind of a quick and imaginative people. Encouraged
by the success of his first tour Mr. Surendra Nath
Banerjee undertook a second tour in the following year.
In 1878 he travelled through Western and Southern
India holding meetings at Bombay, Surat, Ahmedabad,
Poona and Madras, and as a result of this campaign an
All-India Memorial was presented to the House of
Commons on the Civil Service question.

CHAPTER VI.

The Clouds Lifted.

Whether it was a mere accident, or the part of a
settled policy, a progressive and broad-minded statesman
of the School of Bentinck and Canning followed a short-
sighted and reactionary administrator of the Dalhousie
type : Lord Lytton was succeeded by Lord Ripon. Ha
was evidently chosen by the Government of Mr.
Galdstone to save the situation, and inspired by a
genuine desire for the permanent good of England and
India, Lord Ripon came holding the olive branch
of peace, progress and conciliation for the people.
Landing in Bombay in January 1880 the first words
which the noble Marquess uttered were; — " Judge me by
my acts and not by my words." And judged ha was by

THE CLOUDS LIFTED. 35

%i8 various acfcs of beneficence and high stafeesraan-
ship which, in spite of the systematic attempts of suo-
-cessive administrations to stunt, stint and starve, if
not actually rescind them, stand to this day as the
strongest cement which not only successfully averted
at the time the severe shock of a lowering storm, but
still holds a discontented yet grateful people recon-
ciled to the unpopular methods of a bureaucratic ad-
ministration. Few Englishmen in this country prob-
ably even now realise and appreciate what and how
•imuch they owe to that large-hearted nobleman and
far-sighted statesman whom they were not ashamed at
the time foolishly to hoot and insult even under the gates
-of Viceregal palace. Lord Ripon at oace pat au end to
the Afghan War and further development of the Scientific
Frontier which with the reckless expenditure of the
pageant show atDalhi had drained the public Exchequer
to such an extent as to compel the author of these
-extravagances ultimately to submit to bhe humiliation of
iaaving recourse to a secret loan raised at the metropolis
with the tielp of a plastic lieutenant and through the
good offices of a prominent leader of the people who acted
as a non-commissioned broker in the transaction. Lord
Ripon concluded an honourable treaty with the Ameer
which has since proved a much stronger bulwark against
Russian invasion than the fortifications in the Khyber
aiud Bolan Passes. Lord Ripon understood that the most
effective defence of India lay in the construction of a
■rational interior rather than of a scientific frontier broad-
\imed upon the contentment, gratitude and loyal co-
operation of a prosperous people, and one of the first

36 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

acts of his greafe adminisferafcioa was tihe repeal of fehe*
obaoxious and invidious Vernacular Press Aofc amidst-
the rejoicings of a whole nation when nob a few of
those who had sfcood at the baptismal front to anneuncS'
themselves as its godfather eagerly came forward with
their " shovelful of earth " to bury the ill-starred
measure. Then came the inauguration of Local Self-
Government throughout the country, the greatest measura^
ever inaugurated by any Viceroy either before or after
him. It was the first step taken towards the politi-
cal enfranchisement of the people. In foreshadowing;
the future of the measure the noble Viceroy courageously
observed that " Local Self-Government must precede-
National Self-Government." With all its drawbacks^
and difficulties it has initiated the people in the art of
local administration and supplied a nucleus and a basis-
for the recent expansion of the Legislative Councils.
It may not be known to many that Lord Bipon also-
contemplated a tentative reform of the Indian Legisla-
tive Councils. But there was yet another measure of
his reign which further stimulated the political activities
of the people and roused their national self-respect.
in evolution the highest successes are often achiev-
ed through reverses and the Ilbert Bill turned a signal
defeat into a decisive victory. Lord Ripon made a despe-
rate attempt, even at no small personal risk, to remove
the racial bar which he found to be one of the foulest-
blots in the administration of criminal justice in this
country. The matter was initiated by a spirited note
submitted by Mr. B. L. Gupta to the Government of
Sir Ashley Eden in 1882. In the autumn session of 1885^
the Hon. Mr. O.P. Ilbert, as Law Member to the Council'

THE CLOUDS LIFTED. 37

dnfcroduced a Bill whick afterwards wenfe by his name
with the object of removing the improper disqualifi-
cation attaching to the Indian Magistracy in the trial
of European and American offenders. It was a spark
thrown into a powder magazine, and the entire Anglo-
Indian community, both official and non-official, at
once rose in arms headed by a rebellious Liautenant-
•^Governor to oppose the innovation, not so much from a
real sense of actual danger as through pride and vanity of
a ruling race coupled with a feeling of practical immunity
which they enjoyed under the existing system. Lord
Eipon stood alone having his own Council, including the
Commander-in-Chief, divided against him, with only the
nominal support of the framer of the Bill and of Major
Baring, now Lord Cromer. We have it on the authority of
Mr. Buckland that ** a conspiracy had been formed by a
number of men in Calcutta who had bound themselves in
the event of Government adhering to their projected legis-
lation to overpower the sentries at Government House, to
put the Viceroy on board a steamer at Chandpal-Ghat and
send him to England via the Cape." The existence of
this conspiracy, it is said, was known to the Lieutenant-
Governor of Bengal and also to " the responsible officer'
who subsequently gave this information to the author
of ''Bengal under the Lieutenant-Governors." The
"Europeans have taught many a lesson to the Indians,
but, thank God, they forebore to teach them this one
lesson of supreme folly. An Anglo-Indian Defence
Association was hurriedly organised and at its instance a
wanton and savage attack was made upon the natives of
»the country by a rising English counsel in Calcutta,

38 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

which was followed by an equally viriilenfc rejoinder
from an eminent Indian member of the same bar, and
the estrangement of the two communities was complete.
But while the opposition to the Bill was so well'
organised, the support given to it by the Indian
community was certainly very weak and extremely in-
adequate. The agitation stirred up the public mind only
in Bengal and Bombay. An influential public meeting
was held in the Bombay Town Hall which voiced Indian
public opinion in the Western Presidency and several
demonstrations were held in Bengal in support of the
measure. But the agitation produced little or no effect in
Madras, while the N.W. Provinces and the Punjab were
perfectly silent. Practically most of the agitation was con-
fined to violent recriminations in the columns of the Press.
Lord Ripon's just and generous attempt practically
failed and a concordat was arrived at towards the close
of the year 1883 upon a bare recognition of the prin-
ciple in the case of the District Magistrates and the
Sessions Judges only. A section of the Bengal public
saemed at first irreconcilable to the ** Compromise"' and
it was feared that it was going to " throw native Bengal
into a fury *' making the position of the great Viceroy
still more critical. Bombay discovered the rock ahead
and promptly issued a manifesto counselling the
country to stand by the much -abused Viceroy. This
timely action successfully baulked the Anglo-Indians
and their organs of their secret desire to see the
Viceroy suffer as much in the hands of the Indians as
he had suffered at their own. But though the measure
failed, it opened the eyes of the people to two cardinal

THE CLOUDS LIFTED. 39

points in the case. It was recognised that the failure
was largely owing to the want of adequate, vigorous and
united support throughout the country to counter-
balance the spirited and well-organised opposition of
the Anglo-Indian community, and it was further felfc
that if political advancement were to be achieved ife
could only be by the organisation of a national assembly
wholly devoted to wider politics than hitherto pursued
in the different provinces independently of each other.
The Ilbert Bill agitation thus went a great way towards
impressing the Indian races, that in the political world
success did not depend so much upon men as on
organized efforts and so paved the way to united and
concerned action. It aleo proved an eye-opener to those
talented and highly educated Indian gentlemen who
having returned from England and adopted English
habits and manners had lost nearly all touch with their
countrymen and were apparently seeking to form a class
by themselves in the vain hope of assimilating themselves
as far as practicable with the Anglo-Indian commu-
nity. Forces were thus at work driving the people from
different points of the compass to a common fold and to
concentrate their thoughts, ideas and activities to a
common focus for the attainment of the political rights
and privileges of the people who being under a common
rule, it was understood, could have but a common goal
and a common destiny. All the time the Indian Press
throughout the country was incessantly urging the people
to unite under a common standard.

CHAPTER VII.

The Dawning Light.

Almost simultaneously with the close of the
Ilbert Bill agitation, the new idea, as indicated above,
forcibly burst forth into the minds of the people? and
Bengal, Bombay and Madras set to work to put their
own houses in order and prepare themselves for the
coming struggle. In Bengal, a new institution was
started in 1884: which, in its constitution, as well as in
its "aim and object, bore unamisbakable testimony to the
fact that the old orthodox associations of the previous
generation were also caught in the rising tide and had
considerably drifted away from their original moorings.
The National League was established under the leader-
ship of Sir Joteendra Mohan Tagore, who was then the
first citizen in the metropolis and one of the central
pillars of the British Indian Association, with the ques-
tion of representative institutions for India in the fore-
front of its programme.

Bat there was yet another movement in Bengal
^hich seems to have anticipated the Congress by two
years and in a large measure prepared the ground for
the great national assembly. At the instance of the
Indian Association a National Conference was held in
Calcutta in 1883 with almost the same programme
which was subsequently formulated by the first Con-
gress held two years later in Bombay. The Conference
was held at the Albert Hall, opposite the old Hindu and

THE DAWNING LIGHT. 41

'Sanskrit Collegos on the south and the new Presidency
College buildings on the west. It is a historic place
associated with the Koyal family and other memories
and a wise and thoughtful government has recently
saved it from a threatened destrucfcion. It was an un-
precedented gathering attended by a large number of edu-
cated men from difterent parts of Bengal and in which
old men like the venerable Ramtanu Lahiri rubbed their
shoulders with a much younger generation headed by
Messrs. Ananda Mohan Bose and Surendra Nath Baner-
jee. It was an unique spectacle and the writer
of these pages still retains a vivid impression
of the immense enthusiasm and earnestness which
throughout characterised the three days' session of
the Conference and at the end of which everyone
present seemed to have received a new light and
a novel inspiration. It was in his opening address
at this Conference that Mr. Surendra Nath Banerjee
referring to the Delhi Assemblage exhorted the audience
to unite and organise themselves for the country's cause.
It is worthy of note that Mr. Wilfred Blunt and
Mr. Saymour Keay, M. P., were present at the Con-
ference. Mr, Seymour Keay spoke at the meeting, while
Mr. Blunt has left a pointed notice of this significant
movement in his personal memoirs. In the following
year, when the great International -Exhibition was
held in Calcutta, the Conference could not some-
how be organised ; but this year Mr. Surendra Nath
made his third tour visiting this time Multan and other
places in the Punjab where he preached the importance
of national unity and the necessity of establishing a

42 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

national fund for the systematic carrying out of a politi-
cal propaganda.

In Madras the old " Madras Native Association"
which, in the words of Mr. G. Subranoania Iyer, dragged
on for sonae years only " a spasnaodic life" died a natural
death with its last feeble gasp over the Self-Government
Kesolution of Lord Ripon's Government. But the quiet
and steady people of the Southern Presidency at
this stage organised a more powerful and energetic
political association to keep themselves abreast of the
sister presidencies in the coming struggle. The" Madras
Mahajana Sahha " was established early in 1884
under the auspices of those thoughtful and saga-
cious publicmen who had started the Hindu in 1878.
This new association was invested with a truly popular
and representative character and it naturally very soon
enlisted the active sympathy and co-operation of almost
all the culture and public spirit of the presidency. As the
popular Viceroy could not arrange to pay a parting visit
to Madras before leaving for England at the close of a
most brilliant and beneficent reign, the Mahajana Sabha
sent a deputation to Bombay to bid farewell to Lord
Bipon whose departure from this country was marked by
an outburst of popular demonstration simply unparal-
leled not only in India but also probably in the history
of any other civilised country. Before the deputation
started there was also a Provincial Conference held in
Madras. Both in the capital city as well as in the districts
of the Presidency several active and energetic men came
into prominence and began to work harmoniously
under the guidance of the Hindu and the "Mahajana

THE DAWNING LIGHT. 43'

Sabha " for public weal. Ife seems worthy of remark:
that though Madr.as was rather slow , in developing.
her public life, she has been most forward in associating
herself with the work of the Congress since its
establishment. Not only in the first session but in
almost all the subsequent sessions of the Congress, she
has, despite her distance and other inconveniences,,
both climatic as well as social, contributed a larger
contingent of delegates than any other province, the
particular province where each session was held being
of course excepted.

A great development also took place at this junc-
ture in the politicial Mfe of Bombay. Every since the
collapse of **the old Bombay Association" that great
city of light and leading had no popular political orga-
nisation to join hands with the sister presidencies in
undertaking any common political movement. But
fropa this it is not to be understood that she was alto-
gether a Sleepy Holloiu. Apparently cold, calculating
Bombay was usually immersed in business taking
tilings quite easy under ordinary circumstances, but
when the wind blew high she at once put forth all
her sails and was seldom found to lag behind any of
the provinces in any public movement, although the^
occasion and its turmoil over, she again relapsed into
her ordinary calm. But this was not a condition which
was permissible in the coming contest. " Even five
years before, " wrote a political Rishi in 1885. " the
country was wont to set its eyes on Calcutta and take •
its inspiration more or less from her." "The luminous
intellect," he added, '* and the spirit of eloquence which.

44 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

the Babu carries aboufe him wherever he goes, as if it
were his natural birth-righfc, gave him a vantage ground
• over the rest of India." But the new situation demanded
all the provinces not only to rally under one common
standard, but also to share equal responsibility and to as-
sume equal cojnmand. Bombay was equal to both. A pub-
lic meeting of the citizens of Bombay was convened on the
■ 31st January, 1885, at the Framjee Cowasjee Institute
in response, to an invitation from that distinguished
triumvirate who largely controlled the public life of the
Western Presidency, the Hon. Mr. Budruddin Tyabjee,
Mr, Pherozeshah Mancherjee Mehta and the Hon. Mr.
Kashinath Trimbak Telang. The meeting was pre-
sided over by the distinguished Parsi baronet Sir Jam-
setjee Jejeebhoy, and the present " Bombay Presidency
Association" was ushered into existence under very
happy auspices and with imposing ceremony. Mr-
Pherozeshah Mehta, the Hon. Mr. K. T. Telang and
Mr. Dinshaw Eduljee Wacha were appointed Joint
Secretaries, a position which the last named gentleman
still holds with no small credit to himself and to the
Association.

Another incident, as narrated by Mrs. Annie Besanfe
in her admirable book, Hoiv India Wrought for Freedom
took place about this time. In December 1884 there
•came a number of delegates from different parts of the
tjountry to the Annual Convention of the Theosophical
Society at Adyar, After the Convention was over
seventeen prominent Indians met in the house of Dewan
Bahadur Eaghunath Rao in Madras. They were the
'Hon'ble Mr. S. Subramania Iyer, Mr. P. Rangiah Naidu

THE DAWNING LIGHT. i^*

and Mr. P. Ananda Charluof Madras, Messrs. Norondra
Nafch Sen, Surendra Nath Bannerjee, M. Ghosh and^
Charan Chandra Mitter of Bengal; the Hon'ble Mr. V.N.
Mandlik. the Hon'ble Mr. KT. Telang and Mr. Dadabhal
Naoroji of Bombay; Messrs. 0. Vijiaranga Mudaliar and
Pandurang Gopal of Poona ; Sirdar Dayal Singh of the
Panjab ; Mr. Haris Chandra of Allahabad; Mr. Kaliprosad
and Pundit Lakshminarayan of N.W.P., and Mr. Shri^
Ram of Oudh. These seventeen *' good men and true"
met and discussed various problems affecting the interest
of the country and probably supported the idea of a
national movement started at the Calcutta Conference
of 1883.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE INAUGURATION AND THE FATHER
OF THE CONGRESS.

The country was thus fully prepared both in men'
as well as materials for the construction of a national
organisation. It only required the genius of an expert
architect to devise a suitable plan and lay the foundation
stone truly and faithfully. That architect was found*
in Allan Oxjtavian Hume, now known as the *' Father
of the Indian National Congress." Mr. Hume, who-
was Secretary to the Government of India in the
Home Department in 1870 and then in its newly created
Department of Revenue, Agriculture and Commerce from
1871-1879, had closely followed the trend of events

46 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

particularly during the Viceroyalfey of Lord Lyfcfcon and
anxiously watched the gathering clouds which were
slowly but ominously rising above the horizon. The
naore he watched and studied the situation the more
he became convinced that some definite action was
called for to counteract the growing unrest. When there-
fore in 1882 he resigned service Mr. Hume settled at
Simla and began to apply his great and almost inexhausti-
ble energies and his intimate knowledge of the people, as
well as of the Government, to the task of directing the
popular impulse into a channel of constitutional agitation
for the common beneiSt of both. As the worthy son of
the founder of the Radical fearty in England, Mr. A. O.
Hume was essentially democratic in his instincts, but
as a shrewd Scotchman he was also fully conscious of
the limitations which must be imposed ,on and the safe-
guards 60 be provided against democratic institutions ia
.a country governed like India. The first step he took
towards the realisation of his plan was shadowed forth
in an open letter dated the 1st March, 1883, which he
addressed to the " Graduates of the Calcutta Univer-
sity" as largely representing the educated community
in the country. In its deep pathos and fervid elo-
quence, no less than in ius burning zeal and warm
sympathy, this remarkable letter reads like St. Paul's
epistle to the Romans. For a full and adequate
a,ppreciation of this spirited appeal to educated India
reference is made to Sir William Wedderburn's excellent
memoir of Mr. Huma which has recently been published
by T. Fisher Unwin, London. The writer of the present
article cannot, however, resist the temptation of quoting

THE INAUGURATION OF THE CONGRESS. 47

the concluding porfeion of this memorable letter which

runs as follows : —

""And if even the leaders of thought are all either suoh poor
creatures, or so selfishly wedded to personal concerns that they
4are not strike a blow for their country's sake, then justly and
rightly are they kept down and trampled on, for they deserve
nothing better. Every nation secures precisely as good a govern-
ment as it merits. If you, the picked men, the most highly
educated of the nation, cannot, scorning personal ease n>nd. selfish
objects, make a resolute struggle to secure greater freedom for
yourselves and your country, a more impartial administration, a
larger share in the management of your own affairs, then we» your
friends, are wrong and our adversaries right, then are Lord Ripon's
noble aspirations for your good fruitless and visionary, then, at
present at any rate all hopes of progress are at an end, and India
truly neither lacks nor deserves any better government than she
enjoys. Only, if this be so, let us hear no more factious, peevish
complaints that you are kept in leading strings and treated like
children, for you will have proved yourself such. Men know how
to act. Let there be no more complaints of Englishmen being
preferred to you in all important offices, for if you lack that public
spirit, that highest form of altruistic devotion that leads men to
subordinate private ease to the public weal, that patriotism that
has made Englishmen what they are, — then rightly are these pre-
ferred to you, rightly and inevitably have they become your rulers.
Arid rulers and task-masters they must continue, let the yoke gall
your shoulders never so sorely, until you realise and stand prepared
to act upon the eternal truth that self-sacrifice and unselfishness
are the only unfailing guides to freedom and happiness."

This passionate appeal did not go forth in vain. Man
who had already waked up and were only looking for a
modus operandi mustered from the different provinces
at the trumpet call of a beloved friend and a trusted
guide and the " Indian National Union " was formed
towards the close of 1884 which, however, like the
proverbial crab died immediately after the birth of its
issue. A lot of correspondence passed between Calcutta
and Bombay, though it is now difficult to trace theni
•accurately with the exception of one addressed by Mr.

48 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Telang fco Mr. Surendra Nafch Banerjee enquiring aboub'
mafcters conoected with the National Conference of 1883.
In March 1885 it was decided by the Union to hold a
meeting of representatives from all parts of India at the
forbhcoming Ohristmas in Poona which was considered
the most central and convenient place for the purpose,
and in April the following manifesto was issued and
circulated throughout the country : —

" A Conference of the Indian National Union will be held at
Poona from the 25th to the 31st December, 1885."

" The Conference will be composed of delegates— leading poli-
ticians well acquainted with the English language from all parts of
Bengal, Bombay and Madras Presidency."

" The direct objects of the Conference will be — (1) to enable all
the most earnest labourers in the cause of national progress to be-
come personally known to each other, (2) to discuss and decide upon
the political operations to be undertaken during the ensuing year."

" Indirectly this Conference will form the germ of a Native
Parliament and, if properly conducted, will constitute in a few
years an unanswerable reply to the assertion that India is still
wholly unfit for any form of representative institutions. The first
Conference will decide whether the next shall be again held at
Poona, or whether following the precedent of the British Associa-
tion, the Conference shall be held year by year at different
important centres."

" This year the Conference being in Poona, Mr. Chiplenkar
and others of the Sarvajanik Sabha have consented to form a
Reception Committee in whose hands will rest the whole of th&
local arrangements. The Peshwah's Garden near the Parvati
Hill will be utilised both as a place of meeting (it contains a fine
hall, like the garden, the property of the Sabha) and as a residence
for the delegates, each of whom will be there provided with suit-
able quarters. Much importance is attached to this since, when all
thus reside together for a week, far greater opportunities for
friendly intercourse will be afforded than if the delegates were (as^
at the time of the late Bombay demonstrations) scattered about
in dozens of private lodging houses all over the town."

" Delegates are expected to find their own way to and from
Poona, but from the time they reach the Poona Railway Station

THE INAUGURATION OF THE CONGRESS. 49

until they again leave OTerything that they can need, carriage
accommodation, food, &c., will be provided for them gratuitously.'*

" The cost thus involved will be defrayed from the Reception
Fund which the Pood a Association most liberally offers to provide
in the first instance, Jjut to which all delegates whose means
warrant their incurring this further expense will be at liberty to
contribute any sum they please. Any unutilised balance of such
donations will be carried forward as a nucleus for next year'§
deception Fund."

" It is believed that exclusive of our Poona friends, the
Bombay Presidency including Sindh and the Berar will furnish
about 20 delegates, Madras and Lower Bengal each about the
same number and the N. W. Provinces, Gudh and the Punjab
together about half this number."

Mr. Hume was wisely and appropriately placed at
the head of the movement and the task of framing an
organisation and settling the details naturally devolved on
him, A preliminary report was issued to the members of
the Union, that ** so far as the Union was constituted
there was absolute unanimity that unswerving loyalty to
the British Crown was the key-note of the institution,"
and that the Union was also " prepared when necessary
to oppose by all constitutional methods all authorities,
high or low, here or in England, whose acts or omissi'ons
are opposed to those principles of the Government of
India as laid down from time to time by the British
Parliament and endorsed by the British Sovereign." As
has already been stated, Poona, the capital of the DeccaH,
was selected as the place of the meeting and the historic
place of the Peshwas, the Heerabag standing on the lake
at the foot of the famous Parvati Hill from the
windows of whose sacred temple the ill-fated Peshwa
Baji Rao witnessed the fatal battle of Khirki, was
chosen both for the Conference as well as for the resi-
dence of the delegates. Those who attended the eleventh
4

^0 mDIAN KATIONAL EVOLUTION.

fleasion of the Congress held afc Poona in 1895 must havo
visited this interesting spot. As stated in the manifesto
quoted above, the " Poona Sarvajanik Sabha," the most
important and influential public body in the Deecan,
generously undertook all the necessary arrangements
including the feeding of the delegates ; in fact it assumed
all the functions of the latber day Raception Committee
to the Congress. When all the preliminaries were thus
settled, Mr. Hume left for England^ consult friends and
particularly with the object of guarding the British
4)ublic .against all possible misrepresentation, suspicion
vand distrust to which the new organisation was natu-
rally exposed. Like the shrewd Scotchman that he was,
Mr. Hume cautiously cleared his way in this country
also before leaving for England. He saw Lord Dufferin
.and explained to him the scheme which had been settled.
We have it on the authority of Sir William Wedderburn,
based upon Mr. Hume's own notes, that *' whereas he
(Mr. Hume) was himself disposed to begin his reform
propaganda on the social side, it was apparently by Lord
Duiferin's advice that he took up the work of political
organisation as the matter first to be dealt with. Lard
Dafferin seems to have told him that " as the head of
the Government he had found the greatest difficulty in
ascartaini'ig th? rnal wishes of the people, and that for
purposes of administration it would be a public benefit if
there existed some responsible organisation through which
the Government might be kept informed regarding
the best Indian public opinion." His Lordship is said
to have further observed, that owing to the wide differ-
ences in caste, race and religion, social reform in India

THE INAUGURATION of; THE CONaRESS. 51

'required local fereafcment, rather than the guidance of
a national organisation. There is a further corrobo-
ration of this interesting episode from no less an
authoriny than the late Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee than
-whom no oth^r Indian perhaps ever enjoyed a closer
touch and greater intimacy with Mr. Hume. AVriting
for the Indian Politics issued by that enterprising
publisher Mr. G. A. Nafcesan of Madras in 1898, Mr.
'Bonnerjee recorded his testimony as follows : —

"It will probably be news to many tkat the Indian National
■Congress as it was originally started and as.it has since been
carried on, is in reality the work of the Marquess of Dufferin and
Ava when that nobleman was the Governor- General of India.
Mr. A. 0. Hume, 0. B , had in 1884 concaived the idea that
it w'oilid be of great advantage to the country if leading Indian
politicians could be brought together once a year to discuss social
matters and be upon friendly footing with one another. He did
not desire that politics should form part of their discussions, for
.there were recognised political bodies in Calcutta, Bombay,
Madras and other parts of the country, and he thought that these
bodies might sufier in importance if, when Indian politicians from
different parts of the country came ' together, they discussed
politics.. His idea further was that the Governor of the Pro-
vince where the politicians met should be asked to preside
over them and that thereby greater cordiality should be estab-
lished between the official classes and the non-official Indian
politicians. Full of these ideas he saw the noble Marquess
when he went to Simla early in 1885 after having in December
previous assumed the Viceroy alty of India, Lord Dufferin took
great interest in the matter and after considering over it for
some time sent for Mr, Hmme- and told him that in his
opinion Mr. Hume's project would not be of much use. He said
there was no body of persons in this country who performed the
functions which Her Majesty's Opposition aid in England. The
newspapers even if they really represented the views of the people
ivere not reliable, and as the English were necessarily ignorant of
what Was thought of them and their policy in native circles, it
would be very desirable in the interests as well of the rulers as of
the ruled that Indian politicians should meet yearly and point out
to Government in what respects the administration was defective
and how it could be improved ; and he added that an assembly
such as he proposed should not be presided over by thff local

52 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Governor, for in his presence the people might not like to speak
out their minds. Mr Hume was convinced by Lord DufEerin's
arguments, and when he placed the two schemes, his own and Lord
Dufferin's, before leading politicians in Calcutta, Bombay, Madras
and other parts of the country, the latter unanimously accepted
Lord Dufferin's scheme and proceeded to give effect to it. Lord
Dufferin had made it a condition that his name in connection with
the scheme of the Congress should not be divulged so long as he
remained in the country and this condition was faithfully main-
tained, and none but the men consulted by Mr. Hume knew
anything about the matter . ' '

And it is an open secret that Mr. W.O. Bonnerjee was
one of the men who were associated with Mr. Hume in
organising the new movement and who were consulted.
by Mr. Hume on the subject of this important and*
interesting interview. Those who at a later period
openly charged the Congress as being an unsavoury
political organization fraught with dangerous conse-
quences might well have profited by the information, .
that though the main idea was that of Mr. Hume and
his co-adjutors its immediate political aspect was due to
the suggestion, though not the actual initiation, of a
responsible Viceroy and a statesman of no ordinary
distinction who had added a territory of over 150,000
square miles to the British Empire. The subsequent
change which apparently took place in the attitude of
the great Viceroy and of which so much was at »one
time made by the critics of the Congress will be noticed
in its proper place.

In the meantime encouraged by the success of the
first National Conference of 1883, the three leading Asso-
ciations in Calcutta, the British Indian Association, the
Indian Association and the National Mabomedan Asso-
ciation conjointly invited and organised the second i

THE INAUGURATION OF THE CONGRESS. 53

Nafcional Conference which met in the spacious hall of the
British Indian Association on the 25th, 26th and 27th
ol December 1885. Nearly all the districts including
many of the sub-divisions and even important villages
of Bengal v^ere represented at the Conference. Nor did
the other provinces go wholly unrepresented. Bombay
was represented in the person of the Hon. Rao Saheb
Viswanath Mandlik and Behar in the person of His
Highness the Maharaja of Darbhanga as the President
of the Behar Landholders' Association. Delegates also
• came from such distant places as Assam, Allahabad
Benares and Meerut. Among the distinguished visitors
present there were His Excellency the .Embassador of
Nepal, Mr. H. J. S. Cotton, I.C.S. and Mr. Ameer AH.
-All the representatives of the ancient houses of the
Ghosals of Bhukailas, the Singhs of Paikparah, the
Mookerjees of Ufcterparah, and the Tagores, the Mallicks
and the Laws, as well as the Marwaris of Gulcutta were
there ; while the intellectual aristocracy of Bengal
was fully represented in the persons of Dr. Gooroodas
(afterwards Sir Gooroodas) Banerjee, Messrs. Kali
Mohan Dass, Mohesh Chandra Choudhury, Peary
Mohan Mookerjee, Surendra Nath Banerjee, Kali
Charan Banerjee and Dr. Trailokya Nath Mitter. Mr.
Ananda Mohan Bose was at this time touring in
Assam in connection with the political mission of the
Indian Association. There were nearly 200 delegates
to the Conference, while the visitors densely crowding
the back of the hall, the cort^idor and all the passages
from where a glimpse of the assembly could be secured
.numbered over a thousand. It was a grand spectacle

M INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION,

where the old and the young vied wifch one another"
in their eafehusiavStic zeal and patriotic fervour under
a new inspiration, Oa the first day Eajah Durga
Gharan Law, the merchant prince of Calcutta presided,
on the second day that half-blind astute statistician,.
.^-Jkir. Joykrishan Mukherjee, who was not inaptly called
the Indian Fawcett, and on the third and last day
Maharaja Narendra Krishna, the heir and successor to'
the historic Nabakrishna, occupied the chair. The-
Conference in its three days' labours discussed and
passed six resolutions on (l) the RecQnstitution of
Legislative Councils, (2) the modification of the Arms
Act, (3) the retrenchment of public expenditure, (4) the
Civil Service Question, (5) the separation of the Judicial
from the Executive functions and (6) the Reconstitution
of the Police. It will be seen later on that the pro-
gramme of the Conference was practically the same as-
that of the first Congress, with this noticeable difference-
that while the Congress did not, the conference did, take
up and thoroughly discuss the important question of the'
separation of the Judicial and the Executive Func-
tions in the Criminal Administration of the country.
It is worthy of remark that Mr. H. J. S. Cotton (now
Sir Henry Cotton) who at the time was on active service-
not only attended the Conference sls Amici curie, but
also took part in its deliberations. Speaking on the
important and foremost question of the reform of the-
Legislative Councils, Mr. Cotton saidi: —

*■ Even in India amongst members of my own service and out-
of it, I do not think many will be found who deny that a change
must now take place in the constitution of our Legislative Councils.
iAnd I am quite certain that in England aU liberal politicians will'

THE INAUGURATION OP THE CONGRESS. 5^'

"be found to take this view. The view of Lord Ripon, as he him-
self told me when discussing it with me last summer, was almost
identical with that stated to you by the mover (Mr. S. N, Banner-
jee), and there can be no doubt that he would use his powerful in-
fluence in England in assisting any proposal which the natives of
this country may make in this direction."

The CotfcoDS and the Wedderburns, who have for
three generations served India, have always been among
her best and truest friends whether here or in England,
and Mr. H. J. S. Cotton in speaking of the naembers of
his own service could only speak of the Cottons and
the Wedderburns, but not of naany others of his service.
The^ conference was a great success, and on the last day
on receipt of an infornaation that on the following day
the First Indian National Congress was going to noeet ia
Bonabay, the whole assembly went into a rapturous
acclamation, andajpoessage was despatched from tha
Conference welcoming the birth of the long expected
National Assembly. Both the Conference and the Con-
gress were thus the simultaneous offshoots of the same
movement ; but the Bengal leaders wisely and patrioti-
cally merged their mcvement in that of the ore inaugu
rated at Bombay, as it had indeed no necessity for
separate existence except to the detriment of the other,^
or possibly of both.

To return however to the main topic and to Mr.
Hume. In England Mr. Hume saw Lord Eipon, Mr.
John Bright, M. P.. Mr. R. T. Reid, M.P„ (now Lord
Loreburne who has figured so prominently in connection
with the Home Rule agitation in England), Lord Dal-
housie, the heir and successor of the renowned Indiaa
Governor-General, Mr. Baxter M.P., Mr. Slagg, M.P.»
and many other friends of India. He explained to them

66 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

tho critical nature of the situation, the aims and objects
of the new organisation, its constitutional character and
the dangers which it was intended to forestall. Under
the advice of Mr. Reid he saw nearly 150 members o^
the House *of Commons and succeeded in obtaining
from them a promise, though not a pledge, that they
would pay some attention to Indian affairs, and also
made arrangements for the reception and publication
of the Union's messages by a section of the Liberal
Press. Having fortified himself with these measures
and assurances, Mr. Hume returned to India in Novem-
ber when he found all the arrangements complete,
but a discussion was going on as regards the name by
which the new organisation was to be baptised. Some
were for calling it the National Union, some National
Conference, while the majority were for christening it
as the Congress, though not a few of them were afraid
that it might carry a bad odour in certain quarters.
At last it was decided thai} it should be styled as the
Indian National Congress. It may be remembered
that early in 1885 a deputation was sent to England
composed of Mr. Manomohan Ghose of Bengal, Mr.
Narayan Ganesh Chandavarkar of Bombay and Mr.
Sivalaya Ramaswami Mudaliyar of Madras. They were
called Delegates and to distinguish from them it was
further decided that the members of the Congress should
be called Representatives. It may not be known to
many at this distance of time, that it was at first actually
proposed to ask Lord Reay to preside at the first Con-
gress. Lord Dufferin was approached on the question,
but the Viceroy, while welcoming the proposal ** as

THE INAUGURATION OF THE CONGRESS. 57

shewing the desire of the Cougress to work in conciplete
harnaony with the Governnaent " considered such a step
inadvisable as naany difificulties might arise both for the
people as well as for the Government if a high official
were to preside over such an assembly. The proposal
was therefore dropped. But nevertheless the first Con-
gress received official sympathy in an unstinted measure.

CHAPTER TX.

The First Session of the Congress.

When all the arrangements were thus complete an
untoward circumstance happened. Several cases of
cholera appeared in Poona and it was considered unsafe
and inadvisable to put the representatives coming from
long distances and under fatiguing journey to any risk or
possible danger. To the infinite disappointment of the
good and patriotic people of Poona it was decided to
change the venue of the session from Poona to„,^gmbay.
It was thus that the beautiful and romantic island city
on the Malabar Coast with the Arabian Sea perpetually
leaving her feet and the sombre Ghat Mountains mount-
ing guard over her from behind acquired the honour of
being the birthplace of the Indian National Congress.
The newly established Presidency Association readily
supplied the place of the "Sarvajanik Sabha,*' and the
authorities of the Gokul Dass Tejpal Sanskrit College

58 IN^DIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION,

came forward to sanctify and immortalise their institu-
tion by lending its grand buildings, as well as its boarding^
houses, for the meeting and the accommodation of the'
representatives. The place is situated on the Gowalia
Tank Road of the city and any one feeling interested on
the subject may yet visit the sacred hall where the-
brave band of 72 Representatives met and discussed the-
first programme of the first National Assembly of
India.

By the morning of the 27th December the Represent-
atives from different parts and provinces began to arrive
and were duly conducted to the Gokul Dass Tejpal
College. In the evening some of the leading official and
non-official gentlemen came to the College to meet the
Representatives. Nearly two hours of the evening were
devoted to the reception of the Hon'ble Sir William
Wedderburn, the Hon'ble Mr. Justice Jardine, Colonel
Phelps, Professor Wordsworth and a large number of
other distinguished citizens of Bombay who came to the
College to welcome the Representatives and express their
sympathy with the work on which they were about to
enter. '* During the whole day," says the official repor-
ter, *' and far into the night of the 27th, informal discus-
sions were carried on between the Representatives and
the proceedings of the next three days were settled. The^
number of Representatives registered was 72, distributed
as follows : — Calcutta 3, Bombay 18, Madras 8, Karachi
2, Viramgam 1, Surat 6, Poona 8, Agra 2, Benares h
Simla 1, Lucknow 3, Allahabad 1, Lahore 1, Amballa 1,,
Ahmedabad 3, Berhampore (Madras) 1, Masulipatam 1,
Chingleput 1, Tanjore 2. Kumbakonum 1, Madura 1.

THE FIRST SESSION OF THE CONGRESS. 59>

Tinnevelly 1, Coimbafcore 1, Salem 1, Cuddapah 1, An-
anfeapore 1, and Bellary 1. The Bengal contingent was
numerically weak owing, as the president said, to a
series of misfortunes arising from death, illness and the
like, but perhaps chiefly on account of the National
Conference which was almost simultaneously holding,
its second session in Calcutta. Nearly all the promi-
nent men of Bombay and Madras were present, while
Bengal was represented by Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee,
Mr. NorendraNath Sen and Mr. Girijabhusan Mukherjee
whose premature death was a heavy loss to the-
Bengal public. That silent and devoted votary of the
Congress who never missed a single session of it, although
seldom taking any prominent part in its deliberations in
any, Mr, Janaki Nath Ghosal, came from Allahabad
while Mr. Bamkali Choudhury represented Benares.
It seems worthy of note that Mr. Hume although coming^
from Simla appears to have sat as a representative for
Bengal probably as it would seem to make up consider-
ably for the weakness of her numerical strength.

The first meeting of the Congress took place at 12
o'clock noon on Monday the 28bh December 1885 in the
Great Hall of the Gokuldass Tejpal Sanskrit College
where all the Representatives were assembled amidst a
distinguished, though somewhat limited, gathering of
ofi&cials and leading citizens of Bombay. It was a
solemn and imposing spectacle where all were animated^
both the representatives and the visitors, the officials as
well as the non-officials, with intense interest and in^
spired with noble enthusiasm on the birth of a new epoch. .
There sat Mr. Woomesh Chandra Bonnerjee, the*^

•60 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Doyen of the Calcutta Bar and the firat Indian Stand-
ing Counsel in a Chartered High Court, in his tall
^nd graceful figure with broad forhead and beaming eyes
calmly awaiting in his firm attitude and sober dignity the
great and unique honour which all the provinces were
about to confer in his person upon their eldest sister pro-
vince of Bengal. There was that slim but godly figure
shining like a chiselled marble statue, short in stature
but colossal in intellectual equipments, whose national
turban considerably made up for his height and in whom
nature seemed to have wonderfully blended the dwarf and
the giant, the Grand Old Man of India, — Mr. Dadabhai
Naoroji. There sat that intrepid journalist in his flowing
hairs reaching down to his broad shoulders and with the
fixed glare of a bull-dog countenance which quailed not
even under Viceregal palace, the brave editor of the
Indiayi Mirror — Mr. Narendra Nath Sen. There were
those two out of that bright constellation of the three
rising stars of the Western Presidency, who formed a
happy conjunction combining patriotism with sobriety,
enthusiasm and moderation of three different races, —
Messrs. Kashinath Trimbak Telaug and Pherozeshah
Mancharjee Mehta, while the position of the third was
not unworthily filled by another luminous member of
his race, Mr. Eahimatulla Sayani. There sat beside
the Grand Old man that well-posted statistician and
indefatigable worker who has never flagged in his zeal
and devotion during the lifetime of a generation in the
service of the Congress, — Mr. Dinshaw Bduljee Wacha.
'There was that unostentatious, silent worker who was
-behind almost every public movement in the United

THE FIRST SESSION OF THE CONGRESS. 61

Provinces, bufc whose modesty seldom pushed him to-
the forefront in any, although grown grey in the service
of his country — Mr. Gangaprasad Varma ; while from the
Punjab there was that quaint and caustic critic whose
familiar face has seldom been missed in any of the subse-
quent Congresses, — Lala Murlidhar. There also sat that
level-headed, sober yet keen-sighted veteran lawyer,
Rangiah Naidu, the respected President of the Mahajana
Sabha, supported by that noble band composed of Messrs.
Subramania Iyer, Ananda Charlu, Veeraraghavachariar,.
G. Subramania Iyer and Sabapathi Mudaliar of whom
Madras has been ever so justly proud. There came from-
Poona Krishnaji Luxman Nulkar, the President and
Sitaram Hari Chiplonkar, Secretary of the Sarvajanik
Sabha, who but for the unfortunate accident already
noticed would have had the honour of being the host to
the delegates to the first session of the Indian National
Congress ; and above all, there sat the ** Father of tha
Congress ;" who had refused a Lieutenant-Governorship
to serve a people, beaming with anxious joy and hope at
the birth of his own child and inspiring and moving all
with the magnetic current of his own ardent soul, —
Mr. Allan Octavian Hume. Among the distinguished
visitors there were men like Mr. D. S. White, President
of the Eurasian Association, Dewan Bahadur Raghu-
natha Rao, Collector of Madras, the Hon. Mahadev
Govinda Ranade, Judge, Small Cause Court, Poona and
a member of the Bombay Legislative Council, Lala
Baijnath of Agra, Professor Abaji Vishnoo Kattawatha
of Ahmedabad, Professor Kadambi Sundararaman of
Aroot, Professor R. G. Bhandarkar of theDeccan College

62 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

and matiy others who, with fe WO nofcable excepfciona, skfc
as Amici Curie only to listen and advise.

On;the motion of Mr. Hama (Bengal), seconded by
the Hon. Subramaaia Iyer (Madras) and supported by
the Hon. K. T. Telang (Bombay) Mr. W. G. Bonnerjee
was unanimously elected and duly installed as President
of the Congress, *' the wise and firm hand that took the
helm when the good ship was launched." The Eeception
Gommittea audits Chairman's address which has now
assumed such indordinate proportions, probably beyond
its legitimate scope, have been a later development, and
consequently the first Congress opened with the inaugural
address of the President of the Congress. That speech
though condensed and short was fully worthy of . the
man and worthy of the occasion. Mr. Bonnerjee, who
was eminently a practical politican, after graphically
describing the represectatiive character of the gathering,
laid down the objects of the Congress with great force
and sober dignity which drew the unstinted admiration
of all sections of the Press. The address concluded with
the following pregnant and pithy observation : —

"She (Great Britain, had given them order, she had giveu
them railways and above all she had given them cha inestiimable
blesising of Western Education. Bat a great deal still remained to
-be done. The more progress che people made in eduaatiom and
.material prosperity the greater would be the insight into political
matters and the keener their desire for pDlitioal advancement.'*

He thought their

** desira to be governed according to the ideas of Government
prevalent in Europe was in no way incompatible with their
thorough loyalty to the British Government. All that they desired
was that; the basis of the Government should ba widened and that
ihe people should hav© their proper and legitimate share in it."

THE FIRST SESSION OF THE GONGBESS. 63

The proceedings of fcbe meeting ' were marked by
•sobriety, judgment and firmness and the speeches
characterised by dignity, independence and deep study
of the subjects, which have probably been seldom
>surpassedin any subsequent session of the Congress.
The subjects discussed were ; — (l) Enquiry into the
working of the Indian Administration by a Boyal Oomr
mission, (2) the abolition of the Council of the Secretary
of State as at present constituted, (3) the reform and
expansion of the Imperial and the Local Legislative
Councils, including the right of interpellation and the
submission of the Budgets to the Councils, (4) the
gimultanequs Examination for the Civil Service, (5) the
reduction of Military Expenditure, (6) the re-imposition of
the import cotton duties and extension of the License
Tax, together with an Imperial guarantee to the Indian
debt and (7) separation of Burma from the Indian Vice-
royalty. It was also resolved that the foregoing resolu-
tions of the Congress ba forwarded to all the political
associations in the country with request to adopt such
measures as may be calculated to advance the settlement
of the various questions dealt with in those resolutions.
It was decided that the next Congress should re-assemble
in Calcutta.

Among the official visitors, that intellectual giant
of the Deccan, the Hon'ble Mahadev Govinda Eanade,
who did not find it impossible for him boldly to attend
many a session of the Congress, and whose loftly patrio-
tism combined with honest loyalty always bore him
-straight, was the only person who could not forbear
from adc^ressii^g the meeting on, the sacoad day qpota

64 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

the hotly debated question of the proposed abolition of
the Council of the Secretary of State ; while Mr. D. S.
White, the President of the Eurasian Association struck
a most important note which although somewhat lightly
treated • at the time has now assumed considerable
importance in connection; with the labours of the Royal
Commission which is now conducting its investigations
and particularly in the light of the opinion which has
been so forcibly expressed by that staunch friend of
India, Sir Henry Cotton, through the columqs of the
Contemporary Beuieiv on the question of the reconstitution
of the Indiau Civil Service.

After the three day's labours the Congress wa^
dissolved with the customary vote of thanks to the
president which he more than deserved for the great
tact and judgment with which he had tackled many
a knotty point during the debates and for his *' very
able conduct in the chair:" This was followed by
** three cheers" for Mr. Hume which the ** Father of
the Congress" ever since received as an annual tribute at
every session of the Congress until his death, and by an
outburst of loyaJ demonstration when Mr. Hume called
for "three times three cheers" for Her Majesty the Queen
Empress.

Here closes the narrative as regards the origin of
the great national movement. Twenty-nine sessions of
the Congress, with one lamentable break, have since
been held in different centres of British India, the his-
tory of which is well preserved in the records of the
Congress which may be said to form a most valuable
compendium, if not a library, of the modern Indiaa

DR. DADABHAI NAOROJI
PRESIDENT, 1886, 1893 & 1906.

BUDRUDDJN i i.Ui.JEE
PRESIDENT, 1887.

THE FIRST SESSION OF THE CONGRESS. 65

•political literature of more than a quarter of a century.
It is perhaps not necessary to agree with all or
any of the conclusions arrived at in these voluminous
records to form a just and adequate estimate of the
encyclopedic character of the mine of informations
which they contain, the vast amount of thought and
reflection on various subjects which they embody and
the awakening of self-consciousness among a rising
-people, as well as the trend of popular ideas and
aspirations, which they disclose at a momentous period
of transition in a world of rapid changes and transfor-
mations. All these materials are there for the future
political historian of India. But a brief survey of the
various phases through which the Congress has passed,
the trials and tribulations it has undergone, the difficulties
4t} has overcome, the success which has so far attended
its labours and the prospects it has opened for future
progress, may not be altogether out of place and without
^some interest.

CHAPTER X.

The Career of the Congress.

It was Mr. George Yule who, in his presidential

•address at the fourth session of the Congress held at

Allahabad, said th^t there are three phases through

^hich all important movements have to pass : — that of

5

66 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION,

"ridicule," abuse,*' and "partial coDcession," whicb
with a slight modij&cation might be termed the stages of
Ridicule, Opposition and Surrender. It was truly a^
prophetic pronouncement which is fully illustrated in
the history of the Congress. At first the movement was^
ridiculed by its critics as a fantastic dream which they
confidently hoped would shortly meet the fate of
Alnasker's glass-wares. The first stage was, how-
ever, quickly got over : for, although Anglo-India at
the outset pooh-poohed the idea of a United India, it
was shortly disabused of its delusion and impressed^
with the serious nature of the business to which th&
educated community had solemnly and deliberately
put its hand. But the second stage was a rather pro-
longed period during which the Congress was engaged^
in a desperate struggle against calumny and misrepre-
sentation on the one hand and the difficulties of defeat
and despair on the other. The stubborn opposition of'
a powerful bureaucracy, backed by the Anglo-Indian
Press and coupled with the growing despondency of the
people themselves, made the position of the Congress-
at times almost critical. The leaders, however, learnfe
to ** labour and to wait " with the fullest confidence in
the justice and righteousness of the cause and in the
ultimate triumph of British statesmanship until, as a
reward for their honest perseverance, the third and the
last stage of " partial concession " may fairly be said to
have at last dawned upon the country.

Although the Congress was born in JBombay its real
baptism took place with all the formal rites and cere-
monies in the following year in the metropolis of the

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS. 67

Empire under the high prelacy of fehe Nestor of India^
Mr, Dadabhai Naoroji. la the Calcutta Congress of
1886, a Eeception Committee was formed with that
illustrious savant and antiquarian, Dr. Eajendralal Mitra,
who was then the President of the British Indian
Association, as its chairman, and the representatives
(henceforth styled delegates) were formally elected
either by established associations, or at duly organised
public meetings held throughout the country. The
representation thus secured was naturally much larger
and more thorough than at the first Congress. The
number of delegates rose from 72 to 406 and included
all that was best in the land whether in point of intel-
lect, wealth or influence. An opening address by th©
Chairman of the Reception Committee welcoming the
delegates was introduced, and for its graceful language^
fervid eloquence and patriotic zeal, no less than for its
political insight, the spirited address delivered by the-
learned doctor on the occasion stands to this day as a
model for the Reception Committee's address of welcome
to the delegates. The Presidential Address of the Grand
Old Man, embodying the results of a lifelong study of
Indian problems and the direct experience of English
politics, was listened to with reverent attention by an
assembly of over four thousand educated people. The
meeting was at first arranged to be held in the hall of
the British Indian Association where 'the National Con-
ference had been held in December previous ; but judging
by the number of the registered delegates, as well
as the vast number of expected visitors, it was wisely
removed to the Calcutta Town Hall with the Hooghly

"^B INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

decked with its splendid shipments on one side and
the grand maidan with the imposing Fort William
and the beautiful Eden Gardens on the other. The
historic hall was densely packed to its utmost capa-
city and a small temporary platform had to be impro-
vised for che President in the middle of the southern
side of the spacious hall, as he would have been
otherwise lost to view amidst the sea of faces around
him. The large dais which now adorns the eastern
«nd of the hall was not then in existence. The subjects
discussed at this session were also more comprehensive
and better digested than at the first Congress and
included the important question of the separation of
Judicial from Executive functions in the administration
of criminal justice in the country. As a practical step
towards the working of the Congress, Provincial Com-
mittees were also established throughout the country.
The session marked throughout by unabated enthusiasm
•and earnestness as well as by animated debates, some of
which had to be settled in committees, was a grand
success and staggered not a few among the Anglo-Indian
Community who had lightly indulged in a belief of the
effervescent character" of the movement. At the close
-of the session, Lord Dufferin very courteously received a
deputation from the Congress headed by the President.

If the Congress of 1885 was little more than an
experiment, and the Congress of 1886 marked a period
of vigorous adolescence, the Congress of 1887 *' bore
every appearance of its having become a permanent
national institution." The third Congress held in
Madras evoked still greater enthusiasm and the

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS. 69

number of delegates rose fco over 600, of whom fully 250
hailed from outside the Madras Presidency. The bulk
of the Bengal delegates, numbering about 80, chartered
the B and I Company's S. S, Nevassa which, starting
from Calcutta and after experiencing a severe gale
continuously for three days and three nights in the Bay,.
at last landed the delegates from Bengal in Madras
amid the hearty cheers of a vast and expectant crowd
awaiting the distressed vessel on the magnificent beach
of which Fore St. George is so justly proud. It was in
Madras that for the first time a special pavilion was
constructe«l for the meeting of the Congress, which
in Tamil was called Pandal, and this term has since
been accepted by all the provinces for the pavilion at
all successive sessions of the Congress. Thatj veteran
statesman who, after a long and distinguished career
as the Prime Minister of three of the most important
independent principalities of Travancore, Indore and
Baroda, each and all of whom owe their advancement
in no small measure to his genius, had retired into
private life, was drawn from his seclusion in his old
age to assume the function of Chairman of the Recep-
tion Committee ; and the masterly address with which
Baja Sir T, Madhava Rao cordially welcomed the dele-
gates may even to this day be read with much profit
both by the members of the Congress as well as its
critics. Referring to the latter, he said :

"Judged most unsparingly, the worst feature of gatherings of
this description might be super-abundance of enthusiasm and
youthful impetuosity. Buc, as a great thinker has said, men
learn to run before they lekrn to walk ; they scagger and stumble
before they acquire a steady use of their limbs. What is true of

70 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

individuals is equally true of nations ; and it is uncharitable to
forna a forecast of the future from the failings and weaknesses, if
any such should exist , incidental to a nascent stage."

Addressing the members of the Congress, he coun-
selled moderation and forbearance. ** It is the character
of renovated youth," he saidi "to be carried away by
excessive zeal, Steer clear of such shoals and quick-
sands. Discuss without prejudice; judge without bias ;
and submit your proposals with the diffidence that must
necessarily mark suggestions that are tentative in their
character." The President of the Congress this time
was the Honourable Mr. Budruddiu Tyabji, at that
time a distinguished member of the Bombay Bar and
the first and foremost Mahomedan who if he failed
actually to attend the first Congress yet heartily sup-
ported the movement from its very inception. It was
at this session that a constitution was also sought to be
provided for the 'institution. A committee was formed
which drafted a set of tentative rules, and an attempt
to adopt these rules was repeated from year to year
without any dacision being arrived at until it was over-
taken by a catastrophe twenty years later. But for
the vacillation and indecision of the leaders, who had
been repeatedly warned of the dangers to which such a
huge organisation was naturally exposed in the absence
of fixed rules and regulations defining its constitution
and laying down a procedure for its working, that catas-
trophe might possibly have easily been avoided.

For a closer touch among the delegates some sort
of social entertainments were coijtrived from the begin-
ning of the Congress. In Bombay, the Kepresentatives

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS. 71

besides being housed afe one and the sanae place were
"taken to a visit of the celebrated cave temples at
Elephanta. In Calcutta, although the large number of
delegates did not admit of their being accommodated
in one and the same house, a magnificent steamer party
was organised by Mr. Moheschandra Choudhury, a
(leading vakil of the Calcutta High Court and a promi-
^nent member of the Congress, in which several promin-
ent officials, including the Hon'ble Mr. Justice, after-
wards Sir. Chunder-Madhav Ghose joined ; and pleasant
entertainments were combined with serious business as
some of the matters referred to a Committee of the Con-
gress were discussed and settled on board the vessel as it
glided along the Hooghly, decked with hundreds of flags,
amidst the playing of bands on the flats on either side
and the cheerings of thousands of spectators who lined all
iihe way up along the shores. At Madras, it was under-
-stood that Lord Conuemara was personally desirous of
attending the Congress ; but Lord Daiferin thought it
would be preferable for the Governor to receive the dele-
gates. Lord Connemara accordingly first attended the
magnificent reception given by Mr. Eardley Norton and
on the following day, himself received the delegates at
Government House in a manner befitting his exalted
position and fully worthy of the occasion. It was a
brilliant function in which His Excellency freely mixed
and conversed with the delegates and gave unmistakable
evidence of his sympathies with the movement.
Sumptuous refreshments were also provided for the
delegates and the Governor's own' band was in atten-
dance.

72 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION*

But here the curtain dropped over official sympathies
for the Congress and the fourth session at Allahabad
witnessed a complete change in the official attitude to-
wards the movement. The Anglo-Indian ccBomunity and
their organs had from the beginning ridiculed the idea
of a United India and although the Indian Civil Service
made no secret of its dislike for the movement it was
precluded from manifesting any open hostility to it
owing to the sympathies evinced by the heads of the
administrations. It is a significant fact that the first
and the third Congresses were held within Presidency
Governments and although the second was held within
the territories of a Lieutenant-Governor, it was held in
the capital of the Empire where his presence was com-
pletely overshadowed by the higher personality and
influence of the Viceroy. Thus it was not until the-
Congress removed its seat to within an independent
Lieutenant-Governorship that the official circle found a
free scope to vent its antipathy towards the new move-
ment, A few perfectly harmless leaflets, such as ** the-
Old Man's Hope," written by Mr. Hume, a catechism in
Tamil written by Mr. Veeraraghava Chariar and a
parable in the form of a^ dialogue between one Moulvie
I'ariduddin and Eambuksh, circulated among the people-
for attracting public attention to the movement, were
regarded in official circles as savouring of the practice
of the Anti-Corn Law League in England ; acrd the
Beception Committee of the Fourth Congress headed by
that enthusiastic congressman and recognised leader of
public opinion in the United Provinces, Pundit Ajudhya
Nath, experienced considerable difficulty in procuring a

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS. 73-

suitable site for the Pandal. They were driven from
pillar fco post both by the civil and the military authori-
ties until that patriotic nobleman of Behar who was a
Gothic pillar of the Congress, Maharajah Sir Luchmes-
war Singh Bahadur of Dhurbunga, came to the rescue.
He hastily purchased Lowther Castle just opposite-
Government House and at once placed it at the disposal-
of the Eeception Committee saying, that the first
use to which the newly acquired property was to
be dedicated was the service of the motherland. Sir
Aucjiland Colvin left Government House and went out
on tour shortly before the sitting of the Congress. The
interest and enthusiasm of the people however rose in
proportion to the opposition which they received, and
Pundit Ajudhya Nath with his characteristic genial
good-humour bulletined from day to day the large
number of delegates who were pouring in by almost
every train into the city. There were two prominent
men at this time who rose to greater prominence by
their opposition to the Congress : one was Sir Syed'
Ahmed Khan of Aligarh and the other Eajah Siva
Prasad of Benares. Rajah Siva Prasad, apparently
bent upon attracting pointed attention of the authorities •
by openly denouncing the Congress, managed to secure
a representation from the Benares division, which how-
ever was strongly repudiated by the other delegates
from that division as a fraud, and personally attended the
Congress. His fellow-delegates from Benares though
submitting to the decision of the Congress authorities
declining for several reasons to exclude him from the
meeting, had to be partially reconciled by allowing him.

'74 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

a seat outside the delegates' enclosure and far away
from their block. It may be noted here that the practice
of arranging the delegates in groups or blocks according
to provinces was started at this session and Rajah Siva
Prasad chough admitted as a delegate had to be provided
with a separate seat close under the presidential platform.
The Rajah though appearing in the garb of a delegate
took advantage of his position to pronounce, like Balaam,
an anathema on the movement which so much exasperat-
ed the vast assembly that at the end of the day's pro-
ceeding he had to be sent to his quarters under a strong
escort supplied by the Reception Committee. All
the leading men of all the provinces wore present at
this session which besides being held at the most
central city in India also carried with it the additional
attraction of a sacred place of great antiquity and the

just pride of a spot where the Great Proclamation of
the ' White Queen" was announced to her Indian sub-
jects in 1858. The Presidential Address of Mr. Yule,
who as the recognised leader of the European mercan-
tile community in Calcutta was a tower of strength to
the Congress and whose association with the movement
was a powerful vindication of its legitimate character,
was a masterly document unsurpassed by any in the
annals of the Congress either in manly dignity, sober
judgment, or fearless independence. The vigorous cor-
respondence which followed between Sir Auckland
Colvin and Mr. Hume, the former attacking and the
latter defending the Congress is well-known to the
public and need not be re-capitulated here. The Anglo-

ilndian Press, which had from the beginning showed

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS. 75

'DO sympafchy, active or passive, towards the move-
ment, now began to manifest symptoms of open suspi-
cion and distrust of it. The Fioneer led fche cry against
the Congress and the whole Jingo Press yelled out
in a responsive chorus denouncing the movement and
its methods as resembling Irish Fenianism and strongly
savouring of a lurking seditious organisation devoid
of representative character and substance. It was,
however, a significant feature of the situation that
the supreme head of the administration, the Viceroy,
imbued with the spirit of the British constitution and
accustomed to the methods and practices of public
agitation at Home, never winced, and although sur-
rounded by bureaucratic influences that supreme
authority was generally found to regard the move-
ment as perfectly constitutional. It is perhaps a^ true
of the moral as of the physical world that the higher one
mounts, the purer becomes the atmosphere. Lord
Dufferin who courteously received the delegates to the
Second Congress openly said that the proposal for the
separation of the Judicial from the Executive func-
tions was a ' counsel of perfection " to which he was
ready to subscribe, though on a subsequent occasion
the same strong Viceroy appears to have succumbed to
his stronger environment and characterised the Con-
gress party as a "microscopic minority" and their
ultimate ambition as a big jump into the unknown."
He apparently forgot his early conversations with Mr.
Hume and his own share in the business, though it
must be said to the credit of the leading congressmen
who were in the known that they could hardly be

76 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

persuaded even under exfjreme provocation fco abuse the-
confidence reposed in them. The affcer-dinner speech of
Lord Dufferin was however promptly met by a most
caustic rejoinder from Mr. Eardley Norton, whose " open
letter" to His Lordship was received with the utmost
gratification throughout the country and created a sensa-
tion in the official circle. The whole Indian Press joined
in the protest in some cases even bordering on disrespect
to the high authority from whom the unfortunate observa-
tions emanated, as it formed also the subject of not a
few severe though well-restrained comments at the next
session of the Congress. But there was yet another and
a more powerful man possessed of " a frame of adamant
and a soul of fire" who stood co defend the Congress
and its propaganda against these light-hearted stric-
tures. Charles Bradlaugh's attention was drawn by a
report in the Times to Lord Dufferin's speech delivered
at the St. Andrew's Dinner in Calcutta on November
30, 1888, and the "Member for India" in a great
speech made at; Newcastle at once replied to Lord
Dufferin's criticisms with such driving force and con-
vincing arguments as made the latter unreservedly to
climb down, if not actually come down on his knees,
before his powerful antagonist. Lord Dufferin forth-
with wrote to Mr. Bradlaugh explaining himself. In
his letter Lord Dufferin assured Mr. Bradlaugh :

" That he bad not misrepresented the Congress, that he neither
directly nor by implication suggested that the Congress was
seditious, that he always spoke of the Congress in terms of
sympathy and respect, and treated its members with great personal^
civility, that he was always in favour of Civil Service Reform, so
that Indians might obtain more appointments in it, as proved by

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS. 77

.his appointment of the Indian Civil Service Commission and that
he himself v^^as in favour of such a reform of the Provincial
•Councils m India as he (Mr. Bradlaugh) appeared to advocate."

Then after his retirement frona the Viceroyalty of
India at Lord Dufferin's special request an interview
was arranged and held in London between the two, in
which Lord Dufferin further explained himself ; while
in writing to Mr, Bradlaugh after his appointment as
-Ambassador in Home, Lord Dufferin said : —

•' I think our efiorts should be applied rather to the decentra-
lisation of our Indian Administration than to its greater unifica-
tion, and I made considerable efforts in India to promote and
expand this principle. In any event, I am sure the discussion
which you will have provoked will prove very useful, and I am very
glad that the conduct of it should be in the hands of a prudent,
wise and responsible person like yourself, instead of having been
laid hold of by some adventurous franc tireier whose only object
might possibly have been to let ofE a few fire-works for his own
^glorification."

As regards his " big jump into the unknown," he
had no doubt his defence as well as his explanation ; but
if the conqueror of Burma had been living to-day, he
would certainly have had the gratification to find how
.grievously mistaken he and his advisers were and that
in spite of his and their warning at least an initial step
towards the " big jump " has been taken without the
Government either in England or in India being any the
worse for it.

The moat brilliant session during the first period
^f the Congress was however that of 1889, commonly
known as the " Bradlaugh Session,*' held in Bombay
under the presidency of Sir William Wedderburn. The
cumber of Delegates who attended the session was 1889

78 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

a figure strangely coinciding wifch fche year, and ife has
been the highest on the record up to this day. It was a
historic session which attracted an unusual number of
people, including even officials in disguise, to see and^
hear the great corcnaoner, the hero of a hundred fights on
the floor of the House of Commons and one of the early
friends of India in the pre-Gongress period, who by his
unswerving conviction and dauntless courage, as well as
by his sympathies for poor suffering humanity, had'
created a name known throughout the civilized world
and which was almost a household word among the edu-
cated community in India.

Although the question of the Congress-constitution
was repeatedly postponed from year to year, an import-
ant rule was passed at the fifth session of the Congress
by which the number of representatives returnable from
each Congress circle was limited to five per million of
its total population. This salutary provision was found
necessary party to avoid disproportionate representa-
tion of the various provinces and partly to check the
enormous size to which the assembly was growing ; but
this rule seems never to have been strictly observed
except at two or three sessions of the Congress.

Speaking of the Congres of 1889 it is impossible
to avoid a passing reference to an important debate
which took place at this session on the Bill which the
" member for India " himself had drafted for introduc-
tion in the House of Commons for the reform of the
Indian Councils. One of the objects of Mr. Bradlaugh's
coming out to India was, as he himself, said, personally
to ascertain the views of the Indians on the spot as^

THE CAREER OP THE CONGRESS. 79"

regards the provisions of his Bill, and he had the pleasure
of listening to a full dressed debate on the subject.
How that Bill was superseded by a tinkering noeasure of
Lord Cross and the cherished hopes of the Indian
Nationalists deferred for another decade is well-known
to congressmen. But if a kind Providence had spared
Charles Bradlaugh for another ten years he would have
had the satisfaction of seeing that his own Bill was-
accepted as the substantial basis for the reform and^
expansion of the Legislative Councils in India at the
hands of a future Secretary of State. At the conclusion
of the proceedings of the session an address was pre-
sented to Mr. Bradlaugh from the Congress, and quite-
a pile of addresses in silver and gold caskets as well as
other presents from different parts of the country were
laid covering the large presidential table, which could
only be taken as read. Mr. Bradlaugh then delivered
an address which in its earnestness, sincerity, as well as
fervid eloquence, made a deep impression on the minds
of the audience, which comprised also a section of the
European population of Bombay. In his deep, resonant
voice, which held the vast assembly spell-bound, the
great friend and champion of India said : — " For whom
should I work if not for the people? Born of the
people, trusted by the people, I will die of the people."
Here was a man who was a fearless advocate of truth
and justice, -who '* never dreamed, though right luere
worsted, wrong coidd triumph ; " and when shall Eng-
land and India have such another !

The next Session of the Congress held under the
leadership of Sir Pherozeshah Mehta in 1890 in the

"80 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

cifcy of Calcutta was distinguished no less for its
splendid organization than for its enthusiasm. It
thoroughly exposed the secret antipathy of the bureau-
cracy and at the same time established its own claim
and position as a legitimate representative institution.
The amusing incident which drew this important
declaration from the Government of India is quite
illustrative of the temper and attitude which the Civil
Service has throughout maintained towards the national
movement. On the eve of the sixth session of the
Congress in Calcutta the public were surprised by a
notice which appeared in the various Anglo-Indian
newspapers in the metropolis which ran as follows : —

"THE CONGRESS."

"The Bengal Government, having learnt that tickets of ad-
-mission co the visitors' enclosure in the Congress Pavilion have
been sent to various Government officers residing in Calcutta, has
issued a circular to all secretaries and heads of department
subordinate to it pointing out, that under orders of Government
of India the presence of Government officials even as visitors as
such meetings is not advisable, and that their taking part in the
'proceedings of any such meetings is absolutely prohibited."

And this was followed by a characteristic reply from

Belvidere to the Secretary to the Congress Keception

^Committee, who had with respectful compliments sent

some cards for the use of His Honour the Lieutenant-

Governor and his household : —

"Belvidere, 25th December, 1890.
*'Dear Sir,

"In returning herewith the seven cards of admission to the
visitors' enclosure of the Congress pavilion which were kindly sent

i

THE CAREER OP THE CONGRESS. 81

by you to my address yesterday affeernoon, I am desired to say
that the Lieutenant-Governor and the members of his household
oould not possibly avail themselves of these tickets, since the
orders of the Government of India definitely prohibit the presence
of Government officials at such meetings."

This communication, which was read by fche
Anglo-Indian Press as a highly gratifying snub adminis-
tered to the Congress, was over the signature of Mr. P.
0. Lyon who was then the Private Secretary to Sir
Charles Elliot and who in his subsequent distinguished
career found much ampler and freer scope for associat-
ing his name with circulars and manifestoes which,
though no longer extent, have acquired a historic fame.
This strange correspondence formed the subject of a
heated discussion in the Congress in course of which
that level-headed typical Scotchman, Mr. George Yule,
described it as the production of "some Dogberry
clothed in a little brief authority" and characterized
it as "a piece of gross insolence" offered to a body of
men who were perhaps in no way inferior to any official
in the land either in their honesty of purpose," or
"devotion to the Queen." Mr. Yule visibly waxed red
when he said from his place in the tribune, "any
instructions, therefore, which carry on their face, as
these instructions do in my judgment, an insinuation
that we are unworthy to be visited by Government
officials, I resent as an insult and I retort that in ail
the qualities of manhood we are as good as they.'* A
reference was made to H. E. the Viceroy who at once
declared that the Belvidere interpretation of the order
of Government of India was based upon a clear misap-
prehension, that in the opinion of Government tha
6

82 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Congress Movemenfc was ''perfectly legitimate in itself,'*
th^t ihe '' Government of India recognise that the Con-
gress Movement is regarded as representing in India
what in Europe would he called the more advanced Libe-
ral Tarty, as distinguished from the great body of
Conservative opinion which exists side by side with it,**
and that the real attitude of the Government zvas one
^f perfect ''neutrality in their relation to both parties^
The Private Secretary to Lord Lansdowne while clearly
indicating that it was only participation in its proceed-
ings from which Government officials were necessarily
<iebarred concluded this important letter, addressed to
the General Secretary to the Congress, with the follow-
ing observation : —

"la reference to a specific question which you addressed to
His Excellency, I am to say, that the orders apply only to those
who are actually, at the time oeing, Government Servants but not
to pensioners and others who have quitted the service of the
Government for good."

A pointed reference to this passing incident has
been deemed necessary not only to exemplify the
secret disposition of the Indian bureaucracy towards
popular institutions, but also to remove, if possible, the
lurking suspicion which, having regard to that dispo-
sition, yet prevails in certain quarters and particularly
among a class of Indian officials, that the Government
is really ill-disposed towards the Congress and that it is
not safe for pensioners or even retained Government
advocates to express any sympathy for the Congress
movement. It cannot, however, be denied that athough
the Supreme Government has been generally quite
Irank and intelligible in the exposition of its vie ws

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS. 83

^about the Congress, the ideas of the subordinate ad-
^ministrations in their practical application have seldom
*been free frona a distinct bias against it ; and those who
bad from an early stage of the Congress looked through
the rose-tinted official spectacles and could never
discern the rock ahead regarded the movement with
positive jealousy and suspicion, and ever since the
fourth Congress at Allahabad a systematic campaign
was kept up not only to discredit the organization, but
also to oaluminate it before the British public. The
bureaucracy as a whole was like Narcissus of old so
enchanted with the loveliness of its own shadow that it
had neither the leisure nor the inclination to contem-
plate beauty in others: while those placed high in
offices resented all suggestions at improvements as a
direct reflection against them.

It was at this session of 1890 that a decision was
arrived at for holding a session of the Congress in
.London in 1892. Owing, however, to the impending
general election in 1891 the proposal was subsequently
postponed and never afterwards revived owing to a
difference of opinion as regards the relative advantages
and disadvantages of such a venturesome step. In 1892
^Sir Charles Elliott's notorious Jury Notification was
published and the whole country was convulsed by the
threatened abrogation of a valued, vesbed right. Bengal
naturally led a violent agitation; butthe country was no
longer a congeries of disintegrated peoples and the
Congress at once took up the question in right earnest.
-A Jury Commission was appointed and in the end not
only was the obnoxious notification withdrawn, but a.

84 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

disfcincfc advance was secured towards a furfcher, though*
limited, extension of that system.

Another brilliant session of the Congress was that-
held in 1893 in the historic capital of the Punjab.
Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, M. P., who recently returned to
Parliament by the British constituency of Central
Finsbury was the first Indian that sat in the British
House of Commons, was again unanimously elected as
President of the Congress this year. The tremendous
ovation which he received from the warm-hearted and
chivalrous people of the land of the Five Rivers
resembled more the triumphal entry of a conquering
hero than a customary ceremonial demonstration :
and a conquering hero it was who had not only
opened the gate of the Mother of Parliaments to the^.
Indian people ; but also came out triumphant with the
famous Resolution of the House of Commons of the^
2nd June on the important question of the Simulta-
neous Examinations (or the Indian Civil Services.
Mr. Dadabhai also brought with him the welcome-
messages of good will and sympathy not only from hia>
own constituency, but also from the Irish Labour and
Radical members of the House, who through their
accredited mouthpiece? Mr. Davitt, charged him on
the eve of his departure from England, — ''Don't for*
get to tell your colleagues at the Congress that every one of
Ireland's Home Rule members in Parliament is at your
bach in the cause of the Indian People.*' A session of
the Congress held under such happy auspices and undec
the leadership of such a man was bound to be a most.

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS. 85

•unqualified success both in form as well as in subsfcance.
9[t wa? afc this session that the question of the
Medical Service, of which the late lamented Dr.
Sahadurji of Bombay was such a staunch advocate,
received the earliest attention of the national assembly,
and the important question of the Separation of Judicial
and Executive functions assumed a practical shape
in the appointment of a Committee of the Congress
to formulate definite schemes for the proposed reform.
But perhaps the highest interest evoked at this session
was embodied in the protests which the Congress entered
against the closing of the Indian mints to private
coinage of silver, whereby the people were subject-
ed Go a further indirect taxation and some of the
most important trades and industries in the country
seriously disorganized and injured, as also against a
system of State-regulated immorality practised in the
Indian cantonments which had been dragged into light
•by a Purity Society in England specially under the
indefatigable exertions of Mrs. Josephine Butler, whose
thrilling revelations were at first stoutly repudiated by
Lord Koberts, then the Commander-in-Chief in India, bufc
were ultimately fully confirmed by a Departmental Com-
mittee appointed by the Secretary of State to indepen-
dently investigate into the matter. It must be said to
the credit of Lord Roberts that when the odious
<5harge was proved beyond question, the gallant soldier
'voluntarily ca.me forward to offer his unqualified apology
ito Mrs. Butler and her colleagues among whom were
>included two American ladies who were also members
of the Society and had taken a prominent part in the

86 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

shameful disclosures which, in the words of Mr. D. E.
Wacha who with his characteristic force of facts and*
figures moved the resolution, at last " unmasked the
organized official hypocrisy of those in India who had
so long successfully misled the British public.'*

The Madras Congress of 1894 under the presidency
of Mr. Alfred Webb, M.P., was marked by considerable
excitement over the questions of two fresh imposts
, proposed to be laid on the already overburdened Indian
taxpayer : one was called a countervailing excise duty
on India^ cotton manufactures evidently introduced
under pressure from Lancashire ; while the other was
the levy of an arbitrary penalty in the shape of costs-
of punitive police forces quartered in disturbed areas
under an amendment of the Indian Police Act of
1861. The excise duty has done its best to cripple the
infant textile industries of Bombay, while the police-
penalty has ever since fallen heavily on the guilty and'
the innocent alike and* is most sorely resented by a
suffering people as being due solely to the incompetency
of tke ordinary police to preserve peace and order in tbe-
country. It is felt and regarded by the people as one
of those avenging thunderbolts, too common in India,,
■which are visited on the Indian peasant when Jupiter
himself is in the wrong.

Another most successful session of the Oongress-
was that held at Poona in 1895. Having lost her first
opportunity the capital of the Deccan had to wait for
ten long years to secure her turn in the yearly expand-
ing cycle of the gigantic movement. Mr. Surendranatb
Banerjee, whose name was a signal for popular

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS, 87

enthusiasm, ^as the President at this session and the
remarkable address which he delivered extempore for over
two hours and a half was a masterpiece of eloquence
combining facts with rhetoric. The country was at this
time threatened with another reactionary measure of
far-reaching consequences to the national movement.
The legal practitioners formed the bulk of the indepen-
dent educated community, who led public opinion and
guarded popular rights and privileges in the country.
Being directly under the authority of the High Courts
they were comparatively free from the nightmare of
local official influence, and in 1894 a Bill was intro-
duced in the Supreme Legislative Council, an the in-
stance of a bureaucracy which was never shown to devise
means for striking at the root of the rising. spirit, to
amend the Legal Practitioners' Act of 1879, by which
the provincial legal practitioners were sought to be
completely subordinated to the District Judges nnd the
Revenue Commissioners. Bengal again led the opposi-
tion which the other provinces soon joined, and the
Congress, of 1895 entered a vigorous protest of the
united country against this mischievous measure. The
High Courts generally and the High Court at Forfe
William in particulfir here supported the people and as
in the case of the Jury Notification so in the case of
the Legal Practitioner's Bill a threatened danger was
turned into a signal success. The legal practitioners
were not only saved from the clutches of the bureaucracy ;
but the dignity of their position was further enhanced
by the repeal of the degrading provisions in the exist-
ing law as regards imprisonment in certain cases of

88 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

professional misconduct;. In 1897 the people were
rudely apprised of the existence of three riisty but
deadly weapons in the armoury of Government to
summarily dispose of the liberty of a British subject.
The Sirdars Natu brothers were deported by the Bom-
bay Government under Bombay Eegulation XXV of
1827 without a trial and without their offence being
made public, and the Congress of the years entered a
vigorous protest against the use of an obsolete Regula-
tion which was expressly intended to meet the circum-
stances of a time when British power was hardly esta-
blished in the country and was positively threa»tened
wich internal commotions of no ordinary magnitude.
The Congress also urged for the repeal of the three
cognate measures for the three Presidencies which, like
the three Gorgon Sisters, had but one eye and one
object to terrorize the people — the Bengal Regulation
III of 1818, the Madras Regulation II of 1819 and
the Bombay Regulation XXV of 1827. Unfortunately
however a nervous bureaucracy was unwilling to part
with even the most indefensible of the offensive weapons
in its possession, and neither the religious nor the
social reformer, nor the educationist, nor the political
demagogue has since escaped their ruthless operation ;
while the barbarous measures are still suspended like
the proverbial sword of Damocles over the heads of a
devoted people living in Bribish territories. It was in
this year also that the initial step was taken towards
widening the scope of the law of sedition by amending
Section 121-A of the Indian Penal Code against the
pledge of the expert political juggler, Sir James Fitz

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS. 89

Japaes Stephen, and the first foundation laid for the
suppression of liberty of speech and freedom of the
Press. The Congress at once raised its voice against
this dangerous innovation in the law of the land, but
that voice went altogether unheeded in the rising
temper of the bureaucracy with what result is now
well-known to the country. The Congress of 1901
under the presidency of Mr. D. E. Wacha was re-
markable for the interest it evoked in the question
of immigration in Assam and the " melancholy mean-
ness" to which the Government of India had submitted
in postponing the very small relief which Sir Henry
Cotton had fought so hard to grant to the inden-
tured labourers in the tea-gardens. It was at this
Congress also that, with a view to meet the deficit of
the expenses of the Congress organ Lidia and of the
British Committee in England, the " delegation fee '*
was raised from Rs. 10- to Rs. 20 with effect from 1902.
This increase was to no small extent responsible for
thinner attendance of delegates at some of the subse-
quent Congresses and continued to be a source of bitter
complaint until the Bankipur Congress of 1912, when
it was remitted to its former incidence.

The Bombay Congress of 1904 under the presi-
dency of Sir Henry Cotton and the Benares Congress of
1905 under the leadership of the Hon'ble Mr. Gopal
Krishna Gokhale were also among the remarkable
sessions of the National Assembly. The former dealt
with the reactionary policy of Lord Curzon's adminis-
tration as evidenced by the Indian Universities Bill,
the Bengal Partition Scheme and the Official Secrets

90 INDIAK NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Bill ; while the latter witnessed the first manifestation'
of the new spirit evoked by the recently established
Swadeshi movement consequent upon the Partition of
Bengal, which will be separately dealt with later on.

It has been already observed that whatever the
attitude o{ the Anglo-Indian bureaucracy was that
supreme head of the administration had throughout
maintained an attitude of perfect neutrality between
that bureaucracy and the people as represented by the
Congress. It was, however, reserved only for Lord
Curzon to thoroughly identify himself with the bureau-
cracy and to treat the Indian National Congress, as
iudeed everything Indian, with positive discourtesy. He
refused to receive a deputation which proposed to wait
upon His Excellency under the leadership of Sir Henry
Cotton with the resolutions of the Bombay Congress of
1904. The refusal though meanly discourteous was
not altogether unexpected. The Congress of 1904:-
had not -only entered its protests against the officiali-
zation of the Universities and the newly hatched
scheme of the Partition of Bengal, two of the most
cherished fads of the Indian Kaiser, whose chief
enemy according to the Times was his own tongue-
next to his manners ; but it was this time presided*
over by a man whose pro-Indian tendencies had been^
long known to the bureaucracy, a man whose stern
opposition to any scheme of dismemberment of a pro-
vince, which he was proud to call the land of his
adoption for which he earned the sobriquet of the
" White Babu " from the demoralized members of his
own service, was pronounced as long ago as 1896 and*

THE CABEEK OF THE CONGRESS. 91

whom fchQ "Superior Person" had nofc only treacherously
thrown to the wolves for his benevolent efforts to add
an eight anna silver piece to the hard lot of legalized
slavery in the tea gardens of Assam, but had actually
removed out of his way by effectually barring him from
the Satrapy of Bengal even at the risk of sacrificing
another valuable life, and above all a man, whose im-
mense popularity in the country could by no means
have been pleasing to the proud Viceroy, was perhaps
not the man whom his Magnificence could have con-
sistently with his high dignity and higher insolence
admitted to his august presence. Sir Henry Cotton,
however, presided at a huge anti-partition demonstra-
tion held at the Calcutta Town Hall and then went to
Assam the closing scene of his distinguished official career
in India. Such was the demoralisation of the bureaucracy
that there too he had to encounter a worthy lieutenant
of a worthy general. His successor Mr. J. B. (after-
wards Sir Bamfylde) Fuller treated him with such
gross discourtesy as was utterly repugnant to the
ordinary rules of hospitality in Eastern countries, and^
people were not wanting who actually gave expression
to a supposition that the Chief Commissioner acted
either under inspiration, or through intution. But
Sir Henry had his ample compensation in the unique-
hearty reception which the people of Assam gave him
on the occasion to the infinite chagrin and mortification
of the future hammering Lat, who to avenge a supposed
insult thus offered by the people completed the triumph
of his magnificent meanness by ordering the removal
of a silent portrait which a grateful people had presented

'92 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

to the Gowhati College whose name however he was
unable to efface. In 1902 when Sir Henry Cotton
left Assam he received such an ovation as had never
been accorded to any administrator of that planter-
ridden province, and so great was his popularity in
Bengal that a whole district town came with a farewell
address to receive him at a railway terminus on the
sandy banks of the Ganges where he first touched the
soil of Bengal on his return journey, while the warm
reception given to him in the metropolis of the. empire
was second only to that of the Marquis of Kipon in
1884. The people had, under the inspiration of the
Congress, learnt to rise above the frown of official dis-
pleasure, learnt to respect themselves and learnt to
honour those to whom honour was justly due.

But perhaps the most brilliant session of the
Congress held since the Bradlaugh Congress of 1889 and
undoubtedly the most stormy session that came to a
successful termination was that held in Calcutta in 1906
under the third and last presidency of Mr. Dadabhai
Naoroji, It was at this session that the long pent-up
resentment of the people at the apathy and indifference
of the Government towards popular demands, inten-
sified by an avowed policy of reaction and retrogres-
sion along the whole line, burst forth into a blaze
and the Congress was for the first time threatened with
SL split which only the strong and revered personality
of Dadabhai averted for the time being. In this
Congress the four famous resolutions were passed which
embodied the spirit of the time and afterwards became
cat least the ostensible cause of a most regrettable

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS. 93"

schism in the Congrees camp." Ife wag afc fchis Congress
thafc Mr. Dadabhai in his Presidential Addregs used
that historic expression siuaraj, which was subsequently
used as a watchword by a section of the Nationalist
Party leading ultimately to an ugly development of the
new situation. These will be noticed in detail later on..
Such is the short summary of the strenuous career
of the national movement during the first twenty-two-
years of its life. All the twenty-two sessions were
marked by unflagging zeal and earnestness and by a
spirit of self-sacrifice which alone could have kept tbe^
fire burning in the midst of the frosty atmosphere by
which its path had been throughout surrounded. The
abortive session of 1907 opened a new chapter in the
history of the movement which with its subsequent
career is reserved for separate treatment. If only a few
of the sessions have been selected for special reference
in this report it is simply with a view to direct the
attention of the young student of Indian politics to
those landmarks which may serve as a useful guide
to a careful study of some of the important stages^
through which the Congress has passed in its evolution
of the national life. Among the various subjects,
embracing nearly all the political issues, material to
the development of that life, which have received tha
attention of the Congress during this period, the reform
and expansion of the Legislative Councils the separa-
tion of Judicial and Executive functions, simultaneous
examinations for the Indian Civil services, the reduction
of Mihtary Expenditure and a fair adjustment of account
between the Indian and the British Exchequers, the^

•94 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

larger employment; of fcbe children of the aoil in the
Public Services and the maintenance of strict economy
in the most costly, if not the most extravagant,
administration in the world, the reform of the Executive
Councils of the Governor-General and of the Secretary
of State by the admission of qualified natives of India
into them, the position of Indians in the Colonies of
Great Britian, the expansion and improvement of Edu-
cation in all its branches, and the economic develop-
ment of the country as a means to prevent periodical
visitations of famine, and a fair reduction of the heaviesfc
of taxations upon the poorest of people in the \vorld have
been the most important and common to all the Con-
gresses, although new facts have been adduced and fresh
lights thrown on almost each of these questions at every
succeeding session. The many-sided activities of the
movement, together with the vast amount of thought it
has given to nearly all the grievances of the people, the
means which the collective wisdom and patriotism of
the country have been able to formulate for their remedy
and above all the path which it has so clearly and defi-
nitely laid out for che ultimate attainment of the
salvation of the country, will be found writ large
in the pages of the Congress records and it will be
for the future historian to critically analyse and sift them
for the student of Indian politics.

The history of the Constitution of the Congress of
which so much has been made in latter years may also
be briefly noticed here. It was at the third Congress
held at Madras in 1887 that a Committee was appoint-
ed to frame a set of rules for the guidance of the

THE CAREER OF THE CONGRESS. 95

Congress. The Committee submitted a set of well-devised
rules which the Congress from year to year put off for
the consideration of each succeeding session. In fact
«ome of the leading members, pointing to the unwritten
•constitution of some of the most advanced representative
institutions in the world, vehemently opposed the for-
\mulabion of a hard-and-fast constitution for the Con-
gress. In 1898 the matter being closely pressed, the
Oongress passed a resolution asking the "Standing
Oongress Committees" appointed by the Second Con-
gress in 1886 to form " Central Committees" in their
respective provinces and appointed another Committee
to consider the Draft Constitution circulated by the
Reception Committee of Madras. In the following year
when the policy of procrastination could be carried no
further, the Congress at last passed eleven good rules
defining the object of the Congress, though somewhat
loosely expressed, as being the " promotion by consti-
tutional means of the interests and the well being of the
people of the Indian Empire." The other rules provided
for the establishment of a Committee styled "The
Indian Congress Committee,'* afterwards known as
the "All-India Congress Committee*' and the appoint-
ment of " Provincial Congress Committees" at the
capitals of the different Provinces. It was at this
Congress also that the nomination of the Congress
President as well as the drafting of the Resolutions
were formally made over to the Indian Congress Com-
mittee. The maintenance of the British Committee in
England was also made obligatory on the part of the
Congress. Then there was a lull until 1906 when the

96 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

rules were further extended and revised. This time*
the Standing Congress Conamittee was fully organised
by a fair re-distribution of its members among the
various provinces, the rule for the selection of the
President made still more circumscribed and the deci-
sion of the Standing Congress Committee on the nomina-
tion of the President-Elect made final to avoid an ugly
discussion on the subject at any session of -the Congress
a tendency which had manifested itself at some of the^
preceding Congresses. For several years past some
difficulty had been experienced in forming a properly
representative Subjects Committee and one of the rules
now framed not only limited the number of members
for the Subjects Committee, but also distributed the-
number fairly among the different provinces. The Con-
gress broke down in 1907 and the next step taken by
the Congress was the comprehensive and codified regu-^
lations provided by the Allahabad Convention of 1908.
Mr. Hume was the General Secretary of the Congress
from its very beginning. It was several times proposed
to install him once in the Presidential Chair ; but
the " Father of the Congress" could never be persuaded
to exchange the sword for the crown and so he con-
tinued to be its Secretary till his death in July 1912.
In 1890-91 Pundit Ajudhyanabh and in 1893 Mr.
Ananda Charlu acted as Joint General Secretaries.
Mr. Hume left India in 1894, and Mr. D. E. Wacha
was appointed Joint General Secretary to act for him
in India from 1895, Mr. Gokhale being appointed
Additional Secretary from 1903. Since 1912 Mr. D. E.
Wacba and Mr. G. K. Gokhale were Joint Secretaries.

THE CAREER OP THE C0NGRB3S. 97

Mr. Wacha still holds his appointment, but Mr. Gok-
hala was succeeded by Mr. Daji Abaji Khare in 1908.
The birthplace of the Congress has long maintained
the executive leadership of the organisation ; but it
has recently been transferred to Madras. In 1889^
Messrs. W. C. Bonnerjee, Pherozeshah Mehta and
Ananda Charlu were appointed Standing Counsel of
the Congress to advise the Secretary in all matters of
importance, an arrangement which afterwards ceased to
be necessary under the subsequent Constitution of the
Congress. In point of organising spirit evoked by the
Congress, Bombay again heads the list among all the
major provinces. While it has been so far possible
for Bengal and Madras to hold their turn of the Con-
gress Sessions only in the two capital cities, and for the
United Provinces in three places, Bombay has held the
Congress at five different centres within the Presidency
with equal zeal and enthusiasm.

Upon a careful examination of this eventful career
of the Congress movement, it will appear that its one
object has been the upbuilding of an Indian National life^
and to that end it has throughout laboured to generate^
forces for the fusion of a heterogeneous population into
a homogeneous mass and then to direct its weight and
impetus to operate against the stubborn resistance of
an impregnable bureaucracy as strong in its organiza-
tion as it is conservative in its instincts and traditions.
The various questions, to which the Congress has.
drawn attention, are all supplementary to that one
great object, and although they are apparently inde-
pendent of one another, they form as it were close linka
7

!98 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

in a chain which drawn like a cordon converges to a
oomoaoD poinfc encircling a common centre. lb is some
times argued that the Congress might have done better
by concentrating its attention only to a few important
points instead of dissipating its energies over an
immense area. But it is as often overlooked that such
^ selection is only possible where the contending forces
are fairly matched, and both sides command a base for
their respective operations. Here the entire ground
being in the effective occupation of one party, the other
side was bound to deliver an attack everywhere to gain
a footing somewhere. The work of the Congress at the
outset was more of new creation than of normal develop-
ment. It had to produce men as well as materials and
to devise plans for the execution of its uphill work.
There was not a single ground upon which the people
could stand on their legs. Every avenue in political
life was closed against tbem, while the people themselves
were disintegrated congeries without any clear perception
of the various disabilibes under which they laboured and
without any locus standi anywhere in the administration
of the country to press for their solution. They were
practically Utilanders in their own native land. Besides,
where a body suffers from serious complications of a
number of acute maladies, it is difficult to prescribe or rely
upon a single specific as a panacea for all the complaints.
The Congress was therefore, fully justified, at all events
in its initial stage, to draw attention of both the people
as well as the Government to all the grievances from
which the country suffered, and which were its avowed
object to remedy by constitutional means and methods.

CHAPTER XL

THE SURAT IMBROGLIO AND THE ALLAHABAD
CONVENTION.

Twenty Sessions of the Congress were held in per-
ffect peace and patience supported only by an unswerving
confidence of the people in the strong sense of British
justice and the ultimate triumph of British statesman-
ship of which it was confidently affirmed that if it
bad blundered in many places, had failed nowhere -
at the end, although within this sufficiently long
period the only concession of note obtained was a
half-hearted measure of nominal reform of the Indian
Councils under a Parliamentary Statute of 1892 which
the Government of India took precious good care still
further to restrict in its application as an experiment. It
was a reform to which the Congress had attached the
greatest importance from the very beginning and for
which it had made no small sacrifices both here as well
as in England. In 1890 Charles Bradlaugh on behalf of
the Congress at last introduced in the Commons a
"Bill for this reform and the Government of the day,
true to its conservative instinct and tradition, seeing
that a change was inevitable adroitly wrested away
the proposed legislation from the hand of a private
radical member and introduced a Bill of its own which
was a perfect counterfeit, both in form as well as
rsubstance. In vain Mr. Gladstone expressed the hope
;that in its practical operation it might carry some value
with the people and Lord Cross' so-called reform maasura

100 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

fell flat upon fche country. As regards the other com-
plaints of the Congress and the people not even a courte-
ous reply was vouchsafed to any of them. A feeling was
thus gradually gaining ground in the country, in spite
of the robust optimism of its leaders, that the Govern-
ment with all its commissions and committees, as well^
as its elaborate minutes, despatches and resolutions,
was not disposed to make any real concessions to the
people : that its settled policy was to keep the people
under perpetual tutelage and govern the country by its
annual pyrotechnic displays of honours and titles and
by occasionally throwing, when absolutely necessary, a
morsel here and a morsel there to the children of the-
soil in the public services and above all by steadfastly
clinging to the postilental doctrine of divide-et-empira,.
The feeling was perhaps somewhat exaggerated and not
fully justified ; but there it was among a considerable
section of the people who sincerely believed that the
authorities were, as a whole, strongly opposed to the
slightest modification of the vested rights and privileges
of the bureaucracy upon whose inviolable strength the
safety of the Empire was supposed to be based and that
as such they were fully prepared to treat Indian publie
opinion as voiced by the Congress, as well as the Press^
with perfect indifierence if not with absolute disregard
and contempt. Men were not indeed wanting even in
high places who decisively snapped their fingers at the-
suggestion of driving discontent underground. The
regrettable feeling became further intensified during the
weak Viceroy alty of Lord Elgin, when the bureaucracy
attained its highest ascendancy and secured a complete^

-SURAT IMBROGLIO & ALLAHABAD CONVENTION. 101

masfcery over the adminisferafeion. When King Log was
succeeded by King Stock the position of the Congress
^became still more critical. No Viceroy ever came out
to India with brighter prospects of success and left
it with greater unpopularity than Lord Curzon. The
retrograde policy which he so vigorously and un-
reservedly initiated in all directions culminated in a
series of unpopular measures which successively mark-
ed the unfortunately extended period of his Viceroyalty.
The Official Secrets Act, the Indian Universities Act
and last of all the Partition of Bengal followed in quick
fiucoession and the wave of popular discontent began to
surge from one end of the country to the other. He was
'reported to have actually proposed the appointment of
a permanent Viceroy for India, and whether he had an
eye on himself or not it was a most fortunate circums-
tance both for India as well as England that such an
•extravagant proposal was not entertainable under the
British constitution. The effects of the Congress during
this period were almost paralysed, and the bulk of the
.people nearly lost all confidence in its propaganda.

Towards the end of 3905 the Liberals came into
power with Mr. John Morley as Secretary of State for
India. The people who had the utmost confidence in
Mr. Morley's liberalism fondly hoped that with the
change of government a change would also be perceived
in the policy of the Indian administration. In this
they were painfully deceived, and a section of the
.Nationalist party, as represented in the Congress, feeling
themselves tired of what they called the '* mendicant
^policy " of the movement wanted to divert it on new

102 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

lines. This the sober leaders, backed by an overwhelm-
ing majority in the Congress and the country, stout-
ly resisted and the result was that the people were-
divided into two camps, the Moderates and the Extre-
mists— terms invented by the official organs since 1904,
but which are used in these pages in no offe»nsive sense.
The earliest symptom of this difference appeared at
the Benares Congress of 1905, and the first open rup-
ture manifested itself in the Calcutta Congress of 1906<
when a small body of these Extremists finding them-
selves unable to have their own way rushed out of the
Pandal leaving, however, no perceptible void in the
densely packed assembly of over sifexeen hundred
delegates and five times as many visitors. It was no
doubt true that the whole country had grown dissatis-"^
fied with the stolid indifference and immobility of the-
Government and that an overwhelming majority of the
educated community had taken deep offence at th&
constant flouting of public opinion and the deliberate-
substitution of a policy of reaction in almost every
branch of the administration. Moderates and Extre-
mists alike and with equal emphasis protested against
the attitude of the Government and with equal firmness
deprecated an ignominious begging spirit and urged
the people to take their stand more upon justice than
upon generosity and upon their own just rights more^
than upon concessions of Government. There was
however this difference, that while the majority of the-
Nationalist party knew what they were about, the
minority hardly knew their own mind and in a spirit
of exasperation lost their balance. At this memor-

SURAT IMBROGLIO & ALLAHABAD CONVENTION. 103^

able session held under the third and the last
distinguished presidency of the Grand Old Man of
India, the Congress unanimously passed four important
resolutions which bore unmistakable evidence of the
spirit of the times, confining itself however within the
strict limiDs of constitutional agitation and in keeping;
with its original constitution as well as its past tradi-
tions. These were Self-Government on the Colonial
lines, National Education, Swadeshi and Boycott of
foreign goods. The first had been the avowed object
of the Congress almost from the very beginning. It
was now laid down with precision and firmness as the
ultimate goal of the National Assembly. The second
resolution was felt astnecessitated by the offioialization
of the Universities and the threatened curtailment of
Education under the policy inaugurated by Lord
Curzon ; the third was deemed imperatively necessary for
the protection and 'encouragement of the dying indus-
tries of the country ; while the fourth and the last
was intended as a protest against the systematic
flouting of public opinion in the country, as also to
draw the attention of the British public and Parlia-
ment to the grievances of the Indian people. The
first resolution was announced by the Extremist
press as the Swaraj resolution though the dubious word
Siuaraj was to be found nowhere in the resolution itself,
and was used only once by the President in his inaugural
address, of course, in a perfectly legitimate sense. The
separatists evidently smarted under a sense of wrong
and throughout the year that followed kept up an
agitation through the columns of their papers as well a»

104 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

upon the platforms decrying the Congress and preaching
the "utter futility" of the Congress propaganda ; although
what other propagandum there was to present to the
-country, they were able neither to fornaulate nor to
indicate. Theirs was apparently a work of destruction
and not of construction.

The next Congress was to have been held at
Nagpur, but some serious local differences arising, the
All-India Congress Committee had to change the venue
of the session from Nagpur to Surat which was the
rival candidate for the honour at the previous session
of the Congress. Early in November 1907 a rumour
was circulated by some mischievous or designing people
that the Twenty-Third Session oi the Congress would
have nothing to do with the four new resolutions of the
preceding session and this canard was persistently kept
-up till the 24th and 25th December when all the dele-
gates to the Twenty-Third Indian National Congress
arrived at Surat, although no one, when asked^ was able
precisely to refer to the source of his information. It
was evidently like the proverbial story of the ghost
whom every one had heard of, but none had seen.
The Extremists under the leadership of that remarkable
man, Mr. Bal Gangadhar Tilak, encamped themselves at
a place three miles distant from the Congress camps, and
many were the rumours afloat that something serious
was going to happen at this session of the Congress. The
baseless accusation about the exclusion of the four reso-
lutions was again repeated ; but it was at once refuted
i50t only by the verbal assurances of the responsible
.authorities of the Congress, but also by the subsequenfc

tSURAT IMBROGLIO & ALLAHABAD CONVENTION. 105

'productiioD of an agenda paper containing those reso-
lutions. The oppositionists then laid hold on the
question of presidentship and urged that Lala Lajpat Eoy
and not Dr. Rashbehary Ghose should have been nomi-
nated as president-elect. The patriotic Lala however cut
the Gordian knot by publicly declining to stand as
candidate for the presidential chair. Upon this another
person was mentioned as a probable candidate for the
post. It seemed rather difficult to ascertain what really
the motive was in all these manoeuvres ; but people were
not wanting in the Congress camps who actually believed
that the speech of Dr. Ghose, the president-elect, had
somehow leaked out and that the extreme section of the
Congress party having discovered that there were certain
caustic observations regarding them and their ideals in
that speech they were determined at all hazards to pre-
vent that speech from being delivered at the Congress.
However that may be, the Congress met on the 26th
December at about 2-30 p.m,, on account of the sudden
death of a Sindhi delegate, in the grand pavilion
-constructed by the Reception Committee in the old
historic French Garden, which had been converted
into a pretty little town for the occasion. Full 1,200
delegates and over 5,000 visitors were assembled in the
Pandal. Every face was beaming with enthusiasm and
as every prominent man passed on to the dais he was
lustily cheered. At last the president-elect entered the
hall in a procession aud'he received such a tremendous
ovation that the last shred of doubt and suspicion about
the success of the session seemed at once to have
vanished from the hall. No sooner calm was restored a

106 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

whisper was however heard going round a very limited
block that all was not well and that an untoward
incident was brewing somewhere ; but not a few among
the robust optimists 'confidently hoped, that the lowering^
cloud would instantly pass away and the session prove
a brilliant success. The rest of the painful and humili-
ating episode may, however, be narrated, for merely
historical purposes, in the words of an impartial observer.
The following telegraphic report, under date the 26th
December, from the special correspondent of the States-
man, appeared in that paper and was reproduced in the

Pioneer of the 30th idem : —

The twenty-third National Congress met on Thiirsday after-
noon in the grand pandal at Surat at a place known as the French
Garden. The pandal is a large square with seating capacity for
over 7,000, and the whole place was filled to its utmost capacity.
Long before the President-elect, the Hon. Dr. Ghose, arrived the
delegates and spectators had taken up every available seat and
some of the busy Extremist leaders took occasion to harangue-
their followers. Mr. Khare, an Extremist leader of Nasik, intimated
to a group of Mahratta Extremists that the Congress should be
asked to include the resolutions on boycott, swaraj, and national
education in the year's programme and if this was not considered
favourably, Mr. Tilak was to oppose the motion formally voting
Dr. Ghose to the presidential chair. This announcement was
received with approval and applause by the Poona Extremists, and
also elicited approbation from the feeble racks of the Madras Ex-
tremists. There were appeals made to the excitable spectators by
irresponsible and mischievous preachers in the pandal, with the
result that for over an hour before the President's arrival, the
scene was one of excitement among the Extremists and intenae
anxiety among the Moderates.

Meanwhile the leading Congressmen from several parts as
they arrived were received with ovations. Lala Lajpat Rai's arri-
val was the occasion for the greatest enthusiasm, demonstrated in
a most unmistakable manner. He was conducted to the platform
and took his seat between Dr. Kutherford and Mr. Surendra Nath'
Banerjee. Sardar Ajit Singh also received some demonstrations.
The long platform at the western end of the hall was occupied by
a distinguished gathering of the principal Congressmen and visi-

SURAT IMBROGLIO & ALLAHABAD CONVENTION. 107"

tors. There were among those present at the Congress, leaders
like Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, the Hon. Mr. Gokhale, Sir Balchandra
Krishna ; merchant princes like ihe Hon. Vithaldass Damodar
Thake-rsey, Lalubhai Samal Dass, Ibrahim Adamji Peerbhai from
Bombay ; patriots like Surendra Nath Banerjee and Bhupendra
Nath Basu from Calcutta ; and Punjab leaders like Lai Harkiseii
Lai andLajpatRai from Lahore, and the Hon'ble Krishnasami'
Iyer and Govindaraghava Iyer, N. Subha Rao and others from
Madras ; also Extremist leaders, Messrs. Tilak and Khaparde.

Dr. Ghoae arrived, accompanied by Sir Pherozeshah Mehta
and other members of the Congress executive, and was welcomed
with loud and prolonged cheering* not unmingled with stray
shouting of " Shame" from some of the Extremists.

As soon as Dr. Ghose took his seat the Chairman of the
Reception Committee (Mr. Thribhuvandas Malvi), delivered his
address of welcome to the delegates, in the course of which he
referred to the great historic antecedents of Surat and its sub-
sequent downfall as a commerical centre, and in consequence, tlie
rise of Bombay, He also dealt with the good work which the
Congress had done in the past in the cause of the country, and
hoped that it would continue its policy of moderation, loyalty,
firmness and unity.

This statement roused the fire of the Extremists, who hissed
and cried " No, no" and otherwise attempted to interrupt him
whenever they heard him preach moderation.

When he sat down Dewan Bahadur Ambalal Sakar Lai Desai
proposed that Dr. Ghose do take the presidential chair, in a short
speech in which he extolled his patriotic services, and he, too, was
again interrupted by cries of "No, *o" from' the Extremists.

Then Mr. Surendranath Banerjee rose to address the assem-
bly. It was hoped that be would be able to command the audience
with his powerful voice and compelling eloquence ; but the moment
he uttered the first word the Extremists were determined to give
him no chance. The greatest disturbance proceeded from the
front rows of the Madras and Deccan blocks of delegates which
were nearest the , platform, and the rowdy section among the
Extremists made a determined effort to obstruct the proceedings.
They called loudly for Mr. Tilak and Lajpat Rai, and would have
none of Mr. Banerjee ; but the Moderates urged him to go on
and he made repeated attempts to make himself heard, but
scarcely a word could be heard above the r.oisy clamour of the
Extremists. They were only about 30, the majority of these
coming from Madras. At this stage the Chairman of the Recep-
tion Committee stood up and warned the Extremists that, if they
kept up like that, the sitting would be impossible, and he would
be compelled to suspend the Congress. Even he was not heard.

108 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Mr. Banerjee made another futile attempt aiad was obliged lanally
to retire, giving rise to great shouts of triumph on the part ot the
disturbers.

Meanwhile some parleying went on among the leaders and a
movement in the direction of Messrs. Tilak and Khaparde was
noticed with a view to persuade them to intervene. This attempt
was unsuccessful. Either they did not intervene, or only did so
in an equivocal manner, so that their following could not under-
stand them. Meanwhile the Bengalis in particular, and the audi-
ence in general, resented the insult ojSered to the *great Bengali
leader and orator, and would not hear any one in preference to
him. Tbe rowdies, however, continued their noisy demonstration
aud the Chairman was compelled to declare the Congress suspead-
ed for the day, and the leaders retired. But for long afterwards
tbe Extremists held possession of the pandal, men of both parties
crying " Shame" against each other.

It is obvious that the disturbance during the afternoon was
the result of a deliberately pre-concerted plan of action on the part
of the Extremist leaders. These seeing that they and their party
were in a hopeless minority were determined not to take defeat
on the industrial resolutions before the Congress and so resolved
- to make the situation impossible at the outset and wreck the
Congress, The ostensible pretext of the Extremists in support of
their conduct is the alleged omission of the Congress authorities
to include resolutions on boycott, swaraj, and national education,
which turns out to be absolutely unfounded, A statement
denying the rumours set afloat by scheming Extremist leaders
was circulated over the signature of tbe Secretary, but appar-
ently they were spoiFing for A split, and they have succeeded in
creating an impasse.

Telegraphing on the 27th the same correspondent
added : —

'' Since last night a manifesto has been issued over the signa-
tures of about twenty leading Congressmen of all parts of the
country appealing to the delegates. Tbe manifesto is signed for
each province by the respective leaders and runs as follows : —

■ ' Babu Sureudra Nath Banerjee, who was to second the pro-
position moved by Dewan Bahadur Amba Lai Sakar Lai Desai,
for the election of Dr. Ghoseas President of the Congress has been
prevented from speaking against the established practice of the
Congress and violation of old traditions. The session of Gongrass
has had to be suspended for the day. If similar obstruction
continues it might be necessary to close the session of Congress,
• a situation which is humiliating for all delegates and an event

SURAT IMBROGLIO & ALLAHABAD CONVENTION. 109

which will bring disgrace to the country. It is requested that all
delegates to the Congress of all shades of opinion will express their
differences in a proper constitutional manner and it is hoped that
all will use their influence towards this end."

The Congress assembled at 1 p. m«, a large number of visitors
and delegates were present. The proceedings began where they
were left yesterday by voting Dr. Ghose to the Presidential chair.
This was supported and declared carried. Dr. Ghose stood up, but
before his address began Mr. Tilak went up on the platform. The
audience would not hear him and cried **Shame." Great con-
fusion then ensued. Mr. Tilak would not leave the platform des-
pite pressing requests from eminent men, including Dr. Ruther-
ford. Dr. Ghose then proceeded with his address whereupon Mr.
Tilak appealed to his followers, who were considerably excited and
rushed up to the platform and attacked every one with sticks with
which they were armed. The ladies were removed in safety. Confu-
sion still reigns supreme. The police came in and made arrests.
The Magistrate of Surat on the afternoon of the 27th, telegraphed
to the Government of India that, "Indian National Congress
meeting to-day became disorderly blows being exchanged. The
President called on the police to clear the house and the grounds
which was done. Order now restored. No arrests. No one re-
ported seriously hurt. No further hurt anticipated." As a matter
of fact some arrests were made, but the Reception Committee de-
clining to proceed the prisoners were at once released by the police.

The foUowiDg official statement was issued on
the 28th Friday evening by the Hon. Dr. Rash Behari
Ghose, President, Mr. Tribhuvandas N. Malvi, Chair-
man of the Reception Committee, and Mr. D. E. Wacha
and Mr. G. K. Gokhale, Joint General Secretaries of the
Indian National Congress : —

" The twenty-third Indian National Congress assembled
yesterday in the Pavilion erected for it by the Reception Com-
mittee at Surat at 2-30 P.M. Over sixteen hundred delegates were
present. The proceedings began with an address from the Chair-
man of Reception Committee. After the reading of the address
was over Diwan Bahadur Ambalal Sakerlal proposed that the Hon.
Dr. Rash Behari Ghose having been nominated by the Reception
Committee for the office of President under the rules adopted at
the last session of the Congress, he should take the Presidential
chair, ks soon as the Dewan Bahadur uttered Dr. Ghose's nan*,
some voices were heard in the body of the hall shouting **No, no "

dlO INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

and the shouting waa kept up for some time. The proposer,
"however, somehow managed to struggle through his speeoh ; and
the Chairman then called upon Babu Surendranath Banerjee to
second the proposition. As soon, however, as he began his speech
— before he had finishod even in his firsi sentence — a small section
of the delegates began an uproar from their seats with the object
of preventing Mr. Banerjee from speaking. The Chairman
repeatedly appealed for order, but no heed was paid. Every time
~Mr. Banerjee attempted to go on with his speech he was met by
"disorderly shouts. It was clear that rowdyism had been determin-
ed upon to bring the proceedings to a standstill, and the whole
demonscrations seemed lo have been pre-arranged. Finding it
impossible to enforce order, the Chairman warned the House that
unless the uproar subsided at once, he would be obliged to suspend
the sitting of the Congress. The hostile demonstration, however,
continued and the Chairman at last suspended the sitting for the
day.

The Congress again met to-day at 1 P.M., due notice of the
meeting having been sent round. As the President-elect was being
escorted in procession through the Hall to the platform, an over-
whelming majority of the delegates present greeted him with a
most enthusiastic welcome, thereby showing how thoroughly they
disapproved the organised disorder of yesterday. As this proces-
sion was entering the Pandal a small slip of paper written in
pencil and bearing Mr. B. G. Tilak's signature was put by a
volunteer into the hands of Mr. Malvi, the Chairman of the
Reception Committee. It was a notice to the Chairman that after
Mr. Banerjee's speech, seconding the proposition about the
President was concluded, Mr. Tilak wanted to move " an amend-
ment for an adjournment of the Congress." The Chairman
considered a notice of adjournment at that stage to be irregular
and out of order. The proceedings were then resumed at the point
at which thay had been interrupted yesterday, and Mr. Surendra-
nath Banerjee was called upon to conclude his speech. Mr Baner-
jee having done this, the Chairman called upon Pandit Motilal-
Nehru of Allahabad to support the motion. The Pandit supported
it in a brief speech and then the Chairman put the motion to the
vote. An overwhelming majority of the delegates signified their
assent by crying "All, all" and a small minority shouted "No,
no." T*he Chairman thereupon declared the motion carried and
the Hon. Dr. Ghose was installed in the Presidential chair amidst
Houd and prolonged applause. While the applause was going on,
and as Dr. Ghose rose to begin his address, Mr. Tilak came upon
the platform and stood in front of the President. He urged that
:as he had given notice of an *' amendment to the Presidential
-election," he should be permitted to move his amendment.

SURAT IMBROGLIO & ALLAHABAD CONVENTION. Ill

Thereupon, it was pointed out co him by Mr. Malvi, the Chairman
of the Reception Committee that his notice was not for "an amend-
ment to the Presidential election," but it was for "an adjournment
of the Congress," which notice he had considered to be irregular
and out of order at that stage; and that the President having been
duly installed in the chair no amendment about his election could
be then moved. Mr. Tilak then turned to the President and began
arguing with him. Dr. Ghose in his turn, stated how matters stood
and ruled that this request to move an amendment about the
election could not be entertained. Mr. Tilak thereupon said, * 'I will
not submit to this. I will now appeal from the President to the
delegates." In the meantime an uproar had already been commenced
by some of his followers, and the President who tried to read his
address could not be heard even by those who were seated next to
him. Mr, Tilak with his back to the President, kept shouting that
he insisted on moving his amendment and he would not allow
the proceedings to go on. The President repeatedly appealed
to him to be satisfied with his protest and to resume his seat.
Mr. Tilak kept on shouting frantically, exclaiming that he would
not go back to his seat unless he was " bodily removed." This
persistent defiance of the authority of the chair provoked a hostile
•demonstration against Mr. Tilak himself and for some time, no-
thing but loud cries of "Shame, shame" could be heard in the
Pandal, It had been noticed, that when Mr. Tilak was making his
way to the platform some of his followers were also trying to
force themselves through the volunteers to the platform with
sticks in their hands. All attempts on the President's part either
to proceed with the reading of his address or to persuade Mr.
"Tilak to resume his seat having failed, and a general movement
among Mr. Tilak's followers to. rush the platform with sticks in
their hands being noticed, the President, for the last time, called
upon Mr. Tilak to withdraw and formally announced to the
assembly that he had ruled and he still ruled Mr. Tilak out of order
and he called upon him to resume his seat. Mr, Tilak refused to
obey and at this time a shoe hurled from the body of the Hall,
struck both Sir Pherozeshah Mehta and Mr. Surendranath Baner-
jee who were sitting side by side. Chairs were also hurled towards
the platform and it whs seen that Mr. Tilak's followers who were
brandishing their sticks wildly were trying to rush the platform
which other delegates were endeavouring to prevent. It should
be stated here that some of the delegates were so exasperated by
Mr. Tilak's conduct that they repeatedly asked for permission to
eject him bodily from the hall ; but this permission was steadily
refused. The President, finding that the disorder went on growing
and that he had no other course open to him, declared the session
of the 23rd Indian National Congress suspended sine die. After the

112 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

lady-delegateg present on the platform had been escorted to the-
tents outside, the other delegates began with difficulty to disperse,,
but the disorder, having grown wilder, the Police eventually came
in and ordered the Hall to be cleared."

The heavy Deccau shoe which hit; Sir Pherozeshah
Mehta and Mr. Surendranath Banerjee may be sfcill
in the possession of the lafefcer and if its fellow could
be found it might well have been preserved by the^
former also, and both might have left them either as a
trophy or as a memento from their countrymen for their
lifelong services to the country. On the evening of the
26th the bulk of the Bengal delegates issued a manifesto
protesting against the proceedings of the day and the
insult so gratuitously offered to Mr. Banerjee ; while
the leading delegates from all the provinces belonging to
the moderate camp issued an appeal to all the delegates
imploring them to use their influence to effect a settle-
ment and avert a catastrophe. But all was in vain ; the
Congress was broken up. Statements and counter-state-
ments were subsequently issued by both sides each
presenting its own view of the case, for a better under-^
standing and fair judgment on the merits of which all
these papers are published in an appendix.

On the evening of the 27th after the Congress was
suspended sine die, the leading delegates met and dis-
cussed the situation, and on the 28th nearly 900 of th&
delegates in the presence of a large number of visitors,,
who had been greatly excited over the disorderly pro-
ceedings of the previous day, again met in the Congress
pavilion and adopted a manifesto calling upon the
country to subscribe to an article and revive the
Congress under convention. A committee was formed

SURAT IMBROGLIO & ALLAHABAD CONVENTION. 113^

to frame a well-defined consfeitubion for the Congress
and ifc was decided thafe this commifctee should meet
afe Allahabad in April next;. After this a few speeches
were made by some of the prominent speakers present
for the satisfaction of the Surat people and with a view
to alleviate to some extent the grievous disappointment
a.nd mortification of the Eeception Committee who had
worked so hard and incurred so much expense for the
session ; but no business of the Congress was or could
be transacted and the meeting dispersed in solemn
silence as on a mournful occasion.

Thus ended the Twenty-Third Session of tho
Indian National Congress which had promised to be
one of the most brilliant sessions of the National As-
sembly. The Anglo-Indian Press of the time while gene-
rally deploring the incident could ill-disguise its secret
satisfaction at the threatened collapse of the national
movement. One paper used the incident as a most power-
ful argument, as it thought, for its invincible contentioc,
that the Indians were un$t for representative institu-
tions and that if the Indian Legislative Councils wera
made elective they would soon be converted into so
many bear-gardens, conveniently forgetting of course
that even graver incidents not infrequently occurred in
the British House of Commons and French Chamber of
Deputies, although these two were the highest exponents
of democratic evolution in modern European civilization.
The great Liberal organ of the London Daily News, how-
ever, with its charcteristic firmness and frankness observed
that it " hoped that the fiasco at Surat may do good, and
that the failure of the Moderates was due to the slow
8

114 INDIAN NATIONAIi EVOLUTION.

pace and grudging scope of British reforms," and ifc urged
the " adoption of a policy of restoring faith in British
wisdom and justice.'* In closing this lamentable incident
it should however be remarked, whether it is very material
or not, that there seemed to have arisen considerable bona-
fide misapprehension either on the one side or the other as
regards the actual purport of Mr. Tilak's missing slip to
the Chairman of the Beception Committee, and that
however deplorable the action of the rowdies was afid
however mistaken Mr. Tilak may have been in assuming
the attitude which he ultimately did assume on the
platform, it is hardly conceivable that a man of Bal
<jrangadhar Tilak's position and patriotism could have
knowingly and willingly associated himself with any plan
of action calculated to wreck the Congress. Whatever
may have boon his actual share in the business Mr.
Tilak has since paid heavier penalties for his courage of
conviction and undergone severer trials and tribulations
for his rare freedom of thought and expression, and it is
very much to be hopud that his services to the country
will not be lost for ever.

THE CONVENTION AND AFTER.
Agreeably to decision arrived at Surat, over a hundred
delegates from the different provinces met at Allahabad
in April 1908, and at two long sittings held in the Town-
Hall of that city on the 18th and 19fch April, discussed
and settled a constitution for the Congress and passed a
set of rules and regulations for its management. The
object as set forth in the constitution was commonly
known as the inviolable creed of the Indian National
Congress to which every member was required uncondi-

THE CONVENTION AND AFTER. 115

^tionally to subscribe before he could take his seat in the
-assembly. It may be here remarked that the Bengal dele-
gates, numbering no less than 38, supported by a few
-delegates from the other provinces, strongly urged that the
Eules and Eegulations so passed by the Convention Com-
mittee should be submitted to a whole house of the
Congress at the next session. The proposal, however,
did not recommend itself to the majority of the
Committee.

The first Congress under the Convention was held at
Madras in December 1908 with Dr. Rash Behary Ghose
•as its president and under the happy auspices of Lord
Morley's Reform scheme. How sad h is to contemplate
^that if these reforms had been inaugurated one year earlier
the deplorable split among the Nationalists, nor the yet
■more deplorable consequences which have since flowed
from it, might have happened. Born at Bombay and
buried at Surat, the Congress attained its resurrection
at Madras, purged and purified through years of perse-
cutions, trials and tribulations, it rose from its grave in
triumph vindicating the truth of its gospel and restor-
ing public hope and confidence in the ultimate success
of its mission. It was a red-letter day in the history
of the country when after twenty-two years of patient
and persistent knocking, the barred gate was at last
opened unto the people. Though attended only by
the conventionists, the Session of 1908 was a most
-enthusiastic one, at which nearly all the veterans of the
^Congress were present. The masterly address of the
learned presid«at enlivened by his forensic skill and
dSashes of caustic good humour, n:0 less than by its

116 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

manly dignity and incisive arguments, presented a most-
grapliic account of the origin aud character of the pre-
vailing unrest which at the time engrossed the attention
of the GrDvernment and the public. The Madras Con-
gress of 1908 was recorded as the 23rd Congress, the
people having like Alexander Selkirk in crossing the
burning Equator lost a day in their political almanac.
Although the Bengal proposal was rejected by the Con-
vention Committee, the Rules and Regulations passed by
it were formally laid on the table of the Congress of 1908'
and duly adopted at the Calcutta Congress of 1911,
whereupon Mr. A. Rasul, than whom a more ardent
lover of his country's cause was scarcely to be found on
either side of the Nationalist party, with a few others
rejoined the Congress. These Rules and Regulations
with certain amendments were again, submitted to and
re-affirmed by the Einkipore Congress of 1912 ; but the
rest of the separatists have still held out although upon
what reasonable ground it is difficult to appreciate."^'

In 1909 Lord Morley's reform of the Legislative
Councils came into operation and the Hon'ble Mr. S.
P. Sinha was appointed as the first Indian member of
the Viceroy's Executive Council and the Right Honour-
able Mr. Ameer Ali as a member of the Privy Council ;:
but the Congress while fully appreciating these liberal
measures of reform had the misfortune to enter its
emphatic protest * against the Council Regulations
which in a large measure neutralized the effects of
these wholesome changes. In the following year

* The NatioDalists have since joined the Congress.

THE CONVENTION AND AFTER. 117

:Sir William Wedderburn, who came oub for a S03ond
time as President of the Congress, made a vigorous effort
for a rapprochement between the Mahomedans and fcha
other communities so fully represented in the Congress,
and long and earnest were the debates which fcook place
in Committees on the Council Regulations' in course of
which prominent Tvlahomedan leaders frankly admibbed
the unfair and disintegrating tendencies of the regula-
tions and the anomalous distinctions introduced by them
in the composition of the Councils. The Congress of
1911 witnessed a complete change in the political
atmosphere of the country. The King personally
appeared on the scene, modified the Partition of
.Bengal and sounded the watchword of hope and
contentment throughout the country. The long-deferred
policy of conciliation was at last substituted for
the policy of repression which had been tried for
seven long years and found wanting. With the dawn
of the fresh bright morning, the great Mahomedan
community also awoke to a consciousness of their situa-
tion, and in 1912 the Moslem League under /the guidance
of that distinguished and patriotic Mahomedan leader J
Sir Ibrahim Rahimtullah, openly accepted the Congress
ideal and the Congress programme for the realization of
the inter-dependent, inter- woven, and inseparable destinies
of the diverse communities owing allegiance to a common
Mother-land. The Congress this year was appropriately
held under the guidance of another patriotic Mahomedan
■leader in the new Province of Behar, where thew Hindus
and Mahomedans had lived for generations in perfect
^peace, amity and concord, and it laid the foundation

118 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

for the re-union of the two great communities which*
was materially advanced twelve months later in the*
rising capital of Guzerat under the presidency of
Nawab Syed Mahomed of Madras.

Upon a careful examination of the political situation
of the country during the last six or seven years it will
appear that the Surat incident marks a turning point in
the history of the Indian National Congress. It has
given a definite shape and form to that movement and-
marked out a, well-defined course of action for the Indian
Nationalist. It has also dispelled some of the crudest
and most fantastic misconceptions with which its aima
and objects were shrouded at the hands of its oritics--
ever since its birth. If it has to some extent thinned
the ranks of the Nationalists, it has, on the other hand,
strengthened the movement by laying its foundation
upon a sure concrete basis and by investing it with the-
unassailable character of a constitutional organization
completely divested of all wild fancies and feverish-
excitements of impatient idealism. Every great move-
ment has its ups and downs, its successes as well as sit
reverses. All evolutions in human society are marked
by a 'continuous struggle between divergent currents
of thought and action, and a virile people ought only
to gain and not lose by occasional differences of opinion
in its rank, when such differences are inspired not
by any sordid motive, but by a common impulse towards
its general advancement. In England the political fields
is held by a number of factions arrayed in hostile camps
and representing different shades of opinion and interestt
These divergent forces at times seem to shatter the

THE CONVENTION AND AFTER. 11^

consfcifcufeioD, but in reality they serve only to strengthen it.
The Tories and the Whigs, the Liberals and the Conserva-
tives, the Eadicals and the Unionists, and the Labourites
and the Socialists are all but the diverse manifesta-
tions of two grand evolutionary forces tending towards
the maintenance of an equilibrium which is so essen-
tial to the growth and preservation of the entire system.
If one of these two main opposing forces were to be
either destroyed or removed, the other would fly off
at a tangent leading either to anarchy or despotism.
No honest differences of opinion in politics can, there-
fore, be either unwelcome or undesirable, provided
they are all constructive and not destructive in their
tendencies and are sincerely prompted by a healthy
patriotic impulse for the common good of the com-
munity. If the separatists at Surat had, instead of
attempting to wreck the Congress, started a counter
organization with a definite policy and programme,
they might well have established their position either
as progressives or conservatives in Indian politics ;
and if even after the regrettable incident they had
openly and earnestly 'placed a legitimate scheme
before the country instead of sulkily retiring to their
tents and dissociating themselves from all practical
politics, they would not have been charged with com-
mitting ** political suicide," and they could have in all
probability gained and not lost by their opposition.
Healthy opposition is the highest stimulant of political
life, and if both parties to a question can honestly carry
on their propaganda beyond the range of mere destruc-
tive criticism, the direct result of such contests can only

120 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

tend towards the invigoration of both and the ultimate
attainment of their common object.

Upon the Reform of the OouQcils the force of
reactionary policy was supposed to have spent itself,
•and it was confidently hoped, that the tide would now
roll back removing one by one some,.if not all, of the ugly
stains which that policy had engraved on the adminis-
tration as well as on the national character, healing the
wounds it had inflicted upon the public mind and res-
toring peace and confidence in the future administration
of the country. But here again the people were doomed
to considerable disappointment. Lord Morley's reform
was no doubt a substantial measure of improvement,
though by an irony of fate the Rules and Regulations
'framed by the Government in this country considerably
neutralized its effects and largely frustrated its objects
by providing watertight compartments for the Councils,
unfair distribution of seats, differential treatment of
classes and communities tending towards a disintegra-
tion of the national units and 'by placing the educated
community which had fought for the reform under
considerable disadvantage. People were, therefore,
not wanting who openly indulged in the belief, that
when the long discussion over the reform of the Coun-
cils was nearing its conclusion and a change in the
constitution could no ^longer be deferred, the bureau-
cracy at first attempted to divert it by certain fantastic
proposals for the establishment of Advisory Councils
of Nobles and Princes to the practical exclusion of the
People ; but when this idea of creating an irresponsible
House of Lords without a representative House of

THE CONVENTION AND AFTER. 121

CommoDS for the Indian admiaistrafcion was afcoufcly
opposed by the people and a Liberal Government was
found ill-disposed to repeat a blunder in India which they
were bentupon rectifying in the constitution at Home,that
bureaucracy apparently summoned all the resources of
its ingenuity to devise means for the maintenance of its
own threatened prestige, for accentuating racial differences
by dangling the bait of communal representation before
certain classes and above all for avenging themselves upon
those who were primarily responsible for these disagree-
able changes of far-reaching consequences. There was no
doubt the other side of the shield ; but in their positive
distrust the people were ill-disposed to turn to it. Lord
Minto succeeded to a legacy of serious troubles left him
by his predecessor, and though his administration was
marked by a series of repressive and retrograde measures,
it must be admitted that he had to deal with a situation
of enormous difficulties for which he was hardly respon-
sible, except for the extreme remedies with which he was
ill-advised to combat it. The violent dismemberment of
Bengal and the other reactionary measures of Lord
Ourzon still rankled in the heart of the people who were
goaded to desperation under the relentless operation of a
number of repressive laws, recklessly driving discontent
underground, when the hydra-headed monster of
anarchism at last reared its grim head in a country
where its existence was wholly unknown and unsus-
pected. The hammering lieutenant, whom the real
rauthor of this ugly development had left in charge of the
new province and whose unhappy allusion to his ** two
wives" disgusted the Hindus and Mahomedans alike,

122 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

weDfc on with fad after fad unfeil Lord Miniio was com-
pelled fco take him up in hand and send him away bag:
and baggage fco England. But even Lord Minfco ulti-
mately succumbed fco the irresistible influence of the
bureaucracy and in an evil hour lent his sanction to
fche forging of the most indiscriminate and drastic
measures for the treatment of the situation. Con-
ciliation was regarded as a sign of weakness although
fche fear of being regarded as weak was perhaps a much
greater weakness, and the situation without being in the^
least improved began fco grow from bad fco worse. During,
this period the Congress was driven to a position very
nearly between the devil and the deep sea. On fche one
hand there were fche forces of disorder which very much
weakened its position and hampered its work, while on
fche other an unrelenting bureaucracy found ample oppor-
tunities of attacking it with redoubled violence and fury.
The Congress, however, went on urging its demands with
calmness and moderation laying particular stress on the-
adoption of a policy of conciliation. While strongly
denouncing lawlessness, it clearly pointed out that
conciliation and not repression was the true remedy for
fche situation. But the Government turned a deaf ear
fco ifcs advice and went on forging one after another a
series of repressive measures muzzling fche press, closing,
fche platforms and placing even the colleges and schools
under surveillance. In an apparent display of ifcs undis-
puted power and strength fche Government betrayed in
no small degree the nervousness from which it
suffered. The plainest suggestions for peace were re-
garded with suspicion and the most friendly warnings.

THE CONVENTION AND AFTER. 123^

were mistaken for covert threats. In 1910 the vexed
question of Separation of Judicial and Executive func-
tions, which was at the root of most of the troubles, was
taken up for decision and it was indeed understood that
a despatch was also sent to the Secretary of State-
with definite proposals on the subject. But again a
nervou§ bureaucracy stood in the way and taking advan-
tage of the alleged disturbed state of the country
succeeded in shelving the measure in the India Office..
All measures of progress were stopped, the spirit of
repression was rampant and even the genius of British
justice seemed for a time to stand in a state of sus-
pended animation. The advent of a strong Chief Justice-
for the High Court of Judicature at Fort William in
Bengal at this juncture was the only redeeming feature
of the desperate situation. If Lord Morley has estab-
lished his claim to the lasting gratitude of India by his
reform of the Indian Legislative Councils, he will also-
be long remembered for his most judicious appointment
of Sir Lawrence Jenkins at the head of the highest
tribunal in the most disturbed province at this critical
time. The chartered High Courts in India form the only
palladium for the protection of the rights and liberties of
the Indian people and constitute the sole counterpoise ta
an absolute, autocratic rule in the country. But even
the High Courts, being only the expounders and not the
framers of the law, were hardly able to maintain the
balance in a position where the Legislature was practi-
cally a machinery in the hands of the executive to decree
and register the fiats of a bureaucratic administration-
Thus matters went on from bad to worse until 1911

V24: INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

when the King, who in a single previous visit bo this
country appeared to have studied the people far more
accurately than his responsible officers during the long
tenure of thoir service, at last personally appeared on
the scene and with the single stroke of a policy of con-
ciliation, for which the Congress had so long vainly
pleaded, dispelled all the figments of sedition^nd dis-
loyalty and restored peace and order, pouring oil upon
troubled waters and reviving faith and confidence in
British justice.

Henceforth the Congress found itself upon a much
firmer ground' and in a more secure position. The
royal message of good-will and confidence which the
Congress of 1911 received in return for its loyal welcome
to His Majesty set as it were a royal sanction to its
perfectly legitimate character and constitution; while
the outburst of stupendous ovations which spoiataneous-
ly greeted the royal progress throughout the country
at once hushed the insensate cry of sedition into
silence. Fortunately also there was a strong and far-
sighted statesman at the head of the Indian Government
at this time. Lord Hardinge, who was primarily res-
ponsible for the modification of the Partition of Benal,
firmly took the bull by its horns and impressed upon the
bureaucracy that despite its long legend of infallibility
and inviolable prestige, its orthodox practices and tactics
of mutual admiration and whitewashing must have a
limit prescribed to them. The firmness with which he
was understood to have handled the local authorities in
connection with a serious riot in course of which the
metropolis of the Empire was disgracefully allowed for

THE CONVENTION AND AFTER. 125^

three days to be in the hands of an organized niob
before the eyes of the ambassadors of the civilized world,
and which was supposed to have compelled another
bureaucrat to retire before his time, and the bold
magnanimity and keensighted statesmanship with which
he rectified the bunglings of an incompetent Executive in
a most regrettable dispute over a mosque in defence of
which half-a-dozen unarmed people lost their lives, clearly
marked him as the strongest of Viceroys who had come to
rule India in recent years ; while the extraordinary forti-
tude with which he bore a most dastardly attempt on his
own life, which under another Viceroy since Lord Eipon
would 'undoubtedly have set in motion the most dras-
tic of punitive measures, and the calm and self-sacri-
ficing spirit with which he faced the situation without-
budging an inch from the declared policy of trust and
confidence in the people, filled the country with a
thrill of gratitude and admiration unparalleled in the
history of British rule in India since the dark days of
the Mutiny of 1857.

In higher politics Lord Hardinge's famous despatch
of August 1911 contained the first recognition of the ^
ultimate aim of the Congress and foreshadowed the future
destiny of India in the evolution of her national existence-
As a preliminary step towards ths solution of that pro-
blem, Lord Hardinge took up the thorny question of the
position of Indians in the colonies of Great Britain. The
question had engaged the attention of the Congress ever
since 1894 when delegates from Natal and other South
African colonies first joined the national assembly and
explained the barbarous treatment accorded to the

a26 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Indian settlers in South Africa. The Government of
England, although it referred to the Indian question as
one of the grounds justifying the Boer War, again relapsed
into its normal apathy and indifference when that war was
ended and the Union Government established. The
Indians in South Africa were not only not allowed the
ordinary rights of citizenship, but were actually treated as
helots burdened with disabilities and penalties of the most
outrageous description, while the colonists themselves
were free to emigrate to India and enjoy all the rights of
British citizenship in this country. The question was at
last brought to a head by a resolution moved by Mr. Gok-
hale in the Supreme Council and which was accepted by
the Government of Lord Hardinge restricting Indian
Emigration to South Africa. But the Union Government,
in its utter disregard for all consideration of justice and
fairness, went on forging the most humiliating and exas-
perating conditions against the Indian settlers whose
services they could not dispense with, but whose per-
sonal rights and liberties they would neither recog-
nise nor respect beyond those of hewers of wood and
drawers of water. One brave Indian like Hampden at
last rose against this selfish confederacy of burghers
whom a conquering nation had in its generosity granted
an aufconomus Government over a territory four
times the size of their original country. Mr. Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi, assisted by a band of noble-minded
Englishmen among whom Mr. Polak was the most noted,
•organized a fierce passive resistance in course of which
hundreds of men and women with dauntless courage
^suffered incarceration rather than submit to the indig-

THE WOEK IN ENGLAND. 127

Tiities of legalised slavery in which even the sacred ties
of marriage rights were not respected. In this struggle
Lord Hardinge, as the responsible protector of the
Indian people, threw the whole weight of bis authority
with the registers and by his firmness, no less than by
hi? tactful intervention, in the face of not a little hostile
■criticism even in England, at last succeeded towards the
beginning of 1914 in bringing the question of the South
African imbroglio to a temporary solution and thus
paving the way to a final adjustment of the Indian
question in all the British colonies on the basis of per-
fect reciprocity. It undoubtedly marks an important
landmark in the evolution of Indian National Life.

CHAPTER XII.

THE WORK IN KNGLAND.
It has already been stated that early in 1885 Mr.
Hume visited England and in consultation with
Mr. Reid, Mr. John Bright and other parliamentary
friends of India arranged for a Congress propaganda in
Hngland. The first step towards the establishment of
a Congress organisation in England was taken by Mr.
Dadabhai Naoroji who volunteered to act as a Congress
agent before the British public. But nothing import-
ant was done until 1888 when Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee
and Mr. Eardley Norton joined Mr. Dadabhai and
succeeded in enlisting the sympathies of the great labour
leader, Mr. Charles Bradlaugh, who witk the consent

128 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

of his constituency of Northampton openly assumed
the title of *' Member for India.'* A British Commit-
tee of the Indian National Congress was established in
July, 1889, and it was confirmed by the Congress of
that year held at Bombay which voted Es. 45,000 for
its maintenance. Now the chief difficulty in the suc-
cessful working of the Committee lay in the Council of
the Secretary of State which, composed mainly of
the veterans of the Indian Civil Service, always present-
ed a roseate view of Indian affairs in the House of
Commons and thus prevented the British Committee
from obtaining a fair hearing either in the House
or from the British public. This led to the organ-
isation of an Indian Parliamentary Committee in 1893
chiefly through the exertions of Sir William Wedderburn
and Mr. W. S. Caine both of whom were members
of Parliament at the time. The apathy and indiffer-
ence of the authorities in India who had not evinced
the slightest inclination within a period of nine years
towards meeting even in a small degree the crying
demands of the people, or for removing any of their
long-standing grievances, fully convinced the leaders
of the movement that there was no hope of success in
India unless pressure could be brought to bear upon the
Indian Government by the British public and the
British Parliament. Mr, Hume accordingly finally
left India in 1894 and threw himself heart and soul
into the working of the British Committee of the Con-
gress and the India Parliamentary Committee in the
House of Commons. Towards the close of the session
DO less than 154 members of the House joined the Indian

THE WORK IN ENGLAND, 129^

Parliamentary Committee and for a time the star of
India seemed to be in the ascendant. The result was at
once manifest. With the support of this formidable
array of members, among whom were included men
like Messrs. Jacob Bright, W.S. Caine, John Ellis,.
W. A. Hunter, Swift MacNeil, Herbert Paul, C. E.
Schwann, Herbert Eoberts, E. T. Reid, Samuel Smith,
Sir Wilfred Lawson, Sir William Wedderburn and many
other friends of India, the British Committee of the
Congress was able in 1894 to address Sir Henry Fowler,,
then Secretary of State for India, pressing for a search-
ing enquiry into Mr. Westland's Budgets under the weak
Vieeroyalty of Lord Elgin. This led to the famous debate
in Parliament which resulted in Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji's
motion for a Parliamentary Enquiry and eventually
obliged Sir Henry Fowler to appoint a Royal Com-
mission, known as the Welby Commission on Indian
Expenditure. Then for nearly nine years the Conservatives'
were in power and the Indian Parliamentary Party
gradually thinned away. At the General Election of
1906, the Liberals again came into power and Sir
William Wedderburn, who has been the most steadfast
moving spirit of the Congress movement in England,
lost no time in resuscitating the Indian Parliamentary
Committee under the leadership of Mr. Leonard (after-
wards Lord) Courtney. Nearly 200 members of the
House joined the Committee, and among the new
members there were distinguished men and sincere friends
of India like Sir Henry Cotton, Sir Charles Dike,
Dr. Rutherford, Mr. Ramsay Macdonald and many
others. The invaluable services which they rendered
9

130 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION,

particularly at a most trying and troublous situation are
ail recorded in the Parlianaentary proceedings of the
period and are well-known to the Indian public. Though
the Liberals are still in power, the Indian Parliamentary
Party gradually became very much weakened by the
retirement from the House of devoted and ardent workers
like Sir Henry Cotton, Sir William Wedderburn and
Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, and by the death of powerful
friends like Charles Bradlaugh, W. S, Caine, Schwann,
John Bright, Sir Charles Dike and Lord Ripon, and has
now practically ceased to exist.

In England no reform, whether social, economic or
political, can be achieved without the aid of the Press
which has thus come to be recognised, along with the
two Houses of Parliament, the Church and the Sove-
reign, as the Fifth Power of the State. In the earlier
stages of the Congrees the British public were found
densely ignorant of the real state of things in India,
while the natural pride, so common even in individuals,
which makes people loath to believe in their own short-
comings, often prevented even enlightened Englishmen
from easily crediting any story of injustice or wrong
perpetrated by their accredited agents ten thousand
miles away and who were besides invariably supported by
the minister in charge with a council mostly composed
of retired Anglo-Indian fossils whom it may be no disres-
pect t© describe as King Arthur's Knights of the Round
Table. An incident fully illustrating this ignorance,
apathy and indifference of the ordinary British public
was not long ago quoted in an English paper. Two
average Englishmen, says the paper, were one day travel-

THE WORK IN ENGLAND. ? 131

^ing in a railway carriage. It; was fehe day following the
■death of Lord Northbrook, late Viceroy and Qovernor-
><5eneral of India. One of them looking through the
news columns of. the paper in his hand quietly asked,
** Who is this feller Lord Northbrook that snipped off
yesterday?" ** Who knows," replied his equally indifferent
companion, " may be some relation of Lord Cromer/'
Whether Lord Northbrook was a relation of Lord Cro-
>mer, or Lord Cromer was a relation of Lard Northbrook,
-the pathetic humour of this simple incident was quite
characteristic of the pi-evailing temper and attitude of
the British public in general towards Indian affairs.
To acquaint that public, who are the virtual makers of
the House of Commons and of the Ministers of the
Crown, with the actual state and condition of
Indian administration was the first and foremost duty
of the national party in this country. It was early
recognised that the battle of India must be fought,
if it has to be fought, on British soil, and in that fight
the British Press must be our ally to guide and direct
the operations if not actually to deliver the frontal
attack. The journal India was accordingly started
by the British Committee in 1890 for a correct and
faithful statement of India's complaints and with a view
to popularise Indian thoughts and aspirations in England,
as also to interest the British public generally on Indian
questions. It was at first conducted by Mr. William
Digby and is now edited by Mr. H. E. A, Cotton, that
worthy son of a worthy father who ever since his return
home has been closely following in the footsteps of his
illustrious parents in watching and serving the interests^

132 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

of India. The Cotfcons have for three generations-
steadfastly served India and loved her devotedly, as
only few Englishmen have done, through good report
and evil report and often at no saiall personal sacrifioe.
Ig is a great pity that so few people in this country
have even now fully realised the importance and
necessity of maintaining the British Committee and the
journal India in an efficient condition. True it is
that a lot of money has been spent upon them and
there may or may not be any just ground for the dis-
appointment felt in some quarters at the present work-
ing of these agencies. But it was clearly understood
at the very outset that it was an uphill work and
the country must ba prepared to make enormous
sacrifices both in money as well as in patience for
it. Then it would be quite unfair to deny that both
the Committee and the paper have advanced the
Congress cause a good deal in England. It must
be gratefully acknowledged that all the prominent men
in the British political field and a large number of
influential men outside Parliament now know more and
discuss more seriously about the Indian polity, and
India is no longer that Terra Incognita, that region of
romance and " barbaric gold," which it used to be even
fifty years ago ; nor is England so profoundly apathetic
to-day towards the Indian administration as she was
even twenty years before. India has now become an
important factor in the policy of the Imperial Govern-
ment, and she looms very much larger in the eyes of
British statesmen on either side of both the Houses.
Jndian grievances, which sometimes fail to attract the'

THE WORK IN ENGLAND. 133

-attention even of the local administrations, do now go
seldom unnoticed in the House of Commons. An act of
oppression in a tea-garden, a gross insult offered to an
Indian gentleman in a railway carriage, the mal-prac-
tices of the police and the bunglings of the Executive,
though these scarcely find a remedy, now all find
their way into Parliament, and indirectly exercise a
chastening influence upon the Indian administration.
The questions of the separation of Judicial from Execu-
tive functions, of simultaneous examinations for the
^Civil Services, of the expansion of the Councils and of
the admission of the children of the soil into the ad-
ministration of the country, as well as the other
reforms formulated by the Congress, are now all nearly
as familiar to the enlightened British public as they are
in this country. India now finds greater notice in the
British Press and there is now a marked disposition on
the part at least of the thinking portion of the British
public to know more of the country which really con-
stitutes the British Empire. All this has been the
work of the British Committee and its organ India.

After years of stress and storm the tide seems to
have at last set in for India, and it would be not only
deplorable, but simply disastrous, if Indians should at
this opportune moment give up their oars and cry out
in despair, that they have worked at them hard and
long and can now work no more. If they give up now
the agencies which have been established at such im-
mense sacrifice, they simply lose the money they have
spent as well as the opportunities which they have
created. Even in ordinary life no substantial business

134 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUT!bN.

can be carried on wifchoufc suitable and pro-
perly equipped agencies ab all important centres and;
particularly without necessary advertisements and
reliable quotations of its principal market. There may
be occasional lapses and failures of such agencies ; but-
no prudent man can dispense with them unless he means
to close his business and go into voluntary liquidation.
The Moslem League is quite a recent case in point. If'
it had not its Loudon Branch, the Mahomedan commu-
nity in India could hardly have made one-tenth of the
progress it has made during the last few years. If the'
British Committee of the Congress is no longer as active
as it used to be at one time, the true remedy lies not in
either abolishing or starving it, but in improving or, if
necessary, in reconstructing it and galvanising it into-
fresh life again. These remedial measures may not be
altogether free from practical difficulties ; but they have
to be boldly faced, discussed and solved if the labours of
a generation are not to be thrown away in a fit of vexa-
tion or distemper.

People are not wanting who, in their earnest desire-
to hurry up, simply retard progress. With them the
work of the Congress in England though a foreign
agency is practically at an end and other means should'
be devised to give it a fresh start. It is vaguely urged
that we must stand on our own legs. Standing on one'&
own legs is undoubtedly a counsel of perfection, pro-
vided it is not used as a pretext for sitting altogether
idle. Besides, until the legs are sufficiently strong it
would not do to throw away the crutch because it fails
to help us in running. Noble things are better said^

THE WOBK IN ENGLAND. 135

than done, and nothing seems easier than to talk of
putting in ''fresh blood" in a long-standing publie
institution ; but it ought to be remembered, that true
blood, whether fresh or old, is always thicker than water
and that there can hardly be enough of superfluous
blood to be gratuitously spared for us in an alien country
and by an alien people ten thousand miles away. The
idea of placing the management of the British Com-
mittee and of the paper India in "Indian hands"
may be refreshing ; but let us first arrange for the-
hands and then there will be enough time for arranging
the management. There was not perhaps an abler or
more generous " Indian hand*' than Mr. W. C. Bonner-
jee practically settled in England, or one who has
more freely sp3nt his blood as well as his purse in the
Congress cause, and yet he did not feel himself equal to the
task of directly managing either branch of the agency.
As to the suggestion made in certain strange quarters for
managing the Committee or editing the paper Indian
either from Calcutta or Bombay — well, that is an idea
which does not strike very forcibly the average Indian
intellect however tempting to its ambition it may be.
If the British Committee were to be discarded like an
opera house that fails to produce fresh sensations every
night, or the organ India either discontinued or
supplanted by a " live paper " because it has yet failed
to fit up an Argonautic expedition in search of the
*' golden fleece," it is very much to be doubted if the
Indian Nationalist will ever achieve any more progress
than present the same texture every day and count his
time like the faithful Penelope unraveling by nighfe

136 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

what is woven by day. The work of destrucfcion is
always much easier than the process of construction
and the people are not wanting who in the name of the
one contribute simply to the other. It is want of proper
nourishment more than any organic disease that often
causes anaemic condition in a system. The Congress
agencies seem to be all right. Give them sufficient food
and exercise, or to be more explicit, put sufficient money
into their pockets, and the necessary blood will come of
itself.

DEPUTATIONS TO ENGLAND.

Another means adopted by the Congress for popu-
larising its propaganda in England and acquainting
the British public with the wants and wishes of the
Indian peaple was by sending from time to time depu-
tations of competent men to England. The earliest of
such deputations, since the time of Rajah Rammohau
Roy, was that sent under fche auspices of the Indian
National Union in 1885. It was composed of three of
the ablest public men of the time, viz : — Mr. Mono-
mohan Ghose of Bengal, Mr. Ganesh Narayan Chanda-
Tarkar of Bombay and Mr. Sivalaya Ramaswami Muda-
liar of Madras, They formed as it were the advance
guard of the Congress mission. The first Deputation
formally appointed by the Congress was in 1889 and it
was composed of Mr. George Yule, Mr. A. 0. Hume, Mr.
J. Adam, Mr. Eardley Norfcon, Mr. Pherozeshah Mehta,
Mr. Surendranath Banerjee, Mr. I^fonomohan Ghose,
Mr. Sharfuddin, Mr. R. N. Mudholkar and Mr. W. C.
Bonnerjee. The work done by this deputation was

THE WORK IN ENGLAND. 137

dimply invaluable ; for wbile Messrs. Bonnerjee and
Norton succeeded in thoroughly establishing the
Congress agency, Mr. Surendranath Banerjee made
a profound impression upon the mind of the British
public by his able and eloquent exposition of the Congress
propaganda. It was on this occasion that Mr. Hume
saw Mr. Gladstone and urged him to support Mr. Brad-
laugh's India Bill, when the great Commoner was
reported to have said, "I wish your father were present
to-day." Mr. Bradlaugh's Bill forced the Government to
introduce a Bill of their own- and the historic speech
which Mr. Gladstone made on the occasion of the
passing of that Bill is well-known to the public. He
asked the Government to construe that half-hearted
measure in a liberal spirit and clearly foreshadowed the
real reforms that were demanded and which sixteen years
later were carried out by his friend and biographer.
The next deputation appointed by the Congress was in
1890 and it was composed of Messrs. George Yule,
Pherozeshah Mehta, W. C. Bonnerjee, John Adam,
Monomohan Ghose, A. O. Hume, Kalicharan Banerjee,
Dada-bhai Naoroji and D. A. Khare. It should be
gratefully recorded that Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee and Mr.
Dadabhai Naoroji, both of whom practically settled
themselves in England in the service of the country,
were among the strongest pillars of the movement, as
they were among its original founders, and neither
grudged their time, energies or money in the sacred
cause to which they had consecrated their lives. In
1889 Mr. D. E. Watcha, Mr. G. K. Gokhale and Mr.
Surendranath Banerjee were deputed to give evidence

138 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

before the Royal Commission on Expenditure and the-
remarkable evidence which they gave not only fully
justiiBed the confidence reposed in them, but also vindi-
cated the character and weight of the political organiza-
tion started in India. The next Congress deputation in
1904 consisted of Mr. G. K Gokhale and Mr. Lajpat
Rai. Mr. Gokhale was again sent in the following
year and on both the occasions he made such an im-
pression as to mark him as one of the foremost politi-
cians in India. For careful study, lucid marshalling of
facts and incisive arguments, no less than for his
unassuming manners and devotion to duty, Mr. Gokhale
stands out a most prominent figure in the Indian poli-
tical world. If Mr. Surendranath Banerjee towers head
and shoulder over his colleagues in his stupendous ener-
gies and matchless eloquence, Mr. Gokhale* also appears
to be unsurpassed in his mastery of facts and close rea-
soning for which Sir Guy Fleetwood Wilson went so far
as to compare him with Mr. Gladstone. But through a
strange'irony of fate, for which India is not at all respon-
sible, neither of th ese trusted leaders of the people has
yet been found worthy of a place in the bureaucratic
administration of the country. The last deputation
sent by the Congress was that authorised by the Karachi
Congress of 1913. It was composed of Mr, Bhupendra
Nath Basu (Bengal), Mr. Sarma (Madras), Messrs.
M. A, Jinnah and N. M. Samarth (Bombay), Messrs.

* Since these pages were sent to the press Mr. Gokhale haa
been out ofi in the prime of his life, and both the Government
and the country have now come equally to mourn the irreparable
loss.

THE WORK IN ENGLAND 139'^

S. Sinha and Mazhar-ul Haque (United Provinces and
Behar) and Lala Lajpat Rai (Punjab). In one sense it
was a most unfavourable time for an Indian deputation,
as the British public were almost distracted over the
Irish Home Rule Bill introduced in Parliament and which
obliged the King to make an extraordinary step of
summoning a conference of all the leading politicians in
the country ^o avert a civil war with which it was threat-
ened ; while on the other hand it was a most momentous
occasion for India when Ijord Crewe introduced in the
Upper House a Bill to amend the constitution of the
India Council in Whitehall, The extremely unsatisfac-
tory composition of that Council was fully discussed by
the first Congress in 1885 T^Hiich passed a resolution for
its absolution in the form in which it stood at the time.
Lord Morley, along with his Reform Scheme, consider-
ably liberalized the constitution of the India Council by
an informal admission of two Indian members into its
composition. Lord Crewe proposed to go a step further
by giving a statutory sanction to the Indian element-
of the Council and by providing a system of nomination
for this element out of a panel of forty to be elected by
• the various Legislative Councils in India. It was of
course not a measure of perfection, while its proposal
for instituting a departmental system of administration
by the Council was certainly open to grave objection.
But the Bill contained germs of great potentiaFities and-
if passed through the Lords might have undergone fur-
ther improvements in the Commons, and there is an»
overwhelming body of opinion in this country that there
was a great tactical blunder committed in allowing Lord-

140 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

<>urzon and others of his school feo be able to lay hold on
Indian opinion, of whatever character or complexion, as
an additional weapon of attack in their opposition to
the proposed legislation. It is to be deeply regretted
that in this, as in not a few other cases, India has
inadvertently played into the hands of her shrewd
adversaries. It is, however, no use crying over split
milk. Attempts should now be made to ^ have a Bill
introduced in the Commons at an early oppor-
tunity to deal with the question. If one thing has
been made clearer than another by the failure of Lord
Crewe's Bill it is the fact, that there should be some
Indian representative in England to work in conjunction
with the British Committee, to stimulate British sym-
pathy and to take time by the forelock at every oppor-
tunity to further the interests of Jndia at the seat of real
power. Such were the works which ,were at one time
done by Messrs. Dadabhai Naoroji and W. C. Bonnerjee
and means should be devised to install at least one such
Indian representative in London.

CHAPTER XIIL

THB CONGRESS: A NATIONAL MOVEMENT.

For a long time the claim the Congress to be

[styled a national movement was strenuously, if

? not quite seriously, disputed by its critics. Some

Iv^derisively called it a *' Bengalee Congress,*' although

the Bengalees had clearly no more hand in it, either

vin its inception or in its development, than the Parsis,

THE congress: national movement. 141

the Maharafefeas, or the Madrasis,] and the Bengalee*
would have been simply proud fco accept; the doubtful
conapliment paid to them if only it were the barest
truth ;jothers, professing to be a little more catholic
dubbed it as a " Hindu Congress*" as if the Hindus were
altogether a negligible factor in the country and that
such a disqualification was sufficient for its disparage-
ment in the estimation of the public and to discredit
its weight and importance with the authorities : while-
the more adroit among these critics denounced it as an
organization of the "Educated Minority" in the coun-
try/ks though it were an established fact, that the re-
cognized political associaJions in all other civilized
countries were, as a rule, composed of their illiterate-
majority and that where such an element failed an
organization, however . strong in its moral, intellectual
or material equipment, must stand forfeited of all claims
to be recognized as a national institution.? The truth,.
however, seems to be, that early exiled from the healthy
public life of their own native land, trained in all the
ways of a dominant race in a subject country and
nurtured in the traditionary legends of their racial
superiority, the Anglo-Indian community naturally re-
ceived a rude shock at the first appearance of the new
spirit and taxed all the resources of their ingenuity to-
nip it in the bud. These captions critics, to whom
history apparently furnished no logic of facts, had the
catching expression of " microscopic minority " coined
for them by a high authority, while they themselves
were not slow to invent a few more smart phrases to
discredit the movement in this country and prejudice

d42 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

.public opioion in England. No abuse was deemed too
strong and no criticism too severe for the condemnation
of the new movement whose aims and objects were re-
garded not only as a threatened invasion of their pres-
criptive rights and privileges rendered indefeasible by
long enjoyment, but also as a serious disturbance of the
established order of things permanently sanctioned by
-custom, usage and tradition ofithe country. "Dreaming
idealists," "impotent sedition-mongers," " self-constitut-
,ed delegates," "disappointed place-seekers," "pretentious
body of irresponsible agitators," and many other elegant
phrases of the same description were among the weapons
offensive and defensive forged* by these critics to dispose
of the members of the Congress and to discredit the
movement. But if the movement was really as nothing,
it is rather difficult to appreciate why so much powder
and shot were simply wasted for destroying such a ciny
gnat and why such severe attention was paid to a
handful of political somnambulists. It was, however,
not found Dossible to sustain these reckless charges for a
long timo^ as quite a different verdict was pronounced at
an early stage both here as well as in England establish-
ing the claim of the Congress to represent the enlightened
views of the Indian public without distinction of caste
or creed, colour or race. It maybe perfectly true, that
all the communities in the country have not equally
•distinguished themselves on the Congress platform ; but
it can hardly be denied that the better minds of every
vcommunity have been throughout in perfect agreement
with its aims and objects and have never dissented from
its programme/^

THE CONGRESS : A NATIONAL MOVEMENT. 143

It has already been pointed out, that so far back
as 1890, when the Congress was but five years old, the
Government of Lord Lansdowne recognised that the
Oongress was regarded as representing the advanced
Liberal Party in India as distinguished from the power-
iul body of conservative opinion ruling the country,
8ince»then Lord Morley, Mr. Justin McCarthy, Sir
William Hunter, Sir Charles Dilke, Lord Randolph Chur-
chill, Mr. Herbert (now Lord) Gladstone, Sir Eichard
Garth and many other distinguished and responsible
authorities have from time to time admitted the charac-
ter of the Congress as a national assembly fairly repre-
sentative of the Indian people. Speaking in 1890 Sir
Charles Dilke said : —

" Argument upon the matter is to be desired, but not in-
vectives, and there is so much reason to think that the Congress
movement really represents the cultivated intelligence of the
^country that those who ridicule it do harm to the imperial interests
of Great Britain, bitterly wounding and alienating men who are
justified in what they do, who do it in reasonable and cautious
form and who ought to be conciliated by being met half-way."

There is the testimony of Mr. Herbert Gladstone who

said that :

"The national movement in India, which has taken a purely
constitutional and loyal form and which expresses through the
Congress the legitimate hopes and requirements of the people, is
one with which I sincerely sympathise. I should consider it a
ibigh honour in however small a degree to be associated with it."

Sir William Hunter, than whom there is hardly a

more experienced Indian authority, observed :

" The Indian National Congress is essentially the child of
British rule, the product of our schools and universities. We had
created and fostered the aspirations which animated the Congress,
and it would be both childish and unwise to refuse now to those
■aspirations both our sympathy and respectful consideration,'*

144 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION,

Lord Morley, speaking from bis placaia the Housq'
of Commons as'the responsible minisfcer for India, said: — '

" I do not say that I agree with all that the Congress desires;
hut speaking broadly of what I conceive to be at the bottom of the
Congress I do not see why any one who takes a cool and steady
view of Indian Government should be frightened."

The Bighfc Hon. Sir Richard G&rth, Kt, Chie^
Jusfcice of Bengal, writing in 1895, said: —

,. ,';* It seems to me that so far from being in any way objec-
tionable, the Congress afiords an open, honest and loyal means
'of taaking the views and wishes of the most intelligent section of
the Indian people known to the Government,"

And, above all, Hig Imperial Majesty George V, was
himself pleased to accord his recognition to the Congress
by accepting its message of welcome and thanking it for
its loyal devotion to the Throne on the occasion of his
auspicious visit to India in 1911. \ It seems unnecessary
to multiply further evidence in support of the official as
well as the popular verdict in favour of the claim and
character of the Congress as a representative institutionJl
It may simply be added for the satisfaction of those who
may still continue to be at heart dissatisfied with that
verdict, on the ostensible ground of the mass of the
population not being in evidence on the Congress plat-
form, that the microscopic minority '* in every country,,
whether in the East or in the West, have always
represented the telescopic majority, and that, nowhere
have the inarticulate mass of a people spoken except
through the mouth of the educated few. Then as
regards the old, orthodox and favourite argument of the
Anglo-Indian comoaunity based upon the assumed
diffe^rences between the classes and the masses it were

GD litOc2di>aij2_j2L&SO^i/1k? ■■

PRRSrD13N-T, 1889 & 1910.

CO

«3£

W 00

§1

fl4

THE CONGRESS: A NATIONAL MOVEMENT. 145

well to remember, that even in the aeventies of th&
century that has just closed over us John Bright
had to complain that the Parliament of Great Britain
was not after all a " transparent mirror of publia
opinion" and that the Labour party in that Parlia-
ment representing the masses of England is only oi
very recent growth and as yet furnishes but a wholly
inadequate representation of its immense working popu-
lation. It may be no mere disputatious argument ta
advance, that if the Mother of Parliaments, which in
its origin was no more than an assembly of a handful
of " wise men," and which even in its later developments
was composed of a hereditary aristocracy and a few
hundred chosen representatives drawn only from tho^
ranks of advanced enlightened communities could
have constitutionally governed for centuries the destinies-
of the greatest empire in the world, it would hardly
be decent to put forward any pretext based upon
a question of class interest to dispute the represent-
ative character of an advisory political organization
without any legal origin or statutory constitution.
Nobody contends that the Congress is a " transparent
mirror of public opinion" in India ; but if it ia
not so transparent as the Parliament of Great Britain,,
or the Chamber of the French Republic, is it really very
much more opaque than the Duma of Russia, or even
the Reichstag of Germany, as far as reflection of public
opinion is concerned ? If there has been no objection ta
the National League representing the cause of Ireland
for more than half-a-century, with one of its four divi-
sions in open arms against it, the title of the Icdiao
10

146 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUIION,

National Congress, with only one pi its many communi-
ti6a partially standing aside as neutral and passively
watching the fight, may not be deemed so extravagant
as to form a point in a serious discussion on such general
issues as are involved in this great movement. The Con-
gress is not even thirty years old, and if within this short
period it has established its claim to be the mouthpiece
of the teeming millions of India even in some respects
and has never done anything to forfeit their tacit confi-
dence, then nobody need fairly grudge its just and
legitimate aspiration to be called a National Assembly.
It is certainly not the essential condition of a
national institution that every member or even every
■community of the nation should be actively associated
with it ; for if it were so, even the most thoroughly
representative of Parliaments would cease to be a na-
tional insbitution.r^An institution is quite national if
it possesses in the main a representative character,
embodies the national spirit and is guided by aims and
objects of national advancement. It may sometimes
fail to be a transparent mirror of public opinion parti-
cularly where such opinion is in such a nebulous con-
dition as to be unable to cast a distinct reflection even
on the most powerful camera ; but it Js always expected
faithfully to reflect an interest whicb once itS^-^e-
sented in proper shade and light, at once catches the
Attention of the public and attracts the national sym-
pathies and energies towards its attainment. In this
way national organizations have everywhere preceded
national awakening in its widest sense, and sometimes
a single individual gifted with extraordinary vision has

THE CONGRESS ! A NATIONAL MOVEMENT. U7

o'evolufeionized an entire national life, y^ajions are not
born but naade, and the highe8t evolution of national,
like individual, life ia attained through a slow and
'laborious process of organized e^qjcts^ Judged bv the
above test the claim of the Congress to be recog-
^nized as a national assembly could hardly be dis-
puted by any but the most perverse critics. If
Mr. Disraeli, Lord Hartington, Mr. Joseph Chamber-
lain, Mr. Balfour and other millionaires could represent
the labouring classes of England, because a percentage
of them were able to exercise their forced votes in their
favour, then surely men like Dadabhai Naoroji, W. C.
Bonnerjee, Pherozeshah Mehta, Surendranath Banerjee,
Rash Behary Ghose, Kashinath Trimbak Telang, Bud-
ruddin Tyabjee, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Abdul Rasul,
Ananda Charlu, Krisbnaswami Iyer, Sirdar Dyal Singh,
Lajpat Rai, Madan Mohan Malaviya, Muzur-ul-Haque,
Hasan Imam and many others, men all born of the
-people, might well have been depended on to voice forth
more faithfully the wants and wishes of the voiceless
millions of India than the editors of the Pioneer, the
Civil and Military Gazette, the Englishman^ the
Statesman and other birds of passage of nearly the same
feather, whatever their pretensions may be in the
position which they occupy in the administration of the
country.

Among the Indians themselves the Parsis as a
community were no doubt for a short time wavering
in their attitude ; but the great personality of Mr.
Dadabhai Naoroji and the firm attitude of men like Sir
Pherozeshah Mehta and Mr. Dinshaw Edulji Wacha

148 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

settled the question, and that inoportant community
bodily cast in their lot with the national movement-
The Eurasian community, having its stronghold in
Madras, did not fail to realise its true position during
the Ilbert Bill controversy and having wisely stood aloof,
at least in the Southern Presidency, from that controversy
it heartily joined the new movement under the leadership*
of Messrs. W. S. White, and W. S. Gantz ; while Captain
Banon from the Punjab. Mr. Howard, the President of
the Anglo-Indian and Eurasian Association at Allahabad,.
Captain Hearsay from Dehra-Dun, Mr. Crowley of the
firm of Messrs. Crowley & Co., and Mr. George Yule-
from Bengal with many other Europeans and Eurasians
of note from time to time joined and strengthened the
rank and file of the organisation.

An artificial and mischievous manoeuvre was en-
gineered by a section of the Anglo-Indian Press which
with the active support of a shortsighted bureaucracy
doted on the mean policy of Divide- et-impera and
captured the great but backward Mahomedan commun-
ity who were taught the unworthy tactics o^ lying in
wait for the other communities to draw the chestnuts
out of the fire, so that they might comfortably mounch
them without burning their fingers in the fire of ofiicial
displeasure. At the first Congress in 1885 Mr. Eahim-
tullah Sayani was the only Mahomedan present, and
the Anglo-Indian Press of the time complacently re-
marked that even he did not take any active part in its
deliberations. But it would appear from the subse-
quent presidential addresses of both Mr. Budruddin
Tyabji and Mr. Eahimtullah Sayani that they were-

THE CONGRESS : A NATIONAL MOVEMENT. 149

• fhearti and soul wifch the movement from the very begin-

ning. In the Second Congress the number of Mussal-
man Delegates was 33, while at Madras in 1887 their
•number rose to 81. At the fourth Congress at Allahabad
the Mahomedan Delegates numbered 221 out of a total
of 1,248 Delegates. Thus the interest of that great com-
munity in the national movement, in spite of the syren
song of the Anglo Indian press, was steadily and rapidly
increasing- But since the Allahabad Congress, when the
attitude of the authorities become more pronounced, the
Mahomedans began to secede, and their *' approved
loyalty", which some silly persons on the other side
irreverently called " oilty ", was turned into a "valuable
asset" by certain designing people.

Iti is no doubt true, that in the fifth session of the ^
^Congress held at Bombay the number, though not the
.percentage, of Mahomedan Delegates rose higher than at/
the preceding session at Allahabad. There were 254
Mahomedans out of a total of 1,889 Delegates. But it
should be remembered that it was a historic session com-
monly known as the *' Bradlaugh Congress '* which, as
has been already pointed out, attracted an unusually
large number of people, including even officials in secret
to see and hear the great champion of democracy, and
that a large majority of these Mahomedan Delegates
attended from the Bombay Presidency where the
Mahomedan community, though numerically smaller,
has been until very recently ever more progressive
'than in the rest of India. It is however worthy o£
vDotice that two of the Mahomedan Delegates at this

150 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

very Congress, one hailing from the Punjab and fche ofeher-
from the United Provinces noade no secret of their racial
opposition to the Congress proposal as regards the
reform of the Legislative Councils. Besides, the remark-
able dearth of Mahomedan Delegates at all subsequent^
sessions of the Congress, until the last sessions held at
Karachi, conclusively proved that the official reporter of
1889 was quite premature in his forecast of growing
Mahomedan interest in the national movement. It is
doubtless true that advanced Mussalmans like Mr. Abdul
Kasul in Bengal and Mr, Comuruddin Tyabji in Bombay
not to speak of stalwarts like Messrs. Budruddin
Tyabji and RahimtuUah Sayani, never swerved from
their allegiance to the national cause ; but the bulk of
the Moslem community were led astray and successful-
ly kept back for a long time from joining the movement.
Several unfortunate incidents also contributed towards
widening the breach between the two main communities-
in the country, while their separation from a common
platform served not a little to make the'relation between
them more and more strained utider the continuous
fanning of the Anglo-Indian community who scarcely
made any secret of their policy of playing one against
the other. But the game has happily been almost played
out. The intelligent Islamic community, with the rapid'
growth of education, are gradually awaking to a consci-
ousness of the ignominious position into which they have
been led and are steadily pressing forward to cake their
legitimate place by the side of the other communities,,
fighting shoulder to shoulder for the attainment of their-
jcommon destiny.

THE CONGRESS: A NATIONAL MOVEMENT. 151

The Moslem League, whatever the object; of its
founders and the attitude of some of its early members
may have been, has, in the dispensation of an inscrutable
providence, done for the Mahomedans what the Congress
had done much earlier for the other communities in the
country. It has slowly imbued them with the broad
vision of national interests and inoculated them with
ideas of common rights and responsibilities, when at the
last Session of the League they openly embraced the com-
mon political faith so long preached by the Congress. If
men like Mazur-ul-Haque, Hassan Imam, Wazir
Hussain, Ibrahim Rahimatullah, Jinnah, Mahomedali
and last but not least the present Agah Khan could have
appeared in the Eighties and joined hands with Messrs.
Budruddin Tyabji, Rahimatullah Sayaui and Abdul
Rasul the history of the Indian National Congress might-
now have been written in an altogether different style.
But it must be said to the credit of the Mahomedan
community, that although for a long time they kept
themselves aloof from the Congress, they never could be
persuaded to start any active^movement to counteract ita
progress. The fictitious counter-agitation was kept up-
only by the selfish Anglo-Indian press at the instance of
a narrow and nervous bureaucracy in the ostensible-
name of the Mahomedan community, and there is suffi-
cient reason to believe that intelligent Mahomedans were
not wanting who saw through the bluff and thoroughly
understood in whose interest the agitation was really
engineered, though from prudential considerations they
were unable openly to denounce it. The great sage of
Aligarh, who during his lifetime was the recognized leader

152 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

of the community, did nob fail frankly fco acknowledge
that; the Hindus and the Mussalmans in India ** were
like the two eyes of a fair maiden" and that " it was
impossible to injure the one without affecting the other,"
and, he might well have added, without disfiguring the
maiden altogether. It is worthy of remark, that the
Oongress from an early stage took care to safeguard the
interests of all minorities and with a view to remove all
possible misapprehension from the minds of the Mussal-
mans distinctly provided, that when any community in
the Congress being in the minority should appear to be
€ven nearly unanimous in opposing any motion such
motion shall be dropped. Besides, it is an incontrover-
tible fact that the Congress has up to this time never
passed a single resolution advocating the interests of any
particular community, or of the classes against those of
the masses. On the contrary it has throughout recogniz-
-ed that the future destiny of the country largely, if not
«olely, depended upon the harmonious co-operation of
all the communities and the amelioration of the condition
of its huge working and agricultural population, and has
as such persistently urged for educational facilities for
the backward communities in the country. Education
18 the only leaven that can leaven the whole lump, and
the Congress has never failed to realize that as education
advances the apparently heterogeneous elements in the
country are bound to coalesce and solidify into a
homogeneous mass.

In the meantime, however, in the midst of the
perennial controversy that raged between a jealous

THE CONGRESS: A NATIONAL MOVEMENT. 153

bureaucracy and a diaferusfcful public and in spifce of fche
opposition, calumny and misrepresenfeafcion which never
ceased feo dog its foofcsfceps, the naovemenfc went on gaining
strength both in volume and intensity every year. In
its majestic march it swept away all obstacles presented
by differences of creed and caste, of language as well as
of customs, habits and manners, and the process of uni-
fication went on apace rounding off those local and racial
angularities which stood in its course and bearing down
those treacherous shoals and bars which the opposition
fondly hoped would wreck it one day. It has passed
through many trials and tribulations and tided over many
dangers and difficulties which lay in its way. Many
were the "candid friends" who in season and out of
season raised their warning voice against what they
deemed its ** mad career " ; but the collective wisdom of
a renovated people under the guidance of a higher inspir-
ation has gone on working in the sacred cause with
•stout heart and sincere devotion. The acuteness of the
opposition has now nearly died out ; while with the falsi-
^cation of the ominous prophecies of the ** birds of evil
presage " their shrieks are heard growing fainter and
fainter as the day of the inevitable seems to be approach-
ing. It is no less an authority than Sir William
Hunter who has borne his ungrudging- testimony to the
■fact that '* the Indian National Congress has outlived
the early period of misrepresentation ; it has shewn that
it belongs to no single section of the population " ; while
it may be fairly remarked, that Hindus, Mussalmans,
Parsis and Christians, all have been proud of the honour
of occupying the presidential chair of the Congress as the

154 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

highesfe distinction in the gift of the country and its^
people.

It is however still argued, that although the Congress
may be a national assembly it can never hope to attain
its chimerical object in view — the establishment of an.
Indian nationality ; for there are said to be four essential
conditions for the constitution of a nation, in that there
must be a common race, common government, common
tongue and a common religion, and that India being a
congeries of people lacking in all these essential elements
can never hope to evolve a nationality out of a Babel of
confusion into which she has been hopelessly plunged
by centuries of revolutions and changes unparalleled in
the history of the world. These are all plausible argu-
ments no doubt ; but not one of them will probably
stand the test of careful examination in the light of
modern political evolution of the world. The race
question, strictly speaking, is more or less of a larger
or smaller formula of ethnological classification. The
modern Indians are broadly divided into two races,
the Hindus and Mussalmans, the former having larger
and sharper sub-divisions than the latter ; but both
descended from a common Aryan stock, more agnatic
in their relation to each other than most of the
European peoples. The Hindu anthropology indeed
traces them to one common descent within the legendary
period of ancient history. However that may be, the
question is, does this difference in races constitute
a permanent bar to their so uniting as to constitute a
political unit or nation ? Without going far back into
antiquity it may be confidently asked, is there any^

THE CONGRESS : A NATIONAL MOVEMRNT. 155

nation of modern tiroes which is not composed of distinct
and different racial units which have been welded
together by forces other than those of mere ethnology ?
The Plots and the Scots, the Angles and the Saxons, the
Celts and the Welsh are all incorporated in the great
British nation, although they one and all still retain
distinctive racial characteristics of their own to no small
extent. In Germany the Teutons and the Slavs, the
Prussians, the Bavarians and the Silicians and in that
curious Dual-Monarchy of Austria-Hungary the Germans,
the Magyars or Hungarians, Czechs, Poles, Slavs, Serbs,
Croats and Roumanians are all distinct racial units
consolidated into a national federation of no ordinary
solidarity and strength. So it is idle to contend that
racial differences in India can by themselves stand as an
insuperable difficulty in the way of the Hindus and
Mussalmans, with an intermediate link of the Parsis
between them, coalescing and forming a political unit.
The process has already started and it is only a question
of time when they will become completely fused into a
consolidated national organization.

As regards religion, it must be admitted, that
although in the early stages of social evolution and
even down to the end of the middle ages religious faiths
constituted the strongest cement of national unity,
a mighty cnange has taken place in modern times all
over the world, With increased facilities of com-
munication, both through land and water, and ever
increasing expansion of trade and commerce a rapid
diffusion of people throughout the world has taken
place converting every civilised country into a congeries

156 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

of people, each with distinct habits, manners and
religious beliefs, The ancient territorial distributions on
the basis of religious ties have all been broken up and
with the advancement of science and development of
materialism a nation has received the connotation more

• of a political organization than of a religious confeder-
acy. Freedom of conscience and religious toleration
have revolutionized every country and every society,
and different and even divergent faiths no longer count
against the forces of a national evolution. Even
education has been secularized throughout the world,
and the spirit of Ijlartin Luther's reform, which first
effected in Europe a permanent divorce of Education

ifrom Religion has permeated the entire civilization of
the world and considerably weakened, if not complete-
ly shattered, the influence of the church and clergy of

• every creed in moulding and shaping the destinies of
nations. A nation therefore is now more a political
unit than a religious organization. The differences

<i between the Saivas and Vaishnavas and SaJctas, or
for the matter of that between the Hindus and the
Buddhists, the Jains and the Sikhs are not more

» marked than those between the Catholics and the Protest-
ants, tne Methodists and the Greek Ohurch, Then
are there not Unitarians and Positivists, Free-thinkers
and Non-conformists side by side with members of the
Orthodox Churches in every country in Europe and
America forming integral parts of one, indivisible
nation ? No man now cares more about the religious
convictions of his neighbour than of his private character.
It is now the public life of a people, as reflected in

THE CONGRBSS: A NATIONAL MOVEMENT. 157'

public interest and public opinion, combined with a
singleness of purpose and unity of aims and objects
which constitutes the national spirit. It is not at all
suggested that other moral and spiritual qualities do not
go far to exalt the individual as well as the nation ; but
these higher attributes are not among the inseparable^
accidents of national life.

Common government and common language no
doubt form the basis of a national organisation, the one
furnishing articulate expression of common interests and
common sentiments and the other translating them into
action. In India the English language has become
the lingua franca of the educated community whose
number is daily increasing and whose ideas, thoughts
and actions are purveyed to the rest of the population
lihrough the medium of a number of allied dialects air
derived from a common source, and it is no more diffi-
cult for the people of the different provinces to under-
stand each other than it is for the mass of the Irish,
Scotch and Welshman to understand the Englishman,.
A common script for all the Indian languages would
undoubtedly facilitate, as it has facilitated in the ease
of Europe, the study of the various dialects in this
country ; but even if that is not possible the difficulty
may be solved by introducing some of these languages
in an interprovincial curriculum of the departments or
universities at certain stage of the educational system
of the different provinces. The Bengalee, the Hindus-
tani, the Mahrattee and the Telugu are the most
important among the spoken and written languages in the
country and if these are taught in our schools or colleges

158 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

of all fche provinces the linguisfcic connecfcioD between
the different races may be satisfactorily established.

As regards government, the Indian peoples occupy
a still more favourable position. For the evolution of a
national life it is absolutely necessary that the entire
population of a geographical unit, whatever differences
there may be in their racial, linguistic or religious com-
position, should be under one and the same rule.
Where this condition fails there is disintegration even
among people belonging to the same race, speaking the
same language and professing the same faith, and each
integral section under a separate rule forms a distinct
nation. As has already been said, a nation in the
modern acceptance of the term is now a political unit
formed out of community oi^ interest, community of
laws and community of rights and responsibilities.
These are all created and conserved under the guidance
^nd inspiration of a force which is generated by a
common rule whether it be monarchical, democratic or
republican in its character. There was a time when
the Bengalees, the Punjabis and the Mahrattas form-
ed distinct nations, as the Prussians, the Bavarians and
the Silicians on the one hand and the Bohemians,
the Magyars, the Czechs and the Slavs on the other
did atone and no distant time. But being brought
under the same rule, subject to the same laws and
invested with the same rights and responsibilities,
emanating from the same fountainhead, the Bengalee,
the Panjabi and the Mahratta are now but different
factors of one and the same political unit or nation.
Thus the Parsi or the Mahomedan in India no

THE CONaRESS: A NATIONAL MOVEMENT. 159

longer owes any fcenaporal allegiance to the Shah
of Persia or the Sultan of Turkey, nor do they belong
to the Persian or Turkish nation. They are both in-
corporated in the body of the vast Indian Nation.
The Government is the cement of a national organi-
zation and without such a cement even the most ad-
vanced countries in the world would fall to pieces
like a house of cards. It is quite true, that under the
existing conditions it is simply impossible for India to
aim at sovereign independence and yet maintain its
natiionalism ; for no sooner such an attempt is made it
must stand split up into its racial factors, the cement
would be gone and the vast fabric of its national orga-
nization tumble down entirely broken up. There may
be then a Bengalee, or a Punjabi, or a J^ahratta State,
but no longer an United-India, or an Indian Nation.
For the higher evolution of such a nationality the
Indian National Congress from the very beginning
set up an ideal on the permanent basis of a great
confederacy under a common rule such as was
furnished by the paramount authority of Great Britain.
The Congress certainly aims at freedom ; but not at
separation. On the contrary it is the freedom of
the different members of a body which while they are
perfectly free to discharge their respective functions
independently are at the same time dependent upon one
another for their vital existence as a whole, and which
in their mutual relation imply no subjection, but enjoin
•equality and interdependence. It is in this conception
that lies the true inwardness of ludian nationalism and
it is this ideal which constitutes the just claim of the

160 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Indian Nafeional Congress to be styled a national move-
ment. Lord Hardinge's famous despatch of the 25th
August 1911 gives a correct expression to the spirit of
that movement and clearly indicates the only legitimate-
development of a^ permanent British rule in India.
However much British diplomacy may turn and twist
the plain terms of that important document to wriggle
out of an inevitable situation, it is bound to work out
its peaceful solution at first in the formation of a confe-
deracy of autonomous units within the country and at
the consummation in the evolution of a larger, stronger
and prouder unit, self-contained, self-adjusted, self-
reliant, and standing side by side and co-operating with
the other self-governing limits of the Empire. Such a
conception miiut no doubt take time to materialize
itself ; but it is by no means a fantastic dream. Besides,
the world has always dreamt before its waking and
evolved its sternest realities out of its wildest dreams.
But even without indulging in dreams it is permissible
to read the signs of time which in its onward and
irresistible march is visibly arraying the moral forces
of humanity for a thorough revision and re-adjustment
of the destinies of the world from which India alone
cannot be excluded. If the Philippinos in the Pacific,
the Poles in Central Europe, and even the Negroes of
Liberia have succeeded in evolving their destinies as
self-governing people, the claim of India for an equal
partnership in the federation of the British Empire may
be neither so extravagant, nor so remote and visionary
as to be altogether beyond the range of practical politics.

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CHAPTER XIV.

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS.

Unification

Human nafcure, says Hobbes, is a afcrange admixiiure of
contrarieties. It is always dissatisfied with the present,
and while thB 6ternal law of progress iticessantly impels
it to court the futui'e, it seems never tired of its la-
mentations for fehie '* good old days " which it has deli-
berately changed' and which never can return. If such
inconsistency is only an aberration of human nature in
general, it is the' marked characteristic of the Indiaii
temperament. To the Present it can hardly be recon-^
ciled until it has vanished into the Past, while its
feeble attraction for the Future looses all its force even
as it makes a new approach to the living Present.
While the robust living nations of the world, believing
as they do in its perpetual evolution, generally look to
the past only to receive inspiration for the future, old
decaying people like the Indians, whose only pride is
in their past, regard the moral progress of that-
world as having long passed its meridian and
as now being on its descending node. They have no
faith in the world's resurrection until its annihilation
and as such very little confidence in its future. Centuries
of revolutions and changes have made nhem sceptical of
the justice and conscience of a materialistic world, while
the teachings of a mystic philosophy, which represents
that world as a delusion, furnish them sufficient.
11

162 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

consolation for patient submission to " the slings and
arrows of an outrageous fortune." Like hopeless bank-
rupts they fondly dote upon the legends of their vanished
glories and while 'bitterly oomplaining of the present they
are more inclined to suffer the evils which they know
than fly to others which they know not. Their
loyalty and devotion to time-honoured institutions and
■established order of things make them generally averse
to a change and naturally dispose them to drift. Their
<5ontact with Western culture has however gradually
changed the angle of their vision and from the dream-
land of their mystic philosophy they are slowly awaken-
ing to the realities of a living world. The Congress
working on Western ideas and ideals has been largely
instrumental in breaking down this inertia and in infus-
ing a spirit of useful activity in the national character.
It has dissipated the wildest fancies of a people who, in
their philosophical contempt for this life, seemed to have
«.cquired more intimate knowledge of the unknown than
of the known, more of the next world than of this. It
has inspired them with a living consciousness which has
diverted their mind from the dead past to the living
present and fixed their attention on the coming future
with hope and confidence. But though the conscious-
ness has come, the latent poison in the system seems
not to have entirely lost its deleterious effects. In the
Indian temperament a moral aversion to fight and a
habitual love of repose act in the first place as a deter-
rent to the assumption of an aggressive attitude for the
assertion of any right, and when force of circumstances
constrains it to take the defensive, or to seek for a

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 163

change, fchat temperament cannot keep up a long and
sustained struggle and naturally demands a speedy
solution. One score and eight years are nothing in the
life of a nation, and yet within this short period there
fl.re not few people who seem to have become tired of
the fight. It is besides a strange feature of the situation,
that those who have rendered the least active service
are the most sceptical of success and in their inert
pessimism despondently, if not derisively, ask what has
the Congress done for a quarter of a century ? But a
4ittle reflection would show that the Indian National
Congress has done more for India in twenty-five years
than what the National League with all its superior
advantages did in about fifty years for Ireland.

Next to the national consciousness which it has
awakened the first and foremost work done by the
Congress is the unification of the various and diverse
races inhabiting this vast country. It has moulded a
vast heterogeneous population into a homogeneous whole.
If the Congress had done nothing else, this one achieve-
ment alone would have justified its existence for twenty-
five years. A generation ago the stalwart and turbulant
Punjabi,' the intelligent and sensitive Bengalee, the
orthodox and exclusive Madrassi, the ardent and astute
Maharatta, the anglicised Parsi and the cold, calculating
• Guzerati, were perfect strangers to one other, and if
they happened to meet anywhere they learnt only to
■despise each other. Their hereditary tradition was one
■ of mutual distrust, while their past history was marked
ooly by internecine feuds, pillage and bloodshed. But

164 INDIAN NATIONAIi EVOLUTION.

whafc are they to-day ? They ara now all united by a>
strong and indissoluble tie of brotherhood, overriding:
all distinctions of caste and creed, and inspired by
mutual appreciation and common fellowship. Hatred has
given place to love and callousness to sympathy. In the
prophetic words of Dr. Kajendralala Mitter " the scatter-
ed units of the race have coalesced and coma together."
The 'geographical expression" has become a political
entity and the " congeries of people" have come to
form a nation. The descendants of the Burgis ara now
among the fastest friends of the Bengalees and many a
young man now in the Gangetic delta wonder why there
ever was such a thing as the Maharatta Ditch, or how
the sweet lullaby with which the Bengalee baby is com-
posed to sleep was ever invented by the matrons of an
earlier generation.' A magnetic current has been esta-
blished from Norbh to South and from Bast to West and
a common pulsation now vibrates throughout the land. A
Land Alienation Bill or a Colonization Bill in the Punjab,
a revision of Land Settlement in Bombay or Madras, a
territorial redistribution in Bengal and a mosque dispute
in the United Provinces — now all strike the national
chord and the whole country resounds in unison, and
whatever administrative measure injuriously effects one

* As the Germans are niok-named by the French as Boches,
so the Maharattas who used to carry on depredations in Bengal
and levy the chouth were called Burgis by the Bengalees. The
doggerel to which reference is made may be rendered as follows: —
*'My baby sleeps ; the neighbours have gone to rest ; but the Burgis
Jbiave come ; the locusts have destroyed the crop, and whence shall I
ay^tbe chouthT^ The Burgi at one time was the Bona of India.. ,

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 165

'province is now sorely felt; and aufcomafcically resented by
^the other provinces. India is no longer a menagerie of
wild and disoordenfc elements and its peoples can now
hardly be used as game-cocks to one another. They are
now imbued with a national spirit and are daily growing
in solidarity and compactness. The Congress has thus
laid the, first concrete foundation for the colossal work
of nation-building and the establishment of an united
Indian federation under the aBgis of the British
Crown.

DEVELOPMENT OP NATIONAL CHARACTER.

During the last thirty years the national character and
•characteristics have also undergone a remarkable change.
As under the breath of the new spirit the popular mind
has expanded and narrow communal sentiments have
•broadened into wider visions and conceptions, so the
national character has also acquired a corresponding hue
of healthy tone and complexion. Ideas of self-respect, self-
reliance and self-sacrifice, though not yet fully developed,
are quite manifest in almost every grade of society and
in nearly every phase of life ; while greater love of truth,
courage and straightforwardness, sometimes bordering
even on impertinence, are among the notable traits in
the character of the educated young men in the country.
I'The sense of humiliating dependence even in domestic
^ relation is fast dying out, while in some places even the
time-honoured corporate character of the family, the
special feature of Indian social organisation, has become
f?o much loosened as to be almost threatened with a
•collapse. Individualism is the most marked characteristic

166 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

of fcbe educated community and whether young or old^
they are all animated by a manly desire to think and^
act for themselves, although this tendency is too often-
carried to extravagant excess, on the one hand through
blind, indiscreet attempts to enforce implicit obedience,
and on the other hand from inordinate conceit and
impatience of control. It is in fact in this development
of their character, even more than in their higher con-
ceptions of future hopes and aspirations, that the
educated community as a whole have come into direcfe
contact and conflict with the notions and traditions of an
orthodox bureaucracy which, unable to divest itself of
its long-standing prejudices, starts at every change and
suspects every fresh development to be a malignant
growth. A claim for better treatment, a tendency to^
resent gratuitous insults and resist forced exactions of
homage, so long enjoyed as abwabs by a dominant race^
and above all a demand for justice and fairness are the
natural outcome of the education which the people have
received and the new consciousness to which they have
awakened. Whether in official or public life there is na
longer in the country that heavy atmosphere of cringing
servility which provoked Lord Macaulay's highly colour-
ed picture of the Indian character towards the middle of
the last century, and if the noble lord had been living
to-day he might well have been surprised to find, that
while the people themselves have so largely shaken off
the moral weaknesses with which they were so lavishly
charged, there are those among his own countrymen
who secretly regret the change and would fain perpetuate-
in this country the spirit which he so strongly an^

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 167

eloquently condemned. Ife naay be said with pardon-
able pride that in uprightness and integrity, in honesty
of purpose and devotion to duty, in fortitude and patience
no less than in their intelligence and aptitude for work^
Indians in the inferior ranks of the public services, ta
which their lot is generally confined, fully hold their
own against Europeans who are sometinaes very much
their artificial superiors in position, authority and influ-
ence ; while as regards the larger body of the educated
public it may be no exaggeration to say, that with all
their defects and shortcomings, they are on the whole
now a manlier race imbued with higher ideas of public
duties and responsibilities in the discharge of which
their own patriotic impulse supplies the only motive
power and for the fulfilment of which they neither
claim nor expect a higher reward than the appreciation
of their countrymen and the approbation of their own
conscience. Whether it be a disastrous flood or
a decimating famine, an awful outbreak of pestilence
or an overwhelming pressure of a vast religious con-
course, everywhere they are ready bravely to face
the situation and make the necessary sacrifice?. Even
in anarchism, the ugliest development of the pre-
sent situation, which is regarded in this country not
simply as a social crime but as a mortal sin, there
is a spirit of wreckless courage which, if directed in
proper channels, might have proved a valuable asset-
towards a higher development of the national life, and
many a young man like Kanayelal Dutfc might have
under better guidance and with proper opportunities
died as martyrs, rather than as murderers, in the service

168 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

of their King and tbeir country.* Ifc is not at all sug-
gested that this national character is above reproach, or
has become even properly developed. On the contrary
it still suffers from many a serious defect which severe
training and systematic discipline alone can eradicate.
It lacks that vigour and tenacity, patience, and per-
severance, and above all that stiffness and elasticity
which constitute the backbone of a people and make
human nature proof aj^ainst reverses and despair.
People still want that confidence in themselves and
trust in others which respectively form the asset and
credit of the corporate life of a nation. However un-
palatable and humiliating the confession may be, if
we are only true to ourselves, it must be frankly recog-
nized that one of the darkest spots and weakest points
in our national character is jealousy. Many years ago
in course of a private conversation, a European friend,
who subsequently rose to the position of Commissioner
•of a division, asked the writer of these pages, — What
was the distinguishing feature between the Inditi.n and
European character which made merit rise so slow in
India and so fast in Europe ? The writer began by
referring to the superior intelligence, sagacity and
industry of the European ; but before he could proceed
further his friend interrupted him saying, that he was
mistaken and going in a wrong line, as the real expla-
nation lay in another and in quite a different direction.

• The present European war has opened such an opportunifcy.
Indeed the French who are nothing if not original in everything
have formed regiments of their " criminal heroes " who are giving
good account of their desperate character and a similar experi-
ment in this country might prove equally successful*

THE SUCCESS OP THE CONGRESS. 169

The average European, he said, was not more intelligenii
than the average Indian, while as regards industry he
had always found to his surprise that the ill-paid
Indian ministerial officers worked more assiduously
and with greater devotion than any European officer
could be expected to work under similar conditions.
The real answer to his question according to him was
to be found in the national trait and not in any indi-
vidual characteristic of the two races. "In a Western
country," he said, "when a man shows signs of any
extraordinary talent in any direction the whole com-
munity rushes in to push him up ; but in India the
;geueral tendency is to pull him down." Although
there are other material differences in the circum-
stances of the two races and much may be said
against a generalization of this kind, it seems im-
possible to deny that there is considerable force in
this observation. The Indian character has no doubt
attained, as has already been observed, a higher level
in many directions ; but it can hardly be denied that
even now public men have more detracters than admir-
ers and that appreciation of public services, which is
the most potent incentive to public action, is yet very
feeble and inactive in this country. If we are really
anxious to elevate ourselves in the scale of nations we
must not deceive ourselves by putting the flattering
unction to our soul. True patriotism does not consist
either in blind, idolatrous veneration of a dead past, or
in subtle ingenuity to extract metaphysical secrets out
of metaphorical aphorisms for the gratification of vanity
and egotism. A thoughtful writer has somewhere

170 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

observed, thafc "there are natures which can extract
poison from everything sweet," and it will be found upon-
close examination, that a spirit of captious criticism
wanting in due appreciation of merit, whether in a friend
or an adversary, is a mental disease which in its chronio
stage works as a slow poison to the understanding a&
well as to other mental faculties and in the end termin-
ates fatally to the moral nature also. There are alwaya
two sides to a question, and a cultivated mind ought
carefully to weigh the pros and cons before pronouncing
judgment on it. A well-regulated, disciplined character
is the first requisite of a national development. Aa
license is not liberty, so arrogance is not independence.
Leadership is not a privilege but a responsibility, and one
must learn to follow before he can aspire to lead a
community where everybody is ready to command and
none to obey must be either a Babel, or a Bedlam, or a
Billingsgate.

SOCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS.

Next in order of importance is perhaps the inau-
guration of social reform and industrial development to
both of which the Congress has so largely contributed.
It will be remembered that at the outset many were the
''candid friends" who advised the movement to be
directed towards social and industrial reforms rather than
towards premature political activities. The members of
the Congress, however, neither overlooked nor under-
estimated the importance of these reforms, as they were
perfectly conscious that in the process of an evolution
all the three were handmaids to one another, although it

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 171

was equally clear to feheai that with all the diversities of
EQanners, customs, habits and eveo laws and religions of
the various races inhabiting such a vast continent, it was
not possible directly to bring all the people together ex-
cept upon a political platforno. As the three refornos
were inter- dependent, moving on a common axle, they
understood that if a force could be imparted to one of
the wheels the other two also would automatically move
with it, •Itjs^a well-known fact, that it was largely the-
members and the supporters of the Congress who indivi-
dually and in their respective spheres of influence start-
ed social and industrial movements which gradually
spread throughout the country, the Congress itself being
the centre from which the forces emanated in different
directional The Social Conference started in 1888
and the Industrial Conference inaugurated in 1904
were two important bodies, which, like two satellites
revolving each on its own axis, have moved round
the Congress in its annual course and contributed not
a little towards social and economic advancement of
the country. The Hon'ble Mahadev Govinda Kanade-
on the social and the Hon'ble Rao Bahadur R. N.
Mudholkar on the industrial side are two of the outstand-
ing figures of the Congress whose services to the cause
of these reforms must be acknowledged with gratitude-^
and respect. The Congress as a huge deliberative body
cannot, as a matter of course, concern itself with the
details of these reforms which depend upon different i
conditions in different provinces, but it cannot fairly bej
denied, that it has always acted as the pivot of all the]
public movements and the mainspring of all the activities!

172 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

which are now at work in all directions and throughout
the country Whether it be the question of sea-voyage
or of the " depressed classes," whether it is the cause
of marriage reform or scientific education, the actual
working bodies may and must be different ; but the
motive impetus generated and manifested in all these
directions may easily be traced to one common source —
the spirit of national consciousness evoked by the
Congress. It has roused a slumbering people from the
lethargy of ages and vivified them into new life. The
Indians have drifted too long ; but they are no longer
disposed to drift. Conferences, associations and organiza-
tions have become the order of the day, and whether it
be literary or historical researches, or scientific studies,
or the resuscitation of decaying arts and industries, or
the solution of knotty social problems, everywhere there
is the manifestation of a new spirit. The restlessness
and commotion which are observable almost in every
walk of life, the zeal and earnestness which characterise
the activities of almost all classes acd communities for
bettering their btatus and prospects in life and the high
ideals which animate the people, are all symptoms of
a mighty evolution that is noiselessly working its way.
Id the ferment of this evolution some objectionable
things here and there have no doubt come to the surface,
but this was unavoidable. It is impossible to extract
the crystal without bringing the impurities of sugar on
the surface in the boiling cauldron. (The Congress no
doubt is primarily a political organisation ; but its social
and economic aspects cannot also be disputed/ Mr.
Hume in his celebrated reply to Sir Auckland Colvin

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 173^

clearly enunciafced the real aim and objecfc of the move-
ment. They were, he said, at that early stage of the ins-
titution, "the regeneration of India on all lines, spiritual,,
moral, social, industrial and political." "The main body
of the Congress," he added, **was directed to national
and political objects upon which the whole country was
able to stand on a common ground." But, as was
pointed out, " the social requirements varied according
to race, caste and creed, so that they had to be dealt by
separate organizations suited to each province or
community.*' Thus while the actual working machi-
neries were different, the electric installation which
supplied the motive power for all of them was one and
the same, which led Sir William Wedderburn to poinfe
out that as a matter of fact ** the workers for political
progress were the most active friends of social reform,"
and, he might well have added, that they were also among
the early pioneers of the industrial movement and the
founders of not a few of the small industries which made
such marked progress during the last few years. Some of
these enterprises have no doubt suffered a serious collapse ;
but these occasional lapses are almost incidental to
a nascent stage. Children stagger and stumble before
they acquire a steady use of their limbs. Want of train-
ing and absence of sound knowledge and experience
and possibly some lack of moral strength also are at
the YOotM these failures which, however deplorable in
ti^emselves, afford no just ground either for alarm or
despair. The South Sea Bubble in England and the
Panama enterprise in France were far greater disasters ;
hut both the British and the French people have long.

174 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

outlived these misadventures. A spirit of enterprise
once created cannot die ; but fanned by its own wings
Phoenix-like it is bound to rise out of its own ashes.

The UQUch-abused Swadeshi movement has a his-
tory ©f its own. Bombay was earlier in the field of
industrial development with modern appliances and
-machineries ; but Bengal and Madras had an indigenous
textile industry on a more extensive scale which was
practically extinct under foreign competition. The
situation was everywhere viewed with grave anxiety,
though nowhere, except in the Western Presidency,
any active effort was made to grapple with it until
a cry for the revival of the indigenous industries was
'raised in Bengal where the immortal patriotic song of
Mr. Mon Mohan Bose, the founder of the now defunct
Swadeshi Mela, is still heard with thrilling interest.
The necessity for preferential treatment of indigenous
article was vigorously pressed at some of the earlier
Provincial Conferences in Bengal, notably at Burdwan
in 1894, and also on several other occasions where
ardent Congressmen drew prominent attention to the
growing poverty and helplessness of the people for want
of sufficient encouragement of indigenous industries.
A formal proposal for preferential treatment of home-
made products was for the first time submitted to the
'Subjects-Committee of the Congress held at Ahmedabad
in 1902 ; but owing to a divergence of opinion ^it failed
to pass through the Committee. In 1905, the people
of Bengal exasperated by a violent disruption of the
province adopted a general boycott of all foreign arti-
•cles. On the 7th of August, a huge and unprecedented

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 175

demonstration was held at the Calcutta Town Hall in
which at a modest calculation over thirty thousand people
took part in three different sections, two in the upper
and lower floors of the historic hall and the other
and by far the largest section in the spacious open
maidan in front. So intense was the feeling that the
spirit of the movement marched like wild fire and the
contagion spread in no time from Lahore to Tuticorin
and from Assam to Guzerat. It was generally based
upon economic grounds ; but it cannot be denied that
the movement had its origin in Bengal as a protest
against the Partition. The Congress, while not coun-
tenancing the boycott, gave formal sanction to the
Swadeshi in 1906 and enjoined the people to give
preference to indigenous articles "wherever practicable
and even at a sacrifice." With all its lapses and
indiscretions, which are almost inseparable from all
movements which have thair origin in tremendous
popular excitement^^^the^Siisiadeshi movement must be
admitted to have given a great impetus to the develop-
ment of indigenous industries in this country. That
development may not yet have been very remarkable ;
but it is doubtless gratifying that it has revived the
weaving industry and directed the energies of the
people into new channels of activity. For soap and
scent, shoes and trunk, nib and ink, socks and
vests, pottery and cutlery, as well as various kinds
of woollen and sflken stuff, the country can now
well afford to stand, though not in the best style, sub-
stantially on its own leg ; while the Bengal Chemical
^nd Pharmaceutical Works started under the initiative

176 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

and guidance of fchafe eminenfc Indian scienfeisfc, Dr. P.C-
Eoy. have elicited bhe unstinted admiration of even
those who are disposed to draw a sharp distinction
between true and false Swadeshi.

Above all the patriotic labours of Mr. Jamsetji
Nesservanji Tata have created an epoch in the indus-
trial regeneration of India. Bombay received her early
initiation in Industrialism from the American Civil War
of 1861-65 when her attention was drawn to her
opportunities in cotton trade. Although Bombay has
never ceased to complain about the arbitrary and ex-
acting system of her land settlement under the opera-
tion of which the fruits of the agricultural labours are pe-
riodically shorn off like the proverbial sheep to meet the-
demands of the State, she may yet find sufficient consola-
tion in the thought that the industrial activities and en-
terprises of her people may be due in no small measure to
the depressing conditions imposed in their case upon agri-
cultural pursuits which appear to have so largely absorbed
the comparatively indolent population of the permanent-
ly settled provinces ; while her own people driven from
the fields to the factories have found ample compensa-
tion for the precarious doles of nature in the larger boun-
ties of arts and industries. The first cotton mill in Bombay
was started in 1855 by Cowasji Nanabhoy Davar who was
followed by a noble band of equally enterprising indus-
trialist among whom the names of Koychand PreriiCh^and,.
Sir Jamsetji Jejeebhoy and Sir Dinshaw Manekji
Petit are known throughout the country. But the
greatest and brightest of this galaxy of stars who usher-
ed in the industrial renaissance of modern India wa*

THE SUCCESS OP THE CONGRESS. 177

perhaps Jamsetji Nasservanji Tata. Full of patriotic
ideas and sentiments Mr. Tata established in 1886 a
new cotton mill which he appropriately styled the
*' Swadeshi Mills." But the greatest work of Mr. Tata
which will ever enshrine his name in the grateful
memory of his countrymen is the Scientific Besearcb
Institute for which he made a princely donation
of 30 lakhs of rupees and which planned and matured
during his lifetime was subsequently established, with
the help and co-operation of the Government of India
and of Mysore, by his worthy son Sir Dorab Tata at
Bangalore within the territories of the latter. Mr. Tata's
Vulcan Steel and Iron Factory recently established at
Sakchi within the territories of another Indian prince,
the Maharajah of Morbhunj in Orissa and his Electric
Installation at Bombay for utilizing the waters of the
Western Ghauts, are colossal projects which bear testi-
mony not only to his extraordinary genius and enterprise,
but also to the vigour and robustness of the industrial
renaissance which has dawned upon the country with the
first awakening of its national consciousness. Truly has
the biographer of Mr. Tata remarked that he " was a
Swadeshi of Swadeshists long before Swadeshism was
boomed in Bengal."

^he Co-operative Movement, i which has made such
rapid strides during the last few years throughout the
country and particularly in Bengal? is another evidence
of the spirit of self-help which has come to animate the
national character and of the aptitude which the people
have acquired for the management for their own affairsT^
It is indeed a matter of as much regret as of gratificatioir;

178 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

that in all this healthy developments the people had so
little to count upon the active help and co-operation of
the State and so largely to depend upon their own
resources. With the notable exception of the Tata Iron
Works there appears to be no industrial project in
which che Government has as yet either taken the
initiative or generously extended a substantially help-
ing hand. Whether for training men in scientific
and industrial education in foreign countries, or
in starting new industries at home, the people have
had practically to depend upon their unaided efforts and
their extremely limited resources ; while the examples
of Japan and China in the East and of the Philippines
in the West have served only to tantalize and mortify a
people proverbially the poorest in the modern civilized
world. The patriotic efforts of Messrs. Norendra Nath
Sen, Jogendra Chandra Ghose in Bengal and J. N. Tata
in Bombay for giving technical education to our young
men were movements in the right direction ; but for want
of adequate support and encouragement they practically
oollapsed after a short but very useful career of existence.
It may be remembered, that even in the seventies and
eighties of the last century it was almost a fashion in
certain quarters to twit the people with their universal
hankering after services under the State which it was
truly impossible for any Government to satisfy ; but
now that the people have realized their mistake and
turned their attention to industrial and other develop-
ments, men in authority are not wanting to remind
them that "India is essentially an agricultural coun-
try," and that as such their hands should be directed

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 179

to the plough and not to the steana-engine : while a
responsible member of the Supreme Government, being
recently driven almost to a corner on the question of
State aid to some of the crippled industries in the
couptry, plainly said, thafc India need not care about
her industrial development when there was England to
supply all her requirements. What a frank confession
and a bitter disappointment! If England could have
supplied all the wtnts of India it would not have been
possible for Germany to swamp her market. Besides,
where is the Ordinance of Nature which has made this
•classification among mankind and provided that some
people must not learn to govern themselves, but be
content with being well-governed, and that some coun-
tries must extract only raw materials from Mother Earth
leaving others to convert them into more valuable
(finished articles ? Providence certainly has nowhere
prescribed these conditions and sanctioned this division
of labour. True it is that all people are not at all
times equally trained and equally competent to parti-
cipate in the blessings of arts and sciences ; but it
should be the highest aim of a benevolent Government,
whether foreign or indigenous, to foster and stimulate
as far as lies in its power the energies and activities of
the people committed to its care in every right direction
for the advancement and amelioration of their economic
condition. Even free and resourceful countries like
'Germany and Japan have had to count upon state
-bounties and subsidies for their economic development,
and India cannot fairly be expected to work out her sal-
vation through more enquiries, reports and exhibitions.

180 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

The presenti European war has opened a vast field for
the expansion and development of Indian industries.
The extensive trades of Germany and Austria have been
driven out of the Indian market and if prompt measures
could be tp.ken to replace them by indigenous produc-
tions, the economic problem of the country might be
easily solved and at the same time the position of Gov-
ernment materially strengthened. But the Government,
seems hardly to realize the importance of this oppor-
tunity which has arisen as a unique good coming out-
of a dire evil. The Congress at its last session as well-
as the Indian public, earnestly pressed the question
on the attention of Government, nor has the European
mercantile community altogether failed to express its
views on the subject. Mr. Ledgard, as Chairman of the*
Upper InSia Chamber of Commerce, is reported to have-
pressed at its last annual meeting " the importance of
vigorous preparations for stepping into Germany's shoe&
in the matter of trade" and regretted that the "Govern-
ment had not been able to give any indication of a
policy of assistance towards industrial enterprise that
might enable the country to take advantage of the-
situation." It may, however, be hoped that it is not yet
too late to indicate that policy, so that the precious-
opportunity may not be entirely lost.

Local Self-Government and Eeform of
Judicial Administration.

The efforts of the Congress towards the expansion
of Local Self-Governmenfc and the reform of the Judicial

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 181

Administrafcion have nofc. however, mefc with any en-
<;ouraging success. Nearly thirty years have elapsed
since Lord Ripon introduced the principle of Self-
'Government in the administration of the local affairs
of the people in the ardent hope that it might prove the
stepping-stone towards their attainment of National
Self- Government in the higher administration of the
<50untry. But within this period the institution has
not advanced one step forward and it is still held in the
«ame leading string with which it was started, though
it seems doubtful if in certain directions its tether has
not been even appreciably shortened. The number
of the municipal corporations, which are properly
speaking the really self-governing bodies in the country,
has undergone no perceptible increase, while their
powers and privileges have clearly not been enhanced,
although in not a few cases they have been ruthlessly
<;urtailed. As regards the larger bodies of District and
Local Boards, these have been practically converted
into a department of the District Administration
directly under the District Officer, and it certainly looks
sdrange that not a single District has been found
within the life-time of a generation fib to be entrusted
with a non-official Chairman for this institution. Times
without number has the Congress pressed for a provi-
sional experiment which the law expressly provides,
and at least one Commissioner of an important division
in Bengal strongly recommended such a trial. But a
consideration of the official prestige of the District
Officer, who must be provided octopus-like as it were
with a number of tentacles ^to enable him to maintain

182 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

his posifeion and dignity, has apparently overridden all
claims of justice and fairness, and perhaps it would be no-
exaggeration to say that the Local Seif-Government Acts
of the different provinces are, to all intents and pur-
poses, a misnomer and the institutions themselves have-
become fossilized without any possibility qf growth of
development, though they may of course be liable to
further decay. There can be no reasonable complaint
against legitimate control. But if the Government ha&
a responsibility in supervising the workings of these
popular institutions, it is also not without its cor-
responding obligation to foster, develop and improve
them. Control without co-operation is only another
name for obstruction. It is in the air, that it is in
the contemplation of Government also to officialize the
Go-operative Credit Societies which the people have
evolved and worked out partially to relieve their eco-
nomic pressure. It is to be hoped that a powerful
government will not lay itself open to the charge of
assuming the sponsorship of institutions in whose
baptism it had little or no hand, and however justly
responsible it may feel for safeguarding the honesty
and integrity of these institutions, it may be fully
expected that nothing will be done either to stunt their
growth, or to alienate popular sympathies and confidence
from them.

As regards the reform of the Judicial Adminis-
tration, the first principle enunciated by the Congress is
practically admitted, and it is no longer disputed that
the administration stands in need of revision ; but here
also, as in the case of Jjocal Self-Government, th&

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 183

morbid bugbear of official prestige stands in the way.
The Decentralization Commission simply evaded the
question ; but the present Public Service Commission
will have to decide it either one way or the other.
Various palliativets have been suggested by those who
are no longer able to defend the existing system, but are
at the same time unwilling to part with it. But these
are mere makeshifts which can only defer and not solve
the question. The question has considerably matured
itself and the Congress will have to start a fresh campaign
in the light of the Eoyal Commission's pronouncements-
to drive the discussion to a satisfactory conclusion.

Parliamentary Enquiries.

As has already been observed, the last Parliament-
ary enquiry into Indian affairs was made in 1854, and
ever since the transfer of the rule to the Crown
in 1858 both Parliament as well as the Government^
whether Liberal or Conservative, were alike indifferent
to the Indian administration which was complacently
left into the hands of a close bureaucracy. The very
first Congress of 1885 vigorously protested against this
indifference and pressed for a Royal Commission ta
enquire into the Indian administration. In 1897 the
Welby Commission was appointed, and since then there
have been the Decentralisation Commission in 1902 and
the Chamberlain Commission and the Islington Com-
mission which are now carrying on their investigations*
The Government of India also instituted the Education
Commission of 1882 and the Police Commission of 1902.
The results of these Commissions may not have so far

184 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

come up to fehe fullest expectations of the people and may
have in some cases proved even disappointing to them.
But they bear undoubted testimony to the growing
interest felt both in England, as well as in this country,
in the increasingly important and complicated adminis-
tration of India. It is in the nature of all bureaucratic
rules to accord a readier acceptance to retrograde
suggestions than to progressive recommendations ; but
the Indian Nationalist need not despair. However
cautious or dilatory the Government may be giving
effect to the various wholesome recommendations of these
Commissions, it can never hope to set them aside. There
they are among the permanent archives of the Govern-
ment laying down policies and principles which may be
carried forward, but upon which it would be difficult,
if not absolutely impossible, to go back. Stern, neces-
sary changes may be deferred, but cannot be averted
when they are pressed by the irresistible force of time
and circumstance.

Public Men and Public Spirit.

The vitality of a nation is gauged by its power of
producing capable men at all critical stages of its life.
Mazzini and Garibaldi in Italy, Thiers and Gambetta
in France, Yungshi-kai and Sun-Yet-Sen in China, Enver
Bey and Izzat Pasha in Turkey, — all have proved, that
though passing through the severest ordeal of their
national existence, neither the Italians nor the French,
neither the Chinese nor the Turks were among the
dead nations of the world. The Indian National Con-
gress, though dealing with a subject race, labouring

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 185

under enormous diflficulties and disabilities, has produced
a class of self-sacrificing, self-relianfc, resourceful, robust
and patriotic men some of whom, at all events,
under more favourable circumstances might well have
taken their places by the side of some of the foremost
men in European politics. Their lot might have forbid-
den them from commanding the applause of the politi-
cal world and consigned them to the strictures and
captious criticisms of an orthodox and inflated bureau-
cracy ; but there are men among them who, if their
; Sovereign had commanded, might have formed a cabi-
net or held a portfolio. The most obdurate of pessi-
mists will probably admit and the most cynical of
critics acknowledge, that with all their shortcomings
these men are not altogether unworthy products of
the modern Indian renaissance which has dawned
under the aagis of the British rule. They have at all
events conclusively proved that most of the Indian
races sciii possess sufficient vitality and moral stamina
to aspire to a place in the comity of civilised nations in
the world. The public men whom the Congress has
produced and the spirit of self-help which it has evoked
are perhaps among the most valuable working capital of
the country.

The nineteen eminent Indians who have so far
adorned the presidential chair of the Congress will, no
doubt, go down to posterity as among the pioneers of
Indian nation-builders. They are all men who have
made their mark in Indian History. But besides these,
the Congress has produced a galaxy of men of whom
any country might be justly proud. Dr. Eajendra Lala

186 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Mifera, Eajah Peary Mohan Mukherjee, Sir Eomesh
Cbander Mitfeer, Sir Goorudas Banerjee, Mr. Mono-
mohan Ghose, Mr. Norendra Nafeh Sen, Mr. (now Mr.
Justice) Ashufeosh Ghoudhury, Mr. Baikunta Nath Sen,.
Dr. Eabindra Nath Tagore, Mr. A. Basul, Mr. Motilal
Ghose, Mr. Kalicharan Bannerjee and Mr. Bhupendra^
Nath Basu * in Bengal ; Maharajah Sir Luchmeswar
Singh, Mr. (now Mr. Justice) Hasan Imam, Mr. Dip,
Narain Siogh, Mr. Guruprasad Sen, and Mr. Mazar-ul-
Haque in Behar ; Pundit Ajudhya Nath, Pundft
Biswambhar Nath, Dr. Sunderlal, Mr. Ganga Prasad^
Varma and Kaja Rampal Singh in the United Pro-
vinces; Sirdar Dayal Singh Mejhatia, Lala Lajpat Rai
and Mr. Mahomed Ali in the Punjab; Mr. M.G. Ranade,
Mr. K. T. Telang, Mr. Daji Abaji Khare, Mr. Luxman
Nulkar, Mr. Hari Ghiplankar, Mr. Bal Gangadhar
Tilak, Sir Ibrahim Rahimtullah, Dr. Bhandarkar, Mr.
Setalvad and Mr. Mahomedali Jinnah in Bombay ; and
Mr. Krishnaswami Iyer, Mr. G. Subramania Iyer, Mr.
Veeraraghava Achari, Mr. Ramaswami Mudaliar, Sir
Subramaniya Iyer and Mr. Veejararaghava Achari in
Madras,— all rank- among the shining li^1;s of thi^
period. Many of these distinguished men would ere
long have taken their places in the illustrious roll o£ the
Congress Presidents but for premature death which
seems to be the prevailing curse of India. The public
services of some of these men have also been recognised
by the Government, while all of them occupy a high
position in the estimation of their countrymen as their

trusted guides and leaders.

* Since elected President of the Madras Congress of 1914.

the success of the congress. 187"

The Public Services.
From the very beginning the Congress has per-
sistently urged the larger admission of the children of
the soil into the public services of the country, and a
mere glance through the pages of the Civil Lists will
at once shov7 what substantial advancement the coun-
try has made in this directio^. Even up to the Sixties
of the last century the average people were under the
impression, that the Principal Sudder Ameen on the one
side and the Deputy Collector on the other were the
highest appointments open to the children of the soil and
the idea of a native of India sitting as a Sessions Judge
or as a District Ofi&cer appeared only as a dream. The
first Indian Civilian who was a Bengali was not appointed
to his own province ; while the distinguished trium-
virate, also Bengalis, who followed in the next decade,
received an ovation upon their return in 1871 which is
now seldom accorded to the Governor of a province.
Whole Calcutta went to the Seven Tanks Gardens in
the Belgachia Villa to witness as it were an exhibition
of a curious specimen of speaking lions brought from
Europe ; while no less a sober person than the venerable
Dr. K. M. Banerjee in his patriotic pride and exultation
cried out at a public meeting that the event was the
** second great battle of Plassey fought on British soil."
Many a "battle of Plassey" of the same description have
since been fought and won without attracting much atten-
tion. Compare the earlier picture of the public services
with the present and there will be no difficulty in realis-
ing the actual measure of the inwardness of that robust
optimism which possess the minds of the veterans of

188 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

the Congress as regards the future prospects of the people
in the administration of the country. Even so late as the
Eighties of the last century none dared seriously entertain
the faintest hope of seeing Indians on the Council of the
Secretary of State, or in the Executive Councils of the
Governnaents in this country, or even in a Provincial
Board of Eevenue. Yet all these are now acconaplished
facbs. The Indians have now fully established their
claims from the chartered High Courts and the Execu-
tive Governments downwards to almost every branch
of the Civil administration, and the question now
is only one of percentage, regard being had to
alleged efficiency of the services and exigencies of the
State. There is still a sharp distinction drawn between
what are called the Imperial and the Provincial Services
in the general administration, as well as in the Educa-
tion, Medical and almost all other departments of the
State; but this is a shallo'w, artificial devise to keep up
a monopoly which cannot, however, be long maintained,
and a systematic vigorous campaign is all that is neces-
sary to break down thf^ racial and colour-fencing
which still bars the people's entrance into the inner
sanctuary of the administration. But as the irritating
and invidious distinction cannot be defended on any
rational principle and as breaches have been effected
at certain points, the surrender of the strongholds of a
close, selfish bureaucracy can only be a question of
time. Attempts may be made, as are not infrequently
made, to repair these breaches, but the ultimate fall of
these citadels is inevitable. It is, however, a matter
of great regret, if not of surprise, that men are not

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 189'

wanting even among people of this country who having
thenaselves risen high in the rung of the public
services as the result of persistent public agitation
should be among those who denounce such agitation
lest further agitation . might interfere with their
future prospects. There is a grim humour about such an
attitude which is not unlike that of a belated railway
passenger who, before he reaches his station, eagerly
wishes that the train might be a little late ; bufc
as soon as he has comfortably secured his own berth
begins to grow impatient that it should be any more
late in starting. Apparently with a view to cover their
own selfishness these good people confidently assert,
that public agitation has stopped the right of public
meeting and necessitated the Press Law. But can these
critics picture even in their own mind a public meeting
without some sort of agitation behind it ? Or, can they
conceive of any use of the valued right of the freedom
of public meeting and of speech if it were to be divorced
from agitation either for the removal of existing griev-
ances, or for the acquisition of fresh rights? Public
meetings cannot be always confined to singing requiem
to an ex-judge or a retired magistrate however brilliant
his career may have been, nor does the salvation of
the country wholly depend upon the success of a few
subservient officers who seem to have learnt the art
of 'kicking the ladder behind" almost to gymnastic
perfection. As for the new Press Act, or the other
repressive measures which the Government has latterly
introduced, it is the grossest ignorance that can attribute
these to public agitation which the British constitution

MO INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Dofc only allows, but also encourages. Even fche
authors of fchese reactionary measures did nofe afcferibufce
them to public agitation, but to some other condition
too well-known to require any particular reference. It
is healthy agitation that invigorates public life in every
civilised country; and it is a well-recognised fact that
it is opposing forces which, in their resultant action,
keep up the vitality of a system, and serve to
maintain and strengthen it. Those who are afraid of
agitation and enamoured of the calm repose of an
easy-going, smooth, indolent life ought to remember
that the stagnant water of a pool, though transparent
and tempting to the naked eye, is always full of noxi-
ous germs and injurious to the system : while the
muddy water of the running stream is not only whole-
some to drink, but is also fertilising to the ground
which it inundates.

The Young Men Volunteers.

Another achievement of which the Congress may
justly be proud is the healthy and vigorous impetus
which it has given to the development of moral courage
and discipline of the Indian youths. The system of
" Volunteers," which was first introduced in connection
with the Second Congress held in 18B6 and was more
fully organised in Madras in the following year, was a
very useful institution for the training of our young
men not only for the immediate object with which it
was started, but also for preparing them to become
proper and efficient citizen-soldiers for the battle of life.
These " Volunteers " no doubt came to carry a bad

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 191

odour with the authorifeies afe a subsequent stage and in
connection with a situation for which no one perhaps
deplored more deeply or suffered more grievously than
the Congressmen ; but the Indian public have never
been able to divest themselves of the belief that the
" Congress Volunteers" were really more sinned against
than sinning and that they had a bad name given to
them only to justify their being afterwards hanged for
it. If their open and occasional services to the Con-
gress really could have anything to do with the secret,
abominable practices of a disreputable gang of fanatics,
why, then, the drilling and the gymnastic exercises
in the schools and even the laboratories in the
colleges, for which the Government itself so amply and
generously provided, might with equal, if not greater,
propriety have been held responsible for these untoward
and disgraceful developments. It seems to have been
well remarked by a shrewd Frenchman that " when
John Bull begins to suspect he generally begins at the
wrong end." This suspicion has no doubt succeeded in
a large measure in segregating the youths of the coun-
try, not sparing even young men in colleges, from the
sphere of all political activities; but no reasonable
explanation is forthcoming as to how beardless boys
are strangely developing criminal instincts and disposi-
tions being practically confined within what may not
be improperly called as insecure goals under a strict
politico-educational surveillance. In a laudable anxiety
to protect the boys the schools have been practically
converted into plague camps where, completely cut
off from the bracing atmosphere of healthy public

192 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

influence, these unsuspecting and inapressionable inno-
cents fall easy prey to the insidious, pestilential spirits
which are abroad and which, working in secret, find
anaple opportunity to penetrate into the closest recesses
to misguide these immature lads under grossest mis-
representations and allure them to their ultimate ruin..
It seems extremely doubtful if the moral nature of
man can be entirely governed by physical laws and
regulations. Stunt that nature in its normal develop-
ment in one direction, it 'will burst out in a malignant
growth in another. Besides, there are to be found a
few black sheep in almost every flock to poison the rest.
Thus schools may be barricaded and students segregated
and circularized ; but there seems to be no island
of Juan Fernandez where a resourceful mind may
not devise means for its occupation and ultimately
escape out of it. It seems a grievous mistake to exclude
impressionable young minds altogether from the chas-
tening influence of public opinion and try to turn
useful citizens out of cloisters and dormatories. The
public is a great monitor and a force, and if it
sometimes misleads, it oftener exercises a healthy
influence in shaping and moulding social life. What-
ever that may be, the Congress Volunteers practically
discharged from the Congress service have found scope
for more active occupation in other and more useful
directions. Mr. Gokhale's ''Servants of India" in
Bombay and Mr. Krishna Kumar Mitra's " Irregulars "
in Bengal are highly useful bodies whose invaluable
services in time of distress and difficulty have not
failed sometimes to elicit the unstinted approbation

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 193^

and admiration of even responsible oJGficers of Govern-
ment;. They may nofc yet; be recognized as occasional,
useful adjuncts to the administration ; but they are
undoubtedly a most valuable help to the public on
many a pressing occasion. On the whole these insti-
tutions are a training academy for the Indian youths
which have made them ever so manly, so enduring, so-
courageous, so resourceful and so self-sacrificing itt
their life and conduct.

The Expansion of the Legislative
Councils.

Among the many minor reforms effected at the in-
stance of the Congress may be mentioned the increase
in the taxable minimum for the Income Tax ; the rais-
ing of tha age-limit for the Civil Service Examination ;
a further extension of Trial by Jury though on a very
limited scale ; a partial redress of forest grievances ; the
re-imposition of fche import duties on cotton, though with
a countervailing excise duty on the indigenous products
which practically operates as a protecbion to Bribisb
manufactures, and the repeal of the English duty on-
Silver plates, for all of which the Congress carried on a
persistent agitation both in this country as well as ii>
England. But by far the greatest political achievement
of the Congress is perhaps the reform and expansion of
the Legislative Councils and the appointment of Execu-
tive Councils for the major provinces in which at least
one Indian member has found a place. All the provinces*
and administrations, whether under Lieutenant-Gover-
nors or Chief Commissioners, are provided ^wlth iooai'
13

Idi INDIAN NATIONAL EVOI^UTION.

Legislatiive Gouncils of fcheir own. The namber of mem-
hers for the Councils has been increased and the area of
representation considerably widened./jfie right of inter-
pellation with the power of putting supplementary ques-
tions and the right of moving resolutions and introducing
^iils, are all important privileges secured, the value
of which cannoc be under-estimated. The Congress*
49trenuoualy fought for these reforms ever since 1885,
and it is these substantial privileges, which were
partially conceded in 1892 and more fully granted in
1910, tlaat have led many an alarmist to cry * halt * and
to urge that the Congress having achieved its main
object has no just ground for its further existence. To
the Indian Nationalist, however, it is only the thin end
of the wedge, and if ever there was a time to strike
vigorously that time has now arrived. The Congress
has never made any secret of its ultimate goal, and
while that goal is yet faintly looming in the dim, distant
future, it cannot afford to rest on its oars, nor regard its
mission as even partially fulfilled. If the attainment
of national Self-Government within the Empire is
its aim, if India is to throw off the yoke of a Depen-
dency and acquire the status of a Dominion, then it
must be admitted that the Congress has only just
•entered on a career of useful existence and that these
reforms mark only the beginning and not the end of its
arduous task. It is no doubt a matter of rejoicing that
a breach has at last been effected in the outer ramparts
of a benevolent Despotism ; but if the inner citadel be
the real objective it would be simply foolish to pass the
li¥e-long day in only dancing and revelling over that

THE SUCCESS OF THE CONGRESS. 195

'fceach. Besides, whafc are the reforms that have
^really been effected? Without being guilty of want of
ijroper appreciation it geems quite permissible to point
out that these reforms are mere faint adumbrations of
a rough political sketch, the full representation of which
in its true colours has yet to be evolved, It is only the
shadow and not the real substance which has been thrown
on the screen. The representation granted is still very
inadequate and the electorates highly defective ; the
majority is still with the Government and where it
'^as been conceded to the people it is simply nominal
And illusory. The representatives of the people have
yet no control over the finances and the resolutions
which they are privileged to move, and upon which
they are entitled also to divide the councils, too often
prove to be the proverbial Dead-Sea Apple that crum-
bles to the touch. They have yet no binding force and
cannot influence the policy^of Government. As regards
the substantial modification introduced in the composi-
tion of the Executive Councils of both the Imperial and
the Provincial Governments it has to be noticed, that
public opinion does not count for anything and popular
representatives of unquestioned ability, judgment and
independence, who fought for the reform, are carefully
excluded from the list. Men like Sir Pherozeshah
Mehta, Mr. G. K. Gokhale,* Mr. Surendra Nath Baner-
jee and Dr. Eash Behary Ghose have no place in these

* Alas 1 Mr. Gokhale is no more ! Since these pages were sent
>to the press the saintly politician has passed away leaving a void
An this ill-fated country which i8>ot likely cto be soon filled up.

196 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Councils, and the people cannofc be very much blamecb
if they still labour under the inapression that th&-
bureaucracy are ill-disposed to admit their equals and'
that there is still a marked tendency to take away
with one hand what is given with the other. The-
voice of the people thus still continues to be practi-
cally the same cry in the wilderness that it used^
to be before, with this difference that, that voice has
found a channel for its articulation and cannot now
be stifled. People are not therefore wanting who
honestly think, that the present Councils are at?,
best counterfeit representations of representative insti-
tutions as understood in the British constitution. They
certainly bear a striking family resemblance to not a
few of the mimic reforms which have found their way
in this country and among which mention may be
made of the system of trial with the aid of assessors.
with which a renowned political juggler, more than
thirty years ago, hoodwinked the people of this coun-
try as being a fair substitute for Trial by Jury. From-
this, however, it must not be inferred that these reforms
are altogether discounted. In fact they are neither
such shams as some hyper-critics among us would
represent them to be; nor are they the very quintes-
sence of British statesmanship as Sir Valentine Chirol
and others of his school would have us believe. They
undoubtedly mark a distinct advance in Indian poli-
tics and constitute a substantial instalment of poli-
tical enfranchisement of the people. If they hava
done nothing else, these reforms must be admitted to-
iiave furnished the people with powerful weapons for

THE SUGCKSS OF THE CONGBESS. 197

♦Glearing the ground before fchem, while they are not yet
out of the wood. Lord Morley'a imagination may not
'be able to pierce through the prevailing gloom to catch
the faintest glimpse of India's future destiny ; but all the
^same he may have been the unconscious instrument in the
hand of an inscrutible Providence to work out her
salvation, and it may be the proud privilege of the
future historian to reckon him as the Simon de Mont-
fort of an Indian Parliament. The Congress from the
very outset pressed either for the abolition or for
•the reform of the Council of the Secretary of State.
-Although no statutory reform has yet been introduced,
the appointment of two Indians to this Council has gone
:a great way towards a fair recognition of the principle of
representation in this Council so persistently advocated
'by the Congress; while the recent attempt of Lord
'Crewe for the reform of this Council was an augury of
•considerable importance towards a satisfactory solution
•of the question, though unfortunately that attempt has
■proved abortive at least for the present.

Such is the brief survey of the work done by the
dongress during the last twenty-eight years of its
existence. With all its lapses and shortcomings, it must
he fairly conceded even by its worst critics, that this
is no mean record of its achievements ; while its friends
will readily admit that the Congress has worked out
almost a revolution in the country unprecedented in the
history of a subject people under an alien rule. Apart
from its political aspects the Congress has been the
tiountain-head and mainspring of not a few of the activities
^hich have manifested themselves in various directions

198 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUIION.

during the lasfc quarter of a century and inspired the-
people with ideas of a nobler, naanlier and healtheir life.

The Native States— -An Object Lesson.

It may not be in the recollection of many at this
distance of time, that at one of the early stages of the
Congress a question was actually raised and discussed
in the Press as to whether the sphere of the movement
should not be extended to the independent Native
States. It was, however, wisely decided that the sub-
jects of these States should be left to themselves and
the work of the, Congress confined to British India only.
But the blessed contagion did not take much time in
crossing the frontiers and spreading far beyond the
British territories when the echo of the Congress was
also heard in some of these independent principalities,
although it was there the Princes rather than the People
who took time by the forelock and adopted the initiative
in advanced administration. The enlightened rulers of
Baroda, Mysore and Travancore have set an example
even to the paramount power, the significance of which
cannot} be lost upon the minds of the more advanced
British subjects. Much has been said and written on
the supposed differences between the East and the West
and where logic has failed, fallacies have been invoked
to support the contention that India is constitutionally
unfit for the advanced institutions of the West and that
no attempt can therefore be made to cultivate them even
in a hot-house in this country. But these Indian
Princes have, among other things, conclusively proved
that representative iastitutiona are not altogether foreigtb

THE SUCCESS OF THE C0NGBES3. 19^

to Indian insfeinofcs and that) there need be no nervousness
about either the introduction of free and compulsory
education among the masses, or in the separation of the
judicial and the executive functions of a State. What a
sad commentary this to the vacillating policy of a mighty,
distrustful bureaucracy !

CHAPTER XV.

The Partition of Bengal.
There are cerfeaio paradoxes which the accumulat-
ed experience and the collecfeive wisdom of ages have
accepted as established fcrufchs all over ttie world, and
" good Cometh out of evil " is one of them. Of all the
blessings in disguise, which ever fell to the lot of the'
Indian people, the Partition of Bengal by Lord Qurzon
was perhaps one of the most remarkable in the history
of British rule in India. If the Ilbert Bill agitation
first opened the eyes of the Indian people to the utter
helplessness of their position and forced their attention
to the real source of their national weakness, in th&
Partition of Bengal and its sequel .they receivedthe
first open challen^ ^QLJl-JLI^^ Q^ the_moral strength
which they had steadily developed during the past^
twenty years under the guidance and discipline of
the national organization. The Congress has made
the dry bones in the vally instinct with life and
breathed a new spirit into them under the spell of
which the ** scattered units of the race" had coalesced

wo INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

and come to realize that in national evolution unity
was the main cement and that in the race of life firm-
ness, determination and perseverance were the only
passports to success. Little perhaps did the vigorous
author of this violent measure and his advisers calculate,
that although hammering was one of the orthodox
methods of effecting division and disintegration, it
served sometimes also to beat soft metals into solid,
bard lumps. They were also probably unaware of the
real extent to which the Congress had worked towards
infusing fresh vitality in the people, in unifying them
for common action and in stiffening their backs against
reverses. It was apparently overlooked that the India ^
-of 1903 was no longer the India of 1883, and that
within a single decade the force of a new spirit had
completely transformed the caterpillar into the butter-
fly. New ideas had burst upon the eyes of the people
and new ideals had taken possession of the public
mind. In the new cult preached by the Congress the
people had received a higher revelation under the
inspiration of which they had renounced individualism
and embraced nationalism as their common article of
iaith. Twenty years had wrought a great transforma-
tion, if not a complete revolution, in the country, and
a people who in 1883 scarcely knew how to organize
themselves even in support of the Government were
now fully prepared to oppose that Government in
•defence of their just rights and were certainly not dis-
posed to take lying down any outrage upon the
<5heri8hed ideas and sentiments of a growing nationa-
lity. The history of the ill-starred measure of the

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL. 201

Partition of Bengal and the various phases through
-which it passed may not strictly appertain to this
narrative ; but a brief survey of its origin, the part
played in it by the Congress and the influence it exer-
<;ised on the national character may not be deemed
irrelevant and out of place.

Although the project of dividing an indivisible j
people was entirely his own, the idea of territorial!
redistribution of Bengal did not originate with Lord
Curzon. The proposal to dismember the largest and
premier province of the Empire sprang from a very
small beginning. In 1874: the two districts of Gachar
and Sylhet, which formed part of Bengal, were for
administrative convenience transferred to Assam. There
was hardly any public opinion at the time and the
■severance of two frontier districts did not attract much
public attention. In 1891 a small conference between
the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, the Chief Com-
missioners of Burma and Assam and a few military
authorities was held to consider measures for the
greater protection of the North-Bastern frontier. It
was then proposed to transfer the Lushai Hills as a
lurther addition to Assam coupled with a recommenda-
tion that the Chittagong Division might also go with
them. In 1895 Sir William Ward, who was then the
Chief Commissioner of Assam, submitted an elaborate
scheme for the transfer of the Chittagong Division
and expressed, in a general way, a hope that the
two districts of Dacca and Mymensingh also might
eventually be given to Assam. It was precisely the
old story of the camel and the tent-keeper. Fortun-

202 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

afcely, however, just afc this time Sir Henry OofcfeoD'
suoceaded Sir Williaai Ward and the broad-minded
adoainistrator, who could never be persuaded to sacrifice
the interest; of jusfcioe and fairness to an aggrandisenoent'
of his own power and authority, lost no time in nippicg
the project in the bud. With his intimate knowledge of
. Bengal and the Bengalees, with whose legitimate aims
and aspirations he always sympathised, Sir Henry Cotton-
Opposed the scheme of his predecessor and condemned
(ihe idea of severing the Chittagong Division and the two
important districts of Dacca and Mymensingh and
thereby emasculating a rising people. The result was
that only the'LushailHills, which were mainly inhabit-
ed by a number of wild tribes, were made over to
Assam and the "question of the transfer of the Chittagong-
Division and the'two trans-Gangetic districts of Bengal
was entirely dropped.

Then came the vigorous administration of Lord

Curzon who was nothing if not original in everything..

Full of the idea ithat the past administration of India

was a series of blunders he was reported to have come

! with " twelve problems " in his pocket with which he^

I was resolved to overhaul every branch of that adminis-

' tration and recast it in a new mould. In course of this

Herculean adventure a series of reactionary measures

were passed which naturally produced widespread

alarm in the country. The first ordinary period of his

Yiceroyalty, though not quite sensational, sufficiently

disclosed the original bent of his mind. In 1899 when

ha assumed charge of his exalted office he began his^

I policy of efficiency by reducing the elected members

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL. 203-

of fehe CalcuttiA Corporation to half bheir original num-4
ber and pracfcically vesting the administration in ai
General Committee in spite of strong protests on the
part of the electors. This was followed by his honest
denunciation of a British battalion in Bangoon, some
privates of which were believed to have outraged a
native woman to death, but could not be detected owing
to a conspiracy of silence among the members of the
battalion. This gave umbrage Go a section of the
Anglo-Indian community with whom the honour and
life of a native woman were apparently not of much
consequence when compared wifeh the position and
prestige of the British soldier in India. In the follow-
ing year Lord Curzon increased his unpopularity among
the same class of Anglo-Indians by punishing the 9th
Lancers because at Sialkot two other privates were
charged with having beaten a native cook to death for
having refused to procure a native woman for them and
who likewise remained undetected. In the same year
Lord Curzon carved out tlie North-West Frontier Pro-V
vince, and the last year of his administration of this
period was signalized by a costly Durbar at Delhi
which bore striking resemblance to the Imperial Assem-
blage ofU877 in that it followed upon another terrible
famine which decimated the Central Provinces in
1900-1. Unfortunately for India, as well as for his
own reputation, Lord Curzon obtained an extension to
his Viceroyalty and it was within this extended period that
were crowded almost all the violent, reactionary mea-\
sures with which his efficient administration is so largely \
associated. In all these measures the Indian public

204 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

paw nothing but a deliberate reversal of the generous
.policy which, laid down by the Proclamation of 1858,
had been the recognized guide of successive administra-
tions and which if not uniformly observed in practice had
never been openly violated in principle. Lord Curzon
•began by laying the axe at the root of Local Self-Govern-
pment and emasculating the premier corporation of the
metropolis of the Empire. Then the oJQficialization of
the Universities, the curtailment of high education, the
abolition of open competitive tests for the Provincial
Civil Services, the penalization of the civil official secrets
followed in succession, and nowhere were these retro-
grade measures more keenly resented, or more sharply
-criticized, than in Bengal which the official baro-
meter always pronounced to be the centre of political
disturbances in the country. Lord Curzon determined
to break this centre to facilitate the progress of his
policy. He turned up the old records which had been
consigned to the upper shelves of his Secretariat and
ransacked them to reopen the question of the territorial
readjustment of Bengal, and on the 3rd December 1903
there appeared the famous Resolution of the Govern-
ment of India over the signature of Mr, now Sir.,
Herbert Risley, then Secretary to the Home Department,
announcing the intention of Government to revive the
question of the transfer of the entire Chittagong Division
and the two districts of Dacca and Mymensingh to Assam,
Without any complaint from the local Government,
without any suggestion from any quarter and without a
warning. Lord Curzon proceeded to relieve the Govern-
ment of Bengal of its heavy burden, and his proposal

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL. 205'

fell like a bomb-shell among the people. But the
people though surprised were not staggered and the very
announcement of this Resolution was the signal for an
outburst of opposition throughout the Province which,
in its magnitude, volume and intensity was simply
unprecedented in the history of public agitation in
this country. It stirred the public mind in Bengal to-
its very depth, and the rich and the poor, the prince^
and the peasant, the educated and the uneducated all
rose as one man to oppose the violent dismemberment
of their ancient province, and with it the dissipation of
their cherished hopes of forming a united nation. Fron>
December 1903 to October 1905 over 2.000 public
meetings attended by 500 to 50,000 people were held
in the two parts of Bengal at which Hindus and Maho-i'2«-^
medans with equal zeal and earnestness joined in the
protest. The late Nawab Sir Salimullah of Dacca at an
early stage of the agitation was reported to have
denounced the scheme as a " beastly arrangement,*^
though at a later period he seceded from the opposition
for reasons well-known to the public.

As the agitation began to increase Lord Curzon-
grew more and more nervous ; while public criticisms-
both in the press as well as on the platforms gradually
made him more and more relentless. In February
1905 Lord Curzon made his famous speech at the Con-
vocation of the Calcutta University in which he would

not tread, as he said, on the *' dusty fields" of educa-
tion ; but read a homily on the difference between

Eastern and Western ethics and wantonly charged the*

:206 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

orienfeal character with want of veracity, He had evi-
dently drawn his inspiration from Macaulay, but had
failed to study the character of the people who had
'long outgrown Macaulay's over-drawn picture. The
\Amrita Bazaar Patrika at once met this sweeping
denunciation with an equally scathing retort. An
ugly incident from an account of his lordship's early
travels in the Far East was unearthed out of its for-
gotten pages with which he was rudely reminded
of the trite old saying, that it was unwise for one who
lived in a glass house to pelt stones at others. This
was followed by a huge demonstration at the Calcutta
'Town Hall where on. the 11th March 1905 the people
of Bengal met to* protest against the utterances and
proceedings of the Viceroy which had irritated the
people beyond all measure of endurance. The meeting
was presided over by Dr. Eash Behary Ghose who, deeply
immersed in his professional business, had so long held
himself aloof from all political discussions in the country
and whom the sjaeer necessities of the situation forced
to throw himself into the vortex of the agitation. The
meeting after reviewing the entire administration of
Lord Curzon passed a Resolution condemning all his
retrograde proceedings culminating in the proposal for
the disruption of an advanced province and of an
extremely sensitive people passionately attached to their
country. This was the first time when the people met
openly to pass a vote of censure upon a Viceroy. This
was, of course, too much for an equally sensitive Viceroy
to tolerate and, descending from the proud pedestal of a
Wiceroy, Lord Curzon assumed the role of a political

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL. 207

•agifcafcor which he had so strongly condemned in his con-
evocation speech. Fully resolved to crush this new spirit
by dividing the people against bhenaselves, Lord Curzon
proceeded to East Bengal and there at large meetinga
of Mahornedans, specially convened for the purpose, ^ /
explained to them that his object in partitioning Bengal /
was not only to relieve the Bengal administration, ' /
but also to create a Mahomedan province, where Islam
would be predominant and its followers in the
ascendancy, and that with this view he had decided
to include the two remaining districts of the Dacca
Division in his scheme. The Mussalmans of East Ben-
gal headed by Nawab Salimuilah of Dacca saw their
opportunity and took the bait. Henceforth the Mabome-
daoe of Eastern Bengal forgetting the broader question
^f national advancement and ignoring the interests of
their own community in Western Bengal deserted the
national cause and gradually be^an to secede from the'
anti- partition agitation. It is, however, only fair to
admit that the most cultured and advanced among the
Mussalmans did not tiiinch and speaking at the Congress
of 1906. Nawabzada Khajah Atikullab, the brother of
Kawab Salimuilah openly said, **I may tell you at
once that it is not correct that the Mussalmans of
Eastern Bengal are in favour of the Partition of Bengal.
The real fact is that it is only a few leading Maho-
rnedans who for their own purposes supported the
measure." The Central Mahomedan Association in
Calcutta, in submitting its opinion to the Government
through its Secretary, the late Nawab Ameer Hossain,
CLE,, observed : — **.My Committee are of opinion tha^

208 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

no porfcion of the Bengali-speaking race should be
separated from Bengal without the clearest necessity for
such separation, and they think in the present case-
such necessity does not exist."

The agitation, however, went on in course of which
hundreds of raenQorials wery submitted to Government
as well as to the Secretary of State, one of which was^^
submitted over the signature of 70,000 people of
Eastern Bengal. But the Government maintained an
attitude of mysterious silence until July, 1905, when a.
Government notification suddenly announced that the
Secretary of State had sanctioned the Partition with
effect from the 16th October 1905 and that the new
Province was also to include the six districts of
Northern Bengal. The people of Bengal would not
however yield and took courage from despair. The idea
of protecting indigenous industries had been long
before the country, and now the people in different
places began to discuss the question of eschewing
British articles, when that devoted and unostentatious
worker, Mr. Krishna Kumar Mitra, openly advocated a
general boycott in the columns of his well-known paper
the Sanjibani. About a dozen of the leaders in Bengal
met to discuss the situation at the Indian Association
and after solemn deliberation resolved to boycott all
foreign goods as a protest against this act of flagrant
injustice. And on the 7th August was held the^
memorable meeting which inaugurated the Swadeshi
Movement. Such was the intensity of feeling created
and such the stubbornness acquired by the national
character, that on the fatal day of 16th October ther

5-

^05

5?5

O

m

Q

5g

o

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL. 20^

scene in BeDgal became one of wild demonaferations
unparalleled in the hiabory of fehe country. As on thof
day of the execution of Maharajah Nund Goomar the-
people of Calcutta rushed to the banks of the Ganges^
and bathed themselves in its sacred water as an expia-
tion of the sin they had committed in witnessing for the^
first time a judicial murder in the land, so from the early
morning of the 16th October, 1905, corresponding to the'
30th Aswin 1312 of the Bengalee Era, the people in
their hundreds- and thousands in every city, town and
village marched in solemn processions bare-footed and
bare-bodied chanting, as dirges, national songs and
repaired to the i' nearest channel or stream and after
performing their ablution tied the Rakhi, the silken-
band of unity and fraternity, round one another's.
wrists when amid the deafening cries of Bandemataram-
took the solemn vow in the name of God and Mother-
land, that united they stood and no earthly power
should divide them, and that so long as the Partition
was not undone they would eschew as far as practicable,
all foreign articles. , They fasted the whole day during,
which all shops were closed and business and amuse-
ments stopped, while many were the towns which even
according to official reporters . wore the appeara^nce of
the city of the dead. Men, women and children all
joined in the demonstration. So intense and widespread
was the outburst of this unprecedented upheaval of the^
popular, sentiment that the authorities had to take, in
many places, particularly . in the several districts, ex-
traordinary measures in anticipation of breach of the-

peace. But the leaders had strictly resolved upork
11

/

210 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

passive resisfeance and consfcitufcional agifcafcion anci every-
thiug passed off wifchout aay hitch anywhere. In their
utter dislike of the Partition the people nicknamed
the new Province as Ebassam and to accentuate their
solidarity paradoxically designated the two severed Pro-
vinces as United Bengal. For seven long years the
people persistently carried on the struggle and every
year with renewed vigour and energy observed the 7t}h
August as the day of national rejoicing and the 16th
October as the day of national mourning.

Thus the Partition of Bengal was forcibly carried
out in the teeth of a most frantic opposition, and
although Lord Gurzon appeared to have been fully
justified in his bold assertion that, as far as the British
public were concerned, the opposition would end in a
blank volley of " a few angry speeches " on the floor of
Parliament, he was entirely mistaken in his calculations
that the last words on the subject would be heard in tde
House and that the people would after a short struggle
quietly submit to the inevitable accepting his decision as
a final' settlement of their destiny. As has already been
said Lord Gurzon was reported to have come to India
with " twelve problems" in his pocket : but whatever
the other problems were, the three which he had
put forward on Local Self-Government, Education
and Administration were sufficient to convince the
people that he came with a veritable Pandora's Box and
let loose all the forces of disorder in the country, Hope
alone remaining. Even the Anglo-Indian Press which
was ever so loyal to the bureaucracy found itself unable to
support his extravagant measures which, in the name of

THR PARTITION OP BENGAL. 211

•€fl5ciency, aimed afc a complefce revision, if not a revolu-
tion, of the entire gystem of Bribish rule in India. The
Times of India remarked : —

" One might well wish that Lord Curzon had not returned to
India for the second time, for he oould not have ohosen a more
effective way of wrecking his reputation than he has done."

Another Anglo-Indian paper observed, that : —

" Beat of the measures (of Lord Gurzon's administration)
against which public criticism has lately been directed are design-
-ed to check a dev-slopment which has at once been the conscious
aim and the justification of British rule in India, and the worst
of Dhem are noching more nor less than deliberate steps in^reaction,
opposed in method and in character, to those traditions which
underlie what is commonly allowed to be, not only the greatest
•experiment, but the most remarkable attempt towards the govern-
Hient of an alien people of which the modern world has any
-record."

The Englishman, writing shortly after the Town
Hall Meeting of the 7fch August, 1905, said : —

"The change which is threatened has been determined upon
in the teeth of a practically unanimous public opinion. There
is no reason to suppose that this public opinion will become silent
or non-existent as soon as the Partition is carried into eSeot. The
situation will therefore be this : An administrative Coup d' etat
without precedent will have been carried out. The people who
will have to live under its results will be dissatisfied and uneasy.
JNow all governments, even the most despotic, are obliged to rule
in the long run in accordance with the wishes of the governed, or
.at least to refrain from governing in direct opposition to those
wishes. The difficulties of the Governor of the new province
under the peculiar circumstance of its emergence would, one
ffears, be extreme, if not insuperable."

The Statesman of Calcutta wrote : —
" There never was a time in the history of British India when
•public feeling and public opinion were so little regarded by the
Supreme Government as they are by the present administration.
.In this matter of the Partition of Bengal the force of public
opinion has been remarkable. It could not indeed be otherwise,
for in spite of their parade of consulting the * legitimate interests'
of the districts involved m the proposed separation, the Govern-
ment is well aware that its scheme is a direct attack upon tha

212 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

solidarity and the growing political strength of the Bengali race,.
• • * The Government may or may not choose to give weight
to the outburst of feeling on the subject of the Partition, but it-
will necessarily recognize the new note of practicability which the
present situation has brought into political agitation and it will
sooner or later realise, that just as religions thrive on persecution,
80 there is nothing half so effectual as the systematic disregard of:
public opinion for fostering political discontent."

The following is taken from a leading arfcicle which'
appeared in the London Daily Neios : —

"Very little is known in this country concerning the scheme
for the partitioning of Bengal as to which our Calcutta corres-
pondent addresses us. Even the India Office is so much in the
dark as to the merits and demerits of the proposal t.hat it was
unable to provide Mr. Brodrick with an intelligible brief when the
question was raised by LIr. Roberts a week ago in the House of
Commons. In India the announcement eeems to have come as a
complete surprise. In 1903 Lord Curzon was compelled to bow
to the storm of criticism aroused by a much smaller readjust-
ment of areas, and positive consternation has been created by the
present proposal under which twenty-five millions of the people
of Bengal are without a word of consultation to be handed over
to a new local administration. . . . The inhabitants of Bengal<
contain a large proportion of educated persons, very many of
whom occupy positions of influence and responsibility. What
?was there to prevent Lord Curzon taking counsel with the leading
/citizens and ascertaining the views of the localities concerned
before enacting this tremendous change? We are afraid the
only answer is, that Lord Curzon well knew the views of the
people, but declined to argue with them, or to endeavour to
persuade them. . . , That re-consideration is desirable, is obvious-
from every point of view. It cannot be good statesmanship to
launch these new provinces in a condition of seething discontent,,
or to alienate a third of our fellow-subjects in India. There is no
suggestion that the matter is a pressing one, and whatever elements
of good the scheme may contain are likelier to be appreciated if a
truce is called for the present than if Bengal is incontinently
hurried up. The cost of the new administration, which is put in
some quarters at nearly three millions sterling, calls for special'
attention at a time when India is suffering from heavy additional?
charges. We are convinced that Mr, Brodrick would greatly adol
to the service which he has already done to India if he couldt
call a halt in this matter of the Partition,"

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL. 213

Such was the verdicfc pronounced upon the efficient
administration of the brilliant Viceroy who after seven
-years of vigorous rule found his unpopularity to be so
tiniversal that he advisedly left India as it were by the
backdoor without paying even the customary farewell
visit to the Metropolis where the liistorio Viceregal
Palace recalled to him, as he himself said the memories
of his baronial castle at Keddlestone.

The Congress usually dealt with questions affect-
ing the wbole country ; but it also occasionally
interested itself in matters of special local importance.
Although the Partition of Bengal was apparently a pro-
vincial grievance, in its wider aspect it was regarded
-us a national question of the gravest significance, and as
.«uch the Congress took it up at its very inception in
1903, and year after year persistently repeated its pro-
test in different centres until the whole country re-
sounded with the voice of that protest. Apart from
the special grievances of Bengal the measure involved
a question of far-reaching consequences which was in
-conflict with its propaganda and threatened its ulti-
mate aim of nation-building and national evolution
with a collapse. The whole country, therefore, took this
flagrant act of high-handedness as a most outrageous
flouting of public opinion and a mosc callous disregard
of the feelings and sentiments of the people. Besides
it was pointed out that if such could be the fate of
Bengal, what guarantee was there that a similar fate
might not in future overtake the other provinces also ?
While, pointed reference was made to Sindh as a prob-
iable factor in the not too unlikely contingency that

214 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

might arise in the case of Bombay. Thus the Parsi,
the Maharatta, the Madrasi, the Sindhi and tha^
Punjabi rose as one man with the Bengali to undo the
" settled fact." Speaking at the Congress of 1908, the^
Hon'ble Mr. Krishnan Nair of Madras feelingly observ-
ed, ** the Partition of Bengal affects the whole country
like a deep, bleeding and unhealing wound. So long-
as such a wound exists in the human body it is
dijfficult, if not impossible, for that body to know peace
or enjoy repose." Severe unrest prevailed throughout
the country, while a most distressing development of the-
situation manifested itself both in Bengal as well as in
the Deccan. The contemptuous treatment of public
opinion by the authorities and their absolute indifference
to every proposal of the Nationalists became the theme
of public discussion both in the Press as well as on the
platforms throughout the country ; while a series of
repressive measures inaugurated by the Government of
Lord Minto in quick succession to one another instead
of providing a remedy for the situation served only to-
intensify the popular discontent. Advantage was taken
of an old obsolete Eegulation to deport, without a trial,,
men whose only fault lay in stubbornly opposing the
"settled fact." Sober and dispassionate men like
Mr. K. N. Mudholkar from theBerar and Mr. Subba Eao
from Madras earnestly appealed to Government for a
modification of the ill-starred measure, and none more
passionately joined in the appeal than that young lion
of the Deccan, Mr. Gopal Krishna Gokhale, who from
his place in the Supreme Legislative Council, addressing-
the Viceroy, said, " My Lord, conciliate Bengal." But

THE PARTITION OF BBNGAIi. 215

in an atmosphere of prejudice and passion, the fetish of
Prestige was in the ascendant and all the protests and
appeals went unheeded. Mr. Gokhale went to England
as an accredited representative of the Congress in 1905
and 1906, and on both the occasions he used his great
powers of persuasion to impress the authorities as well as
the public in England with the extreme inadvisability of
persisting in the unpopular measure adopted by the
Government of India. Mr, John Morley, who wa&
then the Secretary of State for India, was by no meana
satisfied with the performance of Lord Curzon. But.
although he found that the Partition had gone ** wholly
and decisively against the wishes of the majority of the
people concerned," and openly characterised it as not
being a sacrosanct, he dismissed the question as being,
a" settled fact." His predecessor in office Mr. Brodrick
(afterwards Lord Middleton) had also in a spirit of
half-heartedness, while not fully approving of Lord
Curzon's proposals, sanctioned the Partition, and all
the voluminous representations submitted to him,
including the one containing over 70,000 signature*
from Eastern Bengal, went for nothing. It haa
always been like this in India. She has suffered for
things for which she could be hardly held responsible.
Mr. St. John Brodrick had to provide an unguent
for the wounded pride of a meddlesome Viceroy in
the Ourzon-Kitchener controversy ; while Mr. John
^forley, the author of Compromise, had to pilot
his Reform Scheme through both the Houses of
Parliament. There never was perhaps a better case
so aummarily dismissed in all its stages. People

216 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

in this country who had all their life worshiped " honest
John " with almost idolatrous veneration lost all con-
iSdence in him, while men were not wholly wanting who
actually went so far as to regard British Liberalism, so
far as applicable to India, as a meaningless creed. Men
like Sir Henry Cotton, Mr. Hebert Paul and Mr. Keir
Hardie, however, kept up a continuous fire over the
burning question in the Lower House and it is believed
that it was this incessant heckling over Indian questions
which was responsible for Mr. Morley's translation to
■the calmer region of the Upper House and his ultimate
resignation of the Indian portfolio. In the Lords also
the noble Marquess of Ripon in his old age raised his
trembling voice against the infamous measure ; while
Lord Macdonald openly denounced it as ** the hugesfc
blunder committed since the battle of Plassey." And
Lord Curzon finding that there was "none so poor as
to do him reverence " attempted to throw the responsi-
bility, like a hot potato, on Lord Ampthill and Lord
Ampthill on Mr. Brodrick. But although the measure
was thus denounced on all hands and there was none so
bold as to claim its authorship, it yet seemed to possess
a charmed life. At last Lord Morley was succeeded by
Lord Crewe and in May, 1911, Mr. Bhupendranath
Basu was deputed by the Indian Association, Calcutta,
to represent the case of Bengal to the new Secretary of
"State, as it was felt that the forthcoming Coronation Dur-
bar in India might be a fitting occasion for a satisfactory
solution of the situation. No better selection could
have been made and the trained lawyer and astute
f)Dlitician performed his mission in an eminently

THE PARTITION OF BENGAL. 217

satisfactory manner. With the help of Lord Reay Mr.
Basu obtained an interview with Lord Crewe about the
end of June and explained to him, with a degree of
fulness and clearness hardly possible except in a per-
sonal interchange of view?, the intolerable situation
which had been created by the Partition and the
remedy suggested by the people which was calculated
not only to mend that situation, but which also afforded
the most legitimate solution for the administrative
diflQculty of the vast Province. Lord Crewe gave
him a patient and sympathetic hearing. This was the
first practical step taken by the people since the
Partition was effected towards the solution of the thorny
question which had set the country ablaze and let loose
such harrowing miseries and disquietude through-
out the country as even the Councial reforms of Lord
Morley were unable to remove. At this juncture*
happily for India, as wall as for England, Lord Hardinge
succeeded Lord Minto with the rich legacy of a multi-
tudinous population driven almost mad by a violent
disruption of an ancient province and exasperated by a
series of repressive and retrograde measures which a
bold Indian jurist, enjoying at the time no less confi-
dence and respect of the Government than of the
people, openly denounced as "lawless laws." It has
been truly said that history repeats itself ; and Lord
Hardinge like Lord Ripon came at a critical moment
holding the olive branch of peace, sympathy and con-
ciliation for the people. Lord Hardinge assumed office
in November, 1910, and the leaders of Bengal at once
organised a fresh campaign of anti-partition agitation.

218 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Arrangemenfcs were made some time in May following^
for holding a demonstration of. United Bengal in the-
Calcutta Town Hall as a signal for a fresh agitation
under a new Secretary of Sfcate and a new Viceroy. A
police officer was at this time assassinated in the streets
of the metropolis evidently by an anarchist ; and Lord
Hardinge at once sent for Mr. Surendranath Banerjea
and asked him not to create further public excitement
at such a juncture, adding at the same time that if the^
object of the proposed demonstration was to draw atten-
tion o^the Government, then the best course for the people
was to submit their case quietly to the Government of
India, and he assured Mr. Banerjea that such representa-
tion would receive his most careful consideration. The
proposed campaign was accordingly dropped and a
memorial was drawn up briefly reviewing the history of
the disastrous measure and narrating the grievances of
the people as well as the disturbances which had flowed
from it. The memorial also dealt with the financial
aspect of the question which the author of the partition
had studiously avoided in the formulation of his scheme=
and ' finally, among several alternative suggestions, it
earnestly prayed for a re-union of the several provinces of
Bengal under a Governor in Council as in Bombay and
Madras. The 'memorial concluded in the folio wing words: —

"In oonclusion, we beg to submit that for the first time in
the history of British Rule in India His Majesty the King of
England will be proclaimed Emperor of India on Indian soil,
and His Majesty's loyal subjects in this great dependency look
forward to the auspicious occasion with the sanguine hope that
it will be marked by some substantial boons to the people.
We venture to assure your Excellency, that as far as the bulk
of the Bengalees are concerned, no boon will be more warmly

THE PAKTITION OF BENGAL. 21^^

appreciated or more gratefully acknowledged than a modification
of the Partition of Bengal."

It may be here mentioned that previous to the
adoption of this memorial a private conference of some
of the leaders of Bengal and of Behar was held at the
Indian Association where it was found that Behar
could not subsGjribe to any proposal which did not
seek for her divorce from Bengal. The memorial
was accordingly drawn up on Bengal's own account,
signed only by some of the leading men in the two
provinces of Bengal and quietly submitted to the
Viceroy on the 12th June, 1911. This was the
last representation of the people on the subject.
A copy of this memorial was also despatched by one
of the members to Sir William Wedderburn as Presi-
dent of the British Committee of the Congress which
reached him at a most opportune moment as Sir
William had already arranged for an interview with
the Secretary of State on the subject. Sir William
Wedderburn met Lord Crewe with this memorial and
like an honest advocate and a dispassionate media-
tor laid thci whole case before him. It was a most
important interview, although Sir William with his
characteristic reserve could hardly be persuaded to
disclose more than an oracular version of what actually
transpired at it. It is to be highly regretted that
much of the valuable service actually rendered by
him at this juncture must go unrecorded. It was,
however, broadly understood in this country that as
a result of all the deputations, interviews and the-
discussions which took place in and out of Parliament^

':220 INDIAN NATIONAI/ EVOLUTION.

the authorities in England and the Liberals in parti-
cular were fully convinced of the grave injustice
which had been done to an innocent and inoffensive
people and of the severe unrest for which this ill-
advised measure was mainly, if not solely, responsible.
It) was also believed, that although the question was not
free from difficulties, there was no cause for absolute
despair and that after all if the people could prevail
upon the Government of India to reopen the question
and suggest a modification, neither the present Secre-
tary of State, nor the Cabinet would stand in the way
of a revision and fresh settlement of the "Settled fact."

It was a strange case of retributive justice both
in procedure as well as execution. As in 1905 the
partition in its enlarged shape and form was hurled
'like a bolt from the blue without a warning to the
jpeople who ever since their last representation to the
Secretary of State were living in a Fool's Paradise fondly
clingiug to the hope, that nothing so violent could
be done by British statesmanship as to go so decisively
against the cherished wishes and aspirations of the
people concerned ; 80 in 1911 the Indian bureaucracy
having a few public buildings hurriedly constructed in
"the ruined city chosen to be the capital of the new pro-
vince firmly believed, that the new administration was
built upon a rock and that any further struggle on the
part of the people was bound to be sheer waste of ener-
gies, if not a risky pursuit after a phantom which could
afford them no relief, but could only tempt them to
greater danger and disaster. In the secrecy of its plan
.and the abruptness of its execution, the partition met ,

THE PARTITION OP BENGAL. 221?

tbe same fafce at its exit as at its entrance and was
equally dranaatic at its both ends, with this difference
that opening with tragic scenes of thrilling interest it
ended in a comedy exposing a series of errors productive
of the gravest consequences. It would appear that Lord
Hardinge had carefully studied the case even before he
came out to India and that ever since he received the
memorial of the 12th June he was busy working out his
scheme for a satisfactory solution of the vexed question-
and for the restoration of peace and order in the country.
This scheme was embodied in a secret despatch, dated'
the 25th August, 1911, recommending formation of a
Presidency Government for re-united Bengal, a sepa-
rate Lieutenant-Governorship for Behar and Orissa
and the transfer of the Imperial Capital from Calcutta
to Delhi, with the dominating idea of gradually
extending autonomous administration to all the Pro-
vinces. All this was, of course, kept a dead secret
from August to December. But although nothing
definite oozed out, there was persistent rumour
throughout the country that a final pronouncement
would be made, either one way or the other, on the forth-
coming occasion of the Eoyal visit, the balance of Indian
public opinion being of course in favour of a possible
modification of the Partition, though the official circle
generally scouted such an idea as being a dream and a
violent improbability, if nob an actual impossibility,.
The mystery was however soon cleared and it came as a
stunning surprise to Anglo-India, both official and un-
official, which firmly believed in its prescriptive right
to be in the know in every administrative measure of

222 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

imporfcance. The proaouneemenfc, however, did not
appear in the ordinary garb of a routine work ; but was
ushered in with quite a dramatic effect. On the me-
morable 12th December, 1911, at the Coronation Durbar
at Delhi, m the midst of an imposing ceremony and in
the presence of a gorgeous assembly, His Majesty
<j8orge V personally and through his Viceroy an-
nounced one after another all the boons which were
granted on the occasion to the people of India ; but
there came no response to the wail of Bengal, and the
vast crowd of Bengalees, who had gone to Delhi in the
earnest expectatiion of hearing their sore grievance
removed, became despondent. At last when the King
was about to leave the pavilion upon the close of the
-ceremony, he stood and said : —

" We are pleased to announce to our people that on the advice of
our ministers and after consultation with our Governor -General-in-
GounciU we have decided upon the transfer of the seat of the Govern-
ment of India from Calcutta to the ancient capital of Delhi and
simultaneously i as a consequence of that transfer j the creation at as
early a date as possible of a Governorship-in-Council for the
Presidency of Bengal, of a new Lieutenant- Governorship-in-Council
administering the areas of Behar, Chota Nagpuf and Orissa and
of a Chief -Commissioner ship of Assam, with such administrative
changes and redistribution of boundaries as our Governor -General-
in-Gouncilf with the approval of our Secretary of State for India -
in-Council, may in due course determine* It is our earnest desire
that these changes may conduce to the better administration of India
and the greater prosperity and happiness of our beloved people.^*

The gracious announcement was at once received
wibh tremendous acclamation in which even those who
could not be very well pleased with the changes made
lustily joined not undersbanding of course what the
fl-nnouncement really was. Oae Bengal officer after-
vvards humourously said, that he did not know that ha

THE PARTITION OP BENGAL. 223

was cheering his own death -knell. So great was the
joy and enfehusiasoa created by the announcement
that after the King left a number of young men, mostly
Bengalees, rushed in and kneeling before the throne
reverently kissed the footsteps from which the an-
nouncement had just been made. The glad tidings
were dashed throughout the country and was the
•signal for an outburst of loyal and enthusiastic demons-
tration throughout Bengal which was as genuine
as it was unprecedented. By a subsequent notification
United Bengal was raised to the status of a Presidency
Government from the 1st April, 1912, with Lord Carmi-
chael as its first Governor who was specially chosen by
the King to take the helm of the new administration.

Thus the single stroke of Lord Hardinge's concilia-
tory policy, as by a magic wand, at once dispelled the
severe unrest which half a dozen repressive measures of
his predecessor were unable to cope* with. It must
here be acknowledged that though Bengal had no doubt
fought bravely for six long years under the indomitable
.leadership of Mr. Surendranath Banerjea, the un-
stinted moral support which sbe received from the
whole councry through the Congress, as well as from its
individual members, in the hour of her trials and tribu-
lations, not only largely sustained her in her great
struggle, but also added considerable weight and im-
portance to the anti-partition agitation. Bat for the
support which the Congress and the country lent her
it seems doubtful if Bengal unaided could have either
sustained the agitation, or brought it to a suc-
-cessful termination upsetting a settled arrangenuenb

224 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

within such a comparatively short period. It should
also be gratefully ackaowledged, that the support
accorded to it by sympathetic Euglishmen, in and
out of Parliament, was materially helpful in bringing:
the issue to a successful termination. Nor should it be
forgotten that when the matter was discussed in the
Cabinet prior to His Majesty's departure for India, Lord
Morley did not stand in the way of the proposed un-
aettlement of his " settled fact."

The anti-partition agitation was not only a suc-
cessful test of the strength of the cameut which the
Congress had created for its work of nation-building ;
but it has also signalised the triumph of public opinion
in its trial of strength with a strong bureaucracy. It
has resloved India's faith in British justice and her
conJ5dence in the ultimate success of constitutional
agitation under British rule. It has also inspired the
Indian mind with a firm conviction in the strength of
public opinion properly organised, wisely directed and
zealously carried on within the scope and limits of the
British constitution. That constitution yields to no
other force but that of moral pressure and answers to
no other call than that of public opinion. *' Open
Wheat" and '* Open Barley" would be of no avail. It
is the '* Open Sesame" of persistent constitutional agi-
tation which alone will throw open the door of its
conscience. If the history of the Partition of Bengal
has one lesson clearer than another for the Indian
Nationalist, it consists in the weight and importance of
public opinion which is the irresistible and unresisted
master of the British constitution.

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CHAPTER XVI.

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY.

The unresfe in lodia has been fche theme of earnest
and' persisfeent discussioos during the pasfc few years
bofch here as well as in England. Whether it be the
customary pronouncement of an administrator, or the
oflficial report of any branch of fche administration ;
whether it be the criticism of a publicist, or the harran-
gue of the political agitator on the public platform,
and whether it be a debate in Parliament, or the acadep
mic diseussion in' an Indian Legislative Council, nothing
passes : without, at least, a parting shot at the Indian
unrest and without every one in his own way recom-
mending his own specific for its treatment. The unresfe
is admitted ; but while the bureaucracy would fain
attribute it to a. sudden -restlessness among the people
owing tO: an ; unwholesome development of . certain
extravagant ideas in their minds, the people with, equal
emphasis, though not with equal authority, would lay
it at the door of that bureaucracy who unable to adapt
themselves to the altered state of the country, have losfc
all sympathy for their legitimate wishes and aspirations
and are evidently determined not to guide and control, bub
simply to curb and crush the rising spirit of a renovated
people with old, antiquated methods of reaction and
repression. It is, however, a patent, circumstance that
in a dependency governed like India the people have
nothing to gain but everything to lose by unnecessarily

irritating the authorities : while an autocratic rule, such
15

S26 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

as is firmly established in this country, has very little
to care about and certainly nothing to fear from any
sullen discontent of the people. It is a common saying
among the people in this country, which even the
meanest among them accepts as a rule of conduct in
daily life, that even the lunatic understands his own
interest, and agitation which always involves heavy
sacrifice of time and energy cannot be a pastime with an
Oriental people nurtured upon a philosophy which
represents this mundane world as a delusion and guided
fey religious faiths which preach only eternal peace and
repose.

It was Edmund Burke who speaking even of free
countries said, that whenever there was a friction be-
tween a people and its government it was invariably
the case that the former was in the right and the latter
in the wrong, lb has always been conceded even by
their worst critics that the Indians are, by nature, as
well as their religious instincts, an extremely docile
and a tractable people and that whatever the other
defects and blemishes of their character may be it is
generally free from the taint of ingratitude. The
Indians have always recognised the manifold blessings
of the British rule, notably the security of life and
property it has secured, the administration of justice it
has established and the education it has fostered and
extended throughout the country. As regards the
development of the internal resources of the country
and its economic condition there is no doubt considerable
difference of opinion ; but there is an absolute consensus
of opinion as well as of feeling throughout the country,

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 227

that bufc for the British rale it would have been impos-
sible for the various races inhabiting this vast continent
to have attained the peaceful progress it has attained in
tmany directions within the last hundred and fifty years.
dBven the most unrelenting critic is forced to admit, that
if India has paid a heavy price for that progress, her gain
also has not been inconsiderable, and that plus and
minus the balance of advantage is still on her side. On
the other side it is hardly disputed that India was not,
'Correctly speaking, conquered by the sword, but won by
the willing allegiance of a people who were unable to
•govern themselves. If that is so, the question naturally
arises, how is it that the Indians have, after a peaceful
»43eneficent rule of more than one and a half century,
•suddenly developed such a spirit of restlessness and dis-
-content ? Oan ib be Sedition — an earnest desire on the
part of the people to overthrow the British Government
and establish their absolute independence ? If that were
so, any attempt on the part of the people to shake oif
the British yoke would have proved as disastrous a
failure as the maintenance of settled Government by
Britain herself even for a year despite her naval and
military strength. The cry of Sedition was as false as it
was senseless and impolitic. There never was in these
•years a movement anywhere to subvert British rule in
India, nor was there a single overt act lending colour to
a possible tendency towards such a movement, besides
some insane, meaningless, incoherent, inflammatory
-effusions contained in a few anonymous pamphlets or
leaflets which some mischievous urchins might circulate
' /for creating either a fun or a senseless sensatioa in tha

228 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

country. If a dastardly attempt on the life of Czar-
Nicholas, or the murder of King Humbert, or the assassi-
nation of President Carnot could not be construed into-
an attempt to overthrow the Russian Empire, or the-
Italian Monarchy, or the French Republic, it seems diffi-
cult to conceive how the secret manufacture of some bomba
in a private garden, the assassination of a few police
officers, the secret murder of a Magistrate, or even the-
daring attempt on the life of an innocent Lieutenant-
Governor at a public place, however atrocious these acts-
may be, can be regarded as any evidence of sedition or
treason, or how any people outside an asylum could ever
dream of driving away the British from India with the
help of some bundles of bamboo sticks, a few ounces of*
picric acid, a few packets of gunpowder, or even of a
few dozens of old, rusty smuggled revolvers. The
idea is simply quixotic. To whatever lengths human
ingenuity may go to strain and stretch the definition of-
sedition or high treason, common sense must always
refuse to believe that a handful of misguided young
men, wifch no other instruments than these in their
possession, could really have thought of " waging war
against the King.'* However seriously the situation
may have been taken by a bureaucracy placed in a
distant foreign land, even the most ardent loyalist ia
the country regarded the panic as quite mistaken and
exaggerated beyond all proportion.

The Indian bureaucracy, particularly the section of
it belonging to the Indian Civil Service, may be disposed
to regard every member of it as a limb of the Sovereign
authority and as such misconstrue every serious offenca

THB INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 229

MBLgainsb any such member to be tantamounf; to an
offence against lese majeste, z.e., high-treason. But the
Eastern mind draws a sharp distinction between the
^Crown and its servants, and between an impersonal
♦Government and its personal officers, how highsoever
they may be. The expression " Eepresentative of Gov-
ernment" is loosely extended, even sometimes in official
documents, to officers whom the people regard as no
jnore than ** public servants." A good deal of the
misunderstanding seems to be due to an oversight o^
this distinction on the part of a governing class, every
member of which carries in him the natural pride of
■being a ruler of the country. The late Mr. Kristodas
Pal most forcibly and faithfully drew out this distinction
prevailing in the Indian mind in his celebrated contro-
<versy with the Government of Sir George Campbell who
was not inaptly called the Tiberius of the Indian Civil
Service. Having been charged, as Editor of the Hindic
Fatriot, with " ill-will towards Government," the great
Tribune said : —

"The words * ill-will to Government* are not however
• explicit. Is the word Government in the phrase intended to mean
the Queen's Government or the Local Administration? — the
ruling power, or the executive agency ? — the Sovereign Mistress of
■the Empire, or her officers in the country ? None is better aware
than His Honour that the Supreme Power and the administrative
authority are quite distinct ; and nowhere is this distinction made
so broadly and clearly as in England, When, for instance,
Mr. Disraeli denounced the other day the present Government of
Her Majesty as " blundering and plundering," it would be a gross
.perversion of language to interpret this imputation into ' ill-will
to Government,' that is, Sovereign authority, the Queen herself.
And yet I fear the charge brought against the Patriot involves
this misuse of words. It would be impertinent in me to remark
lihat if criticisms of public men and measures be construed into
* ill-will to Government,* there is not a single journal in this

230 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

country, with the slightest pretence to independence, which would?
not be open to this charge. Constituted as the British Govern-
ment in India is, in which the governed millions are utterly
unrepresented and which is administered by aliens in birth,
religion, habits^ sentiments and feelings, the Press is the only
channel for the communication of the views and wishes of thfr
people, — the safety-valve, so to speak, of the political steam*
working in the body of the masses. None is better aware than
my humble self that the Native Press has many shortcomings ;;
that it has much to learn and unlearn ; but nothing, J respect-
fully submit, could be more unjust than to ascribe to it ' ill-
will to Government,' because it considers it its duty to criticise
the proceedings of the local administration, or particular officers-
of Government."

If Krishtodas Pal had been liviDg to-day he would
have not only found the charge more lavishly and indis-
criminately laid against his countrymen, but also a
more forcible illustration for the disfcinction and the
defence ; when it has been permissible in our own times
for Orangemen, under the organized leadership of a man-
whom even the King was not precluded from inviting to-
a conference, to rise in armed rebellion against; the
established Government of the country without however
forfeiting their allegiance to the Sovereign under the^
constitution. Sedition in the sense of treason really
existed nowhere in the country except perhaps in the-
wild hallucination of a panic-stricken bureaucracy hypno-
tised by an unscrupulous Jingo Press, and the cry of
Sedition was only either a blind man's buff, or a wild
goose chase in the country. If an occasion should ever
arise to put India's loyalty to a real test it will then be
realized how silly and injudicious it was to cry '*the
wolf" when there was actually no wolf in the fiald.*

• The recent war in Europe has furnished such an occaaion
and such a test. Whole India has enthusiastically risen iu

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY, 231

A question thus arises, what then was this unresfc
and why was there such constant friction between the
people and the Government ? And again the dictum of
Burke comes to the reply. If it be true as Lord Glad-
stone has said on a very recent occasion in South Africa
that "convulsions could not happen unless there wa&
something gravely wrong," then the cause of the unrest
in India was not perhaps too far to seek. As has already
been pointed out the stolid indifference and unsympa-
thetic attitude of Government towards popular aims and
aspirations, the imperious tone of the bureaucracy and its
marked disposition towards opposing even the normal
growth and development of the political rights and pri-
vileges of the people, the repeated instances of flagrant
miscarriage of justice in cases between Indians and
Europeans and the recurring famines had long created a
deep-seated and widespread feeling of dissatisfaction, —
but not disaffection unless want of gushing affection is tan-
tamount to it as Justice Strachey would have us believe
— throughout the country. The thinking portion of the
people laid all these preventible grievances at the door
of the Government, while the ignorant mass attributed
them to their invisible Kismat or inscrutible Provi-
dence— the last great argument of the Eastern mind
which reconciles it to all worldly sufferings. But the
feeling was there every year gaining in its volume a&
wellasinits intensity. Then there came a lull, like
the short interlude in a tragi-comic drama, during

defenoe of the Empire and there is now not a man in England who
seems to entertain the shadow of a doubt as regards India's devo-
tion 10 the Imperial connection.

232 'INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

which fehe people caught fitful glimpse of a struggling ray
of hope ; but again the clouds thickened and darkened
4jhe atmosphere, when at last a strong, reactionary
Viceroy appeared on the scene, who by his rigorous
policy put a severe strain upon the patience of an
already discontented people, and all discussions of
jaublic questions, not only in Bengal but in the other
Provinces also, assumed a new tone and complexion.
With the Partition in Bengal, the Colonization Bill in
the Punjab and the Official Secrets Act, the Press Mes-
sages Act and the Universities Act for the whole country,
the Indian people were exasperated beyond measure,
and a section of the Press also began to give vent to
the feeling in the country with a degree of warmth and
licence which the authorities construed into Sedition.
In the prevailing temper of the bureaucracy repression
was prescribed as the proper remedy for the situation,
and the Government of Lord Minto went on forging a
series of drastic measures, such as the further widening
of the Official Secrets Act, the Public Meetings Act, the
Press Act, the Sedition Law, the Explosives Act, the
Seditious Meetings Act and a number of ordinances and
circulars by which the right of free speech and free
criticism was practically abrogated ; while quite an
army of inefficient and unscrupulous man under the
name of C.I.D. officers was let loose upon society, whose
impertinent attention did not spare Members of Councils
or even of Parliament travelling in the country. Some
old, obsolete Eegulations, whose existence was nearly
forgotten till the Bombay Government discovered it,
were brought out of the dusty armoury of Government

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 233

•a.nd several men of note, some of whom were fully
'believed by the pepole to be quite incapable of any
offence, were deported without a trial. In Bombay the
Natu Brothers were thus dealt with in 1897 ; in the
IPunjab Mr. Lajpat Rai and Sirdar Ajit Singh were
deported in 1907 ; while in the following year, out of a
long list of eligible candidates in Bengal, the following
nine persons were selected to receive the compliment ;
'viz., — Messrs. Krishna Kumar Mitra, Aswini Kumar
Dutt, Sbyamsunder Chuckravarty, Subodh Chandra
Mullik, Sachindraprasad Bose, Satish Chandra Chatter-
jee, Pulin Behary Das, Monoranjan Guha and Bhupesh
Chandra Nag. All of these men were evidently ready
to make whatever sacrifices were demanded of them for
the country's cause and a few of them were probably
also not a little proud of the advertisement thus given
to them. Press prosecutions, proscriptions and confis-
cations also became very frequent. The Bandemataram,
the JugarUar and the Sandhya, a most intemperate and
scurrilous paper in Bengal, and several papers in the
other provinces were suppressed. Mr. Tilak as Editor
of the Mahratta was sent to prison ; Bromho Bundhab
Upadhya, Editor of the Sandhya, died in hospital, and
Mr. Aurobinda Ghose, the supposed Editor of the Ba?ide
mataram sought refuge in French territory. Police-raidSj
house-searches and espionage became the order of the
day ; while conferences and public meetings were forcibly
broken up and suspended in many places, particularly in
Eastern Bengal. Even the Education Department so long
held almost sacred in the estimation of the public was
pressed into a secret service with the " little barbarians '»

234 INDIAN NATIONAli EVOLUTION.

in the schools as polifcical suspecfcs. Like the red rag feo-
the bull, the innocent expression Bande mataram became
almost intolerable to a certain class of officials. Some
interpreted it to mean 'seize and beat the monkey,' others
suspected it to be a secret watchword for committing
violence; while in point of fact the harmless expression
coined by a novelist more than a decade before meant
nothing but — *I salute thee, my motherland.' Even the
sacred Geeta was not spared, and in many a house-search
where nothing incriminating 'could be laid hold on the
Geeta was eagerly seized and carried away as an import-
ant find. The people became incensed and that was but
natural. The Swadeshi-Boycott was rightly or wrongly
started as the first open protest against this high-handed
administration. But to add fuel to the fire the fanatical
Mahomedan mass were incited by a class of designing
people against the Hindus, and several cases of riot,
pillage, desecration, sacrilege and outrage upon women
took place in Eastern Bengal and the Punjab. People
were not wanting even in official circle who exultantly
cited these instances as a foretaste of what might be in
store for the Hindus if the strong hand of the Govern-
ment were either withdrawn or even relaxed; while the
bureaucracy generally were not slow complacently to
refer all these disturbances to the Swadeshi Boycott
movement and the '* National Volunteers," as if when
that was said all was said against these acts of lawless-
ness. A suspicion arose in the minds of some people-
that all these were parts of a settled policy to put down
the new spirit and that the Swadeshi movement was
made only a scapegoat of that policy. Impartial and^

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 235'

independent officers were not, however, altogether want-
ing to speak out the truth. In Eastern Bengal one
European Magistrate, who is now a naember of the
Bengal Government, openly said that the Boycott
was not the cause of the disturbances," as it could not
possibly be since that movement inured more to the
direct benefit of the poor low-class Mussalmans who
formed the bulk of the weavers and shoemakers in the
country ; while another Special Magistrate, a Maho-
medan gentleman of culture and independence, trying
a batch of these Mussalman rioters, remarked in his
judgment that " there was not the least provocation for
rioting ; the common object of the rioters was evidently
to molest the Hindus." In another case the same
Magistrate observed : —

"The evidence adduced on the side of the prosecution shows
that on the date of the riot the accused (a Mussalnican) read over a
notice to a crowd of Mussalmane and told them that the Govern-
ment and the Nawab Bahadur of Dacca have passed orders to the
effect that nobody would be punished for plundering and oppres--
sing the Hindus. So, after the Kali's image was broken by
the Mussalmans, the shops of the Hindu traders were also
plundered."

Again another European Magistrate in his report on
another riot case wrote, that ** some Mussalmans pro-
claimed by beat of drum that the Government has per-
mitted them to loot the Hindus;" while in an abduction
case the same Magistrate remarked that "the outrages
were due to an announcement that the Government had
permitted the Mahomedans to marry Hindu widows in
Nika form." There was, however, yet another and a
more disgraceful incident. In 1910 the Metropolis itself
was in the hand of a Mussalman mob and for three

:^36 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

days and nighfca the rich Marwari jewellers of the city
were plundered with the Lieutenant-Governor himself at
-Belvedere and an indignant though powerless Viceroy
at Government House. And what was still more dis-
.graceful and demoralizing, the Lieutenant-Governor
iost no time after the riot was over in coming out
with a long winded rigmarole manifesto defending and
whitewashing the police. That weak Governor, one of
the best in the service, no doubt, soon paid the penalty
of his weakness at the hand of a strong Viceroy; but
the painful impression produced in the mind of the
■ community by these incidents had its baneful effect.
The true explanation, though not the real interpreta-
tion, of these harrowing disturbances was, however, to
be found in what was called the "Red Pamphlet,"
which was written by a Mussalman and circulated
broadcast among the Mahomedans of East Bengal.
This inflammatory leaflet had not the faintest allusion
• either to the Swadeshi or the Volunteer movement ;
'but it deliberately incited the Mussalmans against the
Hindus on racial and religious grounds and upon the
supposed bias of Government in favour of Islam ; and
strange to say, that the man who preached this Jehad
was tardily brought to trial long after the mischief had
Taeen done and only bound down to keep the peace for
one year ! While instances were not altogether rare
where Hindus for writings of less graver description
were sentenced to transportation. No sensible Hindu
of course believed in the so-called Government Orders,
but apparent bias of the local authorities naturally alien-
ated the bulk of the Hindus who were chafing under a

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY, 237

sense of unredressed wrongs if nofe actually " burning
with resentment." All this was in Bengal ; while in
the Punjab, six lawyers of position were placed on their
trial at Rawalpindi as political offenders who, accord-
ing to the alarmist crowd of Sedition-mongers, had by
their inflammatory speeches incited violent riots. For ■
six long months these respectable professional men were
detained in prison and ultimately they were all honour-
ably acquitted, the special Magistrate trying the case
holding that the evidence for the prosecution was
"suspicious if not fabricated."

It is a significant fact that these tactics were
largely in evidence in the two provinces where the lower
elements of the Mussalman population were in the majo-
rity. The attempts of the inferior officers of Government
to whitewash themselves and make their occupation
smooth and easy by referring these disturbances to the-
leaders of the people, who were nearly all Congressmen,
constituted another blunder which went a long way
towards alienating the public, and people were not want-
ing who actually argued that if the popular leaders could
be accused of inciting one community to commit distur-
bances, with equal propriety the local officials could be
charged with indirectly fomenting violence among the
other community. The natural leaders of the two com-
munities and indeed the upper classes of both throughoufc
maintained their longstanding friendly relation in the
least unaffected by these disturbances. If the volumes of
confidential reports and cypher messages which came
very largely into use at this period could see the light of
day, it might be possible to make a fair apportionment

'238 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

of the respoDsibilities of the situation thus created
between the bureaucracy and the people ; but to all out-
ward appearances the former made a grievous mistake
in making an indiscriminate attack upon all the parties
afifected — the masses and the classes, the aristocracy
and the gentry — and the moderates and the extremists.
They were all made the common target of oiBficial criti-
cisms and subjected to one sweeping condemnation. In
the Swadeshi movement the Mahomedans were actively
associated with the Hindus in several places; but they
-generally received a differential treatment. Anyhow
the tension between the Hindus and the bureaucracy
became strained almost to the breaking point and even
sober, impartial Mahomedans were not wholly wanting
who felt that the policy of divide and rule could hardly
'have been extended more openly or more aggressively
in certain direction. A number of thoughtless but
impressionable young men were taken of their feet
under the influence of some violent speeches and writ-
ings of a few enthusiasts and these running amock
committed several dastardly outrages which furnished
the Government with a legitimate excuse for a series of
repressive measures unheard of in this country since
the dark days of the Mutiny. The grim spectre of
anarchism at last reared its head in a country noted
for its piety and overscrupulous tenderness even for the
insects and the worms. Secret murders and assassina-
tions took place in towns as vyell as villages and some
secret societies for the commission of crimes were also
discovered in the country. In panic the bureaucracy,
ifanned by a hysterical press, cried out that the country

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 239

-was on feha verge of a mutiny. Ab this crifcical situation
^tha Indian National Congress and its members rendered
a service to the State as well as to the country which,
in the heat of passion and prejudice, may not have
been properly recognised by either ; bub which the
impartial future historian of this gloomy period will
be bound ungrudgingly to record. In a strong ad-
verse current the natural leaders of the people as
'represented in the Congress stood firm and by their
example as well as their influence kept the public under
.control. Not a few of them on critical occasions flung
themselves boldly in the midst of seething disturbances
and where the police failed with their regulation lathies
succeeded in maintaining peace and order by their
moving sympathy and persuasive eloquence. But for
the firmness and the restraining influence of the Con-
gress and the much-abused Congressmen, the country
might have been involved in a much wider and a more
-serious conflagration. If they were unable to do more,
it was more on account of want of confidence in them
than any want of earnestness on their part. Unfortu-
nately, however, all the reward that they earned for
their services was unmerited calumnies and aspersions
on the one hand and wanton insults and opprobrium on
the other, and when all was over, the bureaucracy in-
dulged in mutual admiration of the valour, tact and
resourcefulness of its members in having successfully
averted the repetition of a second chapter of the affairs
of 1858.

Unrest had no doubt reached an acute stage and
iihe deadly spirit of anarchism and lawlessness was

240 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

undoubtedly stalking the streets of cities and towns
even in broad daylight ; and it was also true that the
situation became such as not only to justify but also to
make it incumbent upon a civilized Government ta
take stringent measures for the preservation of peace-
and order and for the security of life and property. No
one could reasonably complain of any legitimate and
adequate measure that Government might adopt for
the suppression of these heinous crimes. The differ-
ence lay only in the means and methods employed.
Measures were introduced which made no distinction
between the innocent many and the guilty few and in
their operation the guity and the innocent were in-
volved in one confusion. In fact, in some cases the
rigours of these bad laws were visited mostly upon the
peaceful citizens, while the criminals escaped scot-free..
For instance, in the case of the Press Laws, the peopl©
were perfectly at a loss to understand how the muz-
zling of a public press could help either in the sup-
pression or in the detection of the dark deeds of the
anarchist who moved in secret, hatched his plans in
secret and carried them out in secret. In a situation-
like this the forces of public opinion should have been
rallied on the side of the bureaucracy ; but they were<
simply alienated. It was complained, not without some
show of reason, that the people withheld their co-
operation from the Government ; but it was evidently
overlooked that Government itself made hearty co-
operation practically impossible. Sentiments are often
reciprocal, and it is confidence that begets confidence.
When the Government evidently distrusted the people-

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 241

and was busy continuously forging fetters for them
without distinction it was idle to expect any active co-
operation from the people. It is always a bad policy
to burn the candle at both ends.

Aoarchism was soon followed by another serious
crime — Bobberyt The truth, however, seemed to b&
that a section of the bureaucracy were unable to divest
themselves of their erroneous impression that both
anarchism and robbery were the outward manifestations
of an undercurrent of treason. It has been truly
observed that when John Bull begins to suspect, ha
generally begins at the wrong end and that even when
the other end forces itself upon his attention he refuses
to retrace his step. A little reflection would hav&
shewn dhat the real objective of the anarchist and thd
robber in this country has been the police, the approver
and the witness, and in one case only it was also the
Magistrate in a criminal trial. None but an anarchist
need defend anarchism. The anarchist is the common
enemy of God and man, and in every age and every
climate civilized humanity has refused to recognise
the brotherhood of the secret murderer and the dast-
ardly assassin. But anarchism is not one of those
tropical diseases which a European need study and
investigate in a tropical country at the expense of a
tropical people, Its therapeutics ought to be well
known to him. Anarchism like plague has undeniably
been imported into this country, one from the Far East
and the other from the West. They were the unavoid-
able concomitants of free trade and free ccmmunica-
tion, and it is the characteristic of both that wherever
16

^42 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.'

they find their way they come to stay until the poison
has spent itself. A civilized Governoaent is no doubt
bound to fight out both ; but in either case the opera-
tion should be carefully confined to the rat and not
indiscriminately extended to the cat and the kite as
well. No sensible man will burn the curtain to get rid
of the bug. In this country, however, laws are some-
times made more with a view to make the administra-
tion easier than to meet the actual necessities of a
situation. The laws of rioting, of accomplices and of
conspiracy, all woven with the imaginary thread of a
legal fiction, are so many arbitrary inventions for
running the administration on convenient lines though
at considerable sacrifice of the best interests of justice
and fairness, not to speak of the individual rights of
free citizenship. One false step imperceptibly leads to
another and the law permitting, for the ends of justice
in extreme cases, the conversion of an offender to a
witness has in recent years been carried too far, parti-
cularly in the so-called political trials, at the instance of
a police as notorious for its inefficiency as for its
corruption. The practice has assumed the proportion
'of such a scandal as to attract the notice of Parliament
and a proposal is actually on foot to amend the law on
the subject. The anarchists in this country will gene-
rally be found associated with gangs of robbers and
secret assassins with no ulterior political object in view.
They are a revised edition of the Thugs and Goondals
of a previous generation with this difference that they
have ascended a little higher, in the scale of society and
have taken to more refined weapons of destruction.

[the INDIAN UNKEST AND ITS REMEDY. 243

'Whatever their means and methods may be, their aim
generally is the police and the approver — the man who
manipulates evidence against them and the man who
either betrays their secrets, or securely perjures himself
-against them. To invest these pests of society with the
title of political offenders is to inspire them with an idea
of false martyrdom and to indirectly set a premium upon
lawlessness.

It has been pointed out that the unrest in India
cannot logically be traced to a really seditious or trea-
sonable movement in the country. It is the visible
'-manifestation of a deep-seated and widespread discon-
tent which has gradually accumulated through years of
unsymoathetic bureaucratic administration and which,
*in its latest development, is only a rigorous though
ill-advised protest against that administration. It may
be disaffection; but with due deference to the Indian
Legislature and the Indian Judges it is neither Sedition
nor Treason. The origin and growth of this unrest and
'the causes underlying it may be summed up as follows :^

The extremely slow and over-cautious movement of
the Government and its inability to keep pace with the
^general advancement of the people to which it at the
same time largely contributed may be regarded as the
primary cause of th& deplorable tension that has arisen
-^between the two parties. The termination of the mis-
rule of the East India Company at the dnd of a greafc
military rising and with the establishment of a settled
<}overnment directly under the Grown marks a turning
tpoint in the history of British rule iu India. Tha

244 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Queen's Prbclamation of 1858 following a drastic-
change in Government filled the people's mind with the
ardent hope of nob only peace and prosperity but
also of steady progress and consolidation of their poli-
tical rights and privileges as British citizens. Peace
wa? restored and justice was firmly established ; hut
the free citizenship was still withheld from them. On
the whole, the Government up to 1898 was no doubt
a progressive one ; but its motion was eo slow that for
all practical purposes the people regarded it as a fixed
body and its immobility became a byword in the coun-
try. A complete generation passed away and every
reform from time to time proposed or promised proved'
a source of fresh disappointment ; while the occasional
shortening of their tether in one direction or another
made the people completely distrustful of the adminis-
tration. This wane of confidence led to misunderstand-
ing, and misunderstanding to irritation and discontent.,
The next cause which more than any other aggra-
vated the situation, was the racial distinction manifested
in the administration of criminal justice. From the
trial of Maharajah Nund Ooomar down to the latest
prosecution of a European upon a charge of murder of a
native of the country, the people were never able ta
divest themselves of the belief that there was invariably
a gallirag failure of justice in cases between Indians and
Europeans. Apart from the numerous cases of indigo
planters and tea planters, there was hardly to be found
a single instance where a European, whether a soldier
or a civilian, voluntarily causing the death of a defence-
iess Indian did not escape with the payment of a fina>

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 245

<not exceeding rupees one hundred only, tbe usual scale
v"being fifty. A man dragging a live fiah or breaking
^he legs of a crab wag somefcimes fined Rs. 50 and the
spectacle of a European causing tbe death of a human
being and the penalty being the same amount was
neither edifying nor conducive to cordial relations
between the governing classes and the governed how-
ever fragile and enlarged the Indian spleen might be.
The Fuller Minute of Lord Lyttoo, the Resolutions of
Lord Curzon in the cases of tbe Rangoon and Sialkote
battalions and the proceedings of the O'Hara case in
Bengal may be read to form only an imperfect estimate
of the depth of feeling with which the people generally
regareled these cases between Indians and Europeans,
and, what was still more regrettable, man were not
altogether wanting who would quote old Manu to justify
lihese proceedings at the present day.

The third and immediate cause of the unrest must
he referred to the reactionary policy which asserted
itself in the councils of the Empire in recent years.
It has been truely remarked by Mr. Henry Nevinson
that " although no hard-and-fast line can be drawn in
history, the arrival of Lord Curzon as Viceroy on
December 30, 1898, marks a fully strong and natural
division." During the forty years that elapsed between
1858 and 1898 the Government in its oscillatory motion
going backwards and forwards on the whole marked a
steady though slow progress. It was Lord Curzon
who set back the hand of the clock and reversed the
;<policy into a complete retrograde one. It may be
^that he was in hia own way right in thinking thafe

2i6 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

the policy of 1858 was wrong ; bufc that policy havings
been accepted and worked upon for nearly half a
cenfcury with fehe fullest consciousness of its ultimate
results, Lord Curzon was hioaself in the wrong in trying
to change it at this distance of tinae when the people
had outgrown the old system, and as Lord Macaulay had
fully anticipated, were with the expansion of their minds,
aspiring to institutions, rights and privileges with which
that policy had naturally inspired their minds. It was
too late. This retrograde policy which sharply manifest-
ed itself in almost every branch of the adminis-
tration and which was received with a chorus of
applause by a notoriously Conservative Bureaucracy
supported by an equally Conservative Press gave a rude
shock to the popular mind and the discontent which
had long been brewing in the country burst into a
flame. Lord Curzon evidently struck by the magni-
tude of this discontent attempted to throw the responsi-^
bility on his successor saying that there was no distur-
bance so long as he was in this country ; but the popular
verdict was unatiimous that it was his policy which set
the house on fire, though he was just lucky enough in
successfully making his escape before the smoking fire
blazed out. i

The repressive policy which Lord Minto adopted
to cope with a situation for which he was not himself
responsible, was a mistaken remedy and served only to
aggravate the situation. The various measures with
which he sought to restore peace and order in the coun-
try wore the appearance more of a newly conquered
territory than of a settled country. The suppression o^

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 24T

free speech, the muzzling of the press, espionage, house-
searches and police surveillance from which even th&
most respected in the land were not exempted, became the^
order of the day ; while quite an army of C. I. D. officers
mostly recruited from among the refuse of society and
who acted more as spies than as detectives made the
situation still more intolerable and completely alienated
the public. These so-called C. I. D. officers were regard-
ed with distrust both by the people as well as the-
regular police who, with all their defects, were immensely
superior to them both in point of ability as well as^
efficiency. They in fact served no other useful purpose
than that of exasperating the people and in making the
situation still more strained which it was the avowed
object of the Government to smooth and improve.

A fifth cause underlying the unrest was the sup-
posed policy of stirring up racial jealousy and setting
one class against another in the administration of the
country. That policy was once tried in favour of the
Hindus and against the Mussalmans at an early period
of the British rule and was again repeated now only»
the order being reversed. Whether in the public ser-
vices, or in the Municipal and Local Boards, or in the
Legislative Councils, the people perceived the working of
this racial bias and although the Government was nob
altogether without some justification in certain cases,
the majority of the people were not slow to attribute
its actions to the working of a settled policy.

The overbearing and imperious conduct of the
bureaucracy was also not a little responsible for the

^48 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

growth of this unrest, Every one cried peace when
very few by fcheir act and conduct contributed towards
peace. There was more talk than act of living sym-
pathy between the local authorities and the people ;
while as to mutual trust and confidence both sides
were aware that they were simply conspicuous by their
fibseoce. In fact to such an extent was official suspi-
cion carried that it sometimes interfered with natural
affection and violently disturbed domestic relatiouship.
Gases were neither few nor far between where brothers
were forced to break up from brothers and fathers from
their sons. While such was the state of things enferc-
•ed by the condition of the services, the feeling of dis-
-confcent naturally grew from day-to-day and spread
from family to family.

Another cause which has largely contributed to
the growth of this unrest was the constant and syste-
matic flouting of public opinion by the authorities in
this country. The practice of treating Indian public
opinion with perfect indifference and of running counter
to such opinion on almost all questions of public
importance was often carried to such irritating extent
that the average people came to regard it as part of a
settled policy. Indeed bitter experience had shown
that to anticipate the decision of Government in any
important question, one had only to spin out all con-
ceivable arguments against the trend of public opinion
and the result of such a process seldom turned out to be
incorrect. This not infrequently led cynical publicists
sarcastically to suggest that the engine should be re-
versed and that the very opposite of what the people

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 249

wanted should be tbe fcheme of fche public plafeform and
of fche public press. Public censure of an officer often
acted as a passport to this advancement and; instances
were neither few nor far between where the sharp criti-
cism of the acts of an unpopular officer happened to be
met by his almost immediate promotion. The popu-
larity of an officer counted only for disqualification.
All this was said to be due to the fetish of official
prestige. The prestige of a Government is no doubt its
most valuable asset ; but true presbige does not consist
in riding rough-shod over public opinion and in in-
spiring dread into public mind, but in securing the
allegiance and approbation of the popular voice and in
enlisting the confidence and co-operation of the people.
Jt is despotism that trusts on its iron will ; but a con-
stitutional government is always founded upon the bed-
rock of popular ideas and sentiments.

In the majority of cases where anarchism has
developed into robbery and other crimes affecting pro-
perty, it will be found on careful examination that they
are more economic than political in their origin,
although the authorities find it more convenient to
group them all together with the so-called political
offences. The poor but respectable people who gene-
rally pass by the name of bhadralokes are bit the
hardest by the economic condition of the country.
'They are nobody's care and their position is being
gradually more and more straitened. Whether in fche
Legislature or in the administration their condition
receives very little attention ; while driven alike from
•4ihe soil and the services they have long been a standing

250 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

menace to society, and ife is these people who are novr
largely in evidence in the dacoities that have become^
rampant throughout the country. They no doubt resort-
to political cants ; but this they do as much to divert
official attention from them as to facilitate recruitment-
of unsuspecting immature youths in their ranks.

The last cause which aggravated the unrest must
be traced to the intemperate writings and wild vapour-
ings of a section of the people who found ample oppor-
tunities in the unsympathetic attitude of the authori-
ties to foment the irritation which rankled in the-
minds of the public. These people did not hesitate-
either to distort facts or to exaggerate situations and
create sensation more for self-advertisement than for
any real remedy for the actual situation which was bad
enough even without them.

Whether this ugly development was due to bureau-
cratic methods or to a malignant growth in the body
politic, or to the economic condition of a certain class
of population, its appearance was undoubtedly a grave-
menace to society and a serious obstacle to orderly pro-
gress. Whatever might be the true genesis of these
sporadic instances of moral depravity, tbe question still
remained to be considered whether general repression
was the proper remedy even in view of a possible out-
break of such a malady. The true remedy for anarchy^,
says Burke, is conciliation and not coercion ; for
coercion, however drastic, always leaves room for
coercing again. If therefore these disturbances were no
more than abnormal developments of crimes the arm of
the ordinary law of land was surely long and strong.

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY, 251

enough fco reach and pufe down these criminals ; but; if on
fche ofcher hand they were connected with any political
condition in the country, the remedy applied was singu-
larly inappropriate. The first manifestation of this unrest
was admittedly political and the present condition of the
country amply illustrates the truth of Burke's dictum.
It has been admitted even by Sir Valentine Chirol that
the Indian political atmosphere has been largely cleared
up by the inauguration of a policy of conciliation,
which had been so darkly clouded by a policy of re-
pression. If Lord Curzon was primarily responsible
foi; the outbreak, two methods were open to his successors
to deal with it, and both the methods were tried one-
after the other. Lord Minto was advised to resort to
repression, and he tried it to the fullest extent, but
failed ; while Lord Hardinge took to the other method,
of conciliation and at once succeeded. That is a practi-
cal demonstration whose visible result can neither be-
disputed nor ignored. A question, however, still arises,
— has the unrest been completely dissipated and do we
now live in perfect "sunshine ? Are the people and the
bureaucracy fully reconciled, and is there no cause for
further anxiety? In justice to truth and frankness
these unpleasant questions must be answered in the
negative. Undoubtedly the situation has vastly im-
proved : but in spite of the prevailing calm and cheering,,
signs of peace all round there is the sore still rankling
in the bosom of both the bureaucracy and the people.
The loud talk of official sympathy, with which the offi-
cial documents and utterances resound and which for
ought we know, may be perfectly genuine and undefiled:

'252 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

afc itis founfeain-source, seems however to touch the
heart of the country very lightly. The tension between
the executive officers and the educated comnaunity is
not yet relaxed to an appreciable extent ; while in
some places the habit oi disbrusG and suspicion and the
dogging of the innocenhs se^m to be still in operation.
The policy lias no doubt changed ; but the practice has
not fully moved out of its old groove. The repressive
measures still stand on the statute book, while occa-
sional reminders are not altogether wanting to apprise
the public that there is no intention of even treating
them aq dead letters. The higher officials have yo
doubt became in many places more polite and courte-
ous ; but it seems extremely doubtful if any real cordia-
lity has been established between the official hierarchy
and the leaders of public opinion in the country. Even
the serene atmosphere of the legislative assemblies is
not sometimes free from the flying dusts of the streets.
If the situation is to be radically and permanently
improved mere superficial treatment must not be
depended on and a more searching 'enquiry should be
made into the real causes of discontent and a genuine
effort made to remove them root and branch, though it
may involve some sacrifice and a little loss of official
prestige.

As regards the remedy it should be borne in mind
that although every doctor, and specially the authorized
house-surgeon in a hospital, is entitled to his own pres-
<iription, the disease really requires but one treatment,
and that no surgeon however skilful should resort to
Caesarian operation until all the ordinary rules of mid-

THK INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 253

wifery have failed. If the most drastic methods hifcherfco
employed have failed to produce the desired result,
there must he other methods which ought at least to
have a fair trial. And above all, a correct diagnosis of
the situation should be attempted without any bias or
prejudice. There are, as has been pointed out by an
eminent authority, a number of forces at work in the
Indian polity . at the present moment which must be so
regulated and co-ordinated that their resultant force may
make for progress on the line of least resistance or
friction. These forces are, — Ist, the Parliament, the
central body, from which ail the other forces radiate and
to which all powers, when once created, are supposed to
gravitate and which is the ultimate authority controlliog
the entire system ; 2ndly, the Secretary of State or the
Minister for India, the seat of Parliamentary power,
who holds all the threads of the Indian administration
in bis hand and directs all its operations from Whitehall,
being nominally responsible to Parliament ; 3rdly, the
Viceroy and the Government of India, the lever which,
with the assistance of the local administrations like
so many flywheels, works the entire machinery on the
spot; 4:thly, the Anglo-Indian Bureaucracy, a compact
hierarchy dominating the entire administration from
top to bottom and mounting guard over every passage
and avenue leading to the inner sanctuary of that
administration ; 5thly, the Indian People as represented
by the Indian National Congress, the howling pariah
dog that barks out the thief all night to receive in the
morning occasional lashes for disturbing the master's
sleep with a few crumbs from the refuse of the morning

554 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

and the evening meals as the reward of his thankless,
gratuitous services, and 6thly and lastly, the growing
spirit of crimes and lawlessness, the anarchist and the
robber, a direct challenge to force No. 4, which being
primarily responsible for exercising this evil spirit is
now unable to bottle it and in its just endeavour to
control it largely tends towards general mischief though
in a different direction.

To pursue these points a little further, the first is
no doubt the highest and the most important of these
forces; but it travels such an immense distance and
passes through so many media that its real power is
better understood than felt in this country. The
parliamentary control over Indian affairs was consider- •
ably weakened after the transfer of the sovereignty of
the country to the Crown, and it would perhaps be no i
great exaggeration to say that it has gradually been
reduced almost to a vanishing point. "The nearer
the Church the farther from faith," is a trite old saying
which seems to apply with equal force to the great
Mother of Parliaments as any other institution ; for as
far as India is concerned that august body now sits
almost quiescent like the great cosmic force in Hindu
philosophy which is supposed to have existence without
action and consciousness without volition, a mere silent
witness to the wondrous creation around, which how-
ever cannot go on without its metaphysical existence.
Instances are not wanting where this supreme authority
has been not only treated with scant courtesy, but its
solemn decision also over-ruled with perfect impunity
by authorities admittedly subordinate to it. This has

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 255

B very unwholesome effect upon Indian oiinda which
regard the British Parliament as a palladium of justice
and the final arbiter of the Empire's fate. In the vast
and varied organisation of an Empire like that of Great
Britain delegation of authority is certainly unavoidable ;
but delegation is not surrender., any more than that
an agent can be an irresponsible substitute for the
principal. Abdication of power without the safeguard
of necessary control is the surest passport to abuse, and
where a helpless subject people at a distance is concern-
ed it is a free license to injustice and corruption. It is
doubtless true that the British Parliament has- not by
any statute divested itself of its supreme authority ;
but in point of practice its interest in Indian affairs
appears to be so feeble and so transitory, that the Indian
public are seldom inspired with any great confidence in
the justice of its action, or in the earnestness of its
intention. At the bar of the House the Indian bureau-
cracy should be ordinarily considered as put upon its
trial ; but the position is more often than not reversed,
the bureaucracy appearing as the prosecutor and a totally
unrepresented people as the accused, and the judgment
of the House generally goes ex parte against them.
The general result of questions and debates in Parlia-
ment regarding matters Indian, therefore, produces a
•very unfavourable impression upon the people, who are
thus not unnaturally driven to the conclusion that
there is hardly any remedy against the vagaries of the
Executive out in this country. The first step towards
any improvement of the present situation would,
therefore, be for Parliament to assume greater control

256 INDIAN NATIONAL KVOLUTION.

over the Indian administration and to exercise closer
supervision over its cQanagement. The theory of the^
** noan on the spot" has been carried to extravagant
excess and it is high time that it were thoroughly
revised,

The Secretary of State is the real seat of power
under the present arrangement. He is assisted by a
Council of 9 to 15 retired veterans of the service ; but
he is, in practice, though not under the statute, a perfect
autocrat, although one of the greatest autocrats that
India hasever seen since the days of Aurangzeb has at last
openly confessed that " anything which has a suspicion
of autocracy in a case lilre that of India" should be care-
fully avoided and he humbly submitted to the House
that in India autocracy " would not only be a blunder
but almost a crime." That crime, however, has been an
outstanding feature of the Indian administration since
the battle of Plassey. The India Council is mostly
composed of a number of retired Anglo-Indian officials
grown grey in Ango-Indian prejudices and strongly
saturated with the instincts and traditions of an almost
irresponsible Anglo-Indian autocracy. The first Con-
gress in 1885 urged for the abolition of the Council
which only worked for mischief by stiffening the Sec-
retary of State against any substantial reform of the
Indian administration, and five years after, the sixth
Congress also repeated the charge. The only change
that has since taken place in the constitution of this
Council is the introduction of two Indian members into
it by Lord Morley without however any statutory recog-
nition. Lord Crewe attempted to give this improvement

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 257

the force of a legal provision and make it a permanent
feature of the institution ; but Lord Crewe's India
Council Bill of 1914 has been rejected by the House
of Lords. The Bill was not a measure of perfection ;
but yet it contained some germs of reform which once
accepted might have in fufcure years paved the way
towards popularizing the Council of the Secretary of
State. The proposed nomination of the two Indian
members out of a panel of forty elected persons was no-
doubt a curious invention, although such inventions,
like the mock creations of Visiuamitra of old, were-
not altogether foreign to the British Indian adminis-
tration. In the establishment of Trial by Jury Sir
James Fitz James Stephen introduced a system of trial
with the aid of assessors which was a pure mockery
neither sweet nor sour. Then in the reform of the
Councils under Lord Cross' Bill of 1892, a system of
election was introduced whicli was subject to the con-
firmation of Government. Again in the domain of
education a novel principle has recently been enun-
ciated by Sir Herbert Eisley, which still governs the
Educational policy of Government, that ** it is not in
the interest of the poor (in India) that they should
receive high education." India is a proverbial land of
Surprises, and it has never been her lot to receive a
full loaf at a time. It is gravely contended that her
soil, her climate and her traditions stand in the way
of her normal expansion and development. However that
may be, the statutory position of the two Indian members
being once secured, it would not have been difficult
to remove the panel afterwards. The Conservatives
17

258 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

fully grasped the situation, and it is a great pity
that they were able to lay their hand on some Indian
opinions also in support of their arguments. Thus a
great opportunity has been lost for the improvement
of the real seat of power in the administration of the
country, which may not recur within another decade.
Whenever that opportunity comes, it shall be India's
<jase, that although the Viceroy and the Government
of India should never be subordinated to any member
or department of the India Council, the constitution of
that Council should be materially altered, so that not
less than one third of its members may be Indians,
another third taken' from among tried politicians in
England totally unconnected with the Indian adminis-
tration and the rest selected from among a certain
class of retired Anglo-Indian officials of experience.
Thus there will be one section of the Council faithfully
representing the Indian view, another section the view
of the bureaucracy, while the third will hold the
balance evenly between the two. The present arrange-
ment «nder which bureaucracy has an overwhelming
preponderance in that Council practically sitting in
judgment over its own actions may be convenient for
the administration, but can never be good for the people.
It is not enough that the real seat of power is just ;
but it is also necessary that its justice should be felt
^nd understood in this country and its people inspired
with confidence in the justice of the administration.

Then comes the Viceory, the supreme head of all
the local administration and the real representative of
the Crown on the spot. He is generally a British

THE INDIAN UNREST ANB ITS REMISDY. 259

^fcatesman of dis&inction and comes out to India appa-
-gently without any bias or prejudice. But once he
^aaumes office he fiadg hinaself isolated, or more correct-
t.!y speaking, hemmed in on all aides by bureaucratic
influences which it is his duty to control, but to which
''he is often bound to succumb. Experience is no doubt
a valuable asset in every worldly concern ; but keen
insight and sound judgment based upon a dispassionate
survey of both sides of a question are of far greater
♦importance towards the success of a great administra-
tion. An exaggerated importance seems always to have
been attached to local knowledge both in regard to the
Council of the Secretary of State as well as the Execu-
tive Council of the Governor-General : but in both these
cases it is apparently overlooked that local knowledge
and experience may often be a bundle of prejudice,
begotten of one-sided study of the people and the country,
of natural pride of superiority, as well as of the bias of
jealousy and selfishnesss. Familiarity often breeds con-
tempt, while class interest sometimes unconsciously
magnifies our preconceived notions and ideas. So that
*' the man on the spot)' has his advantages as well as
his disadvantages, Nature has its counterpoise in all
its arrangements, and so long as the Council of the
Governor-General, no less than that of the Secretary of
State, is not well proportioned and evenly balanced
in its bureaucratic as well as popular influences, the
best intentioned and the strongest of Viceroys must fail
to give effect to his noblest ideals and projects, and the
legitimate aspirations of the people must remain indefini-
.tely postponed resulting inevitably in irritation and

260 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

discontent;. If the adnainistration is to be popularized as-
a means to secure the real co-operation of the people and
thereby shift a portion of the responsibility as well as
its unpopularity from the Government to the people,
the overwhelming preponderance of the bureaucracy
in the Government of India as well as in the Locals
Governments, must be redilced to a minimum.

The fourth power of the State, the bureaucracy,
is the real power felt and understood by the people in
every day life in this country. By it the entire weight
of the administration is measured and its quality both^
in tone and character determined. The theory of
efficiency has of recent years been carried to extra-
vagant excess, reducing the administration to a lifeless
machinery without the initiative of any sentient being.
And the working of this machinery is entirely vested
in one train of officials all of whom are cast in one mould,,
trained in one uniform standard and all revolving as it
were on a common axis and regulated by a common
impulse. Their discipline is exact and praiseworthy and
their cohesion almost metallic. It seems impossible
to touch this train at any one point without an instan-
taneous response being transmitted thoughout the
entire system. Such a system no doubt secures smooth-
ness of routine work and uniformity in its outturn ;,
but can hardly be progressive. Its power of resistance
to innovation is both natural and enormous. Then
again, it is not simply the great departments of the-
State, but also the occasional enquiries into these-
departments when initiated in this country, are prac-
tically vested in the members of the bureaucracy •.

THE INDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 261

If Ganabis Indica be really a " concenfcrafced food " and as
such a remedy for Indian famine, ife seems fairly
•intelligible why a member of fche Indian Civil Service
should be selected as fche President of a Ganja Commis-
sion ; but what special qualification there is for a
member of that service to preside over a Sanitary
Committee, or an Education Commission or a judicial
enquiry, it is rather difficult to appreciate. This centrali-
sation of all authority in one particular service has a
distinct tendency towards creating a rigid official caste
system, which like all caste systems presents a dead
wall against any change and works only for mischief.
The result is, that as the bureaucracy generally looks
with disfavour upon any proposal of reform advanced
by the people, so the people view with distrust any
measure inaugurated by fche bureaucracy. The first
step towards effecting a cordial rapproaGhme?it, bet-
ween the two, must therefore be to strike a golden
imean where each may meet the other half way, and
this can only be done by breaking down the official
caste system which is rapidly crystallizing itself and
gradually alienating fche people from fche Government.
The subject forms the crucial point of the administra-
tion and will be more fully dealt with in a separate chap-
ter.

The next great force is that of public opinion as
represented by the Indian National Congress to which
the Moslem League is also rapidly coverging. Vox
Populi Vox Dei may not be fully true of a subject
tpeople in a dependency; but no Goveroment however
-strong or despotic can afford completely to ignore public

262 INDIAN NATIONAL BVOLUfflON.

opinion in the matter of its administration. The voices
of the people may not be sometimes wise ; but it may
often be irresistible ; and to keep it within reasonable
bounds it becomes necessary to conciliate it by sympathy
instead of exasperating it by show of violeoce or open
disregard. Public opinion in this country is. not yefc^
sufficiently vigorous to assert itself; but it is gaining-
strength every day both in volume as well as intensity
and is sufficiently pretty strong not to be treated as
an altogether negligible quantity. Various grounds
may be urged by a stereotyped bureaucracy why
every Government cannot be by the people, but even'
the most cynical bureaucrat has not l^een bold enougb
to dispute the proposition that a civilized Government
can only be for the people. It therefere follows that-
in order that a Government may be for the people it
must to a large extent conform itself to the views-
and wishes of that people. A regular tug of war in
which the people pull in one way and a close bureau-
cracy in another, may be an exciting trial of strength ;
but it always acts as a dead weight to progress and orderly
Government ; while persistent flouting of public opinion*
must inevitably let loose forces of disorder in society.

This brings us to a consideration of the sixth-
and the last force which having recently come into
painful operation has been greatly exercising the
administration of this country : the force of disorder
and lawlessness. Without entering into any discussion
as to the orgin of this ugly development and without
making any attempt towards an apportionment of tha-
responsibility of the situation between the people and'

THE IKDIAN UNREST AND ITS REMEDY. 26^

the bureaucracy, it may be pointed out that this new
phase is as nauch a slur upon the administration as it is
upon the character of the people themselves. Th&
sinister spirit of heinous crimes seems not to have wholly -
died out and sporadic cases of assassination and robbery
are still reported from different parts of the country.
They are mostly actuated either by motives of self-
preservation, private grudge, or avarice ; but what is
most deplorable is, that fehey are not confined to the^^
habitual criminal population of the country. People
who happen to belong to poor but respectable families^
and who have some pretention to education also, hav&
been drawn into these dark and dismal ways, while
even schoolboys in some places appear to have been
inveigled to join their ranks under fctlse hopes and
absurd misrepresentations. This is a most distressing
phase of the situation. Various attempts have been made
for the protection of these boys. Education has been
officialized, schools have been barricaded and school-
boys segregated and placed under surveillance. Under
the ban of political association these boys have been
completely dissociated from healthy public influence^
with the result that they now deem themselves some-
times absolved even from their natural allegiance to
their parents. It is the trite old story of "from th&
frying pan into the fire." To save the youths of the
country from the hands of the much abused political
agitators these innocents have been driven into the
folds of desperate criminals. It is, however, no use
crying over spilt milk and abusing one another.
Attempts should be made in all earnestness to eradicate-

■264 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

the evil > even the latent germs of which unless care-
fully weeded out, are bound to grow and spread like a
catching contagion. Of all the difficulties in practical
life the greatest is perhaps that of admitting our own
errors and divesting ourselves of our prejudices. The
methods hitherto adopted for dealing with this new
spirit of crimes have admittedly not succeeded, yet
there seems to he no disposition to try other methods.
Of the forces mentioned above, the first, second, third
and the fifth should be combined and arrayed against
the fourth and the sixth, both of wbich make for mis-
chief though in different lines. The true remedy for
the situation does not lie in new inventions, but in
proper control and regulation of the forces that are
already in existence. It is no doubt the common
object of all the other forces to put down the last : but
the operation is left entirely to the discretion of one,
i e., the fourth, while the other forces stand almost
paralysed. Public opinion is wholly discounted except
ior the purpose of abase, and the controlling powers
are practically led by that one force which dominates
the entire administration.

CHAPTEB XVII.

The Depression.
It is sometimes complained, though not altogether
without some show of reason, that the enthusiasm
lor the Congress is on the wane and that ever since the

THE DEPRESSION. 265

^Surafc imbroglio the response to the call of the
national assembly has been growing fainter and fainter
every year. This no doubt is painfully true to some
extent. But without directly connecting it with the
Surat incident it is possible to trace this depression to
other causes also. It may be borne in mind that such
a state of temporary depression is almost unavoidable
in a continued struggle extending over the lifetime of
an entire generation. Human nature, says Smiles,
•cannot perpetually sustain itself on high pressure, or
continue to be indefinitely in an elevated plane of
existence without occasional breaks in its career. There
are ups and downs in national as well as individual life,
and an unbroken line of progress is seldom vouchsafed
to either. Then it is also clear that upon attainment
of some signal success after a protracted struggle human
nature seeks some rest for recouping ita lost energies.
It is apparently with the object of recommending this
spirit of relaxation that Sir Valentine Chirol has neively
remarked that since the reform of the Legislative
Oouncils has been effected, the Congress has no just
ground for its further existence. The Indian public
cannot, however, endorse such a view ; nor has the
success of the Congress probably been such as to justify
its members in winding up their business and go into
voluntary liquidation. In fact the advantages which
they have at last secured ought on the contrary to
stimulate them in pursuing those advantages with
greater vigour and energy. If they have so far groped
their way through the darkness of defeat and des-
i)air, they have now to push on with the cheering

266 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

light of dawning success before them. The promised
land is, however, yet far off, and those who have deli-
berately undertaken to lead a wandering people,
through a dreary desert cannot afford to cry out in
despair, "How long! Oh, how long is the way to
Canan !"

There is another aspect of the depression which,,
paradoxical as it may seem, may be distinctly traced
to the gradual expansion of the movement in different
directions. The Congress has in its progress directed
the attention of the public to the social, educational
and economic developments of the country which have
claimed not a small share of the national energies and
thus contributed not a little to divert a considerabla
volume of the public enthusiasm which originally
flowed through the main channel. As in irrigation
the rushing current of a mighty river is often reduced
both in volume as well as intensity by heavy drains on
its resources for the requirements of wet tracts on
either side of it, so the superabundance of enthusiasm
flowing through the main political bed of the Con-
gress movement has, in its onward course, turned into
other channels and found its way into other fields of
national activities. This was fully expected and cannot
in any way furnish a reasonable ground for regret. In
the evolution of a national life all these developments
are but hand-maids to one another, and it would be a
foolish, if not a futile, attempt on the part of the people
to confine their energies exclusively to the political
aspect of the situation leaving all other fields of necessary
activities as barren, uncultivated wastes. All th»

THE DEPRESSION. 267

phases of a nafcional life are infeerdependenfc and no
substantial progress can be made in any one of them
to the total neglect of the others. Tbey are the-
different factors of a single* problem in the correct
solution of which not one of them can be either ignored
or eliminated. Tbe relative importance of all these
phases may be different and circumstanced as the
country is, the political aspect of the situation un-
questionably dominates the consideration of all the other
issues. It is in fact the main current, if not the fountain-
bead, through which the other channels of activities
receive their supply, force and vitality, and while such a
diversion is to certain extent unavoidable, public feelings
and sentiments must occasionally be dredged so that the
main current may not suffer stagnation leading not only
to its own depletion, but also to a serious detriment of
tbe subsidiary channels which it feeds.

Much of tbe present depression therefore is due tcy
tbe many-sided activities which the Congress movement
itself has created, supplemented by the vexations and
disappointments brought about in weaker systems by
the extreme slowness of progress and severe moral
exhaustion. The situation is not unlike that of a
chronic patient who having really lost confidence in
himself as well as in his doctors always seeks for
new remedies without giving a sufficient trial to any.
There is, however, really no lack of enthusiasm in the
country. It is more a case of want of self-confidence
and of restlessness and impatience. It is a significant
fact that public men and measures now receive wider

"268 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION,

and closer, if also a somewhat; more irreverenfc, afeten-
tion than they ever did before: Pablic criticism is
undoubtedly on the increase, and it is not only the
public associations which are yearly growing in numbers,
but even the boarding-houses, restaurants, counting-
houses and even railway carriages present the appearance
of teeming bee-hives buzzing with discussions of public
interest. Conferences and congregations of various
denominations are the order of the day, and throughout
the country and in every grade of society there is a
manifest upheaval of no ordinary magnitude or character.
The whole country is in a ferment of agitation undergoing
as it were a process of foaming and frothing preliminary to
refinement in a boiling cauldron. Unfortunately, however,
there is too much of gas and dissipation as are sometimes
unavoidable in a period of transition in national evolution.
There is more of destructive than of constructive methods
in these diverse movements which sometimes counteract
one another and not unfrequently tend to hamper and
neutralize all of them. There are apparently more
men busy each in his own way for discovering the
Philosopher's Stone than for patiently and persistently
drudging at the ore for the true metal. In this state
of things a temporary and partial relaxation in one
direction to supplement the supposed requirements of
another seems almost inevitable, and it is pretty
certain that until the malcontents are made to realize
that there is not only no antagonism between these
diverse movements, but they are absolutely inter-
•dependent on one another, the quarrel between the
different members of the body politic will not cease

THE DEPRESSION. 269

and fche idle sfcomach continue to receive its proper
nourishmenfes.

Perhaps it may be useful also to bear in noind that
the Congress has now worked incessantly for nearly
thirty years, and a new generation has sprung up to take
the place of those whose rank and file are gradually thinn-
ing frona death, disease and infirnaities of age. The
difference in the spirit and temper of the two elements
is due largely to the difference of conditions and circum-
stances in which they are placed. In the estimation of
those who have weathered the storm in a dark and dis-
mal night the progress made is sufficiently marked to
inspire them with robust optimism and confidence in the
future ; but a younger generation who have awakened
with the dawning light of the grey morning without any
experience of the night's adventure and with the vast
immensity of heaving expanse still darkly stretching out
before them, cannot be expected to be equally impressed
with the difficulties that have been overcome, the
distance which has been covered and of the ultimate
success of the voyage that has been undertaken. This
difference in the perspective accounts in no small
measure for the scepticism of the younger generations
and their want of confidence in the methods which have
been so far employed by their more experienced elders.
In the race of life foresight is no doubt a great virtue :
but the habit of intently looking too much ached regard-
less of the obstacles that lie immediately in front of
one's steps, is the surest way of courting a disastrous
fall.

•270 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

People are nofc also wanting who unable to bear the
strain of the fight as well as of the immense sacrifices it
necessarily involves, seek repose in quietly taking a
defeat and to cover their own weakness dilate on the
utter futility of political agitation in a subject country.
These people are generally too precise in their vision to
waste their energies in the vain pursuit of unattainable
objects and are always ready to dissuade others from
•^oing so. They seem to know more of the future
than of either the past or the present and in their
innate love for the original, are always busy pres-
cribing their own patents for the treatment of the
situation. They apparently forget that an uphill
ascent is always a tedious and weary task, and that the
higher one ascends the greater becomes the exhaustion
and the slower the progress. As there is no royal road
to learning, so in practical politics there can be no arti-
ficial lift to carry up a people to its destination by a
mere switch of the button.

Apart from all natural causes this temporary de-
pression may be referred to some other sources. There
are several classes of critics who, in spite of their best
intentions, have indirectly contributed not a littte to
the growth of this depression. Some of them have
preferred to attack the Congress from the flank and
the rear, the frontal attack delivered by the Anglo-
Indian community having been successfully repulsed.
They apparently forget that by so doing they are
indirectly playing in the hands of their adversaries.
It has almost grown into a fashion with some of these
critics to indulge in a flow of correspondence through

THE DEPRESSION. 271

/
the columns of the press on the eve of every session of
the Congress earnestly appealing to the *' leaders" to
remove all " sources of irritabion" and to make it pos-
sible, as they say, " for all classes and parties to meet
and join hands once again on the Congress platform."
What those sources of irritation are, nobody how-
ever chooses expressly to state, although a vague
reference is invariably made to the Surat incident, as
well as to the thrice- told tale of the "Convention
Congress." There is, of course, no doubt as to the
honesty of purpose and sincerity of intention of these
critics; but if half the number .of- people who seem
never tried of indulging in these cants either in public
or private life had actually rejoined the Congress, much
bf the so-called " sources of irritation " would have at
once disappeared and the outstanding differences easily
solved themselves. But no, the practice has been to
keep this real or supposed " irritation " afresh like the
proverbial wound of the tiger by constantly licking it.
Nobody is able to point out that there is any thing
really objectionable either in the creed or in the con-
stitution provided for the Congress in 1908. All that
is still urged is, that these were the workings of a Con-
vention whdch never received the sanction of the Con-
gress. As a matter of fact they were placed before the
Congress in 1908 and bodily passed by a whole House
in 1911 and again re-affirmed with certain modifica-
tions at the Session of 1912. But then the cry is,
that they have passed only through a ** Convention
Oongress " and not through a free Congress, whatever
that may mean. It is only fair bo note, that before

272 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

* setting out for the Allahabad Gonvention the Bengal
delegates, at all events, aiade it perfectly clear that they
would solidly vote for whatever constitution the Conven-
tion might adopt being formally submitted to the
judgment of the whole House at the next Session-
of the Congress, and they accordingly earnestly request-
ed their colleagues to attend the Convention in sufficient
strength to carry the day. It is also well-known that
at the meeting of the Convention they lost only by a
couple of votes. Now if only three of these critics had,
instead of sulkily keeping themselves aloof, taken the
trouble to go to Allahabad, they might easily have scored
a victory at the outset and much of the powder and
shot, which they have since wasted, usefully saved.
Then in spite of the initial nervousness of some of the
provinces the creed and the constitution provided by
the Convention have ultimately passed through the
Congress, call it " Convention Congress " or whatever
you choose. They could not have been submitted to
another bear-garden without running the risk of demo-
lishing the Congress altogether. Besides, what practi-
cal difference would it have made in the situation even
if such a risky experiment could have been successfully
carried out ? Do the non-Conventionists mean to sug-
gest that it would have been wiser for their friends,
even if they agreed with them in some of the issues
raised, to have seceded from the Congress because the
majority did not concede to their views and thereby
obviously wrecked an organisation which was the result
of the labours of a generation and for which such enor-
mous sacrifices had been made ? It is presumed

THE DEPRESSION. 27^

thafc DO same man who has the country's cause at heart
would have approved of such a course. What then in
the name of good sense and patriotism is the objection
to join the Congress now on the score of old sores-
which have practically been healed up, the cicatrices
only remaining to remind the combatants of a past
conflict of opinions ? Such conflicts aye sometimes
unavoidable even in a well-governed family, and must
they eternally rankle in the breast of those who have
pledged themselves to fight out a great common cause?
If the non-Gonventionists are truly inspired by a patrio-
tic impulse, as some of them unquestionably are,,
there seem to be no insurmountable difficulties in making
up their sentimental differences and bodily returning to-
the common fold for the purposes of strengthening,
a common cause. If it has been possible for the-
Ulstermen and the Irish Nationalists to sign a truce to a
civil war at their country's call, surely there ought to be-
no diffiojilty for the Moderates and Extremists of the
Indian Nationalists Party to bury their petty domestic
quarrels and re-unite on a common platform. A.
rapproachmenc may easily be made by mutual surrender
. of some fanciful positions on either side, unless these
positions are sought to be maintained as a mere pretext
for carrying on a suicidal controversy. In practical
politics in every country and under every popular
constitution it must always be a question of majority
as well as of expediency, and where differences arise
the policy must be one of give- and- tahe. Where
there is a practical agreement in aim and object, a mere
difference in procedure ought not to divide those whose
18

274 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

uuifcy is their only sfcrengfch. A man's principles are
DO doubt his religion ; bub it were well to remember
that principles, like religion, carried to excess are some-
times apt to degenerate into bigotry and fanaticism.
It is all very well to talk of fighting for principles ; but
it seems allowable even without going the actual length
of saying with the shrewd French philosopher, that
prejudices and principles are sometimes merely inter-
changeable terms in controversies between parties of
opposite views, to point out that even in the case of
people more favourably circumstanced than ourselves
accepted principles have not unoften to conform them-
selves to practice and expediency according to the
exigencies of a situation.

Then as regards the contemptuous expression
" Convention Congress," any one acquainted with the
history of the Congress must know that it had its being
in a Convention and that the Constitution of 1908 was
not an innovation, but only a repetition and amplifica-
tion of the original Constitution with which it was
started in 1885. As has already been pointed out, early
in 1885 a Union was. established by a dozen leading
people under the name and style of the National
Union, and it was this National Union which called
the Indian National Congress into existence with the
following express declaration of its object and its
method, viz : — (l) That " unswerving loyalty to the
British Crown shall fee the keynote of the institution,"
and (2) that ** the Union shall be prepared, when
necessary, to oppose by all constitutional methods all
authorities high or low, here or in Eoglandi whose acta

THE , DEPRESSION. 27'&

•and omissions are opposed fco those principles of the

^Government of India as laid down from time to time
by the British Parliament and endorsed by the British

Sovereign." Now let any honest critic say if the Con-
stitution framed by the Convention of 1908, after a
most regrettable incident, was anything new or retro-
grade in its character or whether those who had been
thoroughly loyal to the Congress down to 1906 had
any just cause to secede from it since 1908? The
declaration and subscription to the creed was a mere
matter of form necessitated by the exigencies of a painful
situation and adopted with a view to ensure the due

'Observance of the Constitution. If that Constitution be
accepted in principle, it is dijBficult to conceive where the

-shoe pinches, or what reasonable objection there ma,y be
to signify that acceptance in writing. The misfortune
is, that there is too much logic in this country and
particularly in Bengal. No practical people, much less
a subject race, can afford to live in the dreamland of
Utopia, or indulge in fighting upon bare theories wholly
divorced from practice. The country has admittedly
reached a stage of its evolution, where all its strength
and available resources should be concentrated and
brought to bear upon decisions of issues which are as
momentous in their character as are the contending
forces with which they are confronted stubborn aod
irresistible. At such a grave situation for a weak and
helpless people to flitter away their energies in fruitless
controversies and academic discussions over mere theo-
ries and procedure seems to be little short of reckless
^isaipatioa altogether unworthy of men who have pu^

276 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

their hands into serious business and are responsible for
the future of the country. It is high time that these
unseenaly squabbles were ended and as practical men
all parties in the country presented a solid, united front
sinking all their dilBferences in the name of the Mother-
land.

There is another class of critics who with equal-
vagueness urge the Congress to be directed on " prac-
tical lines." They maintain with perfect sincerity
that the Congress should now devote its energies to
the ptactical development of education, sanitation and^
various kinds of industries. This no doubt in the
abstract is a ** counsel of perfection " ; but is it also
practical within the scope and capacity of the Con-
gress ? These critics apparently forget that the Con-
gress is essentially a huge deliberative body of a vast
continent which can and does formulate ideas, gene-
rate impulses and also indicate the lines on which,
the energies and activities of the people may be
directed for the amelioration of their condition. It can
and does also urge upon the country as well as the
Government to adopt measures which in its opinion
are calculated to foster education, improve sanitaion
and develop indigenous industries. But it has neither
the means, nor the organisation, to establish schools,
open drains, provide watter-supply or build industries,,
and cannot possibly be asked to undertake any of
these operations, throughout the country. It can, as it
always does, enunciate principles and lay down lines
upon which the national energies are to be directed
AKid the methods by which they are to be guided.

THE DEPRESSION. 277

faod controlled. It also allows petitions and representa-
tions to Government ; but it is a gross mistake to
• characterize its policy as mendicant. Its prayers are
all demands based upon rights and its appeals to the
people are exhortations to them to stand on their own
rlegs in defence of such rights, The Petition of Eights
is the strongest bulwark of fche liberties of the British
people, and the highest function of the Congress is to
initiate the people into the secrets of those means and
methods by which that people has acquired its valued
rights of free citizenship. The Congress is a great
school for the national education of the people and its
practicability can no more be questioned than those of
the other educational institutions in the country. But
(beyond these, what practical measures are actually opeo
to the Congress it is difficult to conceive. Even in
politics the Congress can only formulate the legitimate
rights and privileges of the people and press for the
removal of their grievances and disabilities. The Con-
gress is a great force-centre where the united intellect
and moral strength of the country generate steam and
give the impetus necessary to norove the body politic;
but there must be other machineries and appliances to
utilise these forces and turn them into proper account.
The Congress seeks to represent the entire country
with its diverse races and communities, and beyond
indulging in vague generalities and vaguer platitudes
DO one has yet suggested how it may be possible for
such an organisation to go into practical details for
working out sanitary, educational or industrial
«retorma applicable to each particular community or

278 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

province. Perhaps an afcfcempfe in that direction, evert
if ife were possible, would only lead to a disintegration
of the units which the Congress has so far laboured to
coDcihine. After all, if those who find fault with the
Congress as not being practical were to cease firing at
a long range and come to close quarters with a view to -
associate thenaselves with itj and submit any practical
scheme of work suited to its constitution, there is no
reason why they should not receive a patient hearing
and respectul consideration.

There is yet another class of critics of the Congress
who would kick the ladder behind them. They seem to
fancy that if the Congress had any use, it was for their
individual or class advancement and when that is satisfied
it has no more claim to its earthly existence. Most of
these arm-chair critics come from the official rank who •
owe no allegiance to the Congress, but seem to have the
largest claim to its services. Outside the official circle
these crifcics are mostly like the cynic Diogenes walking
in broad daylight with the lamp of their own unerring
intellect in the vaia quest of a single capable man
in the country. They have neither the sincerity
nor the earnestness of the other two classes of critics
and are ready at all times to indulge in tirades
and raphsodies which are as inflated as they are violent
and sweeping in their denunciations. They represent
the destructive and not the constructive element of
society ; and not having taken any part in building it
up, they are for the most part for demolishing the-
Congress altogether. In their impotent vanity and
conceit these cynics regard the Congress as perfectly

THE DBPRESSION. 271>

** useless " and *' almost unnoticeable ** and denounce
the Indian leaders as **no politicians,*' but as noere
" mimic actors on the political stage." They would
take exception even to Mr. Montagu or Mr. Asquith
denominating them as "bad politicians," for to be a ''bad
politician '* one must first of all be ** a politician."
Erostratus acquired a lasting notoriety by burning tbe
temple of Ephesus on the birthday of Alexander the
Great and all incendiaries may v?ell imitate the example^
of their prototype to leave their names in history. Sharp
criticism of notable men and measures is no doubt one of
the cheapest methods for mediocre intelligence getting
into prominent notice; but such wild effusions as those
above noticed can serve no other useful purpose than
that of a hawker's advertisement. It seems high time
that these flambuoyant critics were disabused of the^
impression, which was at one time rather too common in-
this country, that such advertisements also pay. Sir
Chareles Dilke has neatly disposed of these traducers oi
the Congress in his own trenchanc style. In his
" Problems of Great Britain " that shrewd statesman

observes : —

"Argument upon the matter is to be desired and not invec-
tive, and there is so much reason to think that tbe Congress
movement really represents the cultivated intelligence of the
country that those who ridicule it do harm to the imperial
interest of Great Britain, bitterly wounding and alienating men
who are justified in what they do, who do it in reasonable and
cautious form and who ought to be conciliated by being met
half-way. The official class themselves admit, that many of the
natives who attack the Congress do so to ingratiate themselves with
their British rulers and to push their claims for decorations."

Now, whatever these various classes of critics may
or may not say, it seems as useless, as it is harmful, to

*280 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

<3iaguise the fact;, that there has come some sorb of
-depfessioD in the country which is necessarily reflected
in its national assembly. The fault is not in tha
shadow, but in the substance behind it. Whether it
be due to the despicable tyranny exercised by the
dastardly proceedings of a few gangs of unhinged fana-
tics, or the result of unremitted hammerings of a series
of repressive measures unknown in this country even in
the dark days of the Mubiny, the popular mind has
visibly received a rude shock from which it is bound
to take some time to recover. The bureaucracy may
rejoice over this set-back ; but it cannot fail to create
some anxiety in the minds of responsible statesmen.
For, the norm*al growth of a people cannot be stunted
with impunity by any violent artificial process, and
when under any abnormal pressure national life
begins to stagnate, the forces of disorder must gain
strength and become rampant in society. Id is a danger-
ous exneriment which has had its fair trial in almost all
despotic governments, whether in ancient or modern
times, and invariably ended in disastrous results. It
is not the Congress alone that is likely "to suffer by this
inanition, but the general state also stands the immi-
nent risk of falling into a deadly relapse. As for the
Congress itself, it has to be borne in mind that the
rank of its veterans must be thinning away every year
from death, illness and infirmities of age ; while some
of its best members are occasionally taken away to the
services ; but fresh recruits are neither so adeq uate,
nor sufficiently strong to supply their deficiency. It is
ttlmost the same old familiar faces that are seen on fche

THE DEPRESSION. * 281

'^Congress plafcform every year. Politics is a science
which requires careful sfcudy, deep thought and strong
practical conamon sense. It embraces a much larger
area than any other practical science and commands a
keener insight and broader vision of the social as well
as economic condition of a people. It fact, as the Lord
Mayor of London once felicitously observed, there is
scarcely a phase of life where politics does not in one
•shape or another play an important part. Then with a
people circumstanced like ourselves progress must
necessarily be slow and inadequate, and consequently
there must be sufficient asset of patriotic impulse and
spirit of self-sacrifice to counterbalance all our losses,
defeats and disappointments. It is for our young men
to study soberly the political as well as the economic
condition of the country, to indulge less in platitudes
and to have greater faith and confidence in their leaders.
A spirit of honest enquiry is good, but a tendency towards
hair-splitting arguments is a positive evil. Original ideas
in this world are not so plentiful as blackberries, so that
any one who passes by may pick them up. No one
deprecates fair criticism, but captious criticism is a kind
of dissipation which weakens the intftllect and inebriates
the mind. Besides, it cannot be too carefully borne in
mind that in depreciating great men and measures we
may sometimes unconsciously indulge in arguments
simply to cover our own incapacity to follow them, or as
a pretext for our inability to make necessary sacrifices.
Every generation has its common succession of rights and
responsibilities, and no generation can therefore safely
indulge in intellectual profligacy without serious prejudice

282 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUIION.

to tihe general estate and ultimate ruin and bankruptcy^
to its posterity. Tbere are no doubt almost irresistible
moments of depression in the life of a nation as of an indi-
vidual ; but it is also as true of the individual as of the
nation, that the correct test of its strength does not
consist in never falling, but In rising every time it falls.
As this depression often proceeds from physical as well as
mental and moral exhaustion, a rising people should be
the quickest in shaking it off lest it should supervene in
a collapse, The means by which the national life may
be cured of its present depression and galvanized into
fresh activities may be cpnsidered separately.

CHAPTTR XVIII.

Reorganization of thk Congress.
A little reflection on the narrative as given in the
foregoing chapters will probably shew that the history
of the Congress so far roughly divides itself into four
periods. The first three sessions held in Bombay,
Calcutta, and Madras may be taken as the period of its
inception during which the Congress propaganda was
formulated and submitted/ to the judgment of the
country. From 1888 to 1896 was the period of its
development during which that propaganda was, with
the sanction and approval of the country, actively
preached both in India as well as in England, the British
Committee was established, an Indian Parliamentary
Party organised and its organ India started. In India.

REORGANIZATION OF THK CONGRESS. 283^

the movemenfe was properly organised by the esbablish-
menfc of provincial comnoittees and a network of district
organisations all working under the control and
guidance of a central body known as the All-India
Congress Committee. It wa^ a period of vigorous
adolescence marked by the zeal and earnestness of a
rising spirit during which all the national forces and
energies, were unfolded and brought to bear upon the
realization of the ideal which had dawned upon the
minds of the people. Roused to a full consciousness
of the situation and with a comprehensive view of the
endless restrictions and entanglements by which their
normal growth and expansion as a nation were found
closely barred, the people rapidly sunk all their differen-
ces and eagerly rallied under a common standard. In-
fact, many of the older institutions and associations
were readily merged and absorbed in the swelling cur-
rent of the new movement. It was a period of incessant
activities in course of which the movement extended and
received fresh reinforcements from every direction both
here as well as in England. It was a sacred task for
which no labour was deemed too exacting and no sacri-
fices either too onerous or too burdensome. This period
was certainly not marked by any appreciable success,
but the people were still borne up by unbouftded hope
and confidence.

The next decade from 1897 to 1908 was a pro-
longed period of a deadly struggle marked by the'
stubborn resistance of a reactionary government
and the growing discontent of a people almost
driven to despair by a series of violent, retrograde-

^84 INDIAN NATIONAL BVOLUTION.

measures designed fco curb febe new spirit;. Lord Gurzon
came fco rule fcba counfcry wifch an iron band and set
back fcbe band of progress in every direction. Begin-
ning with fcbe enactment of a fresh law of Sedition
and a curbailraent of Local Self-Goveroment by the
emasculation of the premier Municipal Corporation in
the iVIefcroDolia and ending with the officialization of
the Universities and the dismambarment of the fore-
most province of the Boaoire, the Earl of Keddlestone
gave clear notice to the people that he was not going
fco colerafce she new spirit, and then as the situation
became more and more acute with the inauguration of
still more drastic repressive measures under the govern-
ment of Lord Minho and the appearance of anarchy and
lawlessness in the country, the people and the

-Government were almost at the parting of their ways
and the Congress found itself placed between the
devil and the deep sea. It, however, sat tight at the

-helm steering clear of all shoals and sands until
superior British statesmanship was roused to a sense of
the impending danger when at last there appeared like
a silver lining in the threatening cloud the reform
scheme of Lord Morley, which marked the first mile-
post in the fourth sfcage of the progress of the national
movement, l^rom 1908 starts a new chapter in the
history of the Uoti-^goao. — $W--refz5rm of the Councils
was not however altogether a voluntary concession, and
as it was practically wrung from Government it natural-
ly lacked that generous and ungrudging support from
the local authorities which alone could have ensured
its full measure of success and secured an adequate

REOEGANIZATION OF THE CONGRESS. 285

appreciation of its benefits from the people. It has
been truly said that even *' rich gifts wax poor when
givers prove unkind." Ever since then the policy of
Government has been one of oscillation swinging for-
ward and backward and attempting to treat the situation
as it were with alternate dozes of concession and
repression — a curious application of heat and cold as in
a Turkish bath. That is the stage at which the
movement has arrived after thirty years of patient
labour. The duty of the Congress at this juncture is
neither to fall back, nor to relax its energies; but to push
forward with renewed zeal and earnestness to arrest this
vacillation of Government which once removed it is
bound to maintain a steady course of uniform progress.
Whether the success so far attained by the Congress
be regarded as either gratifying or disappointing, it
must be fairly conceded that the great task of nation-
building in which it is engaged has been fairly started.
It cannot be gainsaid, that if its progress has been
slow and tedious, it has so far fairly succeeded in
collecting men and materials, laying out a proper plan
and in digging out a concreate foundation for the
superstructure. It would be as grievous a mistake to
regard its past labours as a wholesale failure, as to
count the few outpost skirmishes it has won as complete
victories. With the reform of the councils it may be
said to have only driven the thin end of the wedge, and
it is the duty of its members, however exhausted they
may feel themselves, to screw up all their strength and
strike ever more vigorously than before if all their
past labours are not to be thrown away. With the

^86 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

■changed sifeuafcion ifes plan of action must however be
somewhat; modified to meet its altered condition. The
old desultory method of the Congress was not without
its use ; but it has done its work for the preliminary
stage of its operation by rallying the people under a
<;ommon standard and mobilizing them for a regular
campaign. It is now time for the movement to
organize and direct the forces it has created to a regular
and systematic course of action continuous in its
nature, persistent in its character, and vigorous in its
policy. It has now got to create fresh enthusiasm for
its new operations and to galvanize itself for its future
activities. The Congress must, therefore, be now re-
organized on a permanent and substantial working
basis. Its annual session must no doubt be maintained :
but it should only be in the nature of an anniversary
where it will review its year's work, take measure of
the distance it has covered and then provide for the
next stage of its advance. As at present carried on
the annual session practically constitutes its sole exist-
ence. The AU-India Congress Committee is no doubt
a very useful organization ; but from the very nature
of its constitution it is adapted only to the requirements
of a purely deliberative assembly without however an
efficient executive agency behind it. That Committee
can take no initiative, carry out no programme of
action and discharge no function besides that of doing
the work of a post office throughout the year and* if
required ultimately, selecting a president for the
Congress. But such a constitution is no longer permis-
sible at the present stage of the national movement.

REORGANIZATION OP THE CONGRESS. 287

If tihe Congress is to make further progress and fulfil
its naission, ifc must now be provided with a strong
Executive Council with a fixed headquarter and an
efficient staif regularly and systematically working oufe
its programme all the year round. From an annual
effervescent display the Congress should now be con-
verted into a permanent living organization constantly
at work and perpetually in session. The Congress has
already got a complete network of territorial organi-
zations in the Provincial Committees and the District
and Taluka Associations established in all the provinces
and throughout the country. Most of these have re-
lapsed into a moribund condition, and it is high time
that they were again galvanized and once more put into
active operation to further the work of the Congress.
The annual session of the Congress having formulated
its programme of action, it should be the duty of the
proposed Council or Committee, by whatever name ifc
may be designated, to give effect to this programme by
moving from time to time both the Government as well
as Parliament, by organizing agitations whenever neces-
sary, both here as well as in England with the help
of its established agencies, by publishing tracts and
leaflets circulated broadcast among the masses not only on
matters political, but also bearing on social, educational,
economic as well as sanitary improvements for the
country, by establishing a regular mission for the spread
of the Congress propaganda and by adopting such other
means as may from time to time be found best calculated
to further the cause of national development in ail
directions. Having the foregoing observations in view»

288 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

the following practical suggestions naay be noade for a
fresh revision of the Congress organization. There is no
claim to any originality for any of these suggestions ; nor
is perhaps much of originality needed for an organization
which has stood the test of nearly thirty years' experience.
It has already been pointed out in an earlier chapter
that much of the lost enthusiasm for the movement is
attributed by a section of the people to the hard-and-
fast constitution provided for it by the Convention
of 1908. Whether such an assumption is correct, or
how far a relaxation of this constitution is likely to
conduce to a substantial improvement of the situation,
is a point on which there is ample divergence of
opinion. For, while the non-Conventionists still main-
tain that their secession from the cause is due to that-
constitution, the bulk of the nationalist party hold that
the constitution was necessitated by a wave of reaction
which had already set in to wreck the movement and
which has not as yet fully spent itself. Whether the
Convention was really the cause or the effect of the
waning of genuine enthusiasm in the cause is a perfect-
ly unprofitable discussion in which no one need now
indulge. Those who lightly indulge in threats that
unless the rules and regulations of the Congress are
modified the movement is "destined to die a natural
death,*' ought to remember that there are those who
are not so much afraid of a natural death as of a
violent deskth for the movement. However there seems
to have arisen during, the last few years a genuine
desire for a rappi'oachment bet-WQen the two parties^
There seems to be no longer any difference of opinioa

REORGANIZATION OF THE CONGRESS. 289

as to the main article of the constitution communiy
called the creed of the Congress. The point of differ-
ence now seems to lie only in certain rules which
though somewhat relaxed by subsequent Congresses are
pressed for a further modification to meet the scruples-
of the Separatists. The first of these objection refers-
to the subscription to the creed and the second to the
electorates of the Congress. The first is no doubt a
purely sentimental objection, since the creed is
admitted on all hands to be perfectly legitimate and
unquestionable. But here the wishes of the non-Gon-
ventionists can easily be met by a provision to the
effect that any one accepting a delegation to the
Congress shall be deemed to have stibscribed to the
constitution in all its details. There seems to be no
charm in a pen and ink signature unless there is
sufl&cient guarantee in the personal honesty and
character of a delegate ; for there is nothing else to
prevent a delegate from signing a declaration on the
back of a six-inch piece of printed; form and then after
securing his admission into the pandai treat it as
a scrap of paper used only as a passport. .The real
check, however, seems to lie in the electorates, and it is
sufficiently safeguarded by the rules which limit the
franchise to recognized associations and public .meet-
ings organized at the instance of such associations.
This is sufficiently wide to admit of the election of
everybody who is anybody in the country honestly
to associate himself wifch the deliberations of the
Congress. To ensure a proper observance of the last
, clause of this rule it may be necessary to make the
19

290 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

convening of such public meetings compulsory on the
requisition of certain number of residents within a
certain area, provided that not more than one such
meeting shall be held for any such area and not more
than a fixed '?um^^r of delegates shall be elected at
such a meeting. To throw open the election of dele-
gates to every association or any kind of public meeting
might not only expose the organization to further dis-
memberment, but would evidently take away much from
the weight of its representative character. Anyhow if
there is a reasonable spirit of mutual concession on both
sides, a re-union does not appear to be at all difficult at
the present stage, and it is a consummation which is
devoutly to be wished for at an early date. The
material gain of such a step may not ultimately prove
to be very marked, but the moral gain will undoubtedly
be quite considerable.

Another point which deserves earnest attention of
the Congress is the development of its strength in
another direction. It must have occurred to every
thoughtful observer of the situation that the bulk of
the landed aristocracy in the country have largely
■suffered a most deplorable relapse in their enthusiasm
for the ilational movement. In the early stages of the
movement they were inspired as any other community
with a remarkable zaal for the advancement of the
common cause. Maharajah Sir Lachmeswar Singh
Bahadur of Durbhanga, the princely houses of Paik-
parah, Bhukaliash, Sova-Bazar and Utterparah, the
Maharajah of Natore, the lineal representative of the
historic Rani Bhavani, Maharajah Suryakanth Acharyee

KEORGANIZATION OF CONGRESS. 291

IBahadur of Mymenaingh and Maharajah Manindra
Chandra Nandi of Goasimbazar and many other naag-
nates in Bengal ; Bajah Rampal Singh and the scions
of not a few of the other historic Taluqdars of Oudh ;
Sirdar Dayal Singh of the Punjab ; the Kajah of
Ramnad, the Zamorin of Calicut in whose territories the
Parsis first found a hospitable refuge, Rajah Sir T.
Madhava Rao and many others in the Southern Presi-
dency, and last not the least, the merchant princes of
Bombay, were all bodily with the national movement
during the first period of its existence. It was since
the Allahabad Congress of 1888 that like the Mahome-
dans they began gradually to secede from the move-
ment, and the causes which led 60 their defection were
very much similiar to those in the case of the Mussal-
mana. They were taught to think that their interests
did not lie in the popular movement, although they
were dubbed with the title of the " natural leaders" of
the people. The more astute among them no doubt
clearly saw through the game ; but there were other
sinister influences at work which in their peculiar cir-
cumstances they were unable to resist though they
heartily resented them. If the stories of some of these
cases could be unearthed and brought to light there
might be such a revelp.tion as would probably scanda-
lize a civilized administration and compromise not a
few among the responsible authorities in the country.
If the people were openly repressed, the landed aristo-
cracy felt not a little the pressure of secret and subtle
coercion. The case of the *' conduit pipe" which is so
well-known was only a typical iHuatration of many such.

292 INDIAN NATIONAIi EVOLUTION.

cases which have gone unrecorded. Any how fehe bulk
of this important community have fallen back, and it
should be the earnest endeavour of Congressmen to-
strengthen their position by recovering their powerful
help and co-operation. These fortunate possessors of
wealth and influence ought also to remember that in a
country where happily there neither is nor can be a
permanent hereditary aristocracy any attempt on their
part to establish after the Western model and artificial-
class by themselves is a delusion and a snare. Their
legitimate position is at the head of the people itom*
whose rank they rise and into whose rank they
fall, and with whom they are indis^olubly linked
in blood and society. With all its defects there is
in the mechanism of Indian social organization a
democratic force which it is not possible even for the-
strongest to overcome. Besides, these wealthy men
ought gratefully to acknowledge that the position of
real power and authority, to which they have been
recently admitted in the higher administration of the
country, they owe primarily to the exertions of the
people, and it may be no disparagement to them to say
that these privileges, like the rich heritage which'
they enjoy, are practically unearned acquisitions for
which injustice to themselves and to the country they
ought to make a fair contribution to the common stock.
The material help rendered by them as a class towards^
the beginning of the movement, is well-known and
fully recognized ; and if their stake in the country is
much greater than those of others they cannot fairly
jefuse to make; at least proportionate sacrifices for the-

REORGANIZATION OP THE CONGRESS. 293

•common cause. They must have had suffieienb experi*
ence of the insecurity of their isolated position and if they
want really to safeguard their own interests they must
cast in their lot with the people and abandon their
ostrich-like policy. Many of them are men of culture
and education, and they must know the difference that
exists between marching in manly dignity at the head
of one's own people and being dragged at the tail of
guilded equipages for the glorijQcation of other and
stronger men with however no other recognition than
that of a side glance with a smile or an empty title
•for all the indignities to which they are sometimes
•subjected. The British people with all their defects
are a manly race and nothing is really more repugnant
to their ideas and instincts than cringing servility
:and fawning hypocrisy.

It has already been observed that the movement
stands in need of a readjustment and revision of its
method of working. It is no doubt a deliberative body
and it cannot be altogether divested of its deliberative
character. But it has also a practical side in which it
has to preach its propaganda, educate the mass, generate
Iresh enthusiasm and take definite steps towards
the attainment of its objects. For doing all this in an
efficient manner it must be provided with a permanent
active organization working all the year round and
throughout the country. If it is to have an active
propaganda, it must have a permanent mission to carry
it on. It ought to be provided with a permanent office
at a fixed centre and a sufficient establishment regu-
iarly to carry on its work. The establishment must be

294 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

paid. Honorary duties lack in vigour and persisfeency
and carry no sense of respoosibilifcy wifck khem. It; may
be found useful to attach this ofi&ce to the Airindia
Congress Conoimittee, which should have a responsible
paid executive secretary working under the guidance
and control of the Joint General Secretaries assisted
by the General Comnaittee. The Joint General Secre-
taries may be elected every year from the province in
which the Congress is to hold its next session ; but the
Executive Secretary must be a whole-time permanent
officer. From this office and under the sanction and
authority of the All-India Congress Committee, approved
tracts and leaflets translated into the vernacular
languages of the country should be issued and circul-
ated broadcast among the masses bearing on political,,
social, economic, sanitary and educational problems
engaging the attention of the Congress and thereby
a strong healthy public opinion should be created in
the country on all the phases of the national life.
Much may be done through these publications to
direct a campaign against anarchism and other acts
of lawlessness which are not only a stigma on the
national character, but have also proved serious
impediments to many a reform of the administration.
Above all, there ought to be a systematic missionary
work carried on in all the provinces explaining and
impressing upon the public the real nature of the work
upon which the Congress is engaged and upon a proper
solution of which the future destiny of the counbry so
largely depends. It has almost grown into a fashion
among a certain class of people to decry the art of

REORGANIZATION OF THE CONGRESS. 295

speaking. The cry is a meaningless, naischievous canfc.
Word without action may no doubt be useless likO'
powder without shot ; but the shot is equally ineffective
without the use of the powder. Practical politics cannot
be taught in Deaf and Dumb Schools by mere signs and
symbols.

This missionary work cannot, however, safely be*
entrusted to immatrure and irresponsible agencies. It
should be undertaken, at all events, at the outset by the
leaders themselves. Each Provincial Committee may be
left to choose or elect its own missionaries with their
jurisdictions or circles defined and allotetd to tbem through
which they must make occasional tours holding meetings-
and conferences for the dissemination of the Congress
propaganda. If properly arranged, this need not very
much interfere with the ordinary avocation of the
missionaries themselves, while it is sure to bring them
into closer touch with the people and secure for them a
stronger hold upon the popular mind. While our
public men are ever so justly persistent in their com-
plaints against the aloofness and the unsympathetic
attitude of the executive officers of Government, they
cannot themselves consistently with their protestations
live in a state of splendid isolation from their own
countrymen. None of the leaders, not even the tallest
among them, should consider himself above this work
and grudge whatever little sacrifice it may involve, if
the flame which they themselves have lighted is to be
kept burning. The annual session of the Congress
should thus become an anniversary of the movement

296 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION,

at which the works done during the year by the entire
organization should come under review and the opera-
tions of the next year carefully planned and laid before
the country. Without being guilfcy of pessimism i^
seems permissible to draw the attention of the leaders of
the movement even more pointedly to the future than
to the present. The assets of a national life cannot be
the subject of a free gift or a testamentary bequest :
They must be the heritage of natural succession. Every
generation of a nation succeeds to the acquisition of its
past and, whether augmenting it with its own acqui-
sitions or depreciating it by its own extravagance, is
bound to transmit it to the next. The training of a
succeeding generation is also an imperative task in the
work of nation-building which cannot be accomplished
in a single generation. If Rome was not built in a day,
the Roman nation was not built even in a century.
Those who have laid the foundation of a new structure
in this country upon the shapeless ruins of its departed
glories and upon whom the shadows of the evening are
deepening may well pause for a moment and seriously
consider whether they have sufficiently trained those
upon whom their mantle will shortly fall. Of course
'* there may be as good fishes in the sea as ever came
out of it "; but those who have spent cheir life-blood
in the undertaking cannot batter close their career
than with a clear knowledge and confidence that they
are leaving the work to successors who will carry on the
work, raise it higher and if they cannot themselves
•complete it will at all events leave it far advanced for
those who will come after them.

KEOBGANIZATION OF THE CONGRESS. 297

The next sfcep in the reorganization of the move-
ment must be directed to its work in England, The
British Parliamentary Committee which after a brilliant
career has ceased to exist should be restored. The
euphimistic platitude that every one of the Six Hun-
dred and odd members of the House, including of course
Sir J. D. Rees, was a member for ladia, was only a para-
phrase of a sounder and truer dictum that very man's
business is no man's business, and Congressmen cannot
forget that India received the largest amount of at«ten-
tion in England when the Parliamentary Committee
was at its highest strength. In a Liberal House of
Commons there are no doubt apparent difficulties for the
maintenance of such a special body ; but where both
sides of the House can conveniently agree to treat
India as being outside the scope of party politics, the
existence of such a body, to watch the special inter-
ests of India, cannot be deemed either superfluous
or anomalous. On the contrary, its abseaoe is sorely
felt in this country when the Liberals are apparently
disposed to take long holidays under the spell of a
nominal improvement of the situation which needs
not only consolidation, but is also threatened with a
reverse from underground sapping and mining opera-
tions in this country. In this as in every other
•operation at the main theatre of the struggle in
which the Congress is engaged, its British Committee is
its principal ally and no sacrifice can be deemed
4500 heavy to maintain it in an efficient condition.
That Committee ought also to be strengthened from
45ime to time by the addition to its roll of prominent

298 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Eoglishmen who evince a genuine infceresfc in Indian
problenQS. Sir William Wedderburn who has so long
been the moving spirit of the Committee as well as of
the Parliamentary Party and who has ever so freely
and ungrudgingly sacrificed his time, energies and
resources for the cause of India would probably be
only too glad to undertake both these reforms if only
the Indians themselves could make up their minds
to supply him with the sinews of the operations.
Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, Mr. W. C. Bonnerjee and Mr.
R. C. Dutt, practically settled in England, proved a
tower of strength to the British Committee, and an
earnest attempt should again be made to instal st
couple of well-posted Indians at the seat of power ta
pilot the course of that important body. And lastly the
paper India which is the sole organ of the Congress in
England ought to be considerably improved and popu-
larized in both countries. It must of course be con-
ducted in England and by an Englishman thoroughly
conversant with British politics and in full touch with
the trend of British public opinion ; but to make it
more interesting and serviceable a few Indian publi-
cists either as sub-editors or contributors ought regu-
larly to co-operate with the editor in purveying Indian
views on all important questions and making its
columns more weighty and attractive to the British
public.

Another remedy, though of an adventitious charac-
ter, which suggests itself from some of the foregoing
observations, refers to the concentration and co-ordina-
tion of all the public movements among which all the^

REORGANIZATION OP THE CONGRESS. 291^'

national .forces are now disfcribufced. The social and
the industrial conferences are already closely associated
with the Congress movement. But there are many
other organizations which have sprung up in the
country which are all crowded within the Christmas
week at different places in absence of more convenient-
occasions. If it is not possible to deal with all of'
them, the Moslem League at all events should be-
held every year at the same centre and if possible in
the same pavilion where the Congress is held either on-
successive or on alternate days. By this means not only
all the communities may be brought into closer touch'
with one another but a greater enthusiasm may be
secured for all of them. Since the League has already
come into a line with the Congress, such an arrangement
may not be at all difficult if the leaders of both the-
organizations will put their heads together and work out
the details of the scheme.

It may be said that the above suggestions form a^
very large order ; but large or small, some such order
must be substantially complied with if the struggle is to
be continued and further success achieved. To carry
out a scheme of action which has for its object the
regeneration of a nation through a process of evolution
in which all the moral and intellectual forces on a-
subject people have not only to be called out and harmo-
nized, but also arrayed against the colliding interests-
of a powerful dominant race, is no light work and
cannot be approached with a light heart. The first
and foremost condition of such a scheme is that of
ways and means. A national organization must have-

'300 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

at ifcs back a national fund. As no sustained move-
ment is possible without a well-defined organization,
so no organization can subsist for any length of time
without the sinews of war. If there is any depression
in the movement it is largely due to the stagnation
with which it is threatened in the absence of such an
effective organization. It is no small surprise to
many, that the movement has not collapsed within
this sufficiently long period without a solid financial
foundation for its basis. For thirty years it has fought
out its way on a precarious dole annually voted to it
and its agencies, the tardy realization of which has not
a little hampered its progress. Its vitality is no doubt
•due to the intense patriotic sentiment that has been
its underlying motive power ever since the movement
was started ; but even patriotism requires a healthy
nourishment unless it is to degenerate into a spasm
of fitful excitement and then die out like a flame
fed only on straw. So early as 1889 it was proposed
to establish a Permanent Congress Fund and a sum
of Rs. 59,000 was voted to form the nucleus of such
a fund. Out of this a small sum of Rs. 5,000 only
was realized and deposited with the Oriental Bank
which was then considered as the strongest Exchange
Bank in India. In the Bombay crisis of 1890 the bank
however went into liquidation and the small sum thus
^credited to the fund was lost. Ever since then no
serious attempt has ever been made to re-establish
this fund, and the undignified spectacle of one of the
leaders at every session stretching out his beggarly
'*Brahminical hand " and the Congress going out hat

REORGANISATION OF THE CONGRESS. 30i

in hand for a precarious subaistance allowance towards
the maintenance of its British agency and its office
establishment has contributed not a little to the-
bitter sarcasm of its critics, as much as to the mortifi-
cation and discouragement of its supporters, The^
messages of Sir William Wedderburn alternately coax-
ing and threatening for financial help every year for the
work of the British Committee seem to have lost their
sting, and the whole business is carried on perfunctorily
in an atmosphere of uncertainty and despondency.
Complaints are often heard that the British Committee-
is no longer as efficient as it used to be. But whose
fault is it if it has really fallen off from its pristine
vigour and energy ? It has certainly not deteriorated
either in form or substance. Its weakness lies in its
financial embarrassment created by our own inability to
regularly meet its requirements for useful action.
It is a bad policy to try to cover one's own failings
by throwing dirt upon others. It cannot be denied
that although the Congress has many critics, it is at
present maintained only by the devotion and self-
sacrifice of a small band of its supporters, who have
always borne the brunt of the action, and strange as it
may seem, its loudest detractors are to be found generally
among those who have been least disposed to make any
sacrifice in its cause and at the same time most exacting
in their demands for its account. If the members of
the Congress seriously mean, as they no doubt mean, to
carry on its work and not throw away the immense
labour and sacrifice of an entire generation, they should
lose no more time in providing it with a permanent

:302 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.'

working organisation and investing it with a solid
permanent fund sufficient to carry on the work before it
efficiently and in a thoroughly methodical and business-
like manner. The work before the Congress is much
stiffer than its work in the past, and its present equipment
must necessarily be of a more efficient and substantial
character. If the Congress has so far successfully
carried on a guerilla campaign it has now arrived at a
stage where it must be prepared to fight the real issue
involved in the struggle at clo3e quarters, and for this
no sacrifice in money or energy can be too great. In a
country where fabulous sums are still available for a
memorial hall, or a ceremonial demonstration, surely
a decent contribution for the emancipation of a
nation ought to be so difficult a task as to be
beyond the capacity of genuine patriotic self-sacrifice.
It would be a stigma and a reproach on our national
character and a sad commentary on our patriotic
fervour if after having advanced so far the national
energy were to break down at this supreme moment
with all tbe sacrifices made, grounds gained and the
.prospects opened lost for ever.

CHAPTER XIX.

THB RECONSTRUCTION OP THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICS.

Having so far cursorily dealt with the past career
of the national movement and glanced over its present
-condition, a brief survey of the difficult task which

THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE I. C. S. 303

awaits its future labours may not be deemed altogether
out of place. Following the question of the reorganisa-
tion of the Congress, there is another very serious
question which must sooner or later press itself upon
the closest attention of its members : It is the question
of the Indian Civil Service in which is vested the
actual internal administration of the country. The
Congress has so long discussed the questions of simul-^
taneous examinations for the recruitment of that service,
its age-limit, and the comparative importance of the
various subjecGS of that examination from the Indian
point of view. But these are all side issues forming, as
it were, the mere fringes of the real crux of the case,
which, divested pf all shuffling and circumlocution,
resolves into the plain question, — Is the Indian Civil
Service, as at present constituted, to be the permanent
basis of the Indian administration, or whether the time
has not long arrived when thaii service should be
thoroughly overhauled and reconstructed not only with
reference to its own defects, but also in the light of the
vast changes which the country has undergone and the
enormous difficulties which have grown round the
Indian administration ? A little consideration of only
three of the most vital points upon which the Congress
has so far directed its main operations may afford a
sufficient clue to the right investigation of this import-
ant question.

At the outset, the leaders of Indian public opinion
appear to have strongly believed that the real remedy
for nearly all the grievances of the people lay in the
reform of the Legislative Councils and in that view

304 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

fcheir energies were largely directed towards the expan-
sion of these Councils on a representative basis. Lord
Gross' reforms of 1892, though it would be quite unfair
to characterize them as mere lollypops, practically turn-
ed out to be very unsubstantial; while, eighteen
years after, the very substantial reforms initiated by
Lord Morley, also met with a similar fate. Although
^Lord Morley most gratuitously taunted the Indian
public at the time with asking for " the moon," a
prayer which they in their senses could never venture
to make even to any one who may be supposed to be
nearer that orb, yet people are not altogether wanting in
this country who only after five years' experiment have
come to regard his great reforms of 1910 as no more than
mere moon-shine. The failure of these reforms,
manacled and maimed in their operations by a set of
Regulations framed in this country, has revealed
the fact that there is one powerful factor which haa
to be seriously reckoned with in dealing with any
real reform of the Indian administration. That factor
is the strong, stereotyped Indian bureaucracy which
stands between the Government and the people and caa
always make or mar the prospect of peaceful develop-
ment of the country. The object of the best-intentioned
legislative enactment may easily be defeated by those
who must be ultimately entrusted with its practical
application, and so the most generous measure of the
British Parliament granted after full half a century of
cool and collected deliberation has been allowed to be
practically stranded on the bed-rock of bureaucratic
opposition in India. *Tho Councils, upon which tbe-

KECONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 305

people builfe their hopes and pinned their faith, have
been reformed and the popular representatives in much
larger numbers armed with powers of interpellation, as
well as of moving resolutions and dividing the Councils
upon them ; but the cry still is that these privileges
have proved quite disappointing if not altogether illu-
sory. The debates in these councils still retain their
academic character, the results being generally a foregone
conclusion. The most modest prayers of the represen-
tatives are sometimes summarily rejected and their
most reasonable resolutions treated with scant courtesy
or consideration ; while, with a highly inadequate repre-
sentation of the interests of the educated community
on the one hand and a mischievous communal repre-
sentation on the other, the real strength of the non-
ofiicial members of these Councils has been reduced
almost to an irreducible minimum.

Again, on the vexed question of the separation of
judicial from executive functions, although there was
apparently none to oppose the much desired reform,
while every one seemed to be unreservedly in favour
of it, a mysterious force has in spite of all the authorita-
tive promises and pronouncements succeeded in shelving
the proposal with the flimsiest of excuses and evasions
which cannot deceive even the most credulous of
schoolboys.

Then there is yet another question of vital import-
ance upon which the Congress has directed its energies
ever since its beginning : The admission of the children

of the soil into the higher offices of the State having
20

306 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

regard to their fitness and capacity for such appoint-
ments. It would be uncharitable not to recognise the
fact that Governnaent has in recent years shown a
laudable disposition to admit, though very sparingly,
the just and natural claims of the Indians to participate
in the administration of their own country. But here
again the galling injustice manifest in almost every
department and which is the root cause of the popular
dissatisfaction may easily be traced to a common source
from which mainly flow all the other grievances of the
people and the unpopularity of the administration.
What is that source of mischief and where lies the
remedy ? Upon a closer examination of the situation,
it will be found that the real obstacle to all substantial
reforms in this country is the bureaucracy. It is the
same narrow, short sighted and close-fisted official hier-
archy which crippled Lord Eipon's early measure of
Local Self-Government by a set of model Eules, practi-
cally over-riding the spirit if not the letter of the law,
that has again successfully defeated Lord Morley's great
scheme of national Self-Government by a set of Regu-
lations circumscribing and barricading the measure in
such a way as to render it almost important in sub-
stance though not in form. And it is this bureaucracy
which in its nervousness, no less than in its blind
selfishness, has stood bodily in opposition to the judicial
reform and the admission of the children of the soil into
its close preserves to which it believes to have acquired
an exclusive and indefeasible right by virtue of its
prescriptive enjoyment. The Indian Oivil Service forms
the citadel and the stronghold of this bureaucracy, and

RECONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 307

'thafe service is so deeply saturated with selfish prejudices
-and so highly inflated with the legend of its natural ,
•superiority that it cannot heartily entertain any propo-
sal of reform which necessarily militates against its
vested interests and which if forced upon it by higher
statesmanship naturally excites its secret opposition.
The entire administration from the Government of
India down to the smallest district charge, is practi-
cally vested in one train of officials who belong to
this Service and who as such form a compact fraternity.
They are, with honourable exceptions, traditionally
<5onservative in their ideas and exclusive in their habits
and manners, while their systematic training in the arts
of autocratic government leaves little or no room for
the development of those instincts which might go to
^curb their insular pride and inspire confidence and
respect for those whom they are called upon to govern.
In vain would one try to find a single instance in which,
with very rare exceptions, the members of this Service
have supported any great measure of reform of the
administration which they as a body naturally regard
either as an infraction of their status or as a reflection
upon their capacity for good government. They appa-
rently do not believe in the dictum of their own states-
men who have repeatedly held that no good government
can be a substitute for a government by the people
themselves. Very well-intentioned British statesmen
■coming out as Viceroys or Governors find themselves in
the hands of the veterans of this Service and however
strong they may be, they can hardly be sufficiently strong
*to overcomQ the deep-rooted prejudices and the all-per-

308 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

vading and overpowering influence of the bureaucratic
atmosphere into which they are placed. Unless and
until that atmosphere is cleared, it would be useless^
to expect any great results either from any parlia-
mentary measure or from the ablest of Viceroys and

i

Governors whom England may send out for the admini-
stration of her greatest dependency.

Nobody denies that the Indian Civil Service has^
a brilliant record in the past. It was eminently
adapted to a period of consolidation when by its firm-
ness and devotion to duty it not only established peace
and order, but also inspired confidence in its justice and
moral strength. But an archaic institution is ill-suited'
to a period of development in an organised administra-
tion and is an anomaly in an advanced stage of
national evolution. The Indian Civil service has long-
outlived its career of usefulness, and however benevolent
may have been the patronising methods of its adminis-
tation in the past, those methods are neither suited to-
the present condition of the country nor are they
appreciated by the people. Besides, people are not
wanbin;4 who honestly believe that the halcyon day of
the Indian Civil fc'ervice has long passed away, that it
no longer commands the characteristic virtues of the
sturdy Anglo-Saxon race and has largely degenerated
into a mutual-admiration-society, demoralized to no-
small extent by the unrestrained exercise of its exten-
sive powers and the extravagant adulations lavished
upon it in season and out of season and sometimes-
beyond all proportion. It is no wonder that in the^
circumstances under which they are trained from youth'

RECONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 309

to age in bureaucrafcic methods, the members of the
Service should become obstinate, conceited and impa-
tient of criticism. It is the system, more than any indi-
vidual, that seems to be responsible for the decadence of
this once magnificent Service. In point of compactness,
the Service has been organised into a rigid caste system
where it is impossible to touch it even in its remotest
extremities without} exciting the susceptibilities of the
entire system. From the Lieutenant-Governor to the
rawest assistant magistrate there seems to be establish-
ed a magnetic current which is responsive to the. mildest'
touch on the hereditary prerogatives of the service, and
the highest demands of justice and fairness are some-
times cruelly sacrificed on the altar of a blind prestige,
the maintenance of which appears to be the paramount
consideration of the administration. Instances are not
wanting where a young civilian insulting an Indian
gentleman of position for no other offence than that of
intruding upon his august presence without taking off
his shoes, or walking before him with an open umbrella
in his hand, is broadly justified by the head of a pro-
vincial administration ; while the forcible ejection of an
Indian member of a Legislative Council from a first class
compartment in a railway carriage is hardly considered
sufi&cient to call even for a mild rebuke. On the
contrary, such is the idolatrous veneration for the fetish
of prestige and so undisguised is the contempt dis-
played towards public opinion, that a stronger public
censure passed upon the vagaries of an erring member
of the Service has come to be regarded almost as a
passport for his advancement rather than as a drawback

310 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

in his ojBficial career. YouDg men just above feheir teens^^^.
who are probably bad enough for the Home Service and
nofe good enough for fche Colonial, are generally supposed
to be drafted for the Indian Civil Service and, placed in
important positions of trust and responsibility, they learn
more to depend upon the extensive powers, privileges and
immunities attaching to that Service than upon the art
of governing well. Whip in hand, they learn only to
sit tight without acquiring the easy grace of an
accomplished rider. They are often placed when
only a few months in the country in charge of sub-dis-
tricts some of which are larger than an English county
and as they rise with the official tide, they carry with
them the accumulations of their earlier training..
They generally seem to have a peculiar ethics of their
own in which conciliation is tabooed as a sign of week-
ness and popularity as a disqualification. They love
more to be dreaded than to be respected. Such is the
obstinacy of their infallibility that once a suspect always
a suspect. A man may be honourably acquitted by
the highest tribunal in the land ; but if he is fortunate-
enough not to be rearrested upon some other charge as
soon as he leaves the dock, he is sure to be dogged
all the rest of his life until that life becomes a burden
to him and he is goaded to desperation. The success^
and delight of the administration seem to consist
more in chasing the criminal than in reforming the-
society. In every civilised country, the courts of jus-
tice have the last word on every difference between an
administration and the people ; but here in India the
bureaucracy seems to have very little scruple to sit at

RECONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN ClVIIi SERVICE 311

times in judgment over His Majesty's judges, and
committees and commissions of the members of the
Service who are ordinarily subordinate to them are
sometimes appointed to review the decision of even the
highest tribunals in the land. The spectacle is neither
decent nor dignified which slowly undermines all respect
for the administration of justice in the country. All this
constitutes what is termed the efficiency of the adminis-
tration. These may be called little accidents ; but
they mark the trend of a decaying Service and point
to the source of the unpopularity it has so largely earned.
The greatest loss which England has suffered in
her connection with India is perhaps the moral de-
terioration she is silently undergoing in the manly
dignity of her national character in exchange for her
material gains. It is neither army nor commerce, but
it is moral greatness, that constitutes the most valuable
and enduring asset of a nation, and if England has to
fear from any quarter it is mostly from the ** voluntary
exiles" who having passed the best portions of their
lives in the enervating climate of India and getting
themselves practically divorced from lofty British prin-
ciples, every year go to swell the colonies at Chelmsford
and Bayswater.

It is persistently claimed for the Indian Civil
Service that it is the best Service which human
ingenuity has ever devised for the administration of any
country in this world. The Indians have, however, na
experience of any other system, and as such they are
equally precluded from either implicitly accepting or

312 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION. .

summarily rejecting such a strong verdict;. It seems,
however, incomprehensible to the average Indian intellect
what peculiar charm there may be in any particular stiff
examination in certain subjects, which are taught all
over the civilised world, so as to make every one
successfully passing that examination proof against all
lapses and failures in practical life. It cannot be argued
that there is anything mysterious in the method or
manner of that examination which necessarily sifts the
grain from the chaff in British society and turns out
what is best or noblest in British life. And where is
the evidence that any other system of recruitment for
the Indian Civil Service would not have served the
purpose equally well if not better ? Is the Civil Service
in Great Britain less efficient because it is not trained
in the methods of a close bureaucracy ? Then what
becomes of the hollow fallacy underlying this boasted
claim for the Indian Civil Service when the open
competitive examination for the Subordinate Civil
Service was found after a brief experiment not to be
congenial to the Indian administration? Probably it
will be urged that what is sauce for the goose is not
sauce for the gander.

The real crux of the case, however, appears to be
this: The Indian Civil Service, however glorious its past
record may be, is, after all, one of the services of the
State and it ought never to have been allowed to usurp
the function of the State itself. The duties of a service
are to carry out the policy of a government and to dis-
cbarge with efficiency and devotion the functions

RECONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 313

•entrusted to it in the general distribution of work of
the State. In the Indian administration the covenanted
CJivil Service not only administers the work, but also
dictates the policy, distributes the work and supervises
it. In short, the State is merged in the Service and all
distinction between the Service and the State has
practically disappeared. The best candidates who
successfully pass the Civil Service Examination every
year are generally retained for the Home Service and
yet they are nowhere in the Government and have no
hand in determining the policy of the State. In India,
however, the term Service is a misnomer : for the Service
^and the State are interchangeable, or, more correctly
speaking, the one is entirely lost in the other. Wherever
such a condition prevails, principles of constitutional
government fly through the windows and the establish-
ment of bureaucratic rule becomes an imperative
aaecessity.

The most orthodox argument invariably advanced
in support of the Indian Civil Service is that experience
has shown that it is best suited to the condition of the
<}ountry and that its past achievements are a guarantee
to its future success. But in this it is apparently
ignored that the country itself has undergone stupendous
changes in point of education, political training and
economic development. An entirely new generation,
has come into existence inspired by a lofty sense
■of duties and responsibilities, as well as of the rights
and privileges, of true citizenship ; while there is no
d-earth of men who, by their education, training and

314 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

characiier, are quite capable of holding their own against
the best men in the Service. The ideas of rights and
liberties, as well as of self-respect, of this new genera-
tion of men is quite different from those of their
predecessors who were content to eke out their exist-
ence purely under official patronage. The overdrawn
picture of Lord Macaulay has not the slightest resem-
blance to the present condition of the country and its
people, who have undergone a complete transformation
within the last half a century of which the British
nation ought to be justly proud instead of being either
jealous or nervous. And is it to be supposed that,
amidst all these changes and evolutions of time, the
one Service in which the Government of the country
has been vested since the days of Tippoo Sultan and
Lord Cornwallis is to remain immutable and unchange-
able ? Granting that the Indian Civil Service has a
splendid record behind it and admitting that it has
produced in the past excellent public servants whose
"devotion to duty is unparalleled in the history of the
world," do not the marked changes which both the
people and the Government have undergone during the
life-time of two generations call for even a revision o^
that Service ? The Indian Givil Service was organised
in 1858, and can it be decently contended that any
human institution, particularly an administrative
machinery, can be so perfect as not to admit of some
modification in more than fifty years at least to adapt
itself to its shifting environments ? It would evidently
be a most extravagant claim even for a scientific inven-
tion or discovery.

EECONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 315'

The indictments thus preferred against the proud
Service, which fornas the pivot of the Indian adminis-
trative machinery and v^hich a recent Eoyal Commis-
sion has been asked to recognise as the accepted basis
of its investigation, may be regarded in some quarter
as rather too strong. But whether strong or mild, the
indictments are not perhaps an unfaithful reflex of the
Indian view of the situation ;- and if Government is
really anxious to ascertain public opinion on the merits
of its administration, they may not be regarded as
either offensive or altogether gratuitous. Then, these
charges do not appear to be altogether unsupport-
ed by facts and arguments to which competent
opinions, other than Indian, have also from time to
time subscribed in no uncertain language, Mr.
D. S. White, the late president of the Eurasian and
Anglo-Indian Association, who but for his premature
death would have certainly adorned, like Mr. George
Yule, the distinguished roll of the Congress presidents,
was present among the distinguished visitors at the first
Congress held in 1885. Speaking, however, on the
question of the Indian Civil Service which was being
hotly discussed by the delegates, Mr. White said : —

"The proposition contains an application for raising the
competitive age in England of candidates for the Civil Service, and
for holding examinations simultaneous in India. On both the
points I differ. I do not think the remedy is in raising age, but in
procuring the gradual abolition of the Civil Service. What we
need, I think, is that the future importation of boys should be put
a stop to. The real education of these boys takes place in India
and the State is put to enormous expense in connection therewith,
while there is no need for the expenditure. The State now has at
hand indigenous talent, educated at its own expense, either locally
or in England and should take advantage of it, and if it requires

316 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

special talent from England it may import it just as men ready-
made are imported for the Educational Department, For the
Judicial Service, the Bar in India oSers itself, and why boy-
civilians should be paid for years to learn to become judges is a
matter not easily understood."

Mr. White was clearly of opinion that the compe-
titive system should be abolished and that *' men of
eminence and skill alone, in any profession, should be
brought out on limited covenants." This was said
thirty years ago by a man who was universally respected
for his sobriety of views and dispassionate judgment. It
cannot be disputed that both India and the Government
of India to-day are as different from what they were
in 1885 as the butterfly is from the catterpillar, and yet
how strange that methods, arrangements and conditions
which were considered ill-adapted even to the rearing
► of the larva are sought to be applied without any amend-
ment for its nourishment in its full-grown form. Sir
Henry Ootton, who with just pride recalls that for
a hundred years his family have been members of the
Indian Civil Service and himself a most distinguished
member of that service, who by sheer force of his
character and abilities rose to the position of the
head of a provincial administration, has quite
recently again brought the question prominently to
the notice of the public. It is now nearly thirty years
that Sir Henry with his characteristic frankness and
intimate knowledge of the Indian administration raised
his warning voice that " the Indian Civil Service as at
present constituted is doomed." Then in 1888, while
giving evidence before the Indian Public Service
•Commission, ho formulated a reconstructive policy ;

RECONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 317

bufe he was brushed aside as a "visionary." Now that

another Royal Commission has been appointed to

enquire into the Indian Public Services, Sir Henry

Cotton has again returned to his charge. Writing in

the Contemporary Bevieio and commenting on the-

terms of reference to the Commission, which apparently

assume the existing constitution as the permanent basis

of Indian administration, Sir Henry Cotton says :

" But what is wanted now is no scheme for bolstering up the •
decaying fabric of a Service adapted only to obsolete conditions
which have passed away and never can return."

Calmly considered, without passion or prejudice,
the question would appear to be^ no longer one of
repair, but of reconstruction. A sudden drastic change-
may, however, be found as impracticable as it may
be inexpedient. At the same time it should be recog-
nised that any attempt to revitalize a system which
has long run its normal course by means of a variety
of make-shifts, proposed by those who are naturally
interested in anyhow preserving the ancient monu-
ment to which they are deeply attached by tradition
and sentiment as well as by the supreme instinct of
self-love, is bound to be a costly failure. The in-
adaptability of that system to the present condition of
the country is writ large in almost every page of the
records of an administration extending over the life-
time of a generation, and 'instances are neither few nor
far between where a truly benevolent Government has
often incurred unnecessary odium owing chiefly to its
lingering affection for a spoilt service. That affection
has now practically grown into a blind superstition

'138 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

under the spell of which none dare take any serious
step towards its correction. Speaking of the morale of
the administration, Sir Henry Cotton frankly observes :

** When once the sacred name of prestige hag been sounded as a
•civilian war-cry by such a bureaucracy as we have in India, with
vested interests clamouring for protection, it is no simple matter
to solve any problem of reconstruction. No Viceroy has hitherto
been strong enough to deal with the question."

For thirty years the people have cried hoarse for the
separation of judicial from executive functions. Succes-
sive Viceroys and Secretaries of State have repeatedly
declared themselves in favour of this "counsel of per-
fection." But successfully has the Indian bureaucracy
resisted the proposal upon the sole ground that it would
impair its prestige, the only other plea of double expense
having been neatly disposed of by the various practical
schemes formulated by the different provinces for an
effective separation of the two functions. This prestige,
•however, the Indian public understand as meaning
nothing more than the immunity which the bureau-
cracy enjoys in the exercise of its arbitrary powers and
the protection which the unholy combination affords
against its incompetency to carry on the administration
in the ordinary way. Nowhere is this incompetency
more glaringly disclosed than in the judicial adminis-
tration of the country. If the queer experiences of
practising lawyers in the country could be collected
and published it would form a very amusing, though
somewhat grotesque and humiliating, catalogue of the
strange vagaries and colossal ignorance of the young
civilian judges as regards the law and procedure of the

RECONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 319

oounfery ; and these young civilians are as a rule called
upon not only to control the subordinate judiciary, but
also to sit-in judgment over the decisions of veteran
Indian officers of established reputation and long experi-
ence. The disastrous result of such a systena may easily
be imagined.

*' The Bar in ladia," says the high authority just quoted, " is
• daily beooming strooger than the bench, and the ignorance of law
and practise exhibited by junior civilians who are called on to
, preside over the judicial adnainistration of a district — not to speak
of the executive tendencies which are the inevitable accompaniment
of their earlier training — has become a source of danger which
will not be remedied by a year's study in a London barrister's
chamber, or by passing the final examination at an inn of court.'*

Like all old orthodox institutions, the Indian Civil
Service has become saturated with strong prejudices
against all popular aspirations and even the rawest
recruits for that Service are not often free from con-
ceited notions of their superiority and importance much
above their desert. It may be no exaggeration to say
that like Narcissus of old that Service is so enchanted
with the loveliness of its own shadow that it has neither
the leisure nor the inclination to contemplate beauty in
others. Its devotion to duty may be unquestioned j
but its superstitious veneration for its own prestige is
much stronger. It is generally opposed to change and
is always afraid of being regarded as weak. It has
acquired all the characteristics of an antiquated insti-
tution which, unable to adapt itself to its modern
environments, is always great in the worship of its great
past. " The Indian Civil Service," says Sir Henry Cotton,
" is moribund and must pass away after a prolonged

320 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

period of magnificent work to be replaced by a more
popular sytem which will perpetuate its efl&ciency while
avoiding its defects." Kightly understood, there is no-
censure or disparagement in this ; for every human
institution has its rise, its progress and its decay and the
world is ever marching onwards through a process oi
changes and evolutions.

It is admitted on all hands that the Indian ad-
ministration is the most costly and elaborate in the'
world and unless means are devised for an early revi-
sion of this huge and expensive machinery it stands-
the risk of being threatened with a collapse. The most
obvious remedy lies in the reconstruction of the entire
Civil Service, by gradually replacing the Covenanted
Service by uncovenanted indigenous materials which
may be found cheaper and not less efficient. There is-
no longer any dearth of such materials in the country
although the bureaucracy is naturally ever so loud in
their disparagement and in the advertisement of its
own superior stuff. There is scarcely a department of
the civil administration where, given the opportunity,
the Indians have not proved their fitness and capacity
to hold their own against foreign competition. Of
course where any special qualification or expert know-
ledge may be needed it may be imported on a limited'
covenant ; but surely no country can be in such an awful^
plight as to be unable to do for a century without an
army of covenanted officers on extravagant salaries with
Exchange Compensation Allowances for the administra-
tion of its domestic concerns.

RECONSTRUCTION OP INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE. 321

If; is suggested that as a firsfe s|j^p towards the-
reconstruction of the Indian Civil Service, the Judicial
branch should be completely and effectively separated
from the Executive branch of the service and the
former recruited from the Bar as in England, though
other sources must also be availed of at the experi-
mental stage to avoid violent disruption as well as
possible injustice to existing vested interests. Tha
subordinate civil Judiciary is no doubt at present
primarily recruited from the Bar, though it is after-
wards crystallized into a rigid orthodox body beyond
the charmed circle of which its members cannot move.
But the original recruitment being mostly from among
the inferior and inexperiencd elements of the Bar,
the subsequent outturn of the present system neces-
sarily fails, with of course honourable exceptions,
either to command the respect and confidence of the
public, or adequately to satisfy the demands of the
public service. The subordinate criminal judiciary^
as at present constituted, is still more unsatisfactory.
The competitive examination which annually used to
introduce into the service a fair leaven of distinguished
graduates of the Universities having been abolished,
for reasons widely known throughout the country,
that service is now entirely founded on the patronage
of the bureaucracy naturally leading to a state of
demoralization which has practically reduced the rank
and file into three-quarters executive and only one-
quarter judicial officers of the State. As a preliminary^
therefore, to the reorganisation of the Indian Civil Service
the judicial service being completely separated and re-
21

322 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

consferucfced OQufche lines indicated above, the entire
Judicial administration should be vested in the High
Oourts, which to be worthy of the British constitution
should be at once freed from the trammels of bureaucratic
provincial administrations. The administration of British
justice, more than the British arms, has been the bulwark
of the British Empire in the East, and they are the
greatest enemies of that Empire who either direct-
ly or indirectly work towards undermining that basal
strength of its greatness. If the Indian Nationalist wants
to make definite progress and to secure himself against
disappointment even after a victory, he must go to the
roots of the question and boldly face the situation
however stiff the fight may be. The Indian National
Congress has at last arrived at a stage when it can no
longer burke the question of the reorganisation of the
Indian Civil Service, and if it has necessarily to proceed
step by step, it cannot afford to loose sight of its real
objective and avoid the great struggle as well as the
^reat secrifioes to which it has committed itself and
the nation.

CHAPTER XX.

INDIAN REPRESENTATION IN BRITISH PARLIAMENT.'

The reform of the Legislative Councils is no doubt
justly regarded as a great triumph of the Indian
National Congress. It has for the first time recognised

REPRESENTATION IN^ BRITISH PARLIAMENT. 323

?fch6 elective principle in the government of this coun-
try and invested these councils with the form, though
not the substance, of representative institutions. Bub
although it may be somewhat premature to hazard an
opinion as to the probable outcome of this scheme, the
comparative ease and freedom with which it has been
allowed to be circumscribed, mutilated and crippled in
its operation at the hands of a nervous bureaucracy,
have furnished no small excuse for the disappointment
and scepticism evinced by a section of the people as
regards the ultimate result of such an experiment.
Apart from its immediate results, the value of which
need not be either under-rated or over-estimated, it
seems fairly permissible to these critics to ask, whether
any further expansion of these councils, on the only
lines upon which such expansion appears to be possible
■ in the existing temper of the bureaucracy, can be very
much counted upon to lead to a substantial reform of
the administration, or to any appreciable development
of the political status of the people ? That the reform
scheme pointed to such an aim there can be no mistake,
and that it was fully intended to operate towards that
end there need be no doubt. But the point is, does the
reform scheme, as actually carried out, really provide a
constitution which in its normal development is likely
to bring about the desired improvement either in the
one or the other ? Lord Morley quite superfluously
observed, that he could not give us the moon; for no
one in this country ever asked for the moon. But has
his Lordship ever enquired, whether the great scheme
«of reform which he took so much pains to carry through

324: INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

both the Houses of Parliament has or has not been^
practically converted into stone when the people cried
for bread ? Supposing, for instance every district in a
province were allowed, in course of a gradual expansion
of this reform, to return a member to the local council
and the number of members for the Supreme Oouncil
were raised from 75 to 750, would the people gain,
or the bureaucracy lose an inch of ground under such
an expansion if the official element were always to
maintain its corresponding level proportionate to this
increase ? Then again the right of interpellation and
the right of moving resolutions are no doubt valued
rights ; but even if the representatives of the people-
were to be armed with the right of moving a
vote of want of confidence in the Government?
would these rights mean much unless they were
capable of influencing the policy of the administration ?
A resolution carried is as good as a resolution lost
when it carries no binding force with it and all the
animated discussion in a council serves only the purpose
of letting out a quantity of extra steam or of gratifying
a Governor's admiration for eloquence. If the power
of the purse is ever to remain a forbidden fruit to the
people, of what earthly good is it for their representatives
to annually enter into a mock-fight over the budget ?
The whole atmosphere of the reformed councils as they
stand is one of unreality and largely of dramatic interest.
The normal expansion and development of such rights
and privileges for any length of time cannot, therefore,
be calculated very much either to advance the status of
the people, or to popularize the administration. A.

REPRESENTATION IN BRITISH PARLIAMENT. 325

iproper exercise of such rights may no doubb occasionally
produce a certain amount of moral pressure ; but moral
pressure by itself is of very little consequence in prac-
tical politics, particularly such politics as are commonly
practised by a bureaucratic administration in a subject
■country. Lastly, the incalculable mischief which the
Regulations have done, by providing water-tight com-
partments in representation and creating vested inter-
ests, is a serious blow to the national development from
which the country is not likely to recover either very
soon, or without the united efforts of the people.

The wholesome changes initiated by Lord Morley's
Act of 1909 and the impetus it has generated in
the body politic in this country must, therefore, be
supplemented by other forces not only to counteract
the retrograde policy of the Regulations, but also
to prevent the reforms granted, like so many other
reforms neutralised almost in their inception, from
relapsing into a lifeless, rigid official formula to be
mechanically repeated for another generation without
any variatioii and in compliance with the letter
without the spirit of these reforms. The most effective
of these forces must no doubt come from within and not
without. The people must train themselves in the art
of evolving constructive policies and nob merely indulge
themselves in destructive criticisms. They must learn
oalmiy to weigh the two sides of a question and take the
most practical and not the most dramatic view of a
situation. And, above all, they must be thoroughly
characterised by honesty of purpose and firmness of
-determination and inspired by a spirit of lofty, patriotic

326 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

self-sacrifice which is calculated fco sink all differences^
and nierge all personal considerations into the common
well-being of the nation. Proper discipline is as much
needed in national development as in military organisa-
tion, and the Indian bureaucracy furnishes the most
striking object-lesson of the value of such discipline. The
evolution wrought by the national movement during the
last thirty years is no doubt very remarkable ; but it
would be a grievous error not to recognise the serious
defects which still underlie our national character and
constitute its weakness. A robust, healthy public
opinion, divested of prejudice and passion and founded'
upon impartial observation and careful study, carries with
it not only a highly educative effect ; but is the most
potent safeguard against national demoralization. It
is the only censor of all lapses and aberrations in
public life. It is as useless, as it is harmful, to dis-
guise the fact, that the public in this country are stiir
much given to carping criticism and abuse. Self-confidence
is indeed a virtue, but self-conceit is a vice which, like
a slow deleterious poison imperceptibly undermines
the intellectual and moral constitution of an individual'
as well as of a nation. The habit of thinking the
oneself is indeed to be diligently cultivated ; but the
practice of immature young men sitting in judg-
ment over the decisions of veteran public men and
lightly formulating chimerical ideas of which they can
have no clear conception is very much to be deprecated
in their own interest as well as in the interest of the
public of whom they are the future asset. Honest emula-
tion is indeed to be desired, but not arrogance. True^

REPRESENTATION IN BRITISH PARLIAMENT. 327

patriotism is not a mere passive sentiment, but an
active energy which in its proper exercise strengthens
the nerves, stimulates the will, broadens the vision and
purges nature of all its dross. It is the most valuable
asset of national existence. With the loss of this one
supreme virtue, India had once lost nearly all the glo-
ries of her past and with its revival dawns her present
regeneration. At this renaissance there is indeed no
lack of bright examples of patriotic devotion to duty ;
but it cannot be denied, that there is also no want of
cracked coins still in circulation in this country. These
false currencies are not only a deception but also a sure
token of the moral trupitude of a nation. In an enlight-
ened community thoroughly imbued with a stern sense
of public responsibility, it should be practically
impossible for all milksops and blotting papers to
secure public trust as a means to their personal
advancement at the sacrifice of public interest. For all
these, the people themselves must be held responsible^
and the pace of their progress must be graduated by
the scale of their development of these national virtues.
But while it is perfectly true that most nations get
as good a government as they deserve, it cannot be disput-
ed that the conditions of a subject people are materially
different from those of a free country, and that as such
the development of both cannot be governed precisely by
the same rules. In a free country the government itself
is based upon public opinion and cannot but be guided by
that opinion in its adaptation to the demands of public
interest which is the very essence of its existence. In a
subject country, particularly where the overning

328 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

olass and the governed are perfect aliens to each other,
there is always some anaount of colliding interest which
naturally precludes a fusion of the two elements and
thus deters the progress of the people which accord-
ingly becomes more largely dependent on the sup-
port of the Government. Where the State is per-
fectly independent of the people, the political advance-
ment of the latter becomes almost an impossibility
without proper facilities and opportunities afforded by
the former. The people must, therefore, look to the
supreme authority from which has emanated the pre-
sent reforms for their future growth and expansion.
It is the British Parliament which must apply the neces-
sary force to correct the defects of the present system
and remove the various impediments which have been
thrown to arrest the progress of its future development.
The British public are mostly ignorant of the actual
state of affairs in this country, while the British Par-
liament is naturally disposed to content itself with the
thought that when a reform has once been granted, it is
bound to take its usual course and that the administra-
tions in India may be fully depended upon loyally to
carry out its policy. Unfortunately, however, such is not
the case, and the Indian public are driven to the neces-
sity of constantly knocking at the gate of the House
which is always so carefully guarded by some well-trained
Cerberuses, not a few of whom have fattened themselves
upon the salt of India, but owe no allegiance to her, that
their most reasonable complaints are easily drowned in
the howling raised by these watch-dogs. But the people
must knock and knock, until the gate is opened to them.

REPRESENTATION IN BRITISH PARLIAMENT. 329

f f India is fco be redeemed through British connection,
the battle of India must be fought on British and not
Indian soil. It is to the British public and the British
OParliament that India must look for her ultimate
redemption.

The best means therefore of having Indian's voice
•heard in England is to have some persons directly
to represent her in Parliament. As has already been
pointed out, Henry Eawcett was the first to assume the
title of '"Member^ for India,'* although he too had to
apologise to his constituency for devoting some portion
of his time and attention to the affairs of India. Next
•came Charles Bradlaugh, to whom the title was
conceded by his colleagues more as a nickname than as a
-genuine compliment. But perhaps the highest representa-
tion which India ever obtained in the House of Commons
was through the Parliamentary Committee which was
-so successfully organise/^ mainly through the efforts of
the much-abused British Committee of the Congress.
This Committee at one time counted upon its roll no less
■than 200 members of Parliament, and a careful student
of Indian politics will have no difi&culty in finding that
they were a tower of strength to India and that the
persistent agitations which they kept up in the House
were at the root of most of the reforms which have
recently been inaugurated in the administration of this
country. Those were the halcyondays of the Congress-
iBut that Committee has been dissolved and it has
naturally ceased to exist under a Liberal Parliament and
is not likely to be fully revived even under the next
^Conservative Government.

330 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

The question of direct representation for India in-
the British House of Commons therefore comes to the
forefront of the future programme of the Congress.
The question is not altogether a new one. It was first
noticed by Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji in his presidential
address at the Lahore Congress of 1893, But for ten
years the Congress apparently took no notice of it until
1904 when it unanimously adopted the following
Resolution : —

" That in the opinion of the Congress the time has arrived
when the people of this country should be allowed a larger voice in
the administration and control of the afiairs of their country by
(a) the bestowal on each Province or Presidency of India of the
franchise of returning at least two members to the British House
of Commons."

The Resolution was tacked on to the more imme-
diate questions of the expansion of the Legislative
Councils and the appointment of Indian members to
the India Council as well as to the Executive
Councils of the Government of India and the Presi-
dency Governments of Bombay and Madras. It was
again repeated in 1905 ; but owing partly to the
immediate pressure of reforms nearer at home and
partly because of the serious troubles into which the
country was plunged since 1905 this important ques-
tion was allowed to be dropped from the programme of
all subsequent Congresses. But the spirit in which
the expansion of the councils has been carried out
and the manner in which effect has been given to the
reform of the Executive Councils, from which popular
leaders of exceptional abilities appear to have been
carefully excluded for reasons which are not perhaps

REPRESENTATION IN BRITISH PARLIAMENT. 331

too far to seek and which the bureaucracy apparently
does not care DQUch to conceal, would seem to call for
the revival of the question wifeh all bhe the vigour and
earnestness which it obviously demands. lb is the
high pressure of Parliament which is absolutely needed
to keep an obstructive bureaucracy abreast of the times
and to enforce ungrudging compliance with its supreme
mandates. And it goes without saying, that such a
pressure oan be generated only by India's own repre-
sentatives in the House. If it be true, that "it is not
England's heart that is steeled against India, but it is
her ear that is deaf to her cries," then it follows that
the highest endeavour of the Indian nationalist should
not be confined to the loudest cries raised in India, but
directed towards their gaining access to the ear of
England.

The tremendous influence of Parliamentary repre-
sentation may be judged from two sources. The
labours of Sir Henry Cotton, Sir William Wedderburn
and the other members of the unofficial Indian Parlia-
mentary Committee are well known to the public and
it must be remembered that they were all Britishers
and constitutionally represented certain British consti-
tuencies only. Mr. Dadabdai Naoroji was the first
Indian who ever sat in a British Parliament. He too
sat not for Bombay, but for Central Finsbury. But
such was the moral influence of the presence of this
" black man " in the House that it at once excited the
jealousy a»d nervousness of a conservative premier and
led to the hasty return of another black man who was

332 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

none fche whiter because he was set up in the conser-
vative interest.

The other and the more potent example is
furnished by Ireland. Ireland like India has been
fighting for her national emancipation for a much
longer time and with much greater determination and
unquestionably with incomparably superior advantages
on her aide. Yet Ireland, with Parnell on one side of
fche Irish Channel and Gladstone on the other, was
unable to make one-tenth of the impression which she,
has now made upon Great Britain with Kedmond in
'Ireland and Asquith in England. Nobody would ever
venture to suggest that the present great leader of the
Irish Party and the present distinguished premier of
England are stronger personalities than the " uncrown-
ed king of Ireland " and the *' Great Commoner " of
England ; but nevertheless the success of the former is
more decided and remarkable than the failure of the
latter. It is the seventy odd Nationalist members in
fche House who holding fche balance of power in their
hands have turned fche scale and decided fche quesfcion
of Irish Home Kule. It is practically the same question
wich which the Indian Nationalist is concerned : —
.It is National Self-Government within fche Empire, or
Home Kule for India. And the Indian people must
be armed with similar weapons to carry the struggle
to a successful conclusion. If two dozens of Indian
^ representatives were to be admitted into the British
House of Commons, tbey would not only by themselves
form an important factor in the House ; but a party

REPRESENTATION IN BRITISH PARLIAMENT. 333;

would naturally grow round them which would undoubt-
edly exercise considerable influence in shaping the
policy of Governncienfc and doing adequate justice to
India. It would then be impracticable for the-
Indian bureaucracy to tamper or tinker with tha
wholesome provisions of any Parliamentary statute or
to impede the normal growth of Indian nationalism^
Bureaucracy may shudder at the prospect of such
an innovation, but true statesmanship can hardly fail
to realise that it would form a permanent cement and
a bond of indissoluble union between England and
India, the value of which, as the most precious assets
of Great Britain, even the most blatant jingo would be
bound to admit. It must be a process of gradual fusion
and not of increasing dominance that will permanently
secure British rule in India.

India certainly desires British connection ; but ife
is a connection of co-partnership based upon mutual
trust and confidence and comradeship in rights and
responsibilities but not of permanent subjection which
she aims at. The kind of connection commonly
known as liege-lordism was sought to be enforced by
Western civilisation in America, Africa and in other
dark corners of the world, and it led to the extirpation
of the weaker races. But India possesses a civilisation
and literature older than that of Greece and Eome and
even older than that of Egypt and Phoenicia which are-
still the admiration of the modern world. She still
boasts of cities and towns which flourished before Baby-
lon and Nineveh came into existence. She has with-
stood the revages of time and revolutions of ages which

334 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

have swept over her offcea leaving their deep scars upon
her ; bub neither the one nor the other have succeeded
in wiping her out of existence, or even in disfiguring
her beyond identification. She possesses a wonderful
vitality which has, on the contrary, assimilated and
absorbed most of the civilisations which came in con-
tact with her and which she was unable either to resist
or counteract. And to-day she is the common home
of the Hindu, the Mussalman, the Parsi, the Jain, the
Buddhist and the Christian. Such a country may be
conquered, but not held in prepetual bondage. None
of her many conquerors succeeded in doing so, and it
would be a grievous mistake if Great Britain should
either intend or attempt to make such an experiment.
Militarism can subjugate countries, but cannot enslave a
civilised people. India, emancipated and consolidated
into a federal unit, will constitute the strongest cement of
the British Empire ; whereas emasculated, impoverished,
distrusted and discontented, she is bound to be a standing
menace to her true greatness and is likely to prove her
greatest weakness in an hour of danger. England must
be prepared to admit India into the Councils of the Empire
if she is to be honestly treated as an integral part of
that Empire. She naust cease to be her greatest
Dependency and rise to the dignity of her foremost
Dominion, and her people should be treated not as
paying subjects but as privileged citizens of that Empire.
The misfortune is that so few Englishmen know much of
ancient Indian History and fewer still command an
insight into ancient Indian civilisation and have, therefore,
so little sympathy and respect for Indian aspirations.

REPRESENTATION IN BRITISH PARLIAMENT. 335

Eaverting to fehe immediate question of Parlia-
^mentary representation, it may be pointed out that
from the Qaeen's Proclamation down to the latest
Royal declaration of George V, there was not a single
authoritative pronouncement made which did not hold
out the hope that the Indian people would be treated in
all respects as " equal subjects " of Great Britain and
entrusted with rights and privileges of British citizen-
ship to which they by their position and education may
be found entitled : and the people would naturally
resent it as an evasion of these solemn pledges if, af ter ^
they have been tried and found not unworthy of repre-
sentative institutions, they should be still debarred from
their legitimate position of representing their country's
interest in the supreme Legislative assembly of the
Empire of which they form &uch an important factor.
Besides, if France has found no difficulty in extending
such an important franchise to her handful of Indian sub-
jects and thereby recognising them as free citizens and
oo-partners of the great Republic, it is no small or
fancied grievance of the three hundred and odd millions
of British Indian subjects, that they should stand care-
fully excluded from a fair participation in the rights of
the British Empire although they have to bear more
than a fair share of its responsibilities. It cannot be,
and will perhaps never be, contended that Ohandernagora
is more advanced than Calcutta, Pondicherry than
Madras, or Mahe than Bombay ; or, that French
Government have lost either in strength or prestige or
efficiency by reason of the admission of their Indian
and African subjects, either in the army or in the

336 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Chamber of Deputies. Vigorous efforfcg should, there-
fore, be made to secure proper and adequate repesenta-
tion for India directly in the British House of
Commons.

CHAPTER XXI.

INDIA IN PARTY POLITICS.

There is another question of difficulty which must
shortly engage the attention of the Congress and
its members. As often as an important question
of Indian reform is raised for discussion > a studied,
stereotyped cry is invariably raised both in the British
Parliament as well as in the British Press, that India
must be kept outside the pale of party politics in Eng-
land. This earnest solicitude can evidently mean
one of two things : It may either mean that India
is regarded as too '* great and solemn a trust of Provi-
dence " to be entrusted to the wrangling and rancorous
spirit of the two hostile political parties which
decide the fate of the rest of the British Empire ; or ife-
may mean, that India is a rich preserve in common
held under a common agreement and ior the benefit of
both the parties which cannot, therefore, be allowed to-
be an apple of discord between them. Whatever may
be the correct interpretation of the plea thus advanced,
its one effect has always been to perpetuate India's
wrongs and to defer Indian reforms by either party

INDIA IN PARTY POLITICS. 33T

in England. The grim humour of the situation, how-
ever, lies in the fact that India must alternately come
under a Liberal or Conservative Government and be
ruled by a Liberal or Conservative Secretary of State
while the anomaly is sometimes allowed to assume a
most awkward position when a conservative Viceroy
is permitted to govern India under a Liberal Govern-
ment in England. The result of such an arrangement
has invariably been found to involve a partial surrender
of Liberal principles and a consequent sacrifice of
India's best interests. Individual members may hava
occasionally nobly fought for justice to India; bufc
seldom has Parliament risen to the height of such
occasions for an adequate redress of her wrongs. The
best of fights for India on the floor of the House has
in recent years ended in a compromise where neither
party has suffered any defeat and both parties have
come out triumphant, as in a mock military tourna-
ment, at the sound of the warning note of 'party poli-
tics.' The story, however, is as old as the severeignty
of the British Crown in India. In 1858, when Lord
Palmerston introduced his first India Bill for the reform
of the Indian administration, Mr. Disraeli, who was
then the leader of the Opposition in the House of Com-
mons, elaborately dwelt on the desirability of having
** the representative principle applied to the Gove rn
ment of India," and objected to the Bill on the ground
that it did not provide sufficient check for the protec-
tion of India's interest and for "that redress of the
grievances under which she suffered which British
protection ought to ensure." But soon after when
22

338 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

upon the sudden defeat of Lord Palmerston, Lord Derby
came into power, the same Benjamin Disraeli in intro-
ducing his India Bill " regretted that the unsettled
state of the country did not admit of a representation
of the people in India," and both sides of the House
complacently agreed to his dictum. The same process
of " promising to the ear and breaking to the hope"
has long been repeated with unfailing precision and
uniformity by both parties in Parliament in dealing
with India and the Indian people : and it was this
painful display of a tragi-comic farce that led Mr.
George Yule candidly to observe chat " the 650 odd
members who were to be the palladium of India's
rights and liberties have thrown ' the great and solemn
trust of an inscrutible Providence' back upon the
hands of Providence to be looked after as Providence
itself thinks best." It was the same sophistry to which
in more recent years Sir Henry Fowler gave utterance,
when as the Minister for India he said that every one
of the said 650 odd members in the House, whether
liberal or conservative, was a Member for India,"
which (according to the trite old saying that everybody's
business is nobody's business) in simple unsophisticated
Indian phraseology, was as much as to say that as in
a letter so in spirit there was absolutely no member for
India in the British Parliament. These platitudes have
led not a few Indians, however erroneous they may be,
honestly to believe, that the British people are entirely
liberal as far as Great Britain is concerned ; they are
divided into liberals and conservatives when Ireland
<jomes into question, and with few honourable exceptions,

INDIA IN PARTY POLITICS. 339

iihey close their ranks and stand solid as conservatives
when the fate of India has to be decided.

The question, therefore, whether India should be
drawn into English party politics does not appear to be
iree frona difficulties. Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji speaking
so early as 1885 said, that " the Conservatives are not
80 bad as that they will never do a good thing, nor are
the Liberals so good that they never did a bad thing.
In fact, we owe good to both and we have nothing to do
with them yet as parties." This may be perfectly cor-
rect; but it seems equally clear that whenever the Con-
servatives have done a good thing by India, they have
mostly done so under pressure from the other side. It
is also commonly pointed out that the great Proclama-
tion was the gift of a Conservative Government, though
subsequent acts and declarations of responsible minis-
ters of the Conservative rank have shown, that it is
hardly accepted by them as the gift of any Govern-
ment, but that of a female Sovereign addressing her
distant alien subjects upon her assumption of power
after a great revolution, and it did not probably cost a
Conservative minister much to draw up a liberal mani-
festo in his '' inimitable style" under the express dic-
tation of that Sovereign. If that Proclamation has
ever been respected as a sacred document, it has been
so done only by liberal ministers and administrators.
Current of events in recent times has, however, brought
home to the Indian mind, that although it may not
matter much to India which of the two parties is in
actual authority in England, it matcers a good deal
whether the members who form the Government for

340 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

either parfcy are or are not individually men of mor©
generous instincts, wider sympathies and broader states-
manship in dealing with the alBPairs of an Empire which
covers nearly one-sixth of this habitable globe. It i&
the saying of one of the greatest political philosophers
the world has produced that " a great Empire and a
little mind go ill together," Then India being a sub-
ject country without any voice in her own affairs, it is
only natural that those that are imbued with liberal
principles and democratic ideas, " Little Englanders"
as they are called, who are more likely to be in sym-
pathy with her than the lordly Impearialist who unre-
servedly talks of India having been conquered by the
sword and who openly preaches that it must be
retained by the sword.

Lord Cromer, who was perhaps the first open advo«
cate of this doctrine of Indian neutrality, bad no doubt I
his reasons for the occasion when he asked the House-
not to drag India into a party question ; but is India,
really kept outside party politics ? Is it not a fact, that
although Great Britain is alternately governed on
Liberal or Conservative principles, India is permanently
ruled on Conservative lines ? Parties rise and fall».
ministers change and Viceroys come and go ; but the
bureaucracy in which the Indian adminisitration is-
permanently vested, is an essentially conservative insti-
tution as unchangeable in its methods as it is unimpreg-
nable in its policy. A time must, therefore, come when*
the Congress will have to face the situation and decide-
the question whether it should not openly cast in her
lot with one of the political parties in England.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM.
The highest problem for solubion in the evolution
of a nation is perhaps Education. As it is the essence
of civilization, so it is the very backbone of progressive
humanity ; while the force and stamina of a national
life, as much as its longevity and capacity for action,
are largely determined by the nature and extent of the
development and expansion of its educational system.
Education is the main stock-in-trade of a civilized
people and the working capital ofits administration.
In every well-regulated country, therefore, the State
assumes the charge and control of public education as
its paramount duty towards its subjects. Adminis-
tration of justice and protection of life and property
are no doubt among the primary functions of a
Government; but these are discharged in one shape
or another by every form of government that cares for
its own existence. Even in early stages of society
these elementary duties were fully recognised in all
communal or feudal systems of administration where
fehe educated few held the ignorant many in bondage
in return for the peace and security guaranteed to
them. It is, however, the highest aim of civilization to
emancipate humanity from this forced subjection and
restore to it the rights and liberties which are the
common heritage of mankind. And education is the
only means towards that end : It is the only weapon
with which to j&ght out the intellectual slavery and the

342 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

moral turpitude of a people. As ife is the sole test of a?
people's fitness to participate in the management of its-
own concerns, so* it is the only standard by which a
civilized government is to be judged and justified in
its assumption of authority to rule over its destinies-
The highest claim of Britain to the gratitude of the
people of this country is, therefore, not founded either
upon its elaborate system of efficient administration, or
upon its extensive railways or other means of communi-
cation. Nor is that claim based upon the development
of the country's resources and the expansion of its
trade. All these are no doubt fully appreciated as th©^
blessings of a civilized and enlightened rule ; but the-
people know and feel that these blessings are purchased
not without the payment of a price for each and all of
them. The real source from which that gratitude flows
lies deeper and is to be traced to the Educational
policy which the British Government solemnly under-
took to carry out, and which it has to no small extent
carried out in the administration of this country ever
since the assumption of its sovereignty. In recent years
the educational policy of the Government has admittedly
undergone remarkable changes leading to a considerable
divergence of opinion, as regards not only the aim, but
also the effect of that policy upon the general educa-
tion of the country. While the Government main-
tains that these changes are intended to improve edu-
cation, the people are unable to divest themselves of
the belief that they are all retrograde measures calcu-
lated seriously to restrict and hamper educational pro-
gress. A brief survey of the history of that policy,,

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 343

fcherefere, appears feo be uecessary for a clear under*
standing of fche issues involved in the discussion, as also
of the merits of the contention on both sides.

It is a grievous naistake to assunae, as not a few
among the Englishmen have rather too hastily assumed,!
that when India passed into the hands of England she
was found sunk deep in one unbroken darkness of
ignorance and superstition ; that public education wa&
foreign to the instinct and tradition of the people, and
that educational institutions were imported from th»
West with the advent of the British, India was neither
South Africa, nor the West Indies. Older than Eome
and Greece and even older than Egypt and Phoenecia^
India was in the dim and distant past the only on©
bright spot when the rest of the world was enveloped
in darkness. She was the cynosure of all eyes and in
spite of all the fanciful attempts of modern researches
to prove the contrary, she still stands out in bold relief
as the centre of all the earliest culture and enlighten-
ment of the world. Even in later periods Chinese
travellers from the East, and Grecian and Koman
travellers from the West bore eloquent testimony to the
unrivalled advancement and civilization of the Indiaa
people. Coming down to modern times the Mahome-
dan historians have also ungrudgingly testified to their
superior knowledge and culture. Since the Mahome-
dan conquest, India made further acquisition of Arabic
and Persian enlightenment, and it seems absurd to
suppose that towards the middle of the eighteenth cen-
tury all this civilization and culture of ages were sud-
denly swept; away by some mysterious agency, leaving the

344 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

country involved in one inapenetrable darkness. India
"wifch her vanished glories still retained the hall-mark
•of her proud and peculiar civilisation when she
came in contact with the modern civilization of the
West. She was even then rich in her Sanskrit and
Persian literature, not to apeak of the various Verna-
cular dialects of these classical languages, and though
very much deficient in the knowledge of applied sci-
ences, she possessed an indigenous system of education,
both primary as well as secondary, spread throughout
the country as the decaying fabric of the past — the
crumbling relic of the vanished glories of her Nalanda
and other Universities. We have it on the authority
of the Education Commission of 1882, that prior to 1854,
when the first Educational Despatch of Sir Charles
Wood was issued, there were more than 900,000 or nearly
a, million of boys in British India, receiving elementary
education in reading, writing and arithmetic including
surveying, mensuration, square and cubic measures
as well as equation. These primary instructions were
systematically imparted in Fatshalas and Muktabs ;
while higher education in literature, philosophy, logic,
theology, medicine and astronomy was amply provided
for in Tols and Madrassas established throughout the
country, unsupported by any State-grant and uncon-
trolled by any State-agency, The customary recitation
of the historical epics on festive and other occasions
was another means of popular education. Medical
science, including anatomy, surgery and chemistry,
which is one of the highest products of civilization, had
reached such a degree of efficiency, that in recent

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 345

years with increased knowledge of ancient Indian
45ivilization it has extorted the wonder and admiration
of European scientists ; while, in the domain of astro-
nomy, although the latter-day Indians had ceased to
make any fresh discoveries, the precision and accuracy
with which they were still able to utilise their old stock
•of knowledge for the purpose of calculations and the
many observatories which were in existence at Benares
and other places down to the eighteenth century bore
no mean evidence of the people's acquaintance with the
wonders of the stellar world. Indian music still holds
its place among the fine arts of the civilized world ;
while India's architecture and sculpture, of which
eloquent testimony is still borne by the Taj at Agra,
so well described as a *' dream in marble, designed by
Titans and finished by jewellers,** and the grand mauso-
leum at Ghunar which Bishop Heber characterised as
** embroidery in stone," and by the numerous caves
and temples still extant in Orissa as well as in Central
and Southern India, gave unquestionable evidence of
her technical knowledge of no mean order. The futile
attempts of Western pride to attribute these wonderful
works of art to either European or Byzantine civiliza-
tion only add to their matchless glory and unrivalled
•superiority. India's maritime trade even in the six-
teenth century was not inconsiderable ; while her far-
iamed textile fabrics, particularly of cotton and silk,
were largely in demand in the courts of Europe even
in the eighteenth century. Scientific appliances she
^had none ; but it was want of patronage, more than
the competition of superior scientific machineries of

34:6 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Europe, which crushed her finer industries and over-
powered her in the end. Such was the country that
was practically ceded to Great Britain towards the
middle of the eighteenth century by a people torn by
internal dissensions, distracted by nautual jealousy and
spite, and tired of the naisgovernment of a hundred
inefficient principalities and administrations which had
become accustomed to look more to their own pomp and
grandeur than to the comforts and well-being of their
subjects, and which had, as such, systematically neglect-
ed public instruction as a State duty. Of course the
system of education at the time was very* defective a&
there was hardly any method in the system ; while the
higher studies were generally of an unprofitable character.
All this was due to the fact that there was no authority
to guide or control education, and the people were left
entirely to their own initiative and resource to edu-
cate their children as best as they could and as the
circumstances of the country either permitted or
required. The genius and aptitude of the people for
education was, however, never extinct. ,

The government of the East India Company,,
which was mainly directed by purely mercantile
considerations and from the highest to the lowest
animated by a spirit of exploitation, naturally marked
a very slow and slight advance in the direction of
Education. The Board of Control from time to time
no doubt urged for larger provisions being made for the
education of the people, yet the largest grant ever
made in any one year for education was not more than
one lahh of rupees, which the Board strongly insisted

V THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM.- 347

on being put down in one of the Budgets of the
Company towards the close of its administration. Full
twelve years were taken in deciding the controversy
which raged between those who were called the ' Orienta-
lists' aud the 'Anglicists,' that is, persons who were
opposed to the introduction of English education and
urged for the encouragement of the study of the Oriental
languages, and those on the other side, who advocated
Western education and as such insisted on the
English language being accepted as the medium of
education in India. In this vital controversy, Rajah Ram-
mohun Roy, strongly supported by David Hare, took;
a leading part and threw himself heart and soul
at tbe forefront of the Anglicist party. We may
not at this distance of time fully agree with the*
great Indian reformer in all that he said against the
study of Sanskrit and Arabic languages which he
strongly denounced as being barren and unprofitable
studies, and we may even doubt if he actually antici-
pated the remarkable changes which his mother-country
would undergo in the next hundred years ; but that his
prophetic vision clearly foresaw that India's future des*
tiny lay in the acquisition of modern knowledge and that
such knowledge could be adequately and efficiently
purveyed only through the medium of a living Western
language cannot certainly be disputed. The question
was finally decided during the government of Lord
William Bentinck, when by a Resolution dated the 7th
May, 1835, it was declared that although elementary
education was to be confined to the Vernacular
languages, higher education in India must be imparted^

•348 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

in the English language. It was a most decisive point
gained which paved the way for the future evolution of
Indian Nationalism by providing a common language
for the whole country. The Company, however,
still moved at a very slow pace towards the educational
development of the country when, worried and wearied
• by the systematic evasion of its mandates, the Board at
the instance of Parliament at last laid down a definite
policy of education to be pursued in India. The famous
Despatch of the 19bh July of 1854, commonly known
as the despatch of Sir Charles Wood, afterwards Lord
Halifax, — then President of the Board of Control —
was the first declaration of that Policy and it is justly
regarded as the great charter of education in India.
' The Despatch opened with an unreserved declaration of
the Government accepting the responsibility of educa-
tion of the people as a State duty. The declaration
runs as follows : —

"It is one of our most sacred duties to be the means, as far as in

us lies, of conferring upon the natives of India those vast moral

and material blessings which flow from the general difiEiision of

iJinowledge and which India may under Providence derive from

her connection with England."

" The Despatch, after formulating its general scheme,
went on to prescribe the following means for the attain-
ment of its objects: — (i) The establishment of Univer-
sities at the Presidency cities ; (ii) the constitution of a
Department of Education for each Presidency ;
(iii) the maintenance of the existing Colleges and High

^Schools whose number was very small and the increase
of their number; (iv) the establishment of middle

> schools and of training institutions for teachers; (v)

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 349^

provisions for increased facilities towards the expansion
of elementary education among the masses ; and (vi)
the introduction of a grant-in-aid system for the deve-^
lopment of education. Provision was also recommended
for a system of Sbate scholarships to connect the lower
schools with the higher, and the higher schools with/
the colleges.

It was a grand and comprehensive scheme, and'
one now naturally feels inclined to inquire as to
how far it has been carried out. Three years^
after this programme was taken in hand and imme-
diately as the first university was established in
Calcutta, the Mutiny broke out which again set in
motion a retrograde policy and caused a set-back,
in education. A party of Anglo-Indians, who were
never so zealous in the cause of education, if they were
not actually opposed to it from the very beginning,,
came forward to denounce education as being mainly
responsible for the attempted revolution. The question
was neatly disposed of by Sir Frederick Halliday, the
first Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, in a minute of 1858'
on a letter of Lord Bllenborough, as President of the
Board of Control, to the Court of Directors, who had
found in the disturbance ample excuse for reverting to^
their old policy of inaction and issuing a peremptory
order upon the Government in India not to *' sanction
any increase of expenditure in any part of India in
connection with Education '* without their authority
previously obtained, yir Frederick Halliday wrote :

" Oa the question of the connection between education and
the rebellion, our wisdom, no less than our duty, is to persevere-

350 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

in what we have begun and not to turn our backs upon Bihar
or any other parts of our territory, because there is difficulty
or danger in the path of improvement. It is certain, how-
ever, that both the difficulty and the danger are exaggerated
and look imposing only to those who keep at a distance from
them and view them through the delusive mist of prejudice and
mis-information. As to difficulty, the progress of Bengal, even
within the memory of living witnesses, is a proof of the aptitude
of the people and of their plastic docility. And though it is not
uncommon in these days to attribute the recent mutinies to our
educational operations, and even to propose to draw back from
them for fear of similar consequences in future, the error of this
opinion is like that of a man who after unwisely and incautiously
exposing a barrel of gunpowder to all kinds of dangerous influences
and having by good luck, and in spite of bad management, long
escaped without an accident, should, at last, when the fatal and
inevitable explosion takes place, olame neither the gunpowder nor
his own rashness and indiscretion, but rather lay the whole
mischief to account of some one of many little sparks flying
about, and talk of limiting the use of fire and candle in future to
'prevent similar occurrences."

No more sfeatesmanlike view of fehe situation or
crushing reply could have been advanced, and the Gov-
ernment of Lord Canning made a firm stand against the
insensate, hysteric cry of an alarmist crowd. It will be
seen a little later on, that the same cry has again been
raised in recent years and has contributed not a little
to the shaping of the present educational policy of the
•Government, with this difference that there is neither
a Halliday nor a Canning to take a dispassionate
perspective of the situation and boldly adhere to the
noble policy of 1854. By Statute 21 and 22 Victoria,
passed on the 2nd August, 1858, the weak and vacillat-
ing misgovernment of the East India Company was
brought to an end and on the 1st November of the same
year, the great Proclamation was issued from Allahabad
'notifying the assumption of the Government of India

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 351

•directly by the Grown. That Proclamation is universally
regarded as the Magna Gharta, of British India.

The second great Despatch on Education was issued
on the 7th April, 1859, shortly after the transfer of the
'Government from the Company to the Crown. After
reviewing the working of theearlier Despatch, the policy of
which it whole-heartedly re- affirmed and accepted as the
policy of the Crown, it went on to point out that although
much had been done to stimulate a desire for education
and the people had evinced a great aptitude for Western
knowledge, the progress made was indeed very slow and
inadequate; and while fully endorsing the policy of
encouraging all indigenous efforts towards the expan-
sion of education, the practice of educational officers
demanding contributions from the people, which had
largely come to a vogua as a condition precedent to
the establishment of Vernacular schools, was declared
both undignified and inexpedient. Doubts were also
expressed as to the suitability of the grant-in-aid
system for the supply of Vernacular education to the
masses of the population, which, it was suggested,
should be provided by the direct efforts of the State.
The question of levying an educational rate for the
provision of elementary education was also recommended
by this Despatch of the careful consideration of the
Government.

At this period, the Christian Missionaries acted
as strong auxiliaries towards the spread of education,
and though their primary object was to facilitate the
propagation of the Christian Gospel, the schools and
colleges which they founded in connection with the

352 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Universities became powerful adjuncts to the cause of
secular education also. But by far the greatest efforts
were perhaps made by the people themselves, particul-
arly as regards secondary and high education, thougb
they failed largely to co-operate with the Government
in promoting elementary education among the masses,
A number of enlightened Indian gentlemen, mostly
inspired by the lofty teachings of Rajah Rammohun
Roy, one after another took the field in different parts
of the country which became soon studded with schools
and colleges, some of which to this day stand as the-
proudest monuments of their patriotic labours and
self-sacrifice. The niames of Pandit Iswar Chandra
"Vidyasagar, Prisonno Coomar Tagore, Gow Mohan
Addy, Bhudev Mukherjee, Peary Churn Sircar, Maho-
med Moshin, Maharanee Swarnamoye and many others
in Bengal, of Dababhai Naoroji, Bal Gangadhar Shastri,
Roychand Premchand and Mahadev Govinda Ranade
in Bombay, of Sir Syed Ahmed in the United Provinces
of Pachyappa Mudaliar and Gopal Row in Madras and-
of the saintly educationist Dayananda Swaraswati in
Benares are embalmed in the grateful memories of their
countrymen.

The next landmark in our educational histhory
was the Education Commission of 1882, appointed by
the Government of Lord Ripon under the presidency of
Sir William Hunter, wrhich reviewed the progress
the country had made during a period of thirty years
since the first Education Despatch of 1854. Although
the province of Bengal was found to be much ahead of
the other provinces, defects were noticed in the entire

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 353

sysfeem which loudly called for the earnesfe afcfcenfcion of
the Government. The number of schools and colleges
was still found to be inadequate and the provision for
education insufficient. It was recommended by the
Commission that the support and cduntenance afforded
by the Government to indigenous schools, whether
of elementary or of higher instruction, and the encour-
agement given to private enterprise by grant-in-aid rulea
should be further extended ; that the Government
should be reluctant to open Government institutions
whenever private institutions could be expected or
encouraged to do the work ; that more liberal rates of
aid should be granted to private colleges ; and that
primary education having been still very much neglected
closer supervision and larger grants were needed for the
e-ducation of the mass of the population. The Commis-
sion proposed an increased expenditure of 10 lahhs of
rupees a year for the promotion of primary education.
All these recommendations were of course generously
accepted on principle ; but only such effect could be given
to them in practice as was possible under the eternal cry
of financial difficulties, though of course neither the
increase of the administrative machinery, universally
admitted to be the costliest in the world, nor of the
army, nor of the Home charges could afford, to wait for
their periodical expansion in an unfailing progressive
ratio. And the official reports almost invariably winded
up with the euphemistic platitude that the recommen-
dations of the Commission received the fullest attention
compatible with the necessity of avoiding any consider-
nhle increase of expendittcre." Comment upon the rhyme
23

354 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

and reason of language like this is perfeciily super-
fluous.

Then came the Local Salf-Governmenb scheme of
Lord Kipon, and the Government found an opportunity
of relieving itself of the charge of primary education
which, with certain petty and fluctuating receipts, was
transferred to the Municipalities, the District, and the
Taluqa Boards. This was no doubt a wise measure
taken towards the development of elementary education ;
but its efficiency was largely impaired by the crippled
resources of the local bodies overburdened by an army of
inspecting establishment which in some places swallow-
ed up nearly 45 per cent. X>i the grants for education.

Having thus largely relieved itself of the charge of
Primary Education, the Government set to deal with
higher education. A tendency had become manifest
for some time past to view high education with a degree
of suspicion and distrust and in certain quarters even
with positive disfavour. It was the educated commu-
nity which clamoured for increased rights and privi-
leges and it was their agitation which was supposed to
be responsible for the increased difficulties of the
administration. The smoothness with which that
administration was carried on from the middle of the
eighteenth to nearly three-quarters of the nineteenth
century was very much disturbed by the growing
consciousness of a people who, in the prophetic words
of Lord Macaulay, having their minds and ideas ex-
panded by Western education, were aspiring to Western
institutions and methods of administration. It was

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 355

"^indeed fche dawning of fehe ** proudest day " of England
though unfortunafcel3% however, the just pride of British
•rule in India was at this stage slowly, though perceptibly,
deteriorating into unworthy jealousy and spite, and
.the lessons of broad statesnaanship gradually yielding
to the dictates of a narrow, short-sighted policy. In
1902 Lord Gurzon appointed a Universities Oommis-
*sion, and the Universities Act of 1904 was the outconae
•of the recent retrograde policy of education in India.
With the ostensible view of securing efficiency, for
which the government of Lord Gurzon stood in every
department of the administration, the Universities
were officialized and their gi-owth and expansion at
•once curbed to suit the purposes of the general ad-
ministration. While it was apparently intended to
-secure a serene atmosphere of pure study, free from all
^political influences, it was entirely a political move to
checkmate the Nationalist party who were the bugbear
of the Indian bureaucracy. The whole programme of
•education was recast and the existing institutions were
'forced to conform themselves to a set of Regulations
which placed them, as it were, upon the bed of Pro-
■crastes if they meant to exist. Some of the institu-
tions died out on account of the stringent operation of
*these Regulations ; while the growth of new ones was
tightly fettered by their expensive requirements in a
•country notorious for its extreme poverty. To justify
the new policy, the aim of which was unmistakably
fto reitrict high education, it was pointed out that
education was expanding in area at the sacrifice
•of depth and that in not a few cases it was conducted

356 IlfDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

by private enterprise more as commercial business--
tihan as philanthrophic undertakings. Ifc was further
urged that in the case of both the colleges as well as
the high schools, the majority of the students lived
in a suspicious atmosphere of uncontrolled and unres-
tricted independence incompatible with the healthy
growth of their moral and intellectual development.
Above all, it was contended that the Universities stood
in urgent need of thorough overhauling both as regards
the subjects of studies as well as the conditions of affi-
liation of colleges and recognition of high schools; while^
it was fairly proposed that if it was actually impossible
to convert the existing Universities into teaching insti-
tutions like those of Europe, it should be the aim of a
sound policy gradually to impart such a character to-
them by opening out fresh avenues for researches and
post-graduate studies and establishing new chairs and
professorships directly under these Universities. Most
of these arguments were perfectly plausible, while some
of them were simply unasssailabie ; and the sudden
change in the educational policy of the Government
would not have been unwelcome to the people and
become subject to much adverse public criticism if it
had not been evidently dictated by a political object to
divest the Universities of their popular character and
place them entirely under bureaucratic control, and to
restrict high education and sap the growth of indigen-
ous enterprise which had largely contributed towards^
the expansion of education in the country. The new
policy was, to all intents and purposes, a retrograde
movement, and behind its charming frontispiece there*

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 357

•was fche same lurking STaspicion and disfcriist of education
-and of fehe educated comnaunifcy which manifesfced fehem-
fle.lves after fehe Mufeiny of 1857, wifeh this difference that
while fche old servants of fche Oonapany, who were largely
Tesponsible for fche outbreak, were fchen kept well in
hand by superior British statesmanship, the servants
of the Crown forming an invincible bureaucracy now
got the upper hand ol that statesmanship, and under
more favourable auspices succeeded in completely re-
versing the policy of Government. It is not denied
that in certain directions the policy of 1904. has achiev-
ed remarkable progress, while at least one of the Uni-
versities has, under the guidance of a very capable and
energetic Vice-Ghancellor, aided by the philanthropy and
patriotism of some of its noblest products, well-nigh
risen to the rank of a teaching University of high
order ; but in the estimation of fche public, these solitary
ladvantages are completely overshadowed by fche sinis-
ter spirit of that policy which seeks to improve by
Teducfcion and foster by curtailment of education in a
country whose educational requirements are admittedly
«o vast and yet whose educational status is still indis-
putably so weak and miserable, compared with fche rest
of the civilized world. Under the policy of 1854 the
^Government, fully conscious of its own weakness, was
most anxious to supplement its efforts by offering all
possible encouragements to private enterprise ; bub
under the new policy of 1904 it assumed the full
control of education not only without making any
adequate provision for its progress, but by actually
rforging serious restrictions to its normal expansioQ

358 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

and development. If the earlier policy was purely
educational in its character, the later policy has been^
politico-educational in its essence as well as sub-
stance. Even the large subsides which it has in some
cases forced upon private bodies and individuals hava
been influenced rather by political than educational
considerations* If the redeeming features of such a^
policy have failed to commend themselves to the
appreciation of the people, it is more thedr misfortune
than their fault. The improvements effected in certain
directions are naturally re-garded in the light of the im-
provised Ohinese shoes for the improvement of Chinese-
beauty however maimed and crippled the subjects may
be under its painful operations.

The next important step, in the history of educa-
tion in the country, was the creation of a separate port-
folio of Education in 1910 with an independent
minister in charge of it. Although the Despatch of
1854 had established a separate Education Department}
for each of the provinces, it occupied a subordinate-
position where, in the words of Mr. Gokhale, " educa-
tional interests rubbed shoulders with jails and the-
police in the all-comprehensive change of the Home
Department." For the first time in 1910, Education
received its due recognition as an important and'
independent department of the State. But the fullest
results of the working of this department can hardly
be expected until it is released from the fetters^
of the policy of 1904. Sir Harcourt Butler's Educa-
tional Resolution of 1913 clearly emphasises the
necessity at least of a partial revision and relaxation o^'

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 359

thafc policy, and it is perfectly clear that if the creation
of a new ministry for education is to have any meaning,
the minister in charge must have a wider scope and
greater freedom of action than the policy of 1904: appa-
rently allows.

Lord Hardinge's scheme for the. establishmewt of
a residential and teac-hing University at Dacca is no
doubt a movement in the right direction if the pro-
posed University is to be conducted on the lines of the
Universities of Great Britain. But if it is to have any
territorial jurisdiction, however small, its usefulness
will be considerably reduced ; while if its standard in
any way becomes lowered, it is bound to act as a set-
back rather than as an impetus to the advancement of
high education in the country. The demand for high
education is so great in the country that both the
Hindus and the Mussalmans have come forward to
found two independent Universities of their own. Their
aim and scope have become the subject of considerable
speculation among the people; but these attempts
are a proof positive of the fact that the number of
Universities in the country is too small to satisfy the
demand of the people and that there is large room for
additional adjuncts for the advancement of high educa-
tion in the country.

The above is a short summary of the history of the
educational policy of British rule in India, the net
results of which up-to-date may now be briefly discuss-
ed. These results may broadly be considered under
three heads : (1) High Education, (2) Secondary Educa*
tlon, and (3) Primary or Elementary Education. The

360 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

first; and second may be taken together as the one ig
complimentary to the other. High education is imparted
under the control of five examining Universities of
which the first was established in Calcutta in 1857, the
second and third in Madras and Bombay in 1858,
the fourth at Lahore in 1882 and the fifth at Allahabad
in 1887. The five Universities between them com-
mand 128 Arts Colleges for males and JO Arts Colleges
for females. These Colleges are fed by 1,278 High Schools
for boys and 144 High Schools for girls. According
to the statements furnished by the Hon'ble Member
for Education in March, 1914, the number of scholars
in the 138 Arts Colleges (both {or males and females)
amounted in 1912-13 to 33,249, and the 1,422 High
Schools counted on their rolls a population of 446,697
pupils and students. As regards the products of the
five Universities it will be found, counting only once
graduates holding more than one degree, that the
Calcutta University has so far turned out about 21,000,
Bombay 3 2,000, Madras another 12,000 and the two
youngest Universities of Lahore and Allahabad, about
three to four thousand graduates in Art, Science,
Law, Medicine and Engineering. The total number
of graduates turned out by the five Universities
during the last 57 years does not, therefore, come up
even to 50,000. These figures standing by themselves
may not appear to be altogether inappreciable ; but
taken with the vast extent and population of a country
which, compared with the countries of Europe, with the
exception of Eussia, looms as large as a continent, they
become practically lost to the view. Taking the total

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 361

populatiion of the country under the last census at 255
millions, the percentage of scholars in Colleges, elinainat-
ing the odd figures on both sides, would be about '012.
and that of the students in the High Schools 174: per cent,
of the population ; while the percentage of graduates of
more than half a century hardly works upto '018 only.
This is the result of nearly 60 years' labours, and it has
to be noticed that the highest increase in high education
has been attained only in recent years. Now, in the face
of this stunted growth and slow progress of the country
in high education, can it be reasonably argued that the
time has arrived for the application of the pruning knife?
Pruning is good; but pruning before a plant has struck
deep its roots and sufficiently put forth superfluous off-
shoots and branches can only help in hastening its des-
truction. So it has been with high education in India.
With a total number of graduates which yields no per-
centage to the population until it is pursued down to two
places of decimal fraction, an alarm has been sound-
ed that the country is swamped by an army
of " discontented graduates" and that a remedy
must be provided against the yearly influx of these
disappointed place-seekers." To justify these retro-
grade movements, a responsible minister of the Gov-
ernment has openly enunciated a principle, which, in its
originality no less than in its boldness, bids fair to mark
a new departure in the history of the civilized world. It
-is confidently stated that "it is not in the interest of a
poor people to receive high education." It is gene-
irally recognised in all civilised societies that poverty
is no crime for which a special penalty need be provid-

362 IKDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

ed by any Government; ; while ife can hardly be dis-
puted, that nob many centuries ago, most of the advance-
ed countries in the West were as poor as, if not much
jioorer than, India and that it is only through the
falling off of education in the one case and advance-
ment in the other that their eoonomic conditions have
become reversed, Germany since her prostration at
Jena and France after her crushing defeat at Sedan
would not have been the Germany and France of to-day
but for the expansion and development of high educa-
tion, which made such rapid strides in these countries
since the disasters which overtook them alternate-
ly ; while the continued prosperity and strength oi
Great Britain are to be traced primarily to her Oxford
and Cambridge, Leeds and Bermingham, Edinburgh
and Glasgow, and Sandhurst and Woolwich. Poverty
and ignorance may be hand-maids to each other, but
they are neither inherent in nor inseparable accidents
of the climatic condition of a people : these are condi-
tions imposed upon a nation by the invasion of ignor-
ance or of superior knowledge and cul-ture. Besides,
it would be the barest pretension on the part of
any Government to evince such overwhelming anxiety
for its poor subjects as not to further impoverish
them by allowing them to have higher education without
making adequate provision for their employment.
Nobody expects the Government to make such a provi-
sion for a multitudinous population even on temporary
occasions of drought, famine or flood, and far less is it
reasonable to hope that Government should be able-
to absorb more than a very small percentage of th&

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 363

educated communifcy into its limited services. Edu-
cation has a value of its own, and even where it i»
not sought for its own sake, it somehow solves the
economic problem of its possessor. It may be use-
ful to remember that more than two-thirds of the
colleges and nearly four-fifths of the high schools
are private institutions, and where the people are so-
eager for education it is not for the State indirectly to
impede its progress even if it cannot directly contribute
towards its advancement.

The School Final Examination, which has already
been introduced in some of the provinces and is sought
to be introduced in others, is another standing menace
fco high education. It is already diverting a con-
siderable number of boys from the Universities under
the inducement of petty employments at small expense-
and is working a double mischief. As it is on the on&
hand weakening the colleges, so it is on the other hand
impairing the efficiency of the minor services. The
improvement of these services, which were at one time
notoriously corrupt and inefficient, has been the work
of generations during which the Government has
systematically raised the standard of educational quali-
fication and increased the value of the services, so that
it is now the pride of not a fdw of them to count among
their ranks graduates and under-graduates of the
Universities. To discount the value of education and
reverse the forward movement would be to undo a noble
work done and demoralize the services as well as the
people to no small extent. The people are afraid that^
with the restrictions already imposed on the expansion

364 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

of high educafeion and fche school final thrown in as a
sop to a poor people, acconapanied with a transfer' of
the power of recognition of the high schools fronoi the
Universities to the Education Departments of Govern-
ment, fche prospect of high education may be regarded
as sealed. Government has at no time like Japan or
'China either very materially helped or encouraged the
people in receiving higher education in foreign countries,
while signs are not wanting that even in the British
Universities, the Indian students are often regarded with
racial jealousy and spite. How intensely the serene
atmosphere of Education has become saturated with racial
and political considerations may be judged from the fact
that the colour bar still sharply divides even the educa-
tional Service into what are called Imperial and Pro-
vincial branches, and distinguished Indians whose fame
for original researches and discoveries in the domain of
•science has travelled to Europe and America are made to
wear the badge of this invidious distinction apparently
for no other otfence than the colour of their skira. Owing
to a most regrettable manifestation of lawlessness among
a certain class of misguided young men in the country,
into which immature school-boys were treacherously
decoyed in some places, the high schools have been
placed under a state of surveillance, the effect of which
is equally demoralising to the teachers as well as to the
taught. On the whole, the serenity of the educational
atmosphere has been disturbed, the growth and expan-
sion of colleges and high schools impeded, and the entire
^^ystem of education has been largeh subordinated to fche
political exigencies of fche State.

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 365^

As regards Primary or Elementary Education, the
subject was completely tbreshed out with remarkable
ability by Mr. G. K. Gokhale in connection with the-
famous Resolution which he moved in the Supreme^
Legislative Council in 1910 and the Elementary Edu-
cation Bill which, in the following year, he introduced
in the same Council. Himself a devoted educationist,
who voluntarily sacrificed his high material prospects ^
to his ardent love for education and a saintly politician
who to serve his country declined an unsolicited
honour for which many may be secreo candidates
and not a few would gladly sacrifice all that they
possess if they could only attain it, Mr. Gokhale dealt
with the subject so luminously and with such characteris-
tic force that his remarkable exposition drew the unstint-
ed admiration of the whole Council, while Sir Guy
Fleetwood Wilson, then Finance Minister, went so far as
to compare him with Mr. Gladstone in his mastery of
facts and marshalling of figures. Mr. Gokhale pointed'
out that in 1882 (the year of Lord Bipon's Education
Commission) there were 85,000 Primary Schools recog-
nised by the Department with about 2,150,000 pupils
attending these schools, which, with another 350,000
attending the unrecognised indigenous schools, gave a
total of 2,500,000 of boys and girls receiving elementary
education in the whole country at the time. That means-
that only 1*2 per cent, of the entire population were at
school in 1882. In 1910 the number of Primary Schools
rose to 113,000 and the number of pupils in recognised
schools to 3,900,000 which, with another 1,600,000
Attending unrecognised schools, made the figure stand at.

266 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

4,500,000 or only I'Q per cent, of the fcofcal population.
Speaking in 1910, Mr. Gokhale had necessarily to take
the census return of 1901 for the basis of his calculation ;
but if the population of 1910 had been available to him,
he could have shewn that this percentage was still less.
However that may be, we are now in a position to
consider the state of elementary education in the further
light of the census of 1911 and the Educational State-
ments of 1912-13 as furnished by the Member for
Education in March, 1914. According to these state-
ments, there are at present 113,955 primary schools
for boys and 13,694 schools for girls giving a total of
127,649 schools with a total strength of 5,261,493
boys and girls receiving instruction in these schools.
This works out to little over 2 per cent, of the entire
population. There has been some slight improvement
in the other provinces ; but in Bengal, the most
forward province in point of education, there has been a
steady falling off in mass education. Mr. Hornell's
Report for 1912-13 shows a loss of 513 schools with a
decrease of 17,292 boys and 2,974 girls among Hindus
and 5,421 boys and 1,588 girls among Mahomedans.
The proportion of pupils to children of school-going
^ge (reckoned at 15 per cent, of the population) is little
over 18 per cent. ; that is nearly five out of every six
children are allowed to grow up in ignorance. That is
how elementary education stands in the country after
150 years of British rule in India, and yet Mr, Gokhale's
modest Bill was thrown out with a few complimentary
platitudes.

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 367

Now, taking the total number of scholars in
public institutions of all grades (both for males and
females), the figures stand at 6,488,824, and the grand
total including unrecognised institutions amounts to
7,149,669. This gives a percentage of 2*8 to the
whole population of the country. This then is the net
result of more than half a century during which the
Crown has assumed the supreme control of education
and systematically tried to foster it. It took neaijy
thirty years to raise the percentage to 1'2 in 1882 and
it has taken another thirty years to increase it by 1'6
per cent, in 1913. Thus even with a normal increase
in population, this rate of educational progress in
the country must prove a veritable race between the
hare and the tortoise to enable the one to overtake
the other ; and how many generations must pass before
even half the ipopulation can be rescued from absolute
darkness ! Mr. Gokhale conclusively pointed out that
whebher it be the extent of literacy among the pupula-
tion, or the proportion of those autualiy under instruc-
tion, or the system of education adopted, India lags far
behind any other civilised country in the world. She
occupies a worse position than even the Philippine
Islands, which came under American rule only fifteen
years ago, and Oeylon and the principality of Baroda,
while the small State of Mysore may alse be shortly
expected to beat her in the race. According to the
last census, barley 7 per cenc. of the population of India
are literate, while in Bussia, the most backward of
European countries, the proportion of literates is more
than 25 per cent. In the Philippines the proportion

368 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

of children at; school ia 6 per cenfe. and in Ceylon ifc
is 6'6 per cent;, of the entire population : while in
India it is little over 2 per cent. only. In the State
of Baroda in the year 1912-13 about 80 per cent.
of the boys and 48 per cent, of the girls of school-
going age were at school, as against 28 per cent, of
boys and 5 per cent, of girls in Bricish India as shown
in the statement of March 1914 referred to above.
The Beport of Mr. Masani, Director of Public Instruc-
tion, Baroda, on the educational progress of the
State in 1913-14, reveals a sbill more remarkable
advance made in all branches of education. During
the year, as reported by the Bombay Chronicle, the
educational institutions of all descriptions in ttie
State rose from 3,045 to 3,088, the total number of
pupils attending them rose from 207,913 to 229,903
or an acquisition of 22,000 new pupils, which is a
remarkable record indeed for a single year for such a
small State as Baroda. Out of this total, 550 were in
the Arts Colleges, 8,079 in the secondary schools, and
the remaining 221,274 attending Primary Schools. Of
th-e total number of children, 147,413 were boys and
82,490 were girls. The number of Primary Schools
increased by 39 and the number of pupils attending
primary institutions by 21,680. The remarkable in-
crease in a single year was mainly due to the raising
during the year of the statutory age limit for boys to
14 aPd that for the girls to 12 and the statutory stand-
dard limit frdm the Fourth to the Fifth Standard.
The result of this reform has been that "fully 93*2 per
cent of the boys of the school- going age are attending.

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM, 369'

school to-day in Baroda," — a sbafce of things which
is far, far in advance of the conditions in British India^
or any of even the naost progressive States. The State
spent on education about 1'9 per cent, of the total
revenues, which must be pronounced to be a fair, or even
more than fair, proportion for spending on education^
What a sad commentary this to the state of things in
British India !

As regards the State expenditure on education, Mr.
Gokhale's statement showed that while Kussia spent
^id per head^of population, the Indian expenditure
was barely one penny. It must be admitted that in
recent years educational grants have been largely aug-
mented by the Government of India and the Education
Member's statement quoted above, gives the total expen-
diture on Education from all sources in 1912-13 at
Es. 9,02,09,000, which would out work at about 4:d
per head of the population, But with reference to this
large increase it has to be borne in mind, that it has
gone more towards the increase of inspecting establish-
ments, improvements of school buildings and subsidies
to existing institutions than to the increase of schools
and colleges or to other extension of existing facilities
for further development of education. The objects to
which the bulk of these increased grants have been
devoted may be perfectly legitimate ; but in a country
where education is at such low level, every available
income should be utilised more towards extension and
expansion of education than towards the supervision

of the inspecting staff and the improvement of
24

^370 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

'buildings, Indians are accustomed to receive instruc-
tions even under the open sky, sitting in the cool shade
of a village tree or temple ; and although a decent
and well-ventilated school house is always preferable,
India is in more urgent need of extended facilities than
of improved but limited accommodation for education.
Supervision is no doubt wanted''; but an army of
inspecting officers, out of all proportion to the number
of institutions and of the pupils, constantly in motion
recording statistics and indulging in criticisms, each
in support of his own fad, is a serious obstacle to real
progress if not a positive nuisance. The whole system
is working like a machinery without any life or spirit
to inspire it to a higher ideal or nobler aim ; while
underlying that system there seems to be a secret
dread of higher as well as universal education for the
people. Repeatedly has the Crown solemnly declared
its policy of trust and confidence in the people and its
earnest desire to sweeten their homes with the bles-
sings of education, and at no time perhaps was such
declaration marked by greater solemnity or inspired by
more profound solicitude for the true well-being of the
teeming millions of this vast country than when in
December 1911, His Gracious Majesty George V
announced from the Durbar Throne at Delhi, the
choicest of his boons — the grant of 50 lakhs of rupees
for the education of his Indian subjects. Unfortun-
ately, however, whether it be the fault or misfortune of
India, the veil of suspicion and distrust has never
been wholly removed from her administration. Even
conceding for argument's sake that there are dark

THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. 371

»corDer8 here and there requiring to be carefully watched,
it is clearly the duty of a wise Government to clear
thena up by throwing in more light than to deepen the
gloom by withdrawing all light from them. Education
is certainly to the body-politic what light and air are to
living organism. With the increase of education the
Indians will no doubt clamour for greater rights and
privileges ; but with the growth of education they are
also bound to grow in their intelligent attachment to the
British connection. It is the educated community which
has a correct appreciation of British rule, which is in a
^position to form a comparative estimate of the relative
strength, status and genius of other civilized Govern-
ments, and however unsparing or disagreeable its com-
ments and criticisms at times may be, it is this commu-
nity alone which can and does weigh the serious conse-
quences of a change of hands in the Government of the
country. It is the dictates of self-interest — the highest
of impulses in human naOure — which draw the educated
Indians towards the British connection. Theirs may
not be love and loyalty in the sense in which an
English man loves England and is loyal to her:
but it is through the British connection that educat-
ed India aspires to rise in the scale of civilized
nations and rank herself as a component part of
the Empire, united by common ties of partner-
ship and consolidated into a federation with the other
units of that Empire on terms of equal rights and
responsibilities of British citizenship. She aims not
at separation but union, not at indepehdence but amal-
gamation. She indeed wants to throw off the badge of %

372 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Dependency but only to be ranked as a Donainion of the>»
Brifcish Crown. Education is the only cement of that
union, and if ever a crisis comes it will then be recognised
how valuable an asset education is to British rule in
India.

Nor can the Indian National Congress have a
nobler aim or a higher destiny than the educational
regeneration of the multitudinous population, whose-
interest and well-being it seeks to represent. Edu-
cation is the problem of problems before it, and if
the Congress can satisfactorily solve this one problem,,
the other problems will solve out themselves in no
time. It is the main engine which gives motion to
all the other wheels, and according as it moves backward
or forward, the entire machinery is bound to have either
a retrograde or progressive motion. With the engine
reversed, neither wind nor tide, however favourable, will
enable the nation to reach its destination. It is neither
a dream nor a phantom that is alluring Educated and
New India ; it is the glorious vision of a reality that ins-
pires her in the evolution which has already set in and
is silently shaping her destiny in the noiseless march o&
Time.

CHAPTEE XXIIL

INDIAN RENAISSANCE.

Although ifc has been found somewhat dijBficuIfc to
tgive a precise definition of Renaissance, it has been
aptly and significantly described as the spring-time
of a nation's life. However different may be their dura-
tions, as well as their intensities, in differect latitudes
«,nd longitudes, every civilized nation has its budding
spring, its bright summer, its leafless autumn and its
•frosty winter. Again the description is also quite
apposite in as much as the evolution of the world has
not followed from the dawn of creation in one uninter-
rupted line of progress ; but it has spun out itself
in cycles of revolutions which have come and gone like
waves of seasonal changes. The absurd hypothesis of
'Christian speculation which assigned to creation a brief
age of only four thousand years has long been
-exploded even by Western scientific investigations, and
it is now almost universally admitted that there were
ancient civilizations which, having repeatedly attained
a much higher elevation than many of the modern
European States, had as often to pass through their
autumn and winter, leaving their treasures hurried under
the debris of a ruined past unknown to later ages, or
ruthlessly destroyed by the rushing tides of ignorance
and barbarism which have again and again flooded the
world and enveloped her in the abyss of darkness. Egypt,
darthage, Assyria, Phenoecia and Persia — all had their

374 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

palmy days ; while the Celestial Empire, possessing the-
greatest longevity among the living nations of the-
earth, has undergone a succession of revolutions during
a period within which the world has witnessed the
meteoric rise and fall of hundreds of smaller nations on
her surface. In Europe, Platonism was succeeded by
the barren subtleties of the schoolmen, which were in
their turn overthrown by Eoman civilization, which
shed its lustre over the entire old world for centuriea
until the great Empire itself was over-run by Teutonic
and Celtic barbarism. Then there followed a dark and
dismal period gradually developing into what is now
known as the Middle Ages with its feudalism, its
knight-errantry, its papacy and its monasteries, until
the Reformation came before whose dawning light
the 'misty twilight of the Middle Ages slowly faded
away. It was the commencement of modern Euro-
pean Renaissance, and since then Europe has step.
by step risen to the pinnacle of her material greatness
and established her supremacy over the four continents-
of the habitable globe. She has no doubt long passed
her vernal equinox ; but whether the shadows of autumn
have begun to fall upon her, or she has yet to pursue
a longer summer course to attain the solstitial altitude
of her greatness, time and events alone can prove..
She has, however, evolved through Science a system
of materialism, the resources of which seem to be
almost inexhaustible, and as spiritualism appears to play
such an insignificant part in this evolution, it seems
extremely problematical if her attention will be readily
directed to a higher evolution of her destiny until she?

INDIAN RENAISSANCE* 375^

is overfcaken in her mad bub majesfeic career by some
cafcastrophe which will open her eyes to fehe yawning
gulf which lies immediately below the lofty precipice^
upon which she has taken her stand.

India of all ancient countries has passed through-
vicissitudes of changes perhaps unparalleled in the-
history of mankind. She has, in her evolution, under-
gone strange transformations through cycles of ages of
which there is hardly any authentic or chronological?
record besides such as may be gleaned through the^
pages of her vast and ancient literature and the silent
testimony of her widely-scattered stone monuments.
Beginning with the sublime revelations of the Upa-
nishads and ending with the profound philosophy of
the Geeta, it covered a glorious period of Aryan civili-
sation. After the great War of Kuiukshetra, India
was over-run by barbarism and her high civiliza-
tion was almost wiped out by successive waves of
vandalism such as in later years dismembered the
Koman Empire. She again reared her head and attain-
ed the highest summit of her material grandeur during
the Buddhistic period, when her imperial sway not
only influenced the Asiatic continent, but also ex-
tended beyond the seas. It was the Augustan period
of Indo- Aryan civilization. Her arts and commerce
travelled far and wide, while her culture and civiliza-
tion attracted to her courts Greek historians from the
West and the Chinese travellers from the East. She
was at this period the Queen of the habitable globe.
But after nearly four centuries of her undiminished

376 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

splendour, she had to suffer another relapse during
which she gradually again sunk into the depths of a
terrible degeneration, losing all her arts and sciences,
her culture and civilization. It was at this period that
a decadent people, unable to naaintain its pristine
greatness, began, like the schoolmen in Europe, to
revel in dogmas, absurd theories, crudities and sub-
tleties, which, in absence of any chronological accu-
racy, were in latter years jumbled up with the higher
civilization of an earlier age. All this furnished easy
and ostensible grounds for the ill-informed, hasty and
egotistic antiquarians of the West summarily to dispose
of one of the highest civilizations the world has ever
attained as being only a confused conglomeration of
dreamy ideas, phantasies, visions, inconsistencies, ab-
surdities and monstrosities and to characterize the pro-
foundest philosophy that human mind has yet evolved
as ** the babblings of child humanity." The object of
these remarks, however, is not either to establish the
superiority of ancient Indian civilization or to encour-
age vanity in a useless retrospect of its vanished
glories. They are intended only to draw attention to
the fact that the evolution of the world is not marked
by one continuous line of progress in which each suc-
cessive step has been an advance over the past ; but
that it has been the result of a succession of alternate
changes not unlike its diurnal course passing through
darkness to light and light to darkness. India has not
been an exception to this universal law of nature : She
too had gone through several such revolutions before
she came in contact with Western civilization for her

INDIAN RENAISSANCE. 377

<thircl or fourfch re-birfeh in fehe evolution of her nafcional

Modern Indian Eenaissance naay be said to have
oommenced from the time of Rammohun Roy. As in
the morning of the world light travelled from the East
to the West, so towards the beginning of the last
■ century the returning light began to proceed from
the West to the Bast. The present Renaissance of
India is essentially a product of Western civiliza-
tion. Every Renaissance has several aspects, — religious,
social, literary, economic and political. Rammohun
Roy primarily took up the first three for his pro-
gramme. The first he attempted to build upon the
sacred scriptures of the ancient Hindus, while the
second and the third he would construct upon the
model of modern Europe. Bub his one great idea was
to ingraft and not to supplant. In the task of
religious reformation he was closely followed by the
saintly Maharshi Devendranath Tagore, Keshab
Chandra Sen and Dayanand Saraswati, the founder of
the Arya Samaj ; while on the social and the educa-
tional sides his mantle fell upon the renowned Pundit
Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar, Prosonno Coomar Tagora,
Mahomed Moshin, Sir Syed Ahmed? Roychand Prem-
chand, Bal Gangadhar Sastri, Gopal Row and many
other distinguished men who, in quick succession, took
up and advanced the great master's work. But the
Educational Renaissance was firmly established in
the country with the creation of the Universities in
1857-58, which, besides imparting Western knowledge,
were largely instrumental in reviving the Vernacular

378 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

languages and afcimulafcing literary acfcivifeies of remarkable'
vitality and fecundity. The economic or industrial
Eenaissance may be said to date from the time of the'
American Civil War when, as has aire ady been
stated, Bombay made a dashing attempt to turn^
the cotton crisis of the world to her advantage. She
at first no doubt paid the penalty of her wreckless-
misadventure ; but the energies of a renovated people
succeeded in shortly rehabilitating their equilibrium
and inaugurating an epoch of industrial enterprise^
which has seized the popular mind throughout the
country. Madras, Bengal and the Punjab have all;
awakened to a full consciousness of the economic pros-
tration of the country and each in her own way is strug-
gling to revive her trade and industry into fresh life and
activity. The progress so far achieved may not be much'
but the spirit evoked and the energies roused without;
the legitimate support of the State are sufficiently en-
couraging for a period of healthy and vigorous Eenais-
sance.

The political Eenaissance of modern India is of
later growth. Although clearly foreshadowed by the
unerring vision of the great reformer of Modern India,
and heralded by a number of political evangelists
among whom may be mentioned men like Eamgopal
Ghose, Hurrish Chandra Mukherjee, Kristodas Pal,.
Digumbar Mitter, Juggonauth Sunkersett and Naoroji*
Furdoonji, that Eenaissance did not clearly dawn until
the birth of the Indian National Congress. The
Congress has, as has already been pointed out, awaken-
ed a new consciousness in the country, united ita.

INDIAN RENAISSANCE. 379'

scattered units, infused into them a new life and spirit,,
generated new forces and evolved a nationality out of
a chaos. The Gospel it has preached has becomq^ the •
accepted creed of a country ten times the size of
France and containing five times the population of
Great Britain and Ireland. Whatever the future
destiny of the country may be, there can be no deny-
ing of the fact that it has roused a slumbering people
from the torpor of ages, opened out to their astonished
gaze the world's panoramic progress towards Liberty,
Equality and Fraternity, and sounded the trumpet-call
to them to join in the march for a fair share in the
common heritage of mankind.

At this momentous period of transition, there are
not a few dangers and difficulties which cannot be too
carefully watched, nor too zealously guarded against.
At a time of regeneration the fresh energies and the
new impulses of a renovated people have in the
exuberance of a new consciousness a tendency to
run to excesses. Impatient idealism sharpens the
imagination and soaring ambition warps the judg-
ment of youthful minds. There are no more hidden
rocks or drifting icebergs in the ocean than in the
wide expanse of the political field. The slightest
deviation from the charted line may gradually lead
to the widest divergence in its course and ultimately
end in disasters to even the stoutest national life.
Unfortunately, however, at this early period of her
Eenaissance, India was not able completely to avoid
the shock of this impatient idealism. From" whatever
causes it may be, an ugly development manifested itselfv

^80 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

in the country when a few bands of misguided young
fanatics got out of hand, ran amock and gave way to
violence and dastardly outrages. It was the spirit of
anarchism imported along with many other commodities
from the West. Like the mythical Bmpedocles, these
political fanatics rashly attempted to leap into the flame
in the false delusion of being returned to the gods, little
reckoning that the gods in their wrath were capable of
drawing the entire people to the crater and throwing
them into the consuming fire. If they really had any
political object in view they apparently overlooked the
fact, that history does not present a single instance
where a righteous cause has ever been advanced by un-
righteous methods, and that, either anarchism, or nihilism
has anywhere succeeded in achieving its desired end.
These pests of society and avowed enemies of order and
progress in the country were, however, promptly dug
out like rats from their dens and their gangs broken up
though not- without considerable damage done to the
country and the people who innocently suffered in the
•operation. There are now only the scattered remnaafca
of these secret organisations which still haunt the
people like plague and pestilence which die hard wherever
they once find their way.

Without entering into any unprofitable discussion
about the genesis of this pestilential development, or
-indulging in any apportionment of the responsibility
•between the Government and the people, it may be
^permissible to express some regret for the attitude
which the bureaucracy still maintains towards the
^perfectly legitimate political movement in the country

INDIAN RENAISSANCE. 38i?

and the eagerness with which it seizes every oppor-
tunity to cry it down by ingenuously associating it with
this ugly development. An official communique, a
gubernatorial speech and a general administration
report — all find in it a target for criticism and a wide
mark for its indiscriminate fling. Recently a com-
mittee of civilians was appointed to advice GoTernment
upon its pre-arranged plan of partitioning some of
the bigger districts in the re-united province of Bengal,.
The Committee's report does not contain a single
suggestion which was not a foregone conclusion, or
which throws any new light on the administrative
problems of the country ; but this District Administra-
tion Committee, as it was styled, has made quite an
original discovery that anarchism was confined to the
Hindus. What secret satisfaction they derived from
this ethnological analysis, or what connection it had
with the geographical boundaries of a few districts, it
is not possible for the outside public to discover ; but
the propriety of raking up the dying embers of a contro-
versy which was supposed to have been long buried may
be seriously questioned. True statesmanship nobody
expects from an old and effete bureaucracy of the kind
and quality as is established in India ; but an exercise of
bare common sense and discretion would have disclosed
not only the absurdity, but also the mischievous cha-
racter, of such a generalization. Because a handful of
fanatics at one time and under a peculiar circum-
stance belonged to a particular community, therefore
that kind of fanaticism is the characteristic of that
community, is a piece of logic which will probably be

382 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

diffioulti for any other people outside the Indian Civil
Service easily to swallow. Then was it historically true
that anarchism in India was confined to the Hindus
who had unfortunately fallen on evil times and upon
evil tongues? Without intending in the least to cast
the slighest reflection on any community, it may be
pointed out that the first assassin who drew his dagger
against a popular Chief Justice in the country was not
a Hindu, nor the yet more desperate ^miscreant who
assassinated a noble Viceroy. The Rye House Plot
and the story of Guy Fawkes are matters of history,
and were not three abortive attempts made within
living memory even on the sacred life of the most vir-
tuous Queen that ever adorned the British Throne?
It is apparently overlooked that these anarchists in
fact belong to no country, nationality or community.
They are a race which stands by itself and is the
common enemy of humanity throughout the world.
^ They are monster-births and, whether owing to any
abnormal condition in their phrenological structure, or
any convolutions of their brains, they 'belong fco the
destructive elements of nature. The deadly spirit may
have travelled from the West to the East ; but these
scourges of society are neither Europeans or Asiatics, nor
Bengalees or Mahrattas. They are neither American,
nor Italian, nor Indian in their origin. The Indian anar-
chist belongs to the same stock to which the murderers
of Garfield, Lincoln and Sadi Carnot belonged, and it
would be positively as unfair to brand the Hindus, or
the Bengalees and the Mahrattas, with anarchism as
to charge the Christians, or the Americans and the

INDIAN RENAISSANCE. 383

Jfcalians, with its. Civilized humanity in all ages and
in all countries has positively refused to recognise the
j^jinship and brotherhood of secret murderers and dast-
ardly assassins, and no men probably have greater
reasons than the Indian public to deplore the present
•situation which has not only cast a deep stain on their
national character, but has also considerably reduced
the security of their lives and properties and, above all,
^cruelly blasted the splendid opportunities which they
had created with patient labours and sacrifices of a com-
plete generation for the orderly progress and development
•of their national life; and those who lavishly indulge in
indiscreet and light-hearted criticisms of that situation,
wounding the feelings and alienating the people, simply
-add insult to injury without serving any useful purpose
-either to the administration or towards the proper solu-
ftion of that situation.

But if the people have their grievances they can-
not divest themselves of the responsibility which
belongs to them in helping the administration for
effectively eradicating the evil which has secured such
•a pestilential foothold in the country. There have
been enough of complaints and protestations on both
•aides. The authorities have not been tired of accus-
ing the public of apathy, indifference and want of
•co-operation, while the public have not been either
slow or remiss in charging the authorities with want
of sympathy, trust and confidence. Wherever the true
line of demarcation may lie, it ought not to be at all
difficult in laying down a via media where both sides
may meet half way. The Government has certainly a

384 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

right fco expecfc co-operation from the people ; but the-
people have also a just claim to the ways and means
which Government alone can supply towards successful
co-operation. The people must be treated as useful
adjuncts of the administration before they can be
expected to co-operate for its success. Take the case of
lawlessness which has become the ground of universal
complaint. It is as ridiculous on the part of the authori-
ties to urge the public to face armed gangs of desperate
assassins and robbers with bows, arrows, brickbats and
other primitive weapons of defence, as it would be
extravagant on the part of the public to ask Government
to divest itself of all legitimate control over the adminis-
tration. A reasonable relaxtion and not the abrogation of
the very stringent provisions of the Indian Arms Act seems
to be urgently demanded by the exigencies of the situation.
There are obvious objections to the granting of free and
unrestricted licences to all people, and no reasonable man
could ask for such a free hand in the matter. What,
however, seems to be necessary is a reasonable modifi-
cation and relaxation of the very strict rules under
which licences are so very sparingly granted only to an
extremely limited number of the people and that under
conditions which practically operate as a wholesale
disarmament of the public. But there seems to be no
disposition either on the part of Government or of
the authorities to treat the question with any degree
of consideration. Real co-operation is begotten of
mutual trust and confidence. It can never be the
product of one-sided activity, nor can it be manu-
factured to order. It seems as absurd to try to extort

INDIAN RENAISSANCE. 385

hearty co-operation where there is no conciliation, as
an attempt to extract honey out of a hornet's nest.
Probably what the Government really wants is not co-
operation, but passive submission. All the same, the
people are bound to reckon with the existing condition of
things and try to make the best of the slender opportuni-
ties presented to them to help the administration. In all
their trials and tribulations, vexations and disappoint-
ments, let them beware of desperate thoughts and let New
India at this renaissance always remember that with all
the progress they have made they have yet to travel very
long distances through dreary moors and arid deserts before-
the promised land can be in their sight and that the path
is not free from the treacherous ignis fatuus or the delusive-
mirage which can neither guide them to their proper destin-
ation, nor afford them any shelter or relief, but can only
tempt them to danger and disaster.

There is another danger which requires careful
circumspection at this period of Renaissance. The
current of a rising national life, like that of a river,
generally seeks its old bed. Every revivalism has a
tendency to revert to old institutions and every nation
that has a past tries to rebuild ifcs future on the ruins-
of its departed greatness. This tendency has generally
the effect of introducing the good with the bad, tha
pure with the baser metal, infeo the composition of a^
revived national life. The temptation is too greac
and the tendency too strong, and a conservative
reaction has burst upon this country with all the force
and impetuosity of youthful imagination. It would be
absurd to claim perfection for any system of civilization.
25

886 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Besides, in India, suQcessive revolufcions have afc dif-
lerenti fcimes introduced different forms of thought,
observances, and practices, and all that should not be
allowed to go down as the expression of the highest
Indian culture and enlightenment. No attempt to
revive all these dirts and filths of a dark and dismal
period under ingenuous explanations and interpretations
can by any means further the cause of progress or be
credited to true patriotism. These attempts may feed
vanity and pander to the boast of ancestry ; but can
never conduce to legitimate pride or true national ad-
vancement. On the contrary, such a frame of mind
may run riot and serve to create a distaste for fresh
investigation and a contempt for superior intelligence.
At the present momentous period of transition, this
tendency to reproduce the past without any amend ment
appears to have been very excessive, and people are not
wanting who would fain revive many of the objectionable
practices which have grown like parasites round the
civilization of the ancients and give currency to many a
counterfeit in the great demand that has arisen for old
coins in the country. Nothing should honestly be
done to counteract the influence of the new spirit
which has not only opened oat the political vision
of a long disenfranchised people and inaugurated
industrial enterprise in an exhausted and impoverished
agricultural country, bat also silently worked out a
revolution in their social organisation under the spell
of which even the old hide-bound caste system has
become considerably relaxed and the orthodox pre-
judices of a conservative people are rapidly crumbling

INDIAN EENAISSANOB. 387

to pieces. Where the dead body of a Tili youth could
he carried for cremation on the shoulders of Brahmins,
Vaidyas and Kayasthas in a procession of thousands of
people eager to do honour to real or supposed martyr-
'dom and to defeat the last indignity of the law, the
depth and intensity of the force of the new spirit
may be easily conceived, and it would be neither wise
nor patriotic to suppress or divert this rising spirit.
Prejudices are said to die hard ; but they often die
violent death in the hands of those who have long
^harboured them.

There is another class of people who in their
imperfect knowledge of the world seem to believe that
all the discoveries of modern sciences and arts were
anticipated by the ancients. They are ready to prove
that .electricity, magnetism, steam-engine and even
wireless telegraphy and aerial navigation were not
^uite unknown to the ancient Hindus. In fact, in
their fertile imagination they are able to trace every
invention, as it is advertised, to the genius of their
-mythical ancestors. But what avail these academic
disquisitions when we have to learn these mysteries
■of nature either from the past or the present, unless
their aim and object, as well as their tendency, be
^to stimulate our energies to a fresh acquisition of
their knowledge and use ? There are irrefragable
<evidences that in certain branches of knowledge both
the Hindu and Islamic culture had at one time attain-
ed a high level of perfection. If, in some branches of
useful knowledge, they had few their equals and none
iheir superiors in the ancient world, it can by no meana

388 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

be a reflecfcion on their genius that thousands of year&-
after them, other people have added to the stock:
of human knowledge and made fresh acquisitions in^
the domain of applied sciences. The higher philosophy
of life evolved by the ancients still remains unexplored^
by modern culture, while many of their arts are admit-
ted to have been lost. It is the world's evolution
in course of which yet higher culture and nobler
civilization must be the heritage of unborn ages. If we-
are really anxious to elevate ourselves and participate
in the world's progress, we must think more of the
present and the future than of the past. A legitimate
pride of ancestry is no doubt a noble source of inspira-
tion : but no nation can be truly great only in the blinds
worship of a great past.

On the other hand, any attempt to Europeanize
India would be a great disaster and a failure. Herbert
Spencer's advice to the Japanese applies with equal, if-
not greater, force to the Indians. Every great nation
has a genius of its own, and its renovation to be
permanent and effective must be based upon that
genius. Materials may be imported from other
sources and knowledge gathered from other people;
but BO nation can be recast in an altogether new
mould. Man is no doubt an imitative creature ; but
imitation without assimilation produces a kind of
mental and moral indigestion which gradually impairs
and ultimately breaks down the national constitution.
It is physically impossible for one people to divest itself
of its esseniiial characteristics and completely assimilate
those of another— born » bred and brought up under

INDIAN BENAISSANCB. 389

^different; climatic condifeions, nurtured for centuries on
^different modes of thoughts, ideas and sentiments and
acclimatized for ages to a different moral, intellectual
and social atmosphere. Nature itself would be opposed
to such a transformation. Foreign dress and style
■may be adopted, certain habits and manners may be
changed, and even some outlandish forms and fashions
may be cultivated ; but it is no more possible to change
the character of a people completely than to evolve
•quite a new species of animal out of a different one
by any process of culture. Besides, even European
testimony is not wanting, that Western civilization,
with all its recommendations, has failed in many respects
particularly on the social and moral sides, and India
•cannot wholly profit by a radical transformation even if
it were possible. No doubt that which is really good in
^European civilization and particularly those virtues
which have made Europe what it is at the present day
-ought to be cultivated by our people ; but they must be
ingrafted on our national genius and made to grow on
our ancient civilization. It is only those characteristics
of Western culture which are of universal application
and those traits of Western civilization which can be
properly assimilated into our national system that are
deserving of our closest attention, and we cannot be too
-careful in sifting the grain from the chaff and the metal
from the dross in all our importations from the West,
Above all, in our craze for the cheap chemical manu-
ifactures of European civilization, let us not throw away
4ihe real gold that is in our own system because it does
<Dot possess the lustre of a finished article.

390 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

The present is no doubfc the age of European?
supremacy, and in the wheel of fortune that has been-
incessantly turning round since the dawn of tha
world's civilization, Europe has admittedly come ta-
occupy the uppermost position to-day and everything
bearing the hall-mark of European civilization has
therefore a charm and attraction for the rest of the-
world. But where European civilization has admittedly
f^iiled to satisfy the highest claims of human nature
and in cases where even Europeans themselves, in the
midst of their superior culture and enlightenment, have
come to realise and proclaim the failure of their insti-
tutions as a means to human progress and happiness, it
would be a grievous mistake for the Indians to discard
even that which is good in their own system and
blindly adopt a garb which the Europeans themselves-
after a fair trial would fain throw away. The true
European is neither in the dress nor in the colour of
the skin ; nor yet in his manners and customs ; but in
those qualities of the head and heart which have made
him what he is. These virtues are no monopolies o^
any climate, or new acquisition to humanity, but the-
common natural heritage of mankind which, in the
usual vicissitudes of time, have passed away from the
East to the West. It is these virtues which should be
cultivated, fostered and assimilated in our own system^-
where, ingrafted on the spirituality of that system, they
are bound to evolve a higher and nobler civilization
not only for the regeneration of a fallen race, but also as
a further step in advance towards that co-ordination of
the Mind, Matter and Spirit which is so essential for the^

THE AIM AlHD GOAL OF THE CONGRESS. 391

establishment of true Liberty, Equality and Fraternity
throughout the civilized world.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE AIM AND GOAL OF THE CONGRESS.
Again and again it has been asked both by friends
as well as critics, — what is the ultimate goal of th&
Indian National Congress and what is the final destiny
of India which it seeks to attain ? Does the Congress
aim at sovereign independence for India, or does it seek
to secure only adequate peace, security, justice and pros-
perity for the people as a permanent subject race? What
there may be in the womb of invisible time and in the
dispensation of an inscrutable providence no one can fore-
tell : but again and again has the Congress declared in
no uncertain voice, that neither the one nor the other is
its final object in view. The real aim of the Congress is
to attain Self-Government within the Empire and tha
destiny of India which it professes to secure is a great
Federal Union under the aegis of the British Crown, — the
establishment of a United States of India as an indepen-
dent unit and an equal partner of the British Empire.
With a truly representative legislative assembly for each
province, from which the lion's share by nomination shall
be wholly excluded, and with a popular Executive-
Council, not an autocratic official hierarchy which once
created at once becomes the unaccountable and irresisti-
ble master of the situation, but a representative Council

1?92 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

strictly responsible to and controlled by the legislative
tissembly, dealing freely and independently with their
respective provincial concerns, the establishment of st
federal Parliament holding the reins of the supreme
Government by and for the people under the suzerainty
of Great Britain is the ideal which the Indian nation-
alist cherishes with pious hope and confidence. It is in
this hope and confidence that he lives, works and
suffers, and it is this hope and confidence which bear
bim up in the great struggle into which he has deliber-
ately plunged himself and solemnly committed his
posterity.

There have been " birds of evil presage " who have
often shaken their heads and gravely observed that the
idea is a dream and an impossibilifcy. But they appa-
rently forget that there can be no dream without a
substratum of reality behind it and that the history of
the world bears repeated testimony to the fact that the
dream of one age has been the reality of another. The
Eoman Empire must have been a dream when Eomulus
built his mud walls on the Palatine Hill, and was not
the British Empire also a dream when the Anglo-Saxon
Barons wrested the Magna Charta from an unwilling
English sovereign on the field of Runneymede ? If more
than a dozen principalities of Germany, with all their
differences of laws, customs, constitutions and even of
■dialects, could, after centuries of internecine strife and
struggle coalesce and form into one of the strongest powers
in modern times; if Canada inhabited by a people of
Erench, Dutch and British descent could constitute a self-
governing dominion in the new world ; if the Boer and the

THE AIM AND GOAL OF THE CONGRESS. 393

Triton could, even after a sanguinary conflict;, esfcablish
a Union Government in the dark continent ; and, why
go further, if England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland,
with their distinct and different nationalities, could after
centuries of mutual jealousies and conflicts be blended
into one Kingdom, perhaps the mightiest in the world,
then is there any insurmountable difficulty why India
— India of the Hindus, Mussalmans and Parsis —
cannot be brought into a federation under a com-
mon rule ? The Indian people have a common
interest and are guided by common aspirations. In
each province they already form an autonomous
•entity and there is no reason why, with further
spread of education, development of national ideas,
growth of patriotic sentiments and the cultivation of
mutual trust and confidence, they cannot form into a
harmonious, if not a homogeneous, whole. If the ques-
tion of Ulster can be solved, as it will be solved, by a
grant of Home Eule within Home Rule, the solution of
the Indian problem cannot be regarded as beyond the
region of practical politics.

The British Empire itself is a mighty federation '
of diverse peoples, and a strong tide has already set
in for the autonomous and independent development
of its component parts. It is in this far-sighted,
vigorous policy that the British constitution proposes
to differentiate itself from the Roman Empire and
build itself upon a firmer basis. Once the Irish Home
Rule is effected, the grant of Home Rule for Scotland,
Wales and even England cannot be long deferred. If
the whole of the Empire be thus spilt up into its separate

394 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

autonomous units, can ife be reasonably contended
that India alone will remain to a distant day a common
pasture for the rest of Empire ? And then io which of
the three parent states, supposing Home Kule is
granted also to England, Scotland and Wales, will
India form an appendage ? It must cease to be a khas
mehal of all if it is to cease to be such to any one of
them. If the immobility of the present stiff bureaucracy
once breaks down and the short-sighted policy of
divide- et-impera fails, as it is bound to fail at no-
distant date, the blind superstition about the so-called
eternal difference between the East and the West
will be dissipated and the federation of British India
under one union parliament will no longer appear as a
nightmare in a dream. And what a glorious federation
it would be, more glorious than South Africa and
Australia and even more glorious than the Dominion of
Canada, when with the vast and almost illimitable
resources which she has at her command and with the
inspiriting tradition which is behind her teeming millions
to guide and stimulate their renovated energies, India-
' would march towards the consummation of her destined
goal to the eternal triumph of Justice and Truth, as well
as to the glory of England.

Bombay, the cradle of modern Indian industries^
and enterprise and the gate to the world's commerce*
with the East ; the obscure island city, the gift of a
marriage dower of a foreign princess, which within two
hundred years has, from the collection of a few fishing^
hamlets, risen to the proud position of the " Star of th&
East," and which, with its magnificent harbour and its-

THE AIM AND GOAL OF THE CONGRESS, 395^

Splendid lagoons and causeways, is stronger than Boston
and more beautiful than Venice ; the presidency which-
is the honae of the wealthy Bhatia and the enterprising
Guzerati, of the adventurous Parsi and the intellectual
Mahratta and is justly proud of Poona, the centre of
Mahratta activity and the capital of the Peshwas, of
Surat, " the treasury " of the immortal Shivaji, of
Ahmedabad, the industrial centre of the " garden of
Western India " and of Karachi, the glory of Sindh and
the future emporium of India, as also the probable
terminus of the Trans-Persian Kailway connecting the
East with the West; Bombay of Jamsetji Nusservanj Tata,
Jamestjee Jeejaebhoy, Naorojee Furdoonji, Mangaldas
Nathubhoy and Juggonath Sunkarsett ; Bombay of
Dadabhai Naoroji, Kashinath Trimbak Telang, Budruddin
Tyabji, Pherozeshah Mencharjee Mehta and Dinshaw
Edulji Wacha ; of Mahadev Govinda Kanade, Gopal
Krishna Gokhale, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Ibrahim Bahim-
tullah, Behramji Malabari, Ramakrishna Bhandarkar^.
Narayan Ganesh Chandavarkar, Balchandra Krishna,
R. P. Paranjpye and last not least Bombay of Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi, the liberator of Indian Settlers in
South Africa, — where can you find a province and a
people so rich, so industrious, so practical,. so patriotic
and so philanthropic ?

If the Congress was born in Bombay and met ita-
grave at Surat, it attained its resurrection in Madras —
Madras where the first light came from the West ; where
in modern times the Dutch, the French and the English
contested for supremacy in India and where the first

:396 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Brifeish flag was planfced within an enclosed factory builfc
upon the first territorial possession of England in India
and christened as Fort St. George ; sober and steady
Madras , — Madras, the home of Ramanuja and Sankara
and the land of temples and sanctuaries ; Madras of
'Sir Salar Jung and Sir T. Madhava Rao, of Pachyappa
Mudaliar and Gopal Rao, of Bhashyam Iyengar,
Subramania Iyer, Ananda Charlu, Subba Rao, Krishna-
swami Iyer, Sankaran Nair, Syed Mahomed,
Sabapathi Mudaliar, Veeraraghava and Vijayaraghava
Achariar, of Sivalai Ramaswami Mudaliar and of G.
Subramania Iyer who turned the first sod on the Con-
gress soil by moving the first Resolution of the first
Congress; — where can you find a people at once so
devoted and unostentatious, so firm and resolute, so
• cautious, yet so steadfast and untiring in its onward step ?
The Punjab, the sacred land of the five rivers, the
ancient home of the Aryan settlers where the pilgrim
fathers came chanting the Vedas and carrying the first
implements of civilization in the early morning of this
world ; Punjab of Guru Nanak and Guru Govind
Singh who first preached the gospel of unity and
fraternity in modern India, and organised a wonderful
brotherhood, combining religion with politics ; the
Punjab of the brave Pathans and the valiant 8ikhs ;
Punjab of Prithwi Raj and the lion-hearted Runjeefc
Singh, of Sirdar Dayal Singh Mejhatia, Lala Lajput
Rai, Lala Murlidhar and Mahomed Ali ; Punjab of
Kurukshettra and Panipat, of Indraprastha and Delhi,
of Amritsar and Taxila ; Punjab of the Gurukul and the
-Arya Samaj which have created a revolution in modern

THE AIM AND GOAL OF THE CONGKESS. 397'

Hindu society and for the first; fcime broken fche charmed
circle of an ancient exclusive religious organisation and
evolved out of it a wide and comprehensive proselytising
movement, reviving, as it were, the inspiration of the^
long lost treasures of the Vedic times ; Punjab hoary
with her ancient glories and bearing testimony to therise^
and fall of countless dynasties ; — where is to be found
such a cradle of the brave and the true ?

The United Provinces of Oudh and Agra contain-
ing the holy city of Benares, older than Babylon and
Nineveh, the seat of a bygone University which
Phoenix-like is about to rise out of its ashes ; Benares,,
the centre of Hindu civilization and culture for untold
centuries, and which sanctified with the memories of
the learned and of the saints, that carry back human
imagination to the dim and distant past when the rest
of the habitable globe was involved in darkness, still
holds its undiminished sway upon the life and teach-
ings of one of the oldest, if not the oldest, branch
of the Aryan family ; Benares, the heart of Hinduism,
fche nursery of ancient philosophy, of the Vedas and
fche Vedantas ; the province which is proud of one
of the Seven Wonders of the World and other relics of
Hindu and Moghul greatness ; a province which is justly
proud of men like Dayanand Saraswati, Pundit Ajudhya
Nath, Gangaprasad Varma, Sundarlal, Madan Mohan
Malaviya and Wazir Hossein ; — where can you find a
place and a people in whom loyal conservatism is so
happily blended with robust liberalism in such strange^
harmony and co-ordination ?

.^98 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Behar the youngesfc of the self-contained provinces
and yet one of the oldest in its traditionary greatness ;
Behar the Maghad and Videha of the ancients, the
birthplace of Buddha Goutam, the greatest and mightiest
of inspired refornaers the world has ever produced, whose
lofty teachings govern the lives of naore than one-fifth
of the entire population of this planet of ours; Behar of
Chandra Gupta and Asoka of the Mauryan dynasty,
whose donainions extended beyond the seas and in whose
court Megasthenes sat and Pliny wrote ; Behar of
Pataliputra and Nalanda ; Behar which has in recent
times produced men like Luchmeswar Singh, Mazr-ul-
Haque, Tejoaraiu Singh, Ali Imam and Hassan Imam;
— where can you find a province where Hindus and
Mussalmans live in such amity and concord, working
hand in hand for the common motherland?

As Europe is unthinkable without France, so India
would be unthinkable without Bengal. If the people
of the Western and Southern presidencies are more
like the level-headed Britons, the people of the Gan-
getic delta are more like the dashing French. In
their passionate love and pride for their country, in
their fiery impetuosity, id their originality of ideas and
quickness of perception, in their fervid eloquence and
glowing imagination and in their sensitiveness as well as
fickleness, the Bengalees present a much nearer approach
to the great Latin race than any other people of India.
-Alert, keen-sighted, enthusiastic, acute, fiery, go-ahead
Bengal is the fountainhead of ideas and the centre of
patriotic inspiration, Bengal where six centuries before
.Jimutvahana, the eminent Judge under the Sen kings of

THE AIM AND GOAL OF THE CONGRESS. 399

Bengal, rebelling againsfc the orthodox Mitakshara, the
€ode de Napoleon of India, laid down advanced legis-
lation ; where five hundred years ago Sri Chaitanya
proclaimed the message of love, fratenity and equality
from the Ganges to the Narbadda ; Bengal where the
famous twelve chieftains made the last brave stand
for independence against the great Moghul in the
seventeenth century ; Bengal where the ruins of
Oour bear testimony to her departed glories and where
the " City of Palaces," homaged by the splendid
shippings of all nations and guarded by the grim fortress
of Fort William, reard her proud head as the Queen of
the Bast ; Bengal where Gadadhar established the subtle
Naya philosophy and Gangadhar resuscitated the rusted
medical science of the ancient Hindus ; Bengal the
-granary of India where Nature has poured her boun-
ties from the highest mountains in the world and
artistically laid a magnificent network of highways for
trade and commerce ; Bengal of Ram Mohan Roy, of
Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar and Mahomed Moshin, of
Krishna Mohan Banerjee and Rajendralal Mitra, of
Dwarkanath and Romesh Chunder Mitter, of Woomesh
Chunder Bonnerjee and Romesh Chunder Dutt, of
Devendra Nath Tagore and Keshab Chandra Sen, of
Ramgopal Ghose, and Surendra Nath Banerjee, of
Harish Chandra Mukerjee, Kristoda^ Pal and Shishir
Kumar Ghose ; of Monomohan Ghose and Anand
Mohon Bose, of Taraknath Palit and Rashbehary
Ghose, of Gurudas Banerjea and Ashutosh Mukerjee,
of Michael Madhusudan Dutt and Hem Chandra
Banerjea, of Jagodish Chandra Bose and Praphulla

400 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Chandra Roy, of Ramkriahna and Vivekananda ;—
where can you find a land so fertile and a people so sharp
in intellect, so subtle in perception, so persuasive-
in eloquence, so cosmopolitan in ideas and so sanguine
in patriotic fervour ? With all her faults and frailties
Bengal has always held the beacon-light to the rest of
modern India and marched at the van of all movements — ^
religious, social and political.

For a country possessed of such potential units
and such vast and varied resources, both economic as
well as moral and intellectual, a country which on
a6count of its diverse physical features and climatic
conditions, varying from the torrid to the frigid region,
with its magnificent rivers and sublime mountains,
before which the highest peaks in other continents
appear like ant-hills, with all its products comprising
the varieties of different countries and climates, has
justly been described by competent authorities as an
** Epitome of the World," the attainment of a political
federation cannot be a dream or a phantom of hope.
Whatever fanciful theories may be invented by interested
politicians for the justification of unjustifiable wrongs,
and however much obdurate pessimism may indulge
in the convenient belief that the East is by nature'
an uncongenial soil for the growth of democratic
institutions, it cannot be denied that it is from the
East that light travelled to the West and that it is from*
Asia that civilization marched to Europe and thence
to the rest of the world. If religion is the supreme test
of a nation's moral and intellectual capacity, it cannot
be honestly denied that both Islamism and Hinduisoo^

^co

15

o

xfi ^

Eg

THE AIM AND GOAL OF THE CONGRESS. 401

in fiheir essential conceptions are the most democratio
religions the civilised world has yet evolved. The twa
religions which have successfully moulded the life,,
thought and conduct of its followers to a wonderful
disregard of material prosnerity, levelling princes and
peasants to a uniform standard of judgment and
inculcating passive submission to temporal powers only
as a means to .secure peace and order and not for
conquest of territories or for extinction of other people
but for the attainment of spiritual welfare and for
the expansion of God's Kingdom on earth, ought not
to be lightly condemned as being incompatible witb
democratic ideas and institutions. If the followers-
of these two religions have through centuries yielded
ungrudging submission to the will of their despotio
sovereigns, they have always offered greater allegiance
to their saints who, in their humble cottages, have not
unoften defied crowned heads in their fortified palaces;
A merely superficial knowledge of the inner life
and civilization of the Hindus and the MussalmanS,.
coupled with the too hasty generalisations of a spirit of
arrogance which marks the undisputed and indisput-
able superiority of modern Europe in the physical worlds
is largely responsible for the accentuation of a number
of fallacies and sophistries which have grown up round
a superstition about a supposed or assumed inherent
difference between the East and the West. There can
be no rational charm in the point of a circular compass
where the East in one way is the West in another.
Besides, where is the charter of Providence by which a
monopoly of civic rights and institutions is reserved

402 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

within cerfcain geographical limifes and circumscribed
by either clitnatiio or racial considerations, or, for the
OQatter of that, defined by the colour of the skin ? What
was Europe before the fifteenth century when the
whole Chrisfcendotn prostrated before the Pope and even
the crowned heads trembled on their thrones for fear
•of an autocratic Pontificate ? Where was democracy in
the land of the Saxons or the Franks, of the Teutons
or the Slavs, when the people stood absolved from their
allegiance to their sovereign as the mandate of the Bull
or Dispensation? Brahminical hierarchy, however galling
it may appear to-day, was never half so tyrannical in
the exercise of its arbitrary powers as the papacy of
Europe up to the thirteenth century of the Christian
era. Then, besides Great Britain and France, is there
«,ny country even now in Europe where democratic
instincts are better developed than in India ? What
was Italy up to the middle of the eighteenth century ?
The Germans who are supposed to be the most intel-
lectual and progressive people in Europe are still a
<5ongerie8 of nations living under the domination of a
military despotism which does not admit of a civilian
•citizen, no, not even of a civil judge or a magistrate,
smiling at a subaltern in his uniform. In spite of her
universities, her sciences and^her arts, there seems to be
very little of true democracy in the constitution of
Germany as has been amply demonstrated by the recent
Zabern incident. That constitution still " turns hel-
mets into crowns and sabres into sceptres." In point
of fact, the supremacy of Russia, Germany and Austria
<3on8ist8 not in any great democratic development of

THE AIM AND GOAL OP THE CONGRESS. iOS

'those countries, but upon their material resources and
-military strength. Tha defeat of the strongest power
among them has raised the 'little Jap" in the estima-
tion of the world and no achievement is now deemed too
high for his brains or arms. If Ohina can successfully
stand on her legs, the "heathen Chinee*' will also be
recognised as fit for the highest form of democratic
^institutions.

Then, where stands the false generalisation about
the East and the West and the differentiation between
'the coloured races and the white as regards democratic
institutions ? Difference there is at the present
moment between the Orient and the Occident, but
«uch difference is due to difference in condition,
training and opportunities, and not to any organic
peculiarity. It may be the just pride of England that
she has been training India in the art of self-government
and that she has sown Che seeds of democratic institu-
tions on an Eastern soil; but it seems a mistake to
suppose that she is making a desperate experiment of
cultivating them altogether in a hot-house, India is by
no means a more uncongenial soil for the growth of
free institutions than any other part of His Majesty's
Dominions beyond the seas. There is the latest testi-
mony of no less an authority than Lord Glastone who,
/from his high place as the Governor-General of South
Africa, recently oserved, that

" He had made special study of Indian history and had later
visited India. He wished more South Africans could go there, and
by BO doing rise to the highest appreciation of what the Indiana
were. They would then think less of India as a country which
sends its coolies to the South African coast. In fact, India had.

404 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

developed perhaps far above the line attained by some parts of the-
British Empire in its civilization and efforts to rise to a higher-
life."

Nor ia it reasonable feo afctribufce the aspirations-
of the Indian people to a want of proper apprecia-
tion of the manifold blessings which the British rule-
has already conferred upon them. Those aspirations, on
the contrary, are an open acknowledgment of th©
benevolent spirit of that rule and a declaration of'
the confidence reposed in its justice and generosity.
It is England which has deliberately created those
aspirations in the minds of a people whose destiny
a mysterious Providence is said to have committed^
to her care, and, however much she may tug and twisty,,
she cannot wriggle out of a position into which sha-
has thrust herself either voluntarily or in her absent-
mindedness. Now the fate of India and of England-
is indissolubly linked together, and it would be a futile-
attempt) to maintain the existence of the one at the-
expense of the other. Let England cheerfully rise to
the height of her greatness which she owes in no small
measure to her connection with India, and the horrid^
spectre which at times seems to haunt her imagination
will at once vanish. King George, who appears to be^
a greater statesman than his party ministers, truly
observed on a historic occasion that there is no people
easier to govern than the Indians. Love, affection and
gratitude play a more important part in the life and
conduct of a people who are mystic in their ideas,
romantic in their conceptions, and intensely spiritual in<
their aims and aspirations. Those who lightly talk of
*' driviag discontent underground" seem not tO'

i

THE AIM AND GOAL OF THE CONGRESS, 405

realise thafc ifc is England's moral greatness more than
her military strength that laid the foundation of her
f ndian Empire, and it is that greatness alone which can
ensure its existence broad-based upon the love and
affection of a contented and grateful people.

To even a superficial observer it will appear thafc a
world-wide current has set in throughout the four
quarters of the habitable globe. Prom armed and
aggressive Europe to the peaceful Philippines in the
Pacific Ocean, everywhere there is a ceaseless struggle
going on for existence, and every people is seized
with a burning desire to assert itself in a world which
is rapidly changing every day. The most despotic
^governments which have withstood the ravages of
immemorial ages are crumbling to pieces, and empires
and monarchies which have stood the test of revolutions
of centuries are in the course of a single revolution of
4he earth in its diurnal motion quietly surrendering to
vox populit the hereditary occupants of the thrones
taking their exits as in a dramatic stage without a strug-
:gle and without shedding either a tear or a drop of blood.
The bloodless revolutions which have in recent years
taken place in Spain and Portugal, in Norway and
Sweden and above all, in Turkey, Persia and China,
would have been unthinkable only a hundred years
fligo, and it would be simply unreasonable to expect
that India alone could have escaped being caught
>in the current of this universal tide. Fortunately
for India it is neither a bore, nor a sweeping rush of
the sea ; but a slow rising tide quite normal in its
»«ondition and unalarming in its volume or intensity.

406 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

\
Thafc fcide has, however, entered every creek and esfcuary

of Indian life, leading to answering movements in
almost every direction. It is the duty of a wiso-
government to place itself at the head of these move-
ments and judiciously and sympathetically guide them-
into proper and useful channels rather than imperiously
command, '* thus far and no farther."

CONCLUSION.
It was prohably^the late Lord Salisbury who observ-
ed that the success of a people who know how to wait
was always assured. Patience is truly the secret off
success, while impatience is another name for weakness.
The Congress is well conceived and is being guided on
right and sound lines. It is the duty of those on whom.
its mantle now rests as well as of those who form its-
rank and file to work harmoniously and vigorously to
push on its work and extend its healthy influence to the
masses with the gradual spread of education among them.
The Mahomedans have been galvanized into life and they
have awakened themselves to a sense of self-conscious-
ness. They are visibly coming on in a line with thev
Congress movement, and if the two great communities of
the Indian people can unite, as they will and must unite
at no distant date, ** there is no force on the surface of the
earth," as Sir Ibrahim RahimtuUah observes, " which
can resist its just and legitimate demands." It may be
necessary for the Moslem League to work independently
for some time for the consideration of the special require-
Jments of its own community ; but in the meantime a.

CONCLUSION. 407

rapprochement between fehe Congress and fehe League
should be sedulously fosfeered by the members of both
the organisations on the basis of mutual goodwill and
co-operation. It may be found useful to constitute a
joint Board to settle all differences between the two
communities which unfortunately still lead to occasional
friction and misunderstanding. It is, however, a most
humiliating spectacle for either of the communities
to have always recourse to the authorities for the
settlement of their social and religious differences and
even to go so far as to apply for a legislative measure
for their control. If a " Conciliation Board " is necessary,
why not establish it among ourselves ? While it is
difficult to gain an inch of ground in the political world,
it is certainly nob expedient or politic to voluntarily
abdicate our birthrights even in matters of our social
and religious observances and ceremonies and call for
official interference. What a commentary this on our
claim for self-government and what a sharp weapon in
the hands of our adversaries ! " United we stand and
divided we all" is a trite old maxim which is never so
strikingly illustrated as in the case of national evolution.
It is through reverses that success is often achieved
in this world and a people that has made up its mind to
rise must *be prepared to take many a defeat before ifc-
can make any tangible advance. It has been justly ob-
served, that true greatness does not consist in never
falling, but in rising every time we fall. It is only in
the nature of weak people to be always highly
calculating and where courage fails, to take shel-
ter either under philosophic indifference or absolute-

408 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

•hopelessness. Many people would fain pass for wise
men and even as prophefes when in realifey they
are unable manfully to grapple with dijQficulties of
a. situation. If optimism sometimes errs in raising
entravagant hopes and ideas, pessimism is largely
responsible for creating depression and fostering scepti-
cism by magnifying dangers and difficulties beyond
their real proportions. With a virile people a defect
only serves to stiffen their backs. It should be re-
membered that in nature the struggle for existence is
only a war of exhaustion and those that can endure
the' longest are bound to triumph in the end. The
Indian nationalists ought to know that the journey
they have undertaken through a wilderness under a
divine call is steep and long, and that the promised
land must continue to be completely out of their sight,
though they may be all the same advancing by
-degrees, until they are within a measurable distance
from it, and it would be a grievous mistake to abandon
the march because at every step some faint outlines of
its magnificent columns and spires are not visible to
the naked eye to encourage them. Their sacred scrip-
ture says — Thou only canst luorh and shalt live by worh ;
and the Indian nationalists must be prepared devotedly to
-work in the spirit of that scripture if the ultimate result
13 to come to those who are coming after them as a
reward for their labours.

It was truly observed by the great " Father of
the Congress" that *' every nation gets almost as good
a government as it deserves." A civilised government
•can and often does educate the people and stimulate

CONCLUSION. 409

-their energies towards a healthy developnaent of their
iiational existence; bat the civic rights and liberties of a
people have always to be acquired and can never be
the subject of free gift from a Government. Under a
despotic rule they are often attained through revolu-
tion, while under a constitutional Government they are
acquired through a process of evolution. But in both
cases it is the people who must work out their owa
destiny. Self-help is the key to success in individual as
well as national life, and whether the weapon employed
be active pressure or passive resistance, a people that
wants to rise in the scale of nations must learn to
-stand on its own legs. Above all, we must be true to
ourselves. Those who are false to themselves can
"never expect others to be true to them. Confidence
in one's own self and trust in righteousness constitute
^nearly half the success of a cause. However difficult
the voyage may be, those who have launched out in the
name of god and the Motherland cannot afford to turn
back. Boiling and pitching, tempest-tossed and even
with masts broken and riggings gone, they are bound to
proceed onwards. Eesolute in their purpose, firm and
4in8werving in their devotion and invincible in their faith,
4ihey must be pledged to sacrifice themselves in the cause
of the country, looking for no other reward for their
labours than the blessing of God and the approbation of
their own conscience. Mutual jealousy and spite, sus-
i)icion and distrust, and envy and malice are the cankers
of natioaal life, and these secret pests have to be care-
fully guarded against, particularly in the early stage of
its growth. To the Indian Nationalists, the country

410 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

musfc be feheir religioio '*fcaughfc by no priests, bufe by
the beating hearts," and her welfare their common
faith '* which makes the many one.'* And the one
prayer in ^ which they should aver join in a spirit of
sincere humility is contained in the touching words of
that pious divine who cheerfully sacrificed himself in
the cause of suffering humanity : —

"Lead kindly light amid the encircling gloom.

Lead thou me on!
The night is dark and I am far from home,

Lead thou me on!
Keep thou my feet, I do not ask to see

The distant path, one step's enough for me.'*

CHAPTER XXV.

POSTSCRIPT.
INDIA AND THE WAB.

Since the foregoing chapters were mainly written-
and partly placed in the hands of the publishers, a
terrible war has broken out in Europe which in its deve-
lopments has drawn all the five continents of the globe
into the vortex of a titanic struggle unparalleled in the^
history of the world. As in the middle ages the Goths
and Vandals overran the Roman Empire and towards
the middle of the fifteenth century the Tartar hordes
of Gzenghis Khan carried fire and desolation through
Central and Southern Asia, so has German militarism,
backed by a Teutonic confederacy, raised a world-wide'

INDIA AND THE WAR. 411

conflagrafeion in ifcs insabiable thirsfc for a world-wide
Empire, Solemn treaties have been openly flouted as
mere '* scraps of paper," sacred rights of inoffensive
neutrality wantonly violated under the infernal maxim
that " necessity knows no law" and a " chosen people,"
the boasted " salt of the earth," hurled into the fray,-
like herds of dumb driven cattle, to sweep away centu-
ries of civilization by the sheer dint of the * mailed-
fist " and the *' shining armour." The shrieks of
agonizing humanity and of outraged civilization all
over the world have risen above the thunder of roaring
guns and the clashing of steels, while land, sea and air
are all filled with infernal engines of destruction, the
proudest products of Western culture. European civili-
zation which has ruled the world for centuries has at
last stood unmasked in its grim nakedness. The out-
standing figures of this terrible game up to the present
form a rule of three K's — Kaiser, Krupp and Kultur —
the unknown value of the fourth quantity of which has
yet to be solved. England and France, while sharing in
no small degree the gluttonous appetite of Europe for
territorial aggrandisement and glory, are the only two
countries which have ever stood in defence of Freedom's^
cause and the ju«t rights of other nations, and both of
them have flung themselves at the brunt of this conflict
as much in their own vital interest as in justice to
universal humanity and for the peace of the world,
India, true to her genuine devotion to the British con-
nection, has, forgetting all her domestic differences, risen
as one man in defence of the Empire. From the princes
to the peoples all are animated by a spirit of chivalry,.

412 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

self-sacrifice and patriotism, and as a result there has
been such an outburst of loyal enthusiasm, throughout
the country as has almost staggered the British public.
That public had long been treated to highly coloured
rigmaroles about lurking treason in India as a plausible
justification of the repressive methods of its administra-
tion. The absurdities of these stories were largely
exposed during the King's visit to this country in
1911, and what remained of bhe figments of these
gross lies and libels have been completely swept away
by the wave of enthusiasm which is now surging from
one end of the country to the other. This spontaneous
outburst of loyalty has not only for the time being
silenced the Indian bureaucracy, but has come as a com-
plete surprise upon the deluded British public. The grim
humour of the situation is not, however, without its
lessons. The reactionaries who had so long cried
sedition to justify a repressive policy have now come
forward singing hallelujahs over the efficiency and
popularity of the Indian administration which it is now
claimed to have evoked such gushing loyalty to the
British Throne. When the cry of sedition could no
longer be sustained, these resourceful critics cleverly
turned round to say, lo and behold ! how much the
bureaucratic rule in India has done to evoke such a
seotimeot throughout the country ! They seem to be
perfect adepts in the art of burning the candle at both
ends and in playiog the well-known game of " head I
win, tail you lose." But with the better minds of
England the surprise must be not a little due to a
^living consciousness, if not a sincere conviction, that

INDIA AND THE WAR. 413^

4)0W little that admin istration has actually done ta
produce such a thrilling vibration throughout the
country. Even the Times, the leading organ of con-
servative opinion in England, has been struck at thia^
unexpected demonstration and frankly admitted that
the Indian problem must be henceforth looked at from
a different point of view. "On our part," says the great
journal, "when we have settled account wich the enemy,.
India must be allowed a more ample place in the
councils of the Empire," Men like Sir Valentine
Chirol and Lord Curzon, who are so well-known ex-
ponents of conservative policy and such staunch advo-
cates of bureaucratic interests, have naturally become^
alarmed at the note sounded from such an unexpected
quarter and have promptly entered their caveat, lest-
judgment should hereafter go against them either by
default or non-traverse. Evidently conscious of the
weakness of their hollow claim for the success of the-
bureaucratic rule they have also returned to their old,,
favourite charge against the educated community as a
second string to their bow, and have taken upon them-
selves to inform the British public that that commu-
nity have no influence with the masses (they should-
have spoken with some reservation to conveniently meet
some other contingency) and are altogether unaffected
by the wave of the popular enthusiasm evoked by the
war. These pronounced exponents of uncompromising
imperialism are of course not insidious Gercuan spies ;,
but their reckless utterances require to be as strictly
Censored as those of the correspondents at the front-
At a critical time like the present, every other

414 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

consideration, whether present or prospective, should be
subordinated to the supreme needs of the Empire, and
any one indulging in foolish diatribes calculated to
wound the feelings and alienate the sympathies of any
section or community within that Empire must be
guilty of a most unpatriotic conduct. Any honest man
who has the slightest claim to Indian experience would
readily admit that the distinction between the masses
and the classes in India in matters political is not as
sharply drawn as in Western countries and that the
loyalty of the Indian masses who are densely ignorant
is a passive sentiment, the active expression of which is
furnished by the intelligent and educated section of the
population. The masses know as much of the Germans
as of the man in the moon, and if German militarism were
to win, they would settle down as quietly under the
'* mailed fist" as they are securely ensconced behind
the British Lion. It is the educated community that
know and understand the difference between the two
and it is this section of the people alone who feel that
the future destiny of India can only be attained under
a democratic constitution and not under an inflated
junker rule. If it is the educated men of India who
adversely criticise the Government, it is because they
alone are capable of appreciating the spirit of the
British constitution and are desirous of improving the
Indian administration by bringing it into line with that
constitution and thereby securing a permanency for it.
And at this time of imperial calamity it is these res-
ponsible people who are keeping the masses straight,
disabusing them of disquieting rumours, and inspiring

INDIA AND THE WAR. 415

them wifeh confidence in the strength as well as the
justice of the British cause. The educated commu-
nity in India is mainly composed of the middle
classes, and it is these classes whom the war has hit
the hardest. Yet these are the very people who
have been most forward in not only offering their
services to the Grown, but also in raising throughout
the country as much war relief as was possible within
the scope of their limited resources. The Hospital Ships
iitted up by Madras and Bombay and the Ambulance
Corps raised in Bengal for service in Mesopotamia are
mainly the works of the educated community and of the
middle classes. It is deeply to be regretted that men
pretending to having a wide Indian experience and who
ought to have known better should only to serve an
ulterior object, come forward at this juncture to feed fat
their ancient grudge against educated India.

It is all very well for blind imperialists to flatter
themselves upon their shortsighted and retrograde
policy based upon old-world ideas of Government ; but
it is a matter of no small gratifioatiion to learn that
responsible British statesmanship is fully alive and equal
to the situation. Both Mr. Montagu and Mr. Eoberts,
as Under-Secretary for India, have from time to time
expressed themselves in no uncertain voice as to the
correct lines upon which the Indian administration
requires to be revised and modified. Mr. Montagu's
honest interpretation of Lord Hardinge's despatch of
August 1911 is well-known ; while Mr. Roberts, speak-
ing from his place in the House of Commons, has frankly
acknowledged that with the intellectual classes in India

416 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

this outbursfc of loyalty ia "a reasoned sentiment based
upon considerations of enlightened self-interest," and haS'
at the same time asked the British public to alter " the
angle of vision " in their perspective of the Indian pro-
blem. Following the Times, the Beview of Bevieivs, has
in one of its latest numbers, fairly admitted that :

" India to-day occupies a higher place in the Empire than^
ever before, and has materially advanced her claims towards self-
government, and it is inevitable that, after the war her out-
standing demands should receive the most sympathetic considera-
tion." '* We have", the Revietv Skdds,'' made promises of self-
government to Egypt, and it is inconceivable that we should deny
the same privileges to India. At present India is not pressing her
claim, but patiently awaits her just due, not as a reward, but as-
a right which her conduct has shown her worthy of possessing."

Lord Haldane, a prominent member of the last

Liberal Cabinet, at a reception by the Indian students

in England, said : —

" The Indian soldiers were fighting for the liberties of huma-
nity, as much as we ourselves. India had freely given her lives-
and treasure in humanity's great cause, hence things could not be^
left as they were. We had been thrown together in the mighty
struggle and had been made to realise our oneness, so producing
relations between India and England which did not exist before.
Our victory would be victory for the Empire as a whole ,and could
not fail to raise it to a higher level."

These pronouncements represent a correct apprecia-
tion of the Indian situation, and in arriving at a real and
correct solution of the phenomenal demonstration of
Indian loyalty. England must first thoroughly disabuse
herself of her pre-conceived prejudices, abandon an
ostrich-like policy and direct her vision more to the-
future than to the past.

The demonstration proceeds from two causes both
potential in their nature, though one is positive while^
the other is negative in its character. India's aims-

INDIA AND THE WAK. 417

and aspirations are indissolubly bound up with demo-
cratic ideas and institutions, and the people are
thoroughly convinced that it is the gradual developmenfe
of these ideas and institutions which alone can enabla
her to realise her destiny in the evolution of her national
life. Starting frono this hypothesis, one of these causes
is not far to seek. Before the outbreak of the war
the world was full of admiration for German culture,
German enterprise and German erudition ; but educat-
ed India was not very much impressed with German
democracy, The inability of Germany to conciliate
and Germanize two of her conquered provinces equally
civilized within a period of nearly half a century, and the
disgraceful incident which recently took place at Zabern
incontestably proved that amidst all her grandeur and
greatness acquired since the war of 1870, Germany
possessed little or nothing of popular liberty. Her
Eeichsiag is only a mock imitation of the British Parlia-
ment or the French Chamber end a little better than an
enlarged edition of the Indian Legislative Councils which
can freely indulge in academic discussions, ask questions
and move resolutions, but for practical purposes can nO'
more shape the policy of a despotic government than it
can control the action of a still more despotic sovereign.
The moral strength as well as the political status of a
people must be extremely doubtful whom it is possi-
ble to dupe in this age of reason and common sense by
one man, how high his position and however strong
his hold upon their imagination may be, by openly
announcing that "the spirit of the Lord has descended
upon him '* to lead his "^chosen people" to victory
37

418 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

like the wandering Israilifcies of old and whose blas-
phemous tongue is not afraid of declaring, as it is re-
ported to have declared on the naemorable 3rd of
August, that :

"It is my imperial and royal intention to give consideration
to the wishes of God with regard to Belgium when I shall have
executed my imperial and royal will with regard to France and
the pestilent and contemptible English."

Vanity of vanities before High Heavens I His im-
perial and royal Majesty may be perfectly free to
execute, if he can, his imperial and royal will as regards
the future of France and " contemptible England"; but to
have the hardihood to say that it is his imperial and
royal intention so to condescend as to vouchsafe his kind
** consideration to the wishes of God " must be regarded,
if the report ba true, as the height) of a mental derange-
ment bordering on dangerous lunacy. It has been truly
«aid bhab pride goebh before fall and vanity before destruc-
tion. Even the great Napoleon, whose equal in military
genius tbe world has noti yet produced, was never guilty
of such arrogance not to speak of such profanation,
although kingdom after kingdom, including Germany,
fell prostrate before him and his invincible legions
'with such astounding rapidity as the world has never
witnessed whether in ancient or modern times.
But after all what must be the morale and the status
of a people who can believe in the superman, merge their
existence into the State surrendering all their personal
rights and liberties and ungrudgingly acquiesce in the
methods of military despotism ? Question of barbarism
apart, which seems to be no insignificant feature of
German militarism, these facts constitute a severe

/

INDIA AND THE WAR. 419

nndicfcment of German culture and enlightenment;. Indian
loyalty may not proceed from an affection for British
'Tule, but it certainly proceeds from a dread of something
very much worse under German militarism. Here lies
the negative origin of the phenomenal demonstration
which has taken place in this country irrespective of
• colour, caste and creed.

On the positive side, there is much to be said in
^favour of the British constitution though not in favour
ot the Anglo-Indian administration. It is of course
•not to be supposed even for a moment that a people
who have for the life-time of a generation bitterly
complained against the methods of a bureaucratic rule
have been suddenly transformed into an admiring crowd
by the magic wand of a repressive policy. On the
contrary, their opposition to the bureaucracy is only a
milder reflex of their stronger hatred for German despo-
tism. But the people are thoroughly impressed with the
superiority of the British constitution and the morality
vof.the British nation. That constitution, being essenti-
ally democratic, naturally appeals to the sentiment and
imagination of a people whose national evolution is so
largely dependent upon the growth and development of
democratic ideas and inscitutions, and which can only be
fostered by a people who have themselves fought for
.pergonal rights and liberties and tasted the sweets of free
citizenship. Educated India knows and understands that
with all its faults the British nation as a whole is inspired
with a sense of justice and regard for truth. If in
fcimes past tbere ever was ruthless spoliation in India,
.it had also been occasionally followed by relentless

420 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION,

impeachmepfc in England. If in tho roll of Indian^
Viceroys there have been reactionaries like Lord Dal-
housie and Lord Gurzon, there have been also brilliant-
names like thoge of Canning, Bentinck, Eipon and
Hardinge. It is a nation for whom Milton wrote and-
Sidney died not in vain, and in whom the spirit of
Howard and Wilbarforce still works with undiminished
sway. That nation cannot be fairly judged by the spirit>
of the Indian bureaucracy or the Anglo-Indian press.
If the repeated vexations and disappointments of India
have been very great, her hope and confidence in England
are still greater. The task of ameliorating her condition
is not an easy one. What a mass of prejudices have
grown round the policy of the administration of the
country, what an accumulation of superstitions have
found place in the tradition of the government, how
many vested interests, not unoften incompatible with the
true well-being of the people, have asserted themselves
in places of power and authority, what an invincible
entanglement of barbed wire-fencings have been drawn
for the protection of those interests at every assailable
point, what an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust has
been created, how deep and wide trenches have been
dug out to keep the people outside the pale of an offi-
cial hierarchy, and above all, what a solid bureaucracy
governing the body-politic from top to bottom hasnbeen
firmly established. These enormous difficulties have to
be overcome for a satisfactory solution of the Indian
problem. The war has opened unforeseen conditions and
a splendid opportunity for the solution of that problem.
It has at once dissipated the dark and threatening..

INDIA AND THE WAR. 421

•clouds of suspicion and disferusf; and cleared the vision
•of fche British public. It has inspired the Indian mind
wifch hope and confidence in the fraition of her long-
deferred destiny within the Empire, and it is in this
hope and confidence that a correct explanation has to
be sought for the positive side of the Indian denoon-
stration and not in the achievements of an effete and
uopopular bureaucracy which has so far rather hindered
than helped the growth of Indian attachnaent to the
"British connection. Correctly understood, the present
attitude of India is a strong and successful protest
against the theories and principles of that bureaucracy,
fjord Orewe apparently made a great mistake in addres-
sing a number of young recruits for the Indian Civil
Service in the old orthodox style that he did on a reeenfe
occasion. The extravagant tribute he paid to that
service was altogether wide of the mark and has given
great offence to the people of this country. If he really
believes that the unique outburst of loyalty which the
•great war has called forth in India is due to the bureau-
cratic administration, then his Lordship must have
completely misread the history of the Indian adminis-
tration during the last thirty years or more. The Indian
princes are beyond the pale of the Indian Civil Service ;
while during the whole of that period there has been a
continuous stand-up fight between the people and the
bureaucracy. Whatever merits that bureaucracy may
claim as regards their efficiency in other directions, con-
ciliation is certainly not one of them. Indeed they have
never cared to conciliate the people and have always spo-
iken contemptuously of driving discontent underground.

422 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

They have fchroughoufc cried sedition and sought to represSo.
Repression may coerce, but cannot manufacture loyalty
and particularly such an outburst of that sentiment as
is swaying the Indian mind at the present moment.
For a responsible minister of the Crown, who holds in
bis hand the reins of the Indian Government, to get
Tip an unnecessary ceremony to compliment the bureau-
cracy in such a style and at such a time was, to say
the least of it, highly impolitic, and people are not want-
ing who have received it as a great disappointment, if
not as rude shock, to their sentiments. Taking the
various pronouncements recently made in England both
for and against their cherished hopes and aspirations
and reading between them in the light of the fate of
Lord Crewe's Bill for the reform of the India Council
and of the Royal Proclamation for the establishment of an
Executive Council for the United Provinces, the people
are apt to take a somewhat gloomy and despondent view
of the situation, and not unnaturally apprehend that it
may all end in another repetition of what is known as
breaking to the hope while promising to the ear. But
after all the pronouncement of the Secretary of State
may be nothing more than a conventional compliment-
intended more to encourage a batch of young men in
the honest discharge of their duty than to operate as a
judgment on the pending issues between the people
and the bureaucracy. People of the Chirol-Curzon
School may no doubt enter their protests in antici-
pation ; but the educated community in India who
have studied the British constitution and closely
followed the trend of the British democracy may yet-

INDIA AND THE WAR. 42S

possess their souls in patience and confidently await a
fair and impartial decision in their case when it is ripe*
for judgment.

Good often cometh out of evil and calamitous as-
the war is, it is not without ics lessons for the future*
of the world. It has dissipated the wildest dreams of
the materialist for the establishment of universal peace
upon the basis of international commerce and the
fondest -hopes of the socialist to establish universal
brotherhood by preaching against increase of armaments
of war. Both these prescriptions have served only ta
aggravate the war-fever and intensify international
jealousy and spite. A system of armed neutrality was-
devised under the cloak of which all the powers in
Europe were running a constant race for political
supremacy in the name of progress and enlightenment.
Civilization, culture and even religion were made ta
contribute to that one end, and while every one cried
peace, all were intent on disturbing the peace of tha
world. A fierce collision under such circumstance
was inevitable and the armed powers of Europe have
at last met to play the lasfc^ scene of the tragic drama
which they had so long laboured to put on the stage.
The war has revealed in a ghastly light the overwhelm-
ing preponderance of barbarism which the world
still retains, amidst all her progress and advancement,
and has clearly demonstrated that both the conception
as well as the ideal of modern civilization must* be
thoroughly revised by those who profess to hold the
future of the world in their hands if they really aim at
peace, prosperity and happiness of God's creation. They^

424 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

must;, fco begin with, curb their consuming ambition and
gluttonous appetite which have so far served to civilise
the world largely by a pcoces'? of exploitation and ex-
tinction and by substituting specimens of refined sava-
gery for inoffensive barbarism of weaker people. Pillage,
plunder, incendiarism, massacre and other unutterable
-and shocking offences on women and children are as
rampant in modern warfare as they were in the days
of Alexander, and if the Thraoian robber had b^en living
to-day he might well have hesitated to choose between
the ancient Macedonian and the morlern Teuton. Looking
from the standpoint of universal humanity and a higher
ideal of human evolution it must be painfully admitted
that modern science and civilisation have contributed
more to the material than to the moral progress of the
world; and if the present war succeeds in revealing to
the West some of the higher aspects of the philosophy
of the East, its appalling sacrifices in men, money and
treasures of art will not have been incurred wholly
in vain.

The first outstanding feature of the war is the
co-operation and fellowship of the different units of a
<}onsolidated Empire. It has dissipated the longstand-
ing colour prejudices under which Europe claimed an
inherent and permanent superiority over the inhabit-
ants of Asia and Africa and refused comradeship with
them even in the grave. France, which seems to have
developed the highest power of assimilation, has derived
no small advantages from her solid possessions in Africa,
as Great Britain has done from her vast territories in
India. Turcos, Zuaves, Moors and the Senegalese have

INDIA AND THE WAR. 425

added as much weight; fco the French army as the Sikhs,
the Gurkhas, the Jats and the Pathans have strengthen-
ed the British Expeditionary Force to the Continent.
Fighting side hy side with and against white races, these
brave soldiers of Africa and India have incontestably
proved that the colour of the skin is entirely due to
climatic conditions and does not at all connote any essen-
tial distinction in the physical, intellectual and moral
fabrics of any race whether residing in the torrid or the
tropical zone. Differences no doubt exist ; but they are
mostly the result of forced conditions and artificial bar-
riers irrespective of all considerations of latitudes and
longitudes. For the first time in the history of Europe the
martial races of India have been admitted into comrade-
ship with the British and the colonial forces of the
Empire and the entire population of India made to take
a noble pride in the defence of that Empire. The war
has made the Indian people recognise their position as
well as their responsibility as a distinct unit — not merely
a dependency, but a component part — of the huge fabric
which goes by the name of the Brinish Empire. la
fact, the imperial conception of that fabric is based
upon the possession of India, and India naturally
expects to be recognised as an equal partner both is
the rights and liabilities of the Imperial Federation
which the war is likely to bring about as the psycho-
logical development and the highest strength of the
British Empire. Without the cement of fellowship and
equality no union can be either solid or lasting ;
and weak in one point, whether at the base or in the
superstructure, the hugest fabric devised by human

426 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

skill is liable to collapse either in course of natural decays
or whenever subjected to a test of its strength.

In the next place it has to be considered that it is
neither possible nor desirable for India to aim at sovereign
independence at the present stage of her evolution, and
whether such a state is or is not attainable at some
remote future period need not very much concern us at
present; while it seems extremely doubtful if consistently
with her higher aspiration for the establishment
of an All-Indian Nationalism, India can ever attempt
at such a consummation without the disruption and
disintegration of those forces with which she has set to
work in building an Indian nation. It is no doubt
along and laborious task requiring patience and perse-
verance. In the work of nation-building every genera-
tion has its appropriate task and if every generation
were only to contemplate the carvings and mouldings
for the finishing touch of the edifice, where would
be the less attractive foundation underground and
the barren anperstructure upon it? The work must
be built up from the base to the top and no rational
people can think of reversing the process. There may
be revolutionaries who, in their inability to grasp
this higher conception of an All-India Confederacy,
dream of perfect independence as the goal of their
nationalism ; while people ate not wanting who seem
to indulge in the belief that in the fullness of time
England herself will out of her free will retire from the
field leaving the people to govern the country as a free-
and independent nation. The idea is perfectly Utopiaa
and if those who entertain it are at all sincere in their

INDIA AND THE WAR. 427

expression, they must be quifce misfcaken in fcheir views..
No nation in this world, whether in ancient or modern
times, has ever shown such an example of philanthropy,
and the British people cannot be expected to do that
which is not in human nature. Besides, nations are
not born, but by themselves are made. If the people
of India do not by degrees learn to govern themselves,
it is inconceivable that a time should ever come when
the people of Great Britain will j5nd an opportunity of
relieving themselves of the " white man's burden," or
of fulfilling " the sacred trust of Providence" of which
so much has been said and written. Freedom and
independence cannot be the gift of one people to
another. They have to be acquired and sometimes,
also extorted ; but they can never form the subject of
a voluntary conveyance. Given the opportunities
presented by the situation created by the European
War, it should be the highest endeavour of the Indian
nationalists calmly and vigorously to press forward for
an adjustment of their outstanding claims as well as
for a fair apportionment of their liabilities and res-
ponsibilities arising out of that situation. The highest
statesmanship in England should also frankly recognise
the necessities of that situation and be ready to consoli-
date the Empire on firmer basis. The Government is
certainly bound to proceed with caution and circumspec-
tion ; but it is also expected to proceed with genuine
trust and confidence in the people, It is not enough^
that justice should be done to them, but the people
should be made to feel that they do not live under a
foreign domination. One Indian administrator has told

428 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

US that ifi would be incoasisfcenfe with Easbern characfeer
and tradition feo expecti a. reward for humble and loyal
services rendered at the present juncture. He has of
course not gone the length of reminding us of the
story of the Lion and the Crane ; but the appeal is
quite characteristic of the bureaucratic sympathies for
the hopes and aspirations of the Indian people. But
what people are there in this world who do not naturally
expects a reward for their services ? Besides, the claim
of the Indians for self-government is not in the nature of
a reward for their participation in the present war, bub
as of right which they had advanced long before this war
broke out. There may be people who are eager to seize
every opportunity to work upon the spiritualism of the
Indian character to turn its attention from the material
aspect of a situation ; but they must be very much
mistaken to think that the Indians of to-day can be
made to reconcile themselves to their lot with the mere
bribe of eternity. England must be prepared in her
own interest to admit India into an equal partnership of
the Empire.

As words without thoughts never go to heaven, so
promises without performance can never touch the hearfc
of a people. In fact, in practical politics, promise un-
redeemed is much worse than no promise at all. England
has plunged herself into a desperate struggle for the
honour and sanctity of a " scrap of paper." The Charter
Act of 1833, the Queen's Proclamation of 1858 and the
two gracious messages of Edward VII. and George V. all
demand that they should not be allowed to be considered
in any quarter as mere " scraps of paper." Now an

INDIA AND THE WAK. 429

opporfcunifcy has arrived for fehe redemption of the solemn
pledges which have been so often repeated but never
fulfilled. A great nation's word is its bond and England-
cannot consistently with her honour and greatness resile
from the position to which she has voluntarily
committed herself. Judging however by the fate of Lord
Crewe's India Council Bill and of Lord Hardinge's Pro-
clamation for the establishment of a Council Government
for the United Proviuces, not an inconsiderable section
of the Indian people are getting nervous as to the ulti-
mate result of the many promises held out to them
recently in England. The "angle of vision" may be
changed after the war ; but whether it is the angle of
vision of the Indians or of the British people that may
have to be altered, events alone can prove. If the former
be the case, it may not require too much of the gift of
prophecy to say that the result will be simply disastrous.
Of course there are those who sincerely indulge in the
belief that as India has been won by the sword so it
mast be maintained by the sword, and that the grant of
autonomy to India would be the first notice to quit
given, to England. On the other hand, there are those
who with equal emphasis, though not with equal
authority, maintain that a permanent occupation of
India by England is only possible upon grounds of
perfect reciprocity as in the case of the colonies. History
does not present a single instance where one nation
however powerful has succeeded in permanently holding
another nation under subjection except through a process
of assimilation and amalgamation. The Dominion of
Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia and the

430 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Union of Soufch Africa, which have now materially
oonfcribufced to the strength of Great Britain, all
furnish a striking contrast to the results of a policy
of coercion which Edmund Burke in his prophetic
vision so clearly foresaw and to avert which he vainly
pleaded for conciliation of America.

THE NEW SPIRIT AND SELF-GOVERNMRNT
FOR INDIA.

It has already been shewn that with the inaugura-
tion of the reactionary policy of Lord Curzon, a New
Spirit arose in the country. It is a serious mistake to
confuse this new spirit with the ugly developments which
took place about this time as a result of that policy. For
a long time the people had lost confidence in the progres-
sive character of the administration and a feeling was
steadily gaining ground in certain quarters that the
passive method of the Congress had exhausted all its
resources. And no further result could be expected to
flow from it. The futility of petitions and prayers was
advanced as a strong argument to undermine the consti"
tution of the Congress and weaken its hold upon the
public mind. The position of the leaders at this period
was one of extreme difficulty and embarrassment. On the
one hand they had to contend against opposing forces
working from within and on the other to repel incessant
bureaucratic assaults delivered from without. The firm-
ness and fortitude with which they however held their
position at this critical stage bear remarkable evidence

NEW SPIRIT AND SELF-GOVERNMENT FOR INDIA. 431

of their judgment;, political insight and capacity of
no mean order. Although the Congress from its very
inception had started with the basel idea of repre-
sentative institutions for India, it began with the
internal reforms of the administration hoping to build
tip from the bottom to the top. For twecty years
it was mainly engaged in spade work, clearing the
ground pnd removing the roots and branches of all
the thorny questions that beset the situation. The very
indifferent and inadequate success which attended this
labour coupled with an unsympathetic and reactionary
policy naturally led to a state of unrest and largely
contributed to tbe growth of the new spirit, which has
now manifested itself in a clear and open demand for
self-government. Those who complacently advise the
people still to work at the base apparently forget that
they want them to retrace their step and proceed upon
a line which has long been tried and found infractuous.
Congressmen have found to their bitter experience that
all attempts at irrigating and fructifying the plain with-
out securing the supply of the fountain-head and re-
moving the impediments and obstructions to an un-
interrupted flow of the stream are vain and delusive ;
for strike as hard as you can and dig as long as you
may choose, if the source spring will refuse its supply
all your efforts are bound to end in disappointment.
The constitution of a government is the only key to un-
fold its internal administration. It is the "open sesame"
to a bureaucratic rule whose iron portals will yield
neither to " open wheat " nor " open Barley " however
patiently and persistently u may cry it.

432 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

The Congress which had so loug urged for an ex-
pansion of the Legislative Councils now acquired a
deeper insight and grasped a more delBuibe idea for the
realization of its aims. In 1904 it formulated a resolu-
tion for an effective Representation of the people in the^
higher administration of the country and this resolution
was re-affirmed in the Congress of 1905. But it was
not until the memorable session of 1906 that a formal
demand for Self-Government within the Empire was-
plainly and definitely put forward. The Partition of
Bengal proved to be the last straw on the camel's back
and the New Spirit burst forth throughout the country.
Small section of fiery youngmen seized with the ideas of;
the Irish Sein Fein got out of hand and a series of repres-
sive measures followed in quick succession. The
Congress, however, held on firm and unassailable. The
split at Surat no doubt weakened its rank ; but the New
spirit which was perfectly legitimate and quite as wide
of any revolutionary ideas as the poles as under continued
to gather strength both in and outside the Congress
in spite of the many adverse circumstances which besefe
it. It inspired both the moderates and extremists and
recognised self-government as the only remedy for the?
evils from which the country suffered. The waning
enthusiasm for the Congress was however not due to
the operation of the repressive measures but to two other
causes both internal in their character. In the first
place, it was the suicidal defection of one entire wing of
the Nationalist part3^ and in the second place the serious
aloofness which still possessed the important Mahome-
and community. Attempts were however made from^

NEW SPIRIT AND SELF GOVERNMIiiNT FOR INDIA. 433

time to fcime both through the press as well as the
platforms to reraova these causes until the Allahabad
Congress of 1910 when Sir Williaoa Wedderburn made a
vigorous effort not only to reunite both the wings of
the Nationalists, but also to remove the wedge
which had been driven deep to split up the Hindu
and the Mussalman communities en bloc. The com-
munal representation in the one case and the con-
vention creed in the other were the two main stumbling
blocks in the way of the settlement of these vexed
questions. The labours of some of the advanced and
patriotic Mahomedan leaders towards the solution of
the Hindu-Mahomedan question were most helpful to
the common cause. The first step towards an effec-
tive rapproachnient was however not taken until 1915
when the Congress under the presidency of Sir S. P.
Sinha and the Moslem League under the presidency
of Mr. Mazar-ul-Haque simultaneously held their
session in Bombay. But though this was a decisive
step in advance, an unforeseen incident for which
neither the Hindus nor the Moslems were respon-
sible advanced the cause of union still further. The
local authorities, as is often the case with a short-sighted
and nervous bureaucracy, most imprudently interfered
with the proceedings of the League and this at once
dispelled what remained of the fantastic delusion of
the Moslem community for a separate and independent
realization of their destiny. Both the League and the
Congress now formed Committees to formulate a
common scheme for the attainment of their common
destiny within the Empire.
28

434 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUO^IOiT.

Afc fehia sfeage a masterful personalifcy appeared on
the scene. Mrs. Annie Besant who had long conse-
crated her life to che services of her adoptive motherland
now came out with her proposal for starting a Home
Rule League for India. In 1915 she consulted a
number of Congress leaders, many of whom approved of
the idea and advised her not to launch it as a distinctly
independent organization but only as supplementary to
and working in harmony with the Congress movement.
To this she readily agreed and a number of Congress-
men, including the Grand Old Man, expressed their
adherence to this plan of her campaign. There were of
course some among the old Congressmen who regarded
her as being extremely impulsive and viewed her
method with distrust, although none questioned the
honesty, integrity and sincerity of her purpose.

The new spirit thus gained considerable strength
from di^erent sources and directions ; while a devastat-
ing war broadened its vision as regards the immediate
future destiny of the country as a component unit of
the Empire. Self-Government had long been the aim
of the Congress as being the true remedy for the grave
situation in this country. It now became its watchword
and battle-cry in the bloodless evolution which was
silently marking its progress upon the dial of its destiny,

During the following year both the All-India Con-
gress Committee, in consultation with its various Provin-
cial Committees, and the representatives of the All-India
Moslem League worked strenuously and after many a
stormy debate arrived at a solution of the vexed question
of communal representation which was raised in some

NEW SPIRIT AND SELF GOVERNMENT FOR INDIA. 435

of the Provinces and nowhere was this fchorny question
more hotly contested or keenly debated than in the
United Provinces. The whole scheme was finally sub-
mitted to the decision of a joint Conference of the leaders
of all the communities, which met at Lucknow on the
eve of the thirty-first session of the Congress and the
ninth session of the All-India Moslem League.

In the meantime the Government of Lord Chelms-^
ford was understood to have arranged for a despatch to
the Secretary of State for India touching some of the post-
war reforms for this country and the non-ofiQcial mem-
bers of the Imperial Legislative Council who were then
at Delhi at once hastened to submit to the Government
a memorandum based on the lines formulated by the
various Committees of the Congress and the League. The
finishing touch to this new movement inaugurated by a
new spirit was however reserved for the next session of
the Indian National Congress which was the most bril-
liant session ever held since its birth. The 31st Indian
National Congress held at Lucknow on the 28th, 29tb,
30bh and 31st December 1916 was not only an epoch-
making session, but it fully indicated its title as a truly
national assembly. The Hindus and Mussalmans for
the first time openly joined hands and the moderates
and extremists who had parted company since the Surat
split again closed their ranks to make a united demand
for self-government under the aegis of the British Crown.
Men like Sir Eashbehary Ghose, Surendra Nath Banerjee,
Madan Mohan Malaviya, Bhupendra Nath Basu and
N. M. Samarth sat side by side with Messrs. Tilak,
Khaparde, Govinda Eaghava Iyer aud others ; while the

436 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

indomifcable Mrs. AuDie Besacfc who had grown grey in
fche service of her adoptive Motherland, came there
accompanied by her trusted disciples Messrs. Arundale
and Wadia and true to her Celtic blood raised the cry of
*' Home Eule for India". Mahomedan leaders like the
patriotic Rajah of Mahmudabad, Mr. Mazar-ul-Haque,
Mr. A. Rusaul and Mr. Mahomed Ali Jinnah worthily
^ represented their community. The two South African
heroes, Messrs. Gandhi and Polak, were also there and
then took an active part in its deliberations. Thu3 it was
a unique session of the Congress in which all classes and
communities, as well as every political school in the
country, were fully represented. An entire day was given
for the discussions of the Subjects Committee which
finally settled the scheme of self-government formulated
by the committees of the Congress and the League and
very nearly the whole of a day was taken in the Congress
by a full-dressed debate upon this vital question. The
scheme was read clause by clause and almost all the
leading men in the various provinces took active part in
the discussion. At the close of the prolonged and interest-
ing debate a resolution embodying the scheme which laid
down the demands of the people to be given effect to in
the readjustment of the Empire after the close of the
war was unanimously adopted, the whole of the vast
assembly of delegates and visitors standing in response to
a call from the chair and cheering with repeated and deaf-
ening shouts of Bande Mataram. On the following day
this scheme was also adopted by the All-India Moslem
League without a division. The Congress adopted a further
resolution calling upon the various Congress CoDcpaittees

NEW SPIRIT AND SELF-GOVERNMENT FOR INDIA. 437

and other organised bodies and associations to start
propagandist work throughout the country to give effect
to the scheme. The whole country at once caught the fire
and rang with the cry of self-government and no province
took up the question earlier or with greater earnestness
than Madras under the auspices of the Home Eule
League of which Mrs. Basant was the central figure and
the guiding spirit.

As in Bombay so at Lucknow an unpleasant incident
took place which was quite illustrative of the nervous
meddlesomeness of the Indian bureaucracy which like
the proverbial tiger, has the habit of aggravating its own
sore by constantly licking it. Shortly before the Congress
week a most gratuitous and offensive letter was issued
from the U. P. Government Secretariat warning the
Chairman of the Reception Committee and its General
Secretary against the use of any seditious speeches at
the Congress and apparently so great was the anxiety of
the authorities that a copy of this letter was served also
on the Fresident-EIeot through the Government of
Bengal. The Chairman and the Secretary gave a
firm and pertinent reply to this uncalled for communica-
tion, while the President took no notice of it. Judging
from the recent strange proceedings of the Bombay
and the Berar Governments prohibiting Mrs, Annie
Besant from entering their territories many were the
people who apprehended that this letter of the U. P.
Government was only a prelude to a still more untoward
development at Lucknow. The good sense of the
Lieutenant-Governor, however, prevailed and averted
any further unpleasantness. On the second day Sir

438 INDIAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

James Masfcon accompanied by Lady Mesfcon and
attended by his staff came to the Congress. The Presi-
dent gave him a fitting welcome on behalf of the
Congress and Sir James gave a most sympathetic reply,
Thus the last lingering mist of suspicion and irritation
which still hung over the delegates was at once removed,
and the work of the Congress, as well as the League,
fee which also Sir James Meston paid a similar visit,
went off smoothly and without a hitch.

The remarkable success of the historic session of the
Congress was as far as its local interest was concerned
largely due to the untiring zeal and patriotic devotion
of two men — the Eajah of Mahmudabad, one of the
premier Taluqdars of Oadh, and Mr. Gokaran Nath
Misra, the energetic General Secretary of the Reception
Committee, who stumped the whole province and roused
the people to a pitch of enthusiasm unsurpassed in the
history of the Congress. Mr. Bishen Narain Dhar who
had been fitly selected as the Chairman of the Reception
Committee suddenly died and Mr. Jagat Narain, another
sound and silent worker in the cause of the Congress, at
once stepped to fill the vacant chair and worthily
did he fill it. Bat above all it was the ^ visible
manifestation of the new spirit, which had taken a full
decade slowly but steadily to develop itself amidst
repeated defeats and disappointments that at last burst
upon the country with a world-wide struggle between
Imperialism and Democracy and raised the cry of con-
stitutional freedom for India within the charmed circle
of the great British Empire, as being the only rational
solution of the Indian problem and the concrete basis of

K]&W SPIRIT AND SELF-GOVERNMENT FOR INDIA. 439

a permanenfe settlement of the indissoluble link between
Great Britain and India.

It ought to be fairly recognised that India disen-
franchised, emasculated and discontented is a source of
weakness to Great Britain. India is no doubt the most
valuable asset of her imperial greatness ; but all her
immense internal resources both in men as well as
materials stand at present practically as a dead stock in
her balance-sheet. A vast country like India with her
teeming millions numbering five times the population of
Germany should alone have furnished at the present
juncture an effective reply to German militarism and
closed all discussion about compulsory military service
in Great Britain. These facts never received any serious
consideration until the present crisis forced them upon
the attention of responsible men in England. At a
meeting of the Royal Colonial Institute presided over by
the Ri^t Hon'ble Mr. Hobhouse, who was the President
of the Royal Commission on Decentralization and not
long ago a member of the Cabinet, Colonel Sir Francis
Younghusband with his intimate knowledge of India
and'the characteristic frankness of a soldier said, that
** as regards the future of India it could safely be predict-
ed that new conditions would arise, the old demand of
Indiana for commissions in the army would ba
pressed ; there would be demands for a more definite
share in the Councils of the Empire, a larger part in
the management of their own affairs, right to bear
arms and to volunteer and a more equal social position."
Then at a recent meeting held at Guildhall at the instance
of the Lord Mayor, Mr. Asquith, the premier, and Mr,

iiO INDtAN NATIONAL EVOLUTION.

Bonar Law, the rest while leader of the Opposition and
both now united in a coalition ministry, have given a
joint pledge for the read] U8t;raQnt of India's position in
the Oounoils of the Empire affcer the war is over. But,
to quote the words of Mr. Bonar Law, why the thing
should not be done *' while the metal was still glowing
red-hot from the furnace of the war,*' and the promised
rewards of India's comradeship and co-operation should
be all relegated to the indefinite future and not one of them
even shadowed forth in the present programme of the
Imperial Government, seems to be inexplicable ; while
here in India there seems to be not the slightest indica-
tion of a disposition to treat the situation otherwise than
as quite normal in its conditions and requirements.
Sceptics are not, therefore, altogether wanting in this
country who gravely shake their heads at the future
prospects supposed to have been at last opened out by
this terrible revolutionary war and warn the bulk of
the people not to be over-sanguine in their expectations
to avoid the rude shock of a bitter disappointment.

The military career which after 30 years of vain
but persistent efforts has recently been opened to the
Indians is a great step in advance towards the forma-
tion of a national militia and it would be a fatal blunder
if the people notwithstanding all the defects, disabili-
ties and discouragements of the system do not ungrudg-
ingly seize this opportunity to establish their first claim
to a legitimate and adequate "share in a responsible
government for the country.

Everything turns on the question of mutual trust
and confidence. If England really believes in the fidelity

NEW SPIRIT AND SELF-GOVERNMENT FOR INDIA. 441

of India and is more deeply inspired by a higher
policy of prospective greatness than by any short-
sighted consideration of immediate loss and gain, the
dictates of self-interest alone will induce her care-
fully to tend and nourish the goose that lays the golden
egg. But if, on the other hand, her feeling towards
India be such as to dispose her to hand her over even
to her worst enemies rather than to the Indians them-
selves, no amount of argument will satisfy her that

she has not muddied the water and need not, therefore

»

be condemned to the last penalty for her action. It is,
however, only fair to presume that a nation that sacri-
ficed millions upon millions for the liberation of enslav-
ed humanity and which has always stood forth to defend
freedom's cause wherever threatened by the vaulting
ambition of military despotism, is not likely easily to
go back upon its solemn pledges, falsify its best tradi-
tions and stultify itself before the eyes of the world.
Great Britain does not appear to have passed the
meridian of her greatness and a nation in its ascend-
ing node with all its lapses has always a motion up-
wards. Besides, if the longivity of a nation, like that
of an individual, is to be judged by its achievements
and not simply by its earthly duration, the question
easily yields to but one solution. Then if at some
remote period in the fullness of time and in the dis-
pensation of Providence the inevitable hour should come
when Great Britain must fall, may she so fall fulfilling
her ** divine mission" and covered with imperishable
glory blazing forth through distant ages in the annals
oi an emancipated people. Bande Mataram,

APPENDIX A.

CONSTITUTION

OF THE

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGEESS OKGANISATION.

{As adopted by the Congress of 1908, amended by the

Congress of 1911, and further amended

by the Congress of 1912.)

ARTICLE I.

Objects,

The objects of the Indian National Congress are the attain-
ment by the people of India of a systena of government similar to
that enjoyed by the self-governing members of the British Empire
and a participation by them in the rights and responsibilities of
the Empire on equal terms with those members. These objects
are to be achieved by constitutional means by bringing about a
steady reform of the existing system of administration and by
promoting national unity, fostering public spirit and developing
and organising the intellectual, moral, economic and industrial
resources of the country.

ARTICLE II.

Every delegate to the Indian National Congress shall express
in writing his acceptance of the objects of the Congress as laid
down in Article I. of this Constitution and his willingness to abide
by this constitution and by the rules of the Congress hereto
appended.

SESSIONS OF THE CONGRESS.
ARTICLE III.

(a) The Indian National Congress shall ordinarily meet^
once every year during Christmas holidays at such town as may
have been decided upon at the previous session of the Congress.

(h) If no such decision has been arrived at, the All-India
Congress Committee shall decide the matter.

II APPENDIX A.

(c) An extraordinary session of the Congress may be sum-
moned by the All-India Congress Committee, either of its own
motion or on the requisition of a majority of the Provinoial Con-
gress Committees, wherever and whenever it may deem it advisable
to hold such session.

(d) It shall be open to the All-India Congress Committee
to change the venue of the Congress to some other town when
such change is deemed by it to be necessary or desirable owing to
serious or unforeseen difficulties or other contingencies of alike
nature.

COMPONENT PARTS OF THE ORGANISATION.

ARTICLE IV.

The Indian National Congress Organisation will consist of :—

(a) The Indian National Congress.

(b) Provincial Congress Committees.

(c) District Congress Committees.

id) Sub-divisional or Taluka Congress Committees affiliated
to the District Congress Committees.

(e) Political Associations or Public Bodies recognised by
the Provincial Congress Committees.

(/) The All-India Congress Committee.
ig) The British Committee of the Congress ; and
(h) Bodies formed or organised periodically by a Provin-
oial Congress Committee, such as the Provincial or District Con-
ierence or the Reception Committee of the Congress or Confe-
rence for the year,

ARTICLE V.

No person shall be eligible to be a member of any of the Pro-
vincial or District or other Congress Committees unless he has
attained the age of 21 and expresses in writing his acceptance of
the objects of the Congress as laid down in Article I. of this Con-
stitution and his willingness to abide by this constitution and by
the.rules of the Congress hereto appended.

PROVINCIAL CONGRESS COMMITTEES.

ARTICLE VI.

(a) To act for the Province in Congress matters and for
organising Provincial or District Conferences in such manner as
it may deem proper, there shall be a Provincial Congress Commit-
tee with its headquarters at the chief town of the Province in each,
of the following nine Provinces : —

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS ORGANISATION. Ill

1. Madras. II. Bombay. III. United Bengal. IV. United
Provinces. V. Punjab (including N. W. Frontier Provinces).
yi. Central Provinces. VII. Behar and Orissa. VIII. Berar ;
-and IX. Burma.

ARTICLE VII.

Every Provincial Congress Committee will consist of : —
(a) Such persons in the Province as may have attended as
many sessions of the Congress as delegates as may be determined
by each Provincial Congress Committee for its own Province.

(o) Representatives elected in accordance with its terms of
affiliation by every affiliated District Congress Committee.

(c) As many representatives of recognised Political Associa-
tions or Public Bodies* referred to in Clause (e) of Article IV. as
each Provincial Congress Committee may think fit to determine.

(d) All such ex-Presidents of the Congress or ex-Chairmen
of Reception Committees of the Congress as ordinarily reside
within the jurisdiction of the Provincial Congress Committee and
may not have been enrolled as members of the said Committee in
accordance with Clause (b) of Article VI. or by virtue of the
provisions contained in any of the foregoing Clauses of this
Article.

(e) The General Secretary or Secretaries of the Congress
ordinarily residing within the jurisdiction of the Provincial Con-
."gress Committee, such General Secretary of Secretaries being

added as ex officio member or members of the said Committee.

ArRTICLE VIII.

Every member of the Provincial Congress Committee shall
^ay an annual subscription of not less than Rs. 5.

District ok other Congress Committees or associations,

ARTICLE IX.

The Provincial Congress Committee shall have affiliated to
itself a District Congress (Committee or Association for each Dis-
trict, wherever possible, or for such other areas in the Province as
it deems proper, subject to such conditions or terms of affiliation
as it may deem expedient or necessary. It will be the duty of the
District Congress Committee or Association to act for the District
in Congress matters with the co-operation of any Sub-divisional
or Taluka Congress Committees which may be organised and
affiliated to it, subject in all oases to the general control and
^approval of the Provincial Congress Committee.

IV APPENDIX A,

ARTICLE X.

Every member ol^the District} Congress Committee or Asso*
ciation shall either bt^^ resident of the District or shall have a*
substantial interest in the District and shall pay an annual sub-
scription of not less than one Rupee.

ARTICLE XI.

No District Congress Committee or Association or Public-
Body referred to in Clauses (c) & ie) of Article IV. shall be entitle^
to return representatives to the Provincial Congress Committee-
or Delegates to the Congress or to the Provincial Conference un-
less it contributes to the Provincial Congress Committee such;^
annual subaoription as may be determined by the latter.

ARTICLE XII.

Each Provincial Congress Committee shall frame its own-
rules not inconsistent with the constitution and the rules of the
Congress. No District or other Congress Committee or Associa-
tion mentioned in Article IX shall frame any rules inconsistent
with those framed by the Provincial Congress Committee to which,
it is affiliated.

THE ALL-INDIA CONGRESS COMMITTEE.
ARTICLE XIII.

The All-India Congress Committee shall, as far as possible, be-
constituted as hereinbelow laid down : —
15 Representatives of Madras.
15 „ „ Bombay.

20 „ „ United Bengal (including Assam).

15 „ „ United Provinces,

13 „ „ Punjab (including N, W. Frontier-

Provinces).
7 „ „ Central Provinces.

15 „ „ Behar and Orissa.

5 „ „ Berar; and

,2 l M „ Burma

provided, a^ "far as possible, that l/5th of the total number of
representatives shall be Mahomedans.

All ex-Presidents of the Congress residing or present in
India, and the General Secretaries of the Congress, who shall also
be ex-officio General Secretaries of the All-India Congress Com-
mittee, shall be ex-officio members in addition,

ARTICLE XIV.

The representatives of each Province shall be elected by its
Provincial Congress Committee at a meeting held, as far aS
possible, before the 30th of November for each year. If any

I>.1>I4N NATIONAL CONGRESS ORGANISATION. V

Provincial Congress Committee fail fco elect its representatives, the
-said representatives shall be elected by the delegates for that
Province present at the ensuing Congress. In either case, the
representatives of each Province shall be elected from among the
■members of its Provincial Congress Committee, and the election
shall be made, as far as possible, vyich due regard to the proviso
in Article XIII,

ARTICLE XV.

The names of the representatives so elected by the different
Provinces shall be communicated to the General Secretaries.
These together with the names of the ex ojfflcio members shall be
announced at the Congress^

ARTICLE XVI.

The President of the Congress at which the All-India Congress
Committee comes into existence shall, if he ordinarily resides in
India, be ex officio President of the Ail-India Congress Committee.
In his absence the members of the All-India Congress Committee
may elect their own President.

ARTICLE XVII.

(a) The All-India Congress Committee so constituted shall
•hold office from the date of its appointment at the Congress till
the appointment of the new Committee.

(b) If any vacancy arises by death, resignation or otherwise
the remaining members of the Province, in respect of which the
vacancy has arisen, shall be competent to fill it up for the remain-
ing period,

ARTICLE XVIII.

(a) It will be the duty of the All-India Congress Committee
ito taiie such steps as it may deem expedient and practicable to
carry on the vfork and propaganda of the Congress and it shall
have the power to deal with all such matters of great importance
or urgency as may require to be disposed of in the name of and
for the purposes of the Congress, in addition to matters specified
in this constitution as falling within its powers or functions.

(b) The decision of the AJl-India Congress Committee shall,
in every case above referred to, be final and binding on the
Congress and on the Reception Committee or the Provincial
-Congress Committee, as the case may be, that may be afiected by
it.

ARTICLE XIX.

On the requisition in writing of not less than 20 of its
members, the General Secretaries shall convene a meeting of the
All-India Congress Committee at the earliest possible time.

VI APPENDIX A.

ELECTORATES AND DELEGATES.
ARTI03.E XX.

The right of electing delegates to the Indian National?
Congress shall vest in (1) the British Committee of the Congress ;
(2) Provincial or District or other Congress Committees or
Associations formed or affiliated as. hereinabove laid down ; (3)
such Political Associations or Public Bodies of more than two
years' standing as may be recognised in thac behalf by the
Provincial Congress Committee of the Province to which the
Political Association or Public Body belongs ; (4) Political Associa-
tions of British Indians resident outside British India of more
than two years' standing recognised by the All-India Congress
Committee, and (6) Public Meetings convened by Provincial or
District Congresp Committees or other recognised bodies.

ARTICLE XXI.

All delegates to the Indian National Congress shall pay a fee
of Rs. 10 each and shall be not less than 21 years of age at the
date of election.

RECEPTION COMMITTEE OF THE CONGRESS,

ARTICLE XXII.

(a) The Provincial Congress Committee of the Province in-
which the Congress is to be held shall take steps to form a Recep-
tion Committee for the Congress. Everyone, who ordinarily
resides in the Province, fulfils the conditions laid down in Article
V. of this Constitution and pays such contribution as may be
determined by the Provincial Congress Committee, shall be
eligible to be a member of the Reception Committee.

(b) No one who is only a member of the Reception Committee-
but not a delegate, shall be allowed to vote or take part in the
debate at the Congress.

(c) The Reception Committee shall be bound to provide the"
necessary funds for meeting all the expenses of the Congress as
also the cost of preparing, printing, publishing, and distributing:
the Report of the Congress.

ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT.
ARTICLE XXIII,

(a) The several Provincial Congress Committees shall by the
end of June suggest to the Reception Committee the names of
persons who are in their opinion eligible for the Presidentship of
the Congress, and the Reception Committee shall in the first week
of July submit to all the Provincial Congress Committees the
names as suggested for their final recommendations, provided that
such final recommendation will be of any one but not more of such.

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS ORGANISATION. Vll

names, and the Reception Committee shall meet in the month of
August to consider such recommendations. If the person recom-
mended by a majority of the Provincial Congress Committees is
accepted by a majority of the members of the Reception Committee
present at a special meeting called for the purpose, thac person shall
be the President of the next Congress. If, however, the Receptiou
Committee is unable to accept the President recommended by the
Provincial Congress Committees or in the case of emergency b^
resignation, death or otherwise of the President elected in manner
the matter aforesaid shall forthwith be referred by it to the All-
India Congress Committee, whose decision shall be arrived at, as
far as possible, before the end of September, In either case, the
election shall be final :

Provided that in no case shall be person so elected President
belong to the Province in which the Congress is to be held.

(b) There shall be no formal election of the President by or
in the Congress, but merely the adoption (in accordance with the
provisions in that behalf laid down in Rule 3, Clause (6) of the
"Rules " hereto appended) of a formal resolution requesting the
President, already elected in the manner hereinabove laid down,
to take the chair.

SUBJECTS Committee.
ARTICLE XXIV.

The Subjects Committee to be appointed at each session of
the Congress to settle its programme of business to be transacted
shall, as far as possible, consist of : —

Not more than 15 Representatives of Madras. '

Bombay.
United Bengal.
United Provinces.
Punjab (including

N. W. F. Province).
Central Provinces.
Behar and Orissa.
Berar.
Burma.

British Committee of the-
Congress.
And additional 10 „ „ the Province in which

the Congress is held.
All the above-mentioned representatives being elected, in ac-
cordance with Rule 9 of the "Rules" hereto appended, by the
delegates attending the Congress from the respective Provinces.

The President of the Congress for the year, the Chairman of
the Reception Committee of the year, all ex-Presidents of the

15

>» n

20

n J

15

n >

13

M »J

7

J» >i

15

)) ))

5

" ii

2

a >}

5
10

mil APPENDIX A.

Congress and ex-Chairmen of Reception Committees, the General
Secretaries of the Congress, the local Secretaries of the Congress
for the year, not exceeding six in number, and all the members of
the All-India Congress Committee for the year, shall in addition
be ex officio members of the Subjects Committee.

ARTICLE XXV.

The President of the Congress for the year shall be ex officio
Chairman of the SuDJeccs Committee, and he may nominate 5
delegates to the Subjects Committee to represent minorities or lo
make up such deficiencies as he may think necessary.

Contentious subjects

^ AND

Interests of Minorities.
ARTICLE XXVI.

(a) No subject shall be passed for discussion by the Subjects
Oommittee or allowed to be discussed at any Congress by the
President thereof, to the introduction of which the Hindu or
Mahomedan delegates, as a body, object by a majority of f ths of
their number ; and if, after the discussion of any subject, which
has been admitted for discussion, it shall appear that the Hindu
or Mahomedan delegates as a body, are by a majority of fths of
their number opposed to the resolution which it is proposed to
pass thereon, such resolution shall be dropped ; provided that in
both these cases the fths mentioned above shall not be less than a
4th of the total numoer of delegates assembled at the Congress.

(b) In any representations which the Congress may make or
in any demands which it may put forward for the larger associa-
tion of the people of India with the administration of the country,
the interests of minorities shall be duly safeguarded.

Voting at the Congress.
ARTICLE XXVII.

Ordinarily, all questions shall be decided by a majority of
votes as laid down in Rule 21 of the " Rules " hereto appended,
but in cases falling under Article XXX. of this Constitution or
whenever a division is duly asked for in accordance with Rule 22
of the " Rules " hereto appended, the voting at the Congress shall
be by Provinces only. In cases falling under Clause (1) of Article
XXX, each Province shall have one vote to be given as determin-
ed by a majority of its delegates present at the Congress. In
all other cases of voting by Provinces, the vote of each Province,
determined as aforesaid, shall be equivalent to the number of
representatives assigned to the Province in constituting the All-
India Congress Committee.

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS ORGANISATION. IX

THE British Committee of the Congress.
ARTICLE XXVIII.

The Receptioa Committee of the Province, in which the
Congress is held, shall remit to the British Committee of the
^Congress through the General Secretaries of the Congress half
the amount of the fees received by it from delegates, subject to a
'minimum of Rs. (3,000) three thousand.

General Secretaries.

ARTICLE XXIX.

{a) The Indian National Congress shall have two General
Secretaries who shall be annually elected by the Congress. They

.shall be responsible for the preparation, publication and distribu-
tion of the Report of the Congress, and thev shall submit a full
account of the funds which may come into their hands and a
report of the work of the year to the All-India Congress Commit-
tee at a meeting to be held at the place and about the time of the
session of the Congress for the year ; and copies of such account
and report shall be previously sent to all the Provincial Congress

'Committees.

(6) The All-India Congress Committee shall make adequate
provision for the expenses of the work devolving on the General
Secretaries, either out of the surplus at the disposal of the Re-

• ception Committee or by calling upon the Provincial Congress

•Committees to make such contribution as it may deem fit to
apportion among them.

Changes in the Constitution of Rules.
ARTICLE XXX.

No addition, alteration or amendment shall be made (1) in
Article I. of this Constitution except by a unanimous vote of all
the Provinces, and (2) in the rest of this Constitution or in the
" Rules " hereto appended except by a majority of not less than
two-thirds of the votes of the Provinces, provided, in either case,
that no motion for any such addition, alteration or amendment
shall be brought before the Congress unless it has been previously
accepted by the Subjects Committee of the Congress for the
year.

EULES

FOR THE GONDUCT AND REGULATION
OP THE

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS MEETING^

{As adopted by the Congress of 1908, 1911 and 1912,)

1. The Indian National Congress shall ordinarily hold an>
annual session at such place as may have been decided upon in
accordance with Article III. of the " Constitution " and on such
days during Christmas week as may be fixed by the Reception Com-
mittee. An Extraordinary Session of the Congress shall be held at
such town and on such days as the All-India Congress Committee
may determine.

2. Each Congress Session shall open with a meeting of the
delegates at such time and place as may be notified by the R^ecep-
tion Committee. The time and place of subsequent sittings of the
Session shall be fixed and announced by the President of the
Congress.

3. The proceedings on the opening day and at the first sit-
ting of each Congress Session shall, as far as possible, consist
of :—

(a) The Chairman of the Raception Committee's inaugural
address of welcome to the delegates.

(6) The adoption of a formal resolution, to be moved second-
ed and supported by such delegates as the Chairman of
the Reception Committee invites or permits, requesting
the President elected by the Reception Committee or
the All-India Congress Committee, as the case may be,
to take the chair, no opposition by way of a motion for
amendment, adjournment or otherwise being allowed
to postpone or prevent the carrying out of the said
resolution.

(c) The President's taking the chair and his inaugural

address.

(d) Reading or distribution of the Report, if any, of the

All-India Congress Committee and any statement that
the General Secretaries may have to make.

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS MEETINGS, XY

{e) Any formal motions of thanks, congratulations, condo-
lence, etc., as the President of the Congress may choose
to move from the chair,

(/) The adjournment of the Congress for the appointment
of the Subjects Committee and the announcement by
the President of the time and place of the meetings of
the delegates of the different Provinces for the election
of the members of the Subjects Committee and also of
the first meeting of the Subjects Committee.

4. No other business or motions in any form shall be allowed
at the opening sitting of the Congress Session.

5. The Chairman of the Reception Committee shall preside
over the assembly at the first sitting until the President takes the
chair. The President of the Congress shall preside at all sittings
of the Congress Session as well as at all meetings of the Subjects
Committee. In case of his absence and during such absence, any
ex-President of the Congress present, who may be nominated by
the President, and in case no ex-President is available, the Chair-
man of the Reception Committee shall preside at the Congress
sitting ; provided that the Subjects Committee may in such cases
choose its own Chairman.

6. The President or the Chairman shall have, at all votings,
one vote in his individual capacity and also a casting vote in case
of equality of votes.

7. The President or Chairman shall decide all points of
order and procedure summarily and his decision shall be final and
binding.

8. The President or Chairman shall have the power, in cases
of grave disorder or for any other legitimate reason, to adjourn
the Congress either to a definite time or sine die.

9. The election of the members of the Subjects Committee
shall take place at meetings of the delegate^ of the different
provinces held at such place and time as may be announced by the
President. Each such meeting, in case of contest shall have a
Chairman who will first receive nominations, each nomination
being made by at least two delegates, and then after announcing
all the nominations he may ask each delegate to give in a list of
the members he votes for, or he may put the nominated names to
the vote in such order as he pleases, or if there are only two rival
lists, he shall take votes on these lists and announce the result of
the election and forthwith communicate the same to the General
Secretaries of the Congress.

10. The Subjects Committee shall deliberate upon and prepare
the agenda paper for the business to be transacted at the next

-XU APPENDIX A

Congress sitting. The General Secretaries shall, as far as practi-
cable, distribute among the delegates a printed copy of the agenda
paper for each sitting before the sitting commences.

11. At each sitting of the Congress, the order in which
' business shall be transacted shall be as follows : —

(a) The resolutions recommended for adoption by the
Subjects Committee.

{b) Any substantive motion not included in (a) but which
does not fall under Article XXX, of the "Constitution"
and which 25 delegates request the President in writ-
ing before the commencement of the day's sitting to
be allowed to place before the Congress, provided,
however, that no such motion shall be allowed unless it
has been previously discussed at 'a meeting of the
Subjects Committee and has received the support of at
least a third of the members then present.

12. Nothing in the foregoing rule shall prevent the President
from changing the order of the resolutions mentioned in Rule 11

! (a) or from himself moving from the chair formal motions of
thanks, congratulations, condolences or the like.

13. The proposers, seconders and supporters of the Resolu-
tions recommended for adoption oy the Subjects Committee shall
be delegates and shall be selected by the said Committee. The
President may allow other delegates to speak on the resolutions at
his discretion and may allow any distinguished visitor to address
the Congress. Nothing in the foregoing, however, shall prevent
the President from moving from the chair such resolutions as he
may be authorised to do by the Subjects Committee.

14. An amendment may be moved to any motion provided
that the same is relevant to the question at issue, chat it does not
raise a question already decided or anticipate any question embrac-
ed in a resolution on the agenda paper for the day and that it is
couched in proper language and is not antagonistic to the funda-
mental principles of the Congress. Every amendment must be
in the form of a proposition complete in itself.

15. When amendments are moved to a motion, they shall be
put to the vote in the reverse order in which they have been
moved.

* 16. A motion for an adjournment of the debate on a propo-

sition may be made at any time and so also, with the consent of
the President or Chairman, a motion for an adjournment of the
House. The President or Chairman shall have the power to
decline to put to vote any motion for adjournment if he considers
it to be vexatious or obstructive or an abuse of the rules and

f. regulations.

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS MEETINGS. xiii

17. All motions, substantive or by way of amendment,
adjournment, etc., shall have to be seconded, failing which they
shall fall. No motions, whether those coming under Rule 11 (6)
or for amendment, adjournment, closure, etc., shall be allowed to
be moved unless timely intimation thereof is sent to the President
with the motion clearly stated in writing over the signatures of
the proposer and seconder with the name of the Province from
which they have been elected as delegates.

18. No one who has taken part in the debate in Congress-
on a resolution shall be allowed to move or second a motion for
adjournment or amendment in the course of the debate on that
resolution. If a motion for adjournment of the debate on any
proposition is carried, the debate on the said proposition shall •
then cease and may be resumed only after the business on the
agenda paper for the day is finished. A motion for adjournment
of the House shall state definitely the time when the House is to
resume business.

19. A motion for a closure of the debate on a proposition;
may be moved at any time after the lapse of half an hour from the
time the proposition was moved. And if such motion for closure
is carried, all discussion upon the original proposition or amend-
ments proposed to it shall at once stop and the President shall
proceed to take votes.

20. No motion for a closure of the debate shall be moved
whilst a speaker is duly in possession of the House.

21. All questions shall be decided by a majority of votes,
subject, however, to the provisions of Articles XXVII. and XXX.
of the "Constitution." Votes shall ordinarily be taken by a show
of hands or by the delegates for or against standing up in their
place in turn to have the numbers counted.

22. In cases not falling under Article XXX. of the "Consti-
tution" any twenty members of a Congress sitting may demand a
division within 5 minutes of the declaration of the result of the
voting by the President and such division shall be granted.
Thereupon the delegates of each province shall meet at such time
and place as the President may direct and the Chairman of each
such m'ietin'g shall notify to the President the vote of the Province
within the time specified by the President,

23. Every member of a sitting of the Congress or of the
Subjects Committee shall be bound {a) to occupy a seat in the
block allotted to his Provinces, save as provided for in Rule 30 ; (6)
to maintain silence when the President rises to speak or when
another member is in possession of the House ; (c) to refrain from
hisses or interruptions of any kind or indulgence in improper and-
and un-Parliamentary language ; (d) to obey the chair ; (e) to withr

Xiv APPENDIX A.

draw when his own conduct is under debate after he has heard
the charge and been heard thereon, and (/) generally to conduct
himself with propriety and decorum*

24. No member shall have the right at a Congress sitting to
speak more than once on any motion except for a personal expla-
nation or for raising a point of order. But the mover of a
substantive motion (not one for amendment or adjournment) shall
have the right of reply. A person who has taken part in a debate
may speak upon an amendment or motion for adjournment
moved after he had spoken. The President or Chairman shall have
the right to fix a time-limit upon all speakers, as also to call to
order or stop any speaker from further continuing his speech even
before the time-limit expires, if he is guilty of tedious repetitions,
improper expressions, irrelevant remarks, etc., and persists in
them in spite of the warning from the President.

25. If a person does not obey the President's or the Chair-
man's orders or if he is guilty of disorderly conduct the President
shall have the right, with a warning in the first instance, and
without a warning in case of contumacious disregard of his
authority, to ask such member to leave the precincts of the House
and on such requisition the member so ordered shall be bound to
withdraw and shall be suspended from his functions as a member
during the day's sitting.

26. If the President considers that the punishment he can
inflict according to the foregoing section is not sufficient, he may,
in addition to it, ask the House to award such punishment as the
House deems proper. The Congress shall have the power in such
cases of expelling the member from the entire Congress Session.

27. The Reception Committee shall organise a body of such
persons as it may deem fit for the purpose of keeping order during
the meeting of the Congress or of its Subjects Committee or at
divisions. There shall be a captain at the bead of this body and
he shall carry out the orders of the President or the Chairman.

28. Visitors may be allowed at the sitting of the Congress
on such terms and conditions as the Reception Committee deter-
mines. They may at any time be asked to withdraw by the
President. They shall be liable to be summarily ejected from the
House if they enter the area .marked out for the delegates, or if
they disobey the Chair, or if they are guilty of disturbance or ob-
struction, or if they are in anywise disorderly in their behaviour.

29. The meetings of the Subjects Committee shall be open
only to the members of that Committee and the meetings of the
delegates of each Province at divisions shall be open to th-e
delegates of that Province only, subject in either case to the pro-
visions of Rule 27.

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGEBSS. XV

30. The Ghairmaa of the Reception Committee and the
President as well as the Secretaries may, at their discretion, ac-
commodate on the Presidential platform : (1) Leading members of
the Congress. (2) Distinguished visitors. (3) Members of the Re-
ception Committee. (4) Ladies, '^vhether delegates or visitors, and
(5) Members of the AU-India Congress Committee.

31. The foregoing rules shall apply, mutatis mutandis, to
the Provincial or District Conferences organised by the Provincial
■Congress Committees as provided for in Article VL of the
^'Constitution."

CONSTITUTION

OF THE

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS

(Adopted at the Meeting of the Convention Committee held
at Allahabad on the ISth and 19th April, 1908.)

ARTICLES I-XXX. Same as in the Constifcufcion subse-
quently adopted by the Congress and as set forth above.

Transitory Provisions.
ARTICLE XXXI.

(a) The Committee appointed by the Convention at Surat on
28th December 1907 for drawing up a constitution for the Congress
should exercise all the pov^rers of the All India Congress Committee
till the formation of the latter at the next session of the Congress.

(b) The Secretaries of the said Convention Committee shall
discharge the duties of the General Secretaries of the Congress
till the dissolution of the next session of the Congress.

(c) 9'he President and Secretaries of the Convention Com-
mittee should, in consultation with the Secretaries of the several
Provincial Sub-Committees, arrange for the holding of a meeting
of the Congress during Christmas next in accordance with this
<3onstitution.

(d) For the year 1908, the Reception Committee, may in
electing the President, consult the Provincial Congress Committees
in the beginning of October, before the end of which month, the
Provincial Congress Committees, on being so consulted, shall make

XVI APPENDIX A.

their reoommendations and the rest of the procedure prescribed in-
Article XXIII, should be followed and completed, as far as possible,
before the end of November,

RASHBEHARY GHOSE,

President, Convention Committee.
DINSHAW EDULJI WACHA,
DAJI ABAJI KHARE,
Hony. Secretaries, Convention Committee^

The rules for the conduct and regulations of the Congress aa
framed by the Convention Committee were substantially the same
as those subsequently adopted by the Congress and as set fortb
above.

TENTATIVE EULES

IN REGARD TO CERTAIN MATTERS CONNECTED

WITH THE

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS

[Framed by the Committee appointed by
Resolution I. of 1887.)

I.

There shall be yearly, during the last fortnight of each Calen-
dar year, a meeting of the delegates of the people of India which
shall bear the name of The Indian National Congress.

II.

It shall from year to year assemble at such places and on
such dates as shall have been resolved on by the last preceding
Congress ; it being, however, left open to the Reception Committee
(Rule XII.) (should any real necessity for this arise) to change, in
consultation with the several Standing Congress Committees
(Rule III.), the place fixed by the Congress for some other locality.

III.

There shall be, as resolved at the 2nd National Congress
(XIII. of 1886), Standing Congress Committees at all important
centres. These Committees are at present as in Appendix I., but
the Congress may at any sitting add to or diminish the number of
these Committees, or alter their jurisdiction. The delegates from
any jurisdiction attending a Congress shall form the Standing
Congress Committee for that jurisdiction for the ensuing year
and they shall have power to add to their number and appoint
their own executive. There is at present a General Secretary
holding office at the pleasure of the several Congress Committees
but henceforth a General Secretary shall be elected at each Con- •
gress for the ensuing year.

IV.

It shall be the primary duty of all Standing Congress Commit-
tees to promote the political education of the people of their
several jurisdictions throughout the year, and . to endeavour, by
the circulation of brief and simple tracts and catechisms written
in the vernacular of that people, by the holding of public meetings
b

Xviii APPENDIX A.

at important centres and by sending competent men round to
lecture and explain these subjects, and by all other open and
laudable means, to imbue the intelligent and respectable classes
everywhere with a healthy sense of their duties and rights as good
citizens. Care has to be especially taken to impress the people
with a conviction, 1st, of the immense benefits that the country
has derived from British rule, and of the sincere desire that
pervades the British'nation to do the very best they can for the
people of India ; 2ndly, with the same idea of the more important
shortcomings of that rule, due partly to the unavoidable ignorance
of the rulers of the real condition of the ruled, and partly to the
failure of these latter to make known in a definite and intelligible
iorm their wants and wishes, and 3rdly, with the knowledge that
all defects in the existing form of the administration may surely,
though perhaps slowly, be amended, if the people will only unite
in loyal, temperate and persistent demands for the redress of
■grievances through such perso.ns as they may choose as exponents
of their views*

To enable the several Committees to carry out his great work
successively, they are empowered to create as many sub-committees,
(to each of whom a definite sphere of action be assigned), within
their jurisdictions, as may be necessary and possible, and they are
further empowered to associate themselves with any existing
Associations and work with them and through their various
branches and sub-committees.

VI

Each year, each Standing Congress Committee shall report
fully the work that it has done during the year, accompanying the
same, as far as may be practicable, by English translations of all
the tracts, leaflets and the like that it may have issued during the
year ; such reports shall be in English, and shall be so despatched
as to reach the Secretary of the Reception Committee (Rule XII.)
on or before the 15th of December, and shall be laid before the
Congress and duly considered thereat.

VII

It shall be the duty of all Standing Congress Committees, in
consultation with their Sub-Committees, and as many of the lead-
ing men resident therein as may be possible, to divide their several
jurisdictions into such electoral circles as may to them seem to be
most likely in the. existing state of the country to secure a fait
representation of the intelligent portion of the community, with-
out distinction of creed, caste, race or colour. Such circles ma7

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS. XIX

'be territorial, or where local circumstances require this, may each
include one or more castes, or professions, or Associations of any-
kind. Except in the cases of Associations, all delegates shall be
elected at Public Meetings held for the purpose. In the ca.se of
Associations, delegates shall be elected at General Meetings
-specially convened on that behalf.

VIII

Delegates may be of any creed, casfee or nationality, but must
be residents in India and not less than 25 years of age,

IX

It shall be the duty of all Standing Congress Committees to
-send out, three months before the date fixed for the Congress,
special notices to each of their electoral divisions calling upon each
to elect the number of delegates assigned under their scheme to
such ^division, as also one or more provisional delegates who
will, in case of the death or inability to attend to any of the elect-
ed delegates, take the places of these without further election, and
to forward to them — the Congress Committee — a full list of such
delegates with all particulars in the form given in Appendix II.
It will be the duty of the Standing Congress Committees not only
to issue such notices, but see that they are acted upon, deputa-
tions from their number proceeding, where necessary, to the
centres of the divisions. Provided that in case any electoral
division fails to elect the required" delegates, the Committee is
empowered to cancel such division and create in its place another
division more ready to do its duty. Each Standing Congress
"Committee shall forward a complete list (in the form given in
Appendix III.) of all delegates and provisional delegates elected for
their entire jurisdiction to the Reception Committee, so that the
same may reach the latter on or before the ISch of December, and
it shall be the duty of the Reception Committee to remind the
Standing Committee that they are due, and failing to receive
these lists to telegraph for them persistently and to bring to tha
notice of the Congress any serious neglect of this rule.^

X

It shall be the duty of each Standing Congress Committee, at
least one month before the date fixed for the Congress, to ascertain
the cheapest and best routes and modes of conveyance by which
the several delegates of their jurisdictions can reach the Congress,
the time that will be occupied in transit, and the cost of the journey
by both 1st and 2nd class, single and return, and to notify
the same to each of the delegates and provisional delegataa electecl
within their jurisdiction.

XX APPENDIX A.

XI

It shall be the duty of each Standing Congress Committee to-
notify, so that such notification shall reach the Reception Com-
mittee on or before the 1st of November, the subjects that the
people of their several jurisdictions desire to see discussed.
Provided that such subjects shall be of a national character, that
is to say, of a nature affecting the whole country, and not provin-
cial, and that in regard to each snhject the exact resolution which
it is desired to pass be also transmitted, along with, whenever the
latter is praoticaole, the names of the gentlemen who are prepared ^
to prcfpose or support such resolutions.

XII

The Standing Congress Committee of the jurisdiction in
which the Congress is to be held shall, not less than six months
before the date fixed for the Congress, associate with itself all the
leading inhabitants of the place where the Congress is to be held,
who may be willing to take part in the proceedings, and with'
them constitute itself a Reception Committee.

XIII

It shall be the duty of the Reception Committee (a) to notify
to all the Standing Committees their appointment, and to invite -
them to proceed to call for delegates and to send in before the
appointed date the list of the subjects which the people of their
jurisdiction desire should be discussed as required by Rule XI; (6)
to collect and provide the funds necessary for the entertainment of
the delegates and other purposes essential to the holding of the
Congress ; to arrange for a suitable Meeting Hall ; for the suit-
able lodgment of the delegates of other jurisdictions ; for the food
of the delegates during their stay, due regard being had to the
customs, local or religious, of each, and generally to arrange for
everything necessary for their convenience and comfort, and (c)
to maintain a constant correspondence with all the Standing
Congrpss Committees, and generally, so far as may be, assure
them^ielves that the necessary work is duly proceeding in all
jurisdictions.

XIV

It shall be the duty of the Reception Committee to obtain^
from the several Standing Committees the list of subjects referred
to in Statute XI. reminding them and giving them ample warning
that lists not received by the 1st of November cannot be attended
to, and on the 1st of November to proceed to consider such lists

INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS. XXl

:and after eliminating all subjects (if there be any such) of a clear-
ly provincial character, or unsupported by definite resolutions
intended to be proposed in regard to them, to compile the rest
into one list in the form given in Appendix IV, and print and des-
patch the same by the 15th of November in sufficient numbers
to the several Standing Committees to enable these to distribute
copies to each delegate and provincial delegate, and the several
^Standing Committees shall be responsible for their immediate
^distribution accordingly.

XT

It shall be the duty of the Reception Committee, as soon as
possible after its constitution, to select and communicate to the
several Standing Congress Committees the names of those gentle-
men whom it considers eligible for the office of President, and in
correspondence with them to settle who shall be invited to fill
that office, and thereafter when, and agreement thereon has been
come to, to communicate with the gentlemen finally approved by
all, or a considerable majority of the Standing Committees, and
.-generally to do all that may be necessary to settle the question of
•the Presidentship at least one month before the Congress meets.

xvi;

Of the subjects circulated under Rule XIV, for information,
•only those shall be brought forward and discussed at the Congress
which shall brf finally approved by a committee (to be called the
Subjects Committee) consisting of the President-Elect and one or
-more representatives of each jurisdiction (selected by all delegates
who may be thvin present at the Congress station) which shall
meet on the day previous to the inaugural sitting of the Con-
gress. Provided also that this Committee shall be empowered to
add any subjects to those included in this list that may for any
reasons appear to them specially deserving of discussion, framing
at the same time the resolutions that they desire to see proposed
>in regard to them, and further, to modify as may appear to them
•necessary, any of the resolutions propounded in regard to the
subjects included in the list which they have accepted for discus-
sion. Provided further, that the Committee shall at the same time
settle, so far as may be possible, those gentlemen who are to be
invited to propose, second and support the Resolutions, and shall
put themselves into commu;aication with them, and that they shall
at once frame a list of the approved subjects and resolutions in
the form given in Appendix V. and shall print the same so that
a, copy may, if possible, be placed in the hands of each delegate at
sthe inaugural sitting of the Congress.

XXll APPENDIX A.

XVII.

Ife shall be the duty of the Chairman of the Reception Com-
mittee CO preside at the oommencement of the inaugural sitting,
of the Congress, and after delivering such address as he and the
Reception Committee may consider necessary to call upon the
assembled delegates to elect a President and after such election to
instal the said President in the chair of of&oe.

From and after the installation of the President, he shall direct
and guide the entire proceedings of the assembly, he being empower-
ed in all cases, except as hereinafter provided, in which differen-
ces of opinion arise or doubts occur, either himself, to rule what
course should be taken when his ruling shall be final, or to take a
vote from the assembly, when the decision of the majority shall
be final.

Until the subjects and resolutions approved by the Subjects
Committee have been discussed (and this in such order as the
President may direct) and disposed of by the adoption, rejection
or modification of such resolutions, no other business shall be
brought before the Congress. But after this, if there be time for
this, any delegate who shall have given notice in writing at the
commencement of the sitting to the President, of his desire to
have a particular subject discussed, and definite resolution, which
he sets forth, proposed shall have a right Eknd a delegate who at any
time previous to rising shall have given such notice may, with the
permission of the President rise and ask the President to take
the sense of the assembly as to whether such subject shall be dis-
cussed. No speaking at this stage shall be allowed. The Presi-
dent shall simply read out the subject and the proposed resolution
and make any such remarks as he considers essential and take a
vote of the assembly as to whether the subject shall or shall not ba
discussed. If the vote is in the affirmative the proposer shall then
set forth the subject and the resolution be therein proposes with
such explanations as he considers necessary, and then, after due-
discussion, the question shall be disposed of in the usual way. If:
the vote is in the negative, the subject shall be at once dropped.

ADDENDA.

ADDENDUM TO RULE XII.

Ifc is to be distinctly understood that the Reception Committee
cannot provide accommodation or food for any one but delegates
and at most for one servant each for any delegates who absolute-
ly require such attendance. All delegates who can do without a
special servant of their own should do so, the Reception Committee-
will provide attendance for their guests. If any delegate desires
to bring with him friends or family or more than one servant he
must notify the same at least 20 days before the Congress meets
to the Reception Committee, stating the number of persons he
intends to bring, the number of rooms or the kind of house he
requires and the amount he is willing to pay for the same, and
the Committee will endeavour to have the required accommodation
ready. Unless such timely notice be given, the Committee, though
they will still try to assist their guest's friends, can take no res-
ponsibility in regard to them. Under no circumstances can any one
not a delegate, or the one servant of a delegate, be accommodated
in any of the quarters provided by the Reception Committee for
the delegates.

RULE XVl.— (Revised).

Of the subjects circulated under Rule XIV. for information,
only those shall be brought forward and discussed at the Congress
which shall be finally approved by a Committee (hereinafter desig-
nated the Subject Committee) consisting of the President-Elect,
the General Secretary and one or more of the representatives of
each jurisdiction which shall meet as early as possible on the day
previous to the inaugural sitting of the Congress and with neces-
sary intervals for food and rest continue sitting until the work
is completed. It shall be the duty of each Standing Congress
Committee to select specially and arrange for the despatch of one
or more of its delegates, so that he or they may arrive in good
time for and represent their views at the Subject Committee
which besides these specially selected delegates may include a
limited number of gentlemen selected by the other delegates
present at the time, should the President-Elect consider this
necessary to ensure an adequate representation of all seotioiis of
the community. It shall not be open to any delegate or body of
delegates or any Standing Congress Committee, not present or
represented at the opening of the Subject Committee to question
later on, its proceedings or demand that the work of selecting

XXIV ADDENDA.

subjects be done over again, but it will be open to any and all who
may be dissatisfied with the programme of the Committee to
propose amendments to any or all the resolutions they have ap-
proved, or when all the subjects approved by them have been
disposed of, to move for the discussion for other subjects, as provided
in other rules. The Subject Committee is empowered to add any
subjects to those included in the last circulated under Rule XIV.
that may for any reasons appear to them specially deserving of
discussion, framing at the same time the resolutions that they
desire to see proposed in regard to them, and further, to modify as
may appear to them necessary, any of the resolutions propounded
in regard to the subjects included in the list, which they have
accepted for discussion. The Committee shall at the same time
settle, so far as may be possible, those gentlemen who are to be
invited to propose, second and support the resolutions, and shall
put themselves into communication with them, and they shall,
before separating, frame a list of the approved subjects and
resolutions in form given in Appendix V. and shall print the same
so that a copy may, if possible, be placed in the hands of each
delegate at the inaugural sitting of the Congress.

RULE XVIII.— A
It is desirable that the President should have, sitting with him
-on the platform, and constituting a sort of Council, that he can
consult in case of necessity, one or more of the leading delegates
from each jurisdiction. There are places on the platform accord-
ing to the standard plan, for 22 such Councillors, and these shall
be apportioned as follows to the jurisdictions of the several
Standing Congress Committees, viz , to that of Calcutta 4 of
Bankipore 1, of Benares and Allahabad taken together 2, of
Lucknow 2, of Lahore 2, of Karachi 1, of Surat 1, of Bombay
3, of Poona 1, of Nagpore 1, of Madras 4. The delegates of
each jurisdiction present on the morning of the inaugural sitting,
must elect these their representatives and notify their names be-
fore noon on the day of §uch sitting to the Secretary of the
Reception Committee. The Chairman of the Reception Commit-
tee and a special Secretary, to be selected by the President, will
also occupy the platform on the immediate right and left of the
President.

RULE XVIII.— B

On or before noon of the day of the inaugural sitting, the
President-Elect, in consultation with the Chairman of the Recep-
tion Committee, shall nominate 8 or more gentlemen not them-
selves delegates, as wardens of the assembly and shall invest them
with a conspicuous badge and a wand of office. It shall be the
duty of these wardens throughout the Congress to see that the

ADDENDA, XXV

• delegates take the places assigned to them ; that the pathways are
i.kept clear, the arrangements of the Reception Committee rigidly

respected and generally order maintained in all particulars. It
shall DC the duty o| all delegates to comply at once and unhesitat-
ingly with any requests made to them by the wardens,
RULE XVIII— C
No one, not a delegate, shall be allowed to address the Cong-
ress or vote on any matter before it, No delegate shall be allowed
to address the assembly except from the platform. The Subject
Committee will usually have arranged for proposers, seconders,
and supporters, and at times for other speakers on each resolution,
and these will, when no amendment is proposed, have precedence
of other persons who desire to speak, but after these have spoken,
these others shall be called on to speak in the order in which they
onay have submitted their names (very clearly written in full, in
ink) to the President. Provided that when it seems clear that the

• Congress is of one mind on any subject and does not desire further
speaking, the President may, at the close of any speaker's address
take the sense of the assembly as to whether further discussion is
necessary and proceed accordingly. "When one or more amend-

v.ments have been duly notified, then after the proposer and
seconder of the original resolutions have spoken, the proposers
and seconders of the amendments shall be called on in the order
in which the amendments were filed, and after this the supporters
of the original resolution and the amendments shall speak in turn,
.and after these, again, ail other speakers in the order in which
their names have been registered.

No original proposer of a resolution shall, without the express
.permission of the President previously obtained, speak for more
than 15 minutes. No other speaker shall, without the express
'permission of the same officer previously obtained, speak for more
than 10 minutes and, as a rule, speakers are expected to confine
themselves to five minutes. The President will touch a gong once
to warn each speaker when the time allotted to him is drawing to
. a close, and he will touch it a second time when that period has

• elapsed and he considers that the speaker should cease speaking,
and when the President does thus a second time touch his gong,
the speaker shall thereupon, then and there close his address and
leave the platform unless called upon by the assembly generally to
proceed. Each speaker on ascending the platform for the purpose
of speaking shall give one card on which his name is very clearly
written in full in English, as also the name of the jurisdiction to
which he belongs, to the Short-hand Reporter employed by the

'Congress and similar card to the President's Secretary, and the
latter shall read it out distinctly to the assembly before the speech
commences.

XXVI APPENDIX A.

RULE XVIII.—D
When considerable difference of opinion is proved, by the-
course of the discussion, to exist in the assembly in regard to any
question before it, the President may, at any time, temporarily
suspend business and inviting to the platform such other delegates
as he considers necessary, with these and his Goncillors, as a
Special Committee, proceed to endeavour to work out a solution
of the difficulty which will commend itself to all parties, or to the
great majority of these. Should this prove impracticable he will
resume business and take the sense of the assembly as to whether
further discussion shall be allowed or the several amendments (the-
last, first, and so on) put in the usual way. But should, as will
generally be the case, a compromise be arrived at by the Special
Committee, unanimously or by majority of at least t\to-thirds he
shall, on resuming the chair, first read out the resolution thus
arrived at and then either himself explain its bearings on the
matters in dispute, or call upon some one else to do so, and after
such explanation put this at once to the assembly. If it be not
carried, he will proceed as above directed, but if carried, the dis-
cussion will be considered closed and assembly will proceed to
the next subject and resolution on the programme. Such resolu-
tions will appear in the summary, as " Proposed by a Special
Committee and carried by amajority unanimously, or, by acclama-
tion"— as the case may be.

RULE XIX.— A
Without the special permission of the President, which shall
only be granted, when this appears to him eseentially necessary,
no amendment shall be proposed, of which due notice in writing
signed by at least five delegates shall not have been given to the
President at the time of his taking the chair or before business
commences, on the day on which the resolution which it is
proposed to amend is discussed. The notice shall set forth the
resolution, to which it is proposed to move an amendment, the
exact words of the amendment, and the whole resolution as it
would stand were the amendment carried. In introducing each^
resolution for discussion the President shall mention fully each
amendment thereon of which he has received notice, so that all
delegates may clearly realise the points which are to be in debate,
and all including the proposers, etc., of the original resolution
frame their speeches accordingly,

RULE XIX.— B
To allow for the presentation of notices of amendment and
the like, including general protests by all the Hindu, or Maho-
medan delegates as a body against the proposing of any particular
resolution, the President shall always take his seat one half hour
before business commences.

SUGGESTIONS. XXVll i

RULE XIX.— C *

The President may at any time during a debate himself explain
or call upon the proposer, or any other delegate, to explain more
fully the whole or any portion of an original resolution, which
appears t© him to be being misunderstood by the speakers or the
assembly.

Rule XIX— D.

It may sometimes occur that in the hurry and heat of debates
where but little time can be conceded to each subject, (especially
where amendments on amendments are admitted by the President) •
that the resolution actually passed by Congress, though perfectly
clear and intelligible, are yet needlessly involved, tautological, or
otherwise verbally defective. It shall, therefore, be the duty of
the President, in consultation with the General Secretary, if pos-
sible, day by day, otherwise at any rate immediately at the close
of the session, to review most carefully each of the resolution and
while preserving intact their meaning, to correct so far as may
appear to him really necessary, all literary and verbal oversights,
retaining in all cases so much of the exact original wording as ^
may be possible, consistent with the proper discharge of the duty
above imposed upon him.

SUGGESTIONS •

FOR THE

STANDING CONGRESS COMMITTEE

(1) The Standing Congress Committee must, under the
Tentative Rules, consist in the first instance of all those delegates
who attended the last Congress, and these should associate with
themselves all those gentlemen who attended as delegates at any
previous Congress and all other leading members of the circle
who sympathize in the movement. Of course the large body thus
formed cannot be expected to work at details. The majority of the
members have not the time to attend to a huge series of these. If
any matter of great importance arises, they must of course assist
with advice, and if required money also, but the regular routine

* These suggestions are the result of the practical experience
gained in working out the electoral system in Madras and must of
course be only taken quantum valeant and open to such
modifications as each Standing Committee finds necessary or •
expedient.

XXViii APPENDIX A.

work, of which there will necessarily be a good deal, musfe be dona
by a small number of real workers whom the committee must
■ appoint: men whose circumstances permit to give a fair share of
time and attention to the work, and who are so really and earnestly
interested in this that they will not grudge either,

(2) The first point, then for every Standing Congress Com-
mittee, as soon as it is constituted, is to appoint a secretary or
secretaries and a small^ strong, Executive Committee — all of them
men of the class just referred to — with instructions to hold a meet-
ing without fail, one every week, on a fixed day, at a fixed hour,
at a fixed place, two to form a quorum. All work pertaining to
the Standing Congress Committee to be disposed of by these
weekly meetings, by such members of the Executive Committee as
are at present. No one should afterwards be competent to question

■■ such decisions on the score, that only 2 or 3 were present ; if
more were not present, that is their own fault, and all must cheer-
fully accept, and be bound by the decision of those who did take
trouble to be present.

(3) The most important work of the Executive Committee is
to create (if this has not already been done) and consolidate the

• electoral division. The electoral divisions must be so arranged as
to cover every portion of the circle* and include every section of
the community. One main object in elaborating them is to insure
that delegates shall fairly represent every creed, class, race, and

■- section of the community inhabiting the circle. This can only be
achieved iu moat circles by constituting electoral divisions of two

• classes, viz., first, territorial, each to include, (a) a portion of a
city, or (6) a whole city or town (c) with a portion of district
adjacent to it, or (d) a town with the entire district to which it
pertains, or (e) in very backward portions of the country, a town
together with 2 or more neighbouring districts, and, second,

• sectional, each to include a special commanity or an association,
or groups of either of tl^ese. A glance at the Appendix will show
how this has been managed at Madras, it being noted that the
divisions printed in Italics, though duly constituted, have not yet
agreed to act, but letters have been addressed to them which with
such replies as they may elicit, will later be published.

Of course the divisions must, as a rule, be worked out in con-
sultation with leaders in each, and these must be constituted Sub-
Committees. The very essence of the scheme is that there should
be a loorking local Sub-Committee in and directly rssponsible for
each division, whether Territorial or Sectional, and as the divi-

• sions are created so must there Sub-Committees be created.

* The circle is that tract of country over which tht itanding
' Congress Committee has jurisdiction.

SUGGESTIONS. XXIX:

In consfeicufciug divisions, regard must be had to the men
available for Sub-Committees. The smaller and more manageable
the divisions, the better no doubt — but then it is no use constitut-
ing a division unless you have in it men who will form a Sub-
Committee and work the division. Very often, therefore, divi-
sions will have to consist of entire districts at the headquarters
of which aloDe can men of the requisite education and public -
spirit be found.

The divisions settled, the numbers of delegates that each
should return as a minimum (which each is absolutely pledged to
send, no matter how far off the Congress be held), should be
fixed by dividing the total number for the circle (at 3 per million
for the total population thereof) over the several divisions with
due advertence to their relative importance and the advance that
they have made in political and general education and then add-
ing thereto as will be necessary in all metropolitan circles at
any rate, such additional delegates as may be essential to secure a
really comprehensive representation of all the interests embraced
in the circle.

It may be that some of the divisions such, for instance, as the-
European Chambers of Commerce, the Jewish Community in
Bombay, the Armenian Community in Calcutta, the European
Planters in Assam, Sylhet and Cachar — the Universities (which-
are to a great extent official, the fellows being nominated by
Government, and not elected by the graduates as they should he),
9tc., may decline to co-operate and act, but they must be none the
less invited and pressed to do this and constitute divisions. Only,
in the schedule, those declining to act must be printed in Italics.

The schedule thus prepared should have the formal assent
of the entire Standing Congress Committee, or if every member
cannot, as .often happens, be got hold of, of a large majority
thereof — a copy of it should then be sent to the General Secre-
tary. This schedule will represent what the circle is pledged to ;
it will be open to the circle, until at any rate the entire Congress
rule otherwise hereafter, to send as many more delegates on any
occasion it finds necessary or desirable.

The schedule thus worked out, the Executive Committee next
have to bring home to each Sub-Committee* its responsibility for

* Each Sub-Committee can add to its numbers such leadings
residents of its division as are willing to co-operate heartily in
the work, and each must appoint a Secretary for correspondence-
with the Executive Committee.

XXX APPENDIX A.

its division making it clear to them that there are two main
branches of their responsibility — {a) in regard to delegates, {b) in
•regard to the education of the people.

As to (a), they are answerable for causing the selection, not in
a hurry at the last moment, but, during the year, after the consult-
ation with all the most influential and intelligent of the inhabit-
ants of their division of really suitable delegates to attend the
Congress. They must in this selection weigh all matters ; they
must look to position, influence, intelligence, education and
unblemished character. They must try and have all combined ;
but if this be not possible, they must remember that the last is the
most important, the last but one the next most important, and so
on, They must, of course, arrange either that the delegates select-
ed are well able to bear the expense of the journey, etc., or that
the necessary funds for the purpose are duly collected in the
division.

So far as may be possible all persons selected as delegates
•should understand English sufficiently well to be able to take an
intelligent part in the proceedings of the Congress, without the
need of ^ny one to explain or interpret to them.

Beside the 1, 2, or 3 delegates that they are required to send
up from their division by the electoral scheme, the Sub-Committees
should also always select one or more extra or provisional delegates,
who, in case of death, sickness, or other restraining cause, pre-
venting the attendance of any delegate, may be prepared at once,
without further action, to take the defaulter's place.

Of course, in all places where there are a good number of
Mahomedans, they should endeavour to have at least one delegate
a Mahomedan.

As to (5) they should charge themselves with the political
education of all the respectable inhabitants of their division. They
need not, at present, trouble themselves with the quite ignorant low
caste people, labourers, and the like, who have virtually no stake in
the country, and no sufficiently developed intelligence to be as yet
associated in the work ; but all respectable ryots, petty shopkeepers,
-artizans, as well as the higher classes, should be made to under-
stand something of their rights and duties as good citizens — some-
thing of the leading political question of the day — something of
the support that in their own interest they are bound to accord
to those who are endeavouring to secure for their fellow-country-
men and themselves, rights, privileges and power, that will enable
them to do away with many of the chief grievances of which the
■country now justly complains.

SUGGESTIONS. XXXi

Now they can do this partly by the wide circulation of ele-
mentary tracts, and partly by^oing round their divisions and
lecturing from place to place on^these matters.

As to tracts, the Congress Catechism, in simple language, in
all the vernaculars of the circle, will be provided for them by the
Executive Committee, but they will have to realise and pay to this
Committee the 10 or 20 Rs. that the 1,000 to 2,000 copies that
they will need for their divisions will cost. As to lecturing they
must enlist in the work every competent man within their
divisions, and arrange amongst themselves, so that at least every
town and village that contains 500 inhabitants and upwards is
visited and lectured in by some one not less than once a year.

These are the principal duties of the Sub-Committees but
besides* this they must keep themselves in communication with
the Executive Committee, and carefully carry out all subsidiary
instructions that they receive from them.

(4) The Executive Committee should arrange for holding a
Conference at some suitable central locality of all the Sub-
Committees and take care that these are all made to understand
and realise thoroughly their duties and their responsibility to their
country and countrymen for the due performance of these.

(5) The Executive Committee must at once arrange for the
translation of the catechism into all the vernaculars of its circle
taking care that the language is simple, and adapted to the com-
prehension of the ordinary ryot, and adding in the last two re-
plies, all such local matter as they consider necessary for the
guidance of their people. They must get these clearly printed,
and as cheaply as possible (the cost ought not to exceed Rs. 10
per 1,000. and they must then insist on the Sub-Committees
speedily providing the funds for the number of copies requisite
for their several divisions, which will range from one to two
thousands, probably according to number and degree of advance-
ment of their people.

(6) Each member of each Standing Committee must
contribute a small sum of Rs. 5 or 10 each, as may be settled
locally, to the Executive Committee to put them in funds for
printing these catechism and other papers, and where copies are
obtained from other Executive Committees, paying for these. But
as explained, the major portion of this will be recovered from the
Sub-Committees, so that it will not often be necessary to apply to
the Standing Congress and it is believed that no member of this
will grudge this small donation once in a way.

(7) The Executive Committee nhould *draw up a regular
scheme so as to ensure every single electoral division being visited,

XXXll APPENDIX A.

at least once in every twelve months, by a competent member oV
its own body or of the General Standing Committee, who should
deliver one cr more lectures at its headquarters, and satisfy
himself that the Sub-Committees are really doing their duty or if
not, put them in the right way. If there be any difficulty in
getting members, each to attend to, say one division once in the
year, it will be a matter for deep regret. Every true-born son of
India ought to be proud of the opportunity of thus promoting the
enlightenment of his fellow-countrymen, and strengthening his
country's cause, even at some minute sacrifice of time, comfort
and convenience, such as the required work entails,

(8) Farther the Executive Committee, in consultation from
time to time with the members of the Standing Committee, must
thoroughly mature a scheme for raising, when the time comes to
make a call for this, a Permanent Congress Fund, at a rate of not
less than Rs. 3,000 or more than Rs. 5,000 per million of popula-
tion.

(9) It will be observed, that, realising the fact that the
Standing Congress Committees will, in many places, mainly
consist of leading public men already fully occupied, these sug-
gestions contemplate relieving them of all detail work, and of all
compulsory attendance (though each and all when able to do so^.
can attend and take part in the regular fixed weekly meetings of
the Executive Committee) at ordinary meetings. But it is expected
of them that they shall, once in a way, when they can aJSord the
leisure, satisfy themselves. that the Executive Committee are
really carrying out the work efficiently that — they shall individu-
ally be at all times ready to afiord to the Secretary, or the member
of the Executive Committee, advice on any special point, or the
support of their influence in any special matter — and that they
shall at the outset make a small donation to place the Executive
Committee in funds for their printing works.

In the case of any really important matters having to be
decided, a general meeting of the Standing Congress Committee
will be called by the Executive Committee after personal enquiries
from as many of the members as possible, so as to ensure the
fixing of the most generally convenient date and hour. One such
meeting will certainly be required some time before the next
Congress takes place and possibly, one or two others, but the
Standing Committee will be troubled as little as possible, only in
fact when it is really necessary and when consequently none of
them will grudge either the time or the trouble.

If at any time any 3 of the members of the Standing Com-
mittee consider, for any reason, that a general meeting ihould be

SUGGESTIONS. XXXlll

called, they will notify the same to the Executive Committee,
explaining their reason for the same in writing and the Com-
mittee will arrange accordingly.

On the 1st of May, and each succeedicg month, the Execu-
tive Committee will report progress, succinctly circulaticg the
report, which should be informal, confidential and as brief as pos-
sible, to each member of the Standirg Congress Committee, who
shall be answerable for reading and promptly sending it on.

It is very desirable that a copy of this Report should be^
simultaneously sent to the General Secretary for record and foe
the information, where necessary, of other oiroles.

APPENDIX B— SURAT PAPERS.

I. THE CONVENTION.

After the adjournmenfc of the 23cd Indian National Congress
:sine die under the most painful circumsfcanoes on the afternoon of
the 27th Deoember, a large number of the leading delegates met
the same evening at about 4 p.m. in Sir P. M, Mehta's quarters
to consider what steps should be taken to continue the work of
the Congress.

At this meeting it was unanimously resolved that a National
Convention be held at Surat on the next day {28th Deo.,) and the
following notice calling the Convention was issued :

The 23rd Indian National Congress having been suspended
sine die under painful circumstances the undersigned have resolved
-with a view to the orderly conduct of future political work in the
country to call a Convention of those delegates to the Congress
who are agreed : —

(1) That the attainment by India of Self-Governmant similar
to that enjoyed by the self-governing members of the British
Empire and participation by her in the rights and responsibilities
of the Empire on equal terms with those Members is the goal of our
political aspirations.

(2) That the advance towards this goal is to be by strictly
constitutional means by bringing about a steady reform of ex-
isting system of administration and by promoting National Unity ^
fostering public spirit, and improving the condition of the mass
of the people.

(3) And that all meetings held for the promotion of the aims
and objects above indicated have to be conducted in an orderly
manner with due submission to the authority of those that are
entrusted with the power to control their procedure, and they are
requested to attend at I P.M. on Saturday the 28th December 1907
in the Paaadal lent for the purpose by the Working Committee of
the Reception Committee of the 23cd Indian National Congress.

(Signed) Rashbehari Ghose. Pherozashah M, Mehta.
Surendranath Banerjee. G. K. Gokhale, D. E. Wacha.
Narendranath Sen. Ambalal Sakerlal Dasai, V. Krishnaswami
Iyer. Tribhovandas N. Malvi. Madan Mohan Malaviya. Daji

THE CONVENTION XXXV

Abaji Khare. N. M.'Samarth. Gokuldas K. Parakh. Chimanlal
9B. Setalwad. Hari Sibaram Dikshit. Ambioa Charan Muzumdar,
A. Chowdhury. Ganga Persad Varma. Mulohand Fessumul,
Abbas Tayabji. Tulsidas Shewandas. A. Nundy. 8, Sinha.
Bhalohandra Krishna. Gokaran Nath Misra. Sangamlal.
Govind Sahay Sharma. Teji Bahadur Sapru. V. Ryru Nambiar.
Deora Vinayak. Hussain Tyabji. M. V. Joshi. R. N. Mudholkar.
J. F. D'Mello. J. B. Petit. Ishwar Sha Ran, Parmeshvar Lall.
N. Subba Ran. Krishna Kumar Mitra. J. Chowdhry. A. H.
'Ghazanavi. L. R. Gokhale. 0. V. Vaidya. Ram Garudh. R.
P. Karandikar and others.

II. THE EXTKEMISTS' VEESION.

A Press Note containing an official narrative of the prooeed-
"^^ings of the 23rd Indian National Congress at Surat has been
published* over the signatures of some of the Congress officials. As
this Note contains a number of one sided and misleading state-
ments, it is thought desirable to publish the following account of
the proceedings : —

Preliminary.

Last year when the Congress was held at Calcutta under the
•presidency of Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, the Congress, consisting of
Moderates and Nationalists, unanimously resolved to have for its
goal Swaraj or Self-Government on the lines of the Self-Governing
Colonies, and passed certain resolutions on Swadeshi, Boycott and
National Education. The Bombay Moderates, headed by Sir P. M.
Mehta, did not at the time raise any dissentient voice, but they
seem to have felt that their position was somewhat compromised
by these resolutions, and they had since then been looking for-
ward to an opportunity when they might return to their old
position regardmg ideals and methods of political progress in India.
In the Bombay Provincial Conference held at Surat in April last,
Sir P. M. Mehta succeeded by his personal influence in exlcuding
the propositions of Boycott and National Education from the
programme of the Conference. And when it was decided to change
the venue of the Congress from Nagpur to Surat, it afiorded
the Bombay Moderate leaders the desiied-for opportunity to
carry out their intentions in this respect. The Reception Com-
mittee at Surat was presumably composed largely of Sir Pheroz-
shah's followers, and it was cleverly arranged by the Hon.
Mr, Gokhale to get the Committee nominate Dr. R. B. Ghosh
to the office of the President, brushing aside the proposal

* For this Official Note, see page 109.

XXXvi II. THE EXTREMISTS VERSION.

for the nomination of Lala Lajpat Eai, then happily re-
leased, on the ground that " we cannot afEord to flout Govern-
ment at this stage, the authorities would throttle our movement
in no time." This was naturally regarded as an insult to the
public feeling in the country, and Dr. Ghosh must have received^
at least a hundred telegrams from difierent parts of India request-
ing him to generously retire in Lala Lajpat Rai's favour. But
Dr. Ghosh unfortunately decided to ignore this strong expression-
of public opinion. Lala Lajpat Rai, on the other land, publicly
declined the hotiour. But this did not satisfy the people who
wished to disown the principle of selecting a Congress President
on the above ground, believing as they did that the most efiective
protest against the repressive policy of Government would be to-
elect Lala Lajpat Rai to the chair.

The Hon. Mr. Gokhale was entrusted by the Reception Com-
mittee, at its meeting held on 24th November 1907 for nominating'
the President, with the work of drafting the resolutions to be-
placed before the Congress. But neither Mr. Gokhale nor the
Reception Committee supplied a copy of draft resolutions to any
delegate till 2-30 P.M., on Thursday the 26th December, that is to
say, till the actual commencement of the Congress Session. The
public was taken into confidence only thus far that a list of the*
headings of the subjects likely to be taken up for discussion by the
Surat Congress was officially published a week or ten days before
the date of the Congress Session. This list did not include the-
subject of Self-Government, Boycott and National Education, on
all of which distinct and separate resolutions were passed at
Calcutta last year. This omission naturally strengthened the-
suspicion that the Bombay Moderates really intended to go back
from the position taken up by the Calcutta Congress in these
matters. The press strongly commented upon this omission, and
Mr. Tilak, who reached Surat on the morning of the 23rd Decem-
ber, denounced such retrogression as suicidal in the interests- of
the country, more especially at the present juncture, at a large
mass meeting held that evening, and appealed to the Surat public
to help the Nationalists in their endeavours to maintain at least
the status quo in these matters. The next day a Conference of
about five hundred Natianalist Delegates was held at Surat under
the chairmanship of Srijut Arabindo Ghose where it was decided
that the Nationalist should prevent the attempted retrogression
of the Congress by all constitutional means, even by opposing the
election of the president if necessary ; and a letter was
written to the Congress Secretaries requesting them to make
arrangements for dividing the house, if need be, on every contest-
ed proposition including that of the election of the President,

APPENDIX B. XXXVU

In the meanwhile a press note signed by Mr, Gandhi, as Hon.
'Secretary, was issued to the effect that the statement., that certain
resolutions adopted last yeat at Calcutta were omitted from the
•Congress programme prepared by the Surat Reception Commit-
tee, was wholly unfounded ; but the draft resolutions themselves
were still withheld from the public, though some of the members
of the Reception Committee had already asked for them some
days before. On the morning of 2oth December, Mr. Tilak
happened to get a copy of the draft of the proposed constitution
of the Congress prepared by the Hon. Mr. G-okhale. In this draft
the object of the Congress was thus stated ; "The Indian National
Congress has for its ultimate goal the attainment by India of Self-
Oovernment similar to that enjoyed by the other members of the
British Empire " and etc. Mr. Tilak addressed a meeting of the
delegates the same morning at the Congress Camp at about 9 A.M.
explaining the grounds on which he believed that the Bombay
Moderate leaders were bent upon receding from the position
taken up by the Calcutta Congress on Swaraj, Boycott and
National Education. The proposed constitution, Mr. Tilak
pointed out, was a direct attempt to tamper with the ideal of Self-
"G-overnment on the lines of the Self-Governing Colonies, as settled
at Calcutta and to exclude the Nationalists from the Congress by
making the acceptance of this new creed an indispensable condi-
tion of Congress membership. Mr. Tilak further stated in plain
terms that if they were assured that no sliding back of the Con-
gress would be attempted the opposition to the election of the
'President would be withdrawn. The delegates at the meeting were
also asked to sign a letter of request to Dr. Ghosh, the President-
Elect requesting him to have the old propositions on Swaraj,
Swadeshi, Boycott and National Education taken up for reaffirma-
tion this year ; and some of the delegates signed it on the spot. Mr,
G, Subramania Iyer of Madras, Mr. Kharandikar of Satara and
several others were present at this meeting and excepting a few
all the rest admitted the reasonableness of Mr. Tilak's proposal.

Lala Lajpat Rai, who arrived at Surat on the morning of that
day, saw Messrs. Tilak and Khaparde in the afternoon and
intimated to them his intention to arrange for a Committee of a
few leading delegates from each side to settle the question in
dispute. Messrs, Tilak and Khaparde having agreed, he went to
Mr. Gokhale to arrange for the Committee if possible ; and
Messrs. Tilak and Khaparde returned to the Nationalist Confer-
ence which was held that evening (25th December). At this
-Conference a Nationalist Committee consisting of one Nationalist
-delegate from each Province was appointed to carry on the
negotiations with the leaders on the other side ; and it was decided

XXXviii II. THE EXTREMISTS VEBSION.

that if the Nationalist Committee failed to obtain any assuranoe^^
from responsible Congress officials about the status quo bein^'
maintained, the Nationalists should begin their opposition from-
the election of the President, For the retrogression of th&
Congress was a serious step, not to be decided upon only by a
bare accidental majority of any party, either in the Subj.ects
Committee or in the whole Congress (as at present constituted),
simply because its session happens to be held in a particular place
or province in a particular year ; and the usual unanimous accept-
ance of the President would have, under such exceptional cir-
cumstances, greatly weakened the point and force of the opposi-
tion. No kind ©f intimation was received from Lala Lajpat Rai
this night or even the next morning regarding the proposal of a
Joint Committee of reconciliation proposed by him, nor was a
copy of the draft resolutions supplied to Mr, Tilak, Mr. Khaparde,
or any other delegates to judge if no sliding back from the old
position was really intended.

On the morning of the 26th December, Messrs. Tilak, Khap-
arde, Arabindo Ghose and others went to Babu Surendranath
Banerjee at his residence. They were accompanied by Babu
Motilal Ghosh of the Amrita Bazar Patrika who had arrived the
previous night. Mr, Tilak then informed Babu Surendranath that
the Nationalist opposition to the election of the President would
be withdrawn, if (l) the Nationalist party were assured that the
status quo would not be disturbed ; and (2) if some graceful fallu-
sion was made by any one of the speakers on the resolution about
the election of the President to the desire of the public to have
Lala Lajpat Rai in the chair. Mr. Banerjee agreed to the latter
proposal as he said he was himself to second the resolution ; while
as regards the first, though he gave an assurance for himself and
Bengal, he asked Mr. Tilak to see Mr. Gokhale or Mr. Malvi. A
volunteer was accordingly sent in a carriage to invite Mr. Malvi,
the Chairman of the Reception Committee, to Mr. Bannerji's resi-
dence, but the volunteer brought a reply that Mr, Malvi had no
time to come as he was engaged in religious practices. Mr. Tilak
then returned to his camp to take his meals as it was already
about 11 A.M. ; but on returning to the Congress pandal an hour
later, he made persistent attempts to get access to Mr. Malvi but
could not find him anywhere. A little before 2-30 P.M., a word
was brought to Mr. Tilak that Mr. Malvi was in the President's
camp, and Mr. Tilak sent a message to him from an adjoin-
ing tent asking for a short interview to which Mr. Malvi replied
that he could not see Mr. Tilak as the presidential procession was
being formed. ,. The Nationalist Delegates were waiting in the
pandal to hear the result of the endeavours of their Committee to
obtain an assurance about the maintenance of the status quo from^

APPENDIX B. XXXIX

some responsible Congress ofiScial, and Mr. V. 8. Khare of Nasik
now informed them of the failure of Mr. Tilak's attempt in the
matter.

FIRST Day.

It has become necessary to state these facts in order that the
position of the two parties, when the Congress commenced its pro-
ceedings on Thursday the 26th December at 2-30 P.M., may be
clearly understood. The President-Eleot and other persons had
now taken their seats on the plateform ; and as no assurance from
any responsible official of the Congress about the maintenance of
the status quo was till then obtained, Mr. Tilaksent a slip to Babu
Burendranath intimating that he should not make the proposed
allusion to the controversy about the presidential election in his
" speech. He also wrote to Mr. Malvi to supply him with a copy of
the draft resolutions if ready, and at abut 3 P.M. while Mr, Malvi
was reading his speech, Mr. Tilak got a copy of the draft resolu-
tions which he subsequently found were published the very evening
in the Ad^^ocate of India in Bombay clearly showing that the
reporter of the paper must have been supplied with a copy at least
a day earlier. The withholding of a copy from Mr. Tilak till 3 P. M.
that day cannot, therefore, be regarded as accidental.

There were about thirteen hundred and odd delegates at this
time in the pandal of whom over 600 were nationalists, and the
Moderate majority was thus a bare majority. After the Chair-
man's address was over, Dewan Bahadur Ambalal Sakarlal propos-
ed Dr. R. B. Ghosh to the chair in a speech which though evoking
occasional cries of dissent, was heard to the end. The declaration
by the Dewan Bahadur as well as by Mr. Malvi that the proposition
and seconding of the resolution to elect the President was only a
formal business, led many delegates to believe that it was not
improbable that the usual procedure of taking votes on the pro-
position might be dispensed with ; and when Babu Surendranath
Banerji, whose rising on the platform seems to have reminded
some of the delegates of the Midnapur incident, commenced his
speech, there was persistent shouting and he was asked to sit down.
He made another attempt to speak but was not heard, and the ses-
sion had, therefore, to be suspended for the day. The official press-
note suggests that this hostile demonstration was pre-arranged.
But the suggestion is unfounded. For though the nationalists did
intend to oppose the election, they had at their Conference held
the previous day expressly decided to do so only by solidly and
silently voting against it in a constitutional manner.

In the evening the Nationalists again held their Conference
and authorised their Committee, appointed on the previous day, to-

^1 II. THE extremists' VERSION.

further carry on the negotiations for having the status quo main-
tained if possible, failing which it was decided to oppose the election
of Dr. Ghose by moving such amendment as the Committee might
decide or by simply voting against his election. The Nationalists
were further requested, and unanimously agreed, not only to
abstain from joining^in any suoh demonstration as led to the suspen-
sion of that day's proceedings, but to scrupulously avoid any, even
the least, interruption of the speakers on the opposite side, so that
both parties might get a patient hearing. At night (about 8 P.M.)
Mr. Ghuni Lai Saraya, Manager of the Indian Specie Bank and
Vice-Ohairman of the Surat Recaption Committee, accompanied
by two other gentlemen, went in his un-official capacity and on
his own account to Mr. Tilak and proposed that he intended to
arrange for a meeting that night between Mr. Tilak and Mr. Gokhale
atthe residence of a leading Congressman to settle the differences
between the two parties. Mr. Tilak agreed and requested Mr,
Chuni Lai if an interview could be arranged to fix the time in
consultation with Mr. Gokhale, adding that he, Mr. Tilak, would be
glad to be present at the pla^e of the interview at any hour of the
night. Thereon Mr. Chuni Lai left Mr. Tilak, but unhappily no
word was received by the latter that night,

SECOND Day,

On the morning of Friday 27Gh (U A.M.) Mr. Chuni Lai Saraya
again saw Mr. Tilak and requested him to go in company with
"Mr. Khaparde to Prof. Gajjar's bungalow near the Congress
Pandal, where by appointment they were to meet Dr. Rutherford
who was trying for a reconciliation. Messrs. Tilak and Khaparde
went to Prof. Gajjar's, but Dr. Rutherford could not come then
owing to his other engagements. Prof. Gajjar then asked Mr. Tilak
^hat the latter intended to do ; and Mr. Tilak stated that it no
settlement was arrived at privately owing to every leading Con-
gressman being unwilling to take any responsibility in the matder
^pon himself, he (Mr. Tilak) would be obliged to bring an amend-
ment to the proposition of electing the President after it had been
seconded. The amendment would be to the effect that the busi-
ness of election should be adjourned, and a Committee, consisting
of one leading Moderate and one leading Nationalist from each
Congress Province, with Dr. Rutherford's name added, be
appointed to consider and settle the differences between the two
parties, both of which should accept the Committee's decision as
final and then proceed to the unanimous election of the President.
Mr. Tilak even supplied to Prof, Gajjar the names of the dele-
gates, who in his opinion should form the Committee, but left a
free hand to the Moderates to change the names of their representa-

APPENDIX B. xU

'tives if they liked to do so.* Prof. Gajjar and Mr. Chunni Lai
undertook to convey the proposal to Sir P. M. Mehta or
Dr. Rutherford in the Congress Gamp and asked Messrs. Tilak
:and Khaparde to go to the pandal and await their reply. After
half an hour Prof. Gajjar and Mr. Saraya returned and told
Messrs. Tilak and Khaparde that nothing could be done in the
matter, Mr. Saraya adding that if both the parties proceeded con-
stitutionally there would be no hitch.

It was about 12-30 at this time, and on the receipt of the
above reply Mr. Tilak wrote in pencil the following note to
Mr. Malvi, Chairman of the Reception Committee : —

'* Sir, — I wish to address the delegates on the proposal of the
election of the President after it is seconded. I wish to move an
adjournment with a constructive proposal. Please announce me.

Yours Sincerely,
B. G. TILAK,
Deccan Delegate (Poona)."
This note, it is admitted, was put by a volunteer into the
%ands of "Mr, Malvi, the Chairman, as he was entering the pandal
with the Preeident-Elect in procession.

The proceedings of the day commenced at 1 P.M., when Babu
Surendranath Banerji was called upon to resume his speech,
seconding the election of the President. Mr. Tilak was expect-
ing a reply to his note but not having received one up to this
time asked Mr. N, C. Kelkar to send a reminder. Mr. Kelkar
thereupon sent a chit to the Chairman to the effect that
"Mr. Tilak requests a reply to his note," But no reply was
received even after this reminder, and Mr. Tilak who thought he
was allotted a seat on the platform was sitting in the front row
of the delegates' seats near the platform-steps, rose to go up the
platform immediately after Babu Surendranath, who was calmly
heard by all, had finished his speech. But he was held back by a

* The names given to Pro. Gajjar were as follows : — United
Bengal — Babu Surendranath Bannerjee, A. Chaudhari, Ambika-
charan Mazumdar, Arabindo Ghose, Ashwinikumar Dutt. United
Provinces — Pandit Madan Mohan, Jatindranath Sen. Punjab—
Lala Harkisenlal, Dr. H. Mukerji, Central Provinces — Roaji
<jovind. Dr. Munje. Berars— R. N. Mudholkar, Khaparde. Bombay
—Hon'ble Mr. Gokhale, B. G. Tilak. Madras— -V. Krishnaswami
Iyer, Chidambaram Pillai ; Dr. Rutherford. This Committee was
to meet immediately and decide on the question at issue. The
names of the Nationalist representatives in the above list, except
Mr. A. K. Dutt, were those of the members of the Committee
appointed at the Nationalist Conference on the previous day.

Xlii II. THE extremists' VERSION.

volunteer in the way. Mr. Tilak, however, asserted his right tO'
go up and pushing aside the volunteer succeeded in getting to the
platform just when Dr. Ghosh was moving to take the President's
chair. The Official Note says that by the time Mr. Tilak came-
upon the platform and stood in front of the President, the motion
of the election of Ghose had been passed by an overwhelming
majority ; and Dr. Ghose being installed in the Presidential chair
by loud and prolonged applause, had risen to begin his address.
All this, if it did take place as alleged, could only have been done
in a deliberately hurried manner with a set purpose to trick.
Mr. Tilak out of his right to address the delegates and move an
amendment as previously notified. According to the usual proce-
dure Mr, Malvi was bound to announce Mr. Tilak, or if he con-
sidered the amendment out of order, declare it so publicly, and to
ask for a show of hands in favour of or against the motion. But
nothing of the kind was done; nor was the interval of a few
seconds sufficient for a prolonged applause as alleged. As
Mr. Tilak stood up on the platform he was greeted with shouts of
disapproval from the Members of the Reception Committee on
the platform, and the cry was taken up by other Moderates.
Mr. Tilak repeatedly insisted up on his right of addressing the
delegates, and told Dr. Ghose, when he attempted to interfere,
that he was not properly elected. Mr. Malvi said that he had
ruled Mr. Tilak's amendment out of order to which Mr. Tilak
replied that the ruling, if any, was wrong and Mr. Tilak had a
right to appeal to the delegates on the same. By this time there
was a general uproar in the pandal, the Moderates shouting at
Mr. Tilak and asking him to sit down and the Nationalists
demanding that he should be heard. At this stage Dr. Ghose and
Mr. Malvi said that Mr. Tilak should be removed from the plat-
form ; and a young gentleman, holding the important office of a
Secretary to the Reception Committee, touched Mr, Tilak's
person with a view to carry out the Chairman's order. Mr. Tilak
pushed the gentleman aside and again asserted his right of being
heard, declaring that he would not leave the platform unless
bodily removed. Mr. Gokhale seems to have here asked the
above mentioned gentleman not to touch Mr. Tilak's person. But
there were others who were seen threatening an assault on his
person though he was calmly standing on the platform facing the
delegates with his arms folded over his chest.

It was during this confusion that a shoe hurled on to the
platform hit Sir P. M, Mehta on the side of the face after touch-
ing Babu Surendranath Bannerji, both of whom were sitting with-
in a yard of Mr. Tilak on the other side of the table. Chairs were
now seen being lifted to be thrown at Mr. Tilak by persons on
and below the platform, and some of the Nationalists, therefore,.

APPENDIX B. Xliii

rushed on to the platform to his rescue. Dr. Ghose in the
meanwhile twice attempted to read his address, but was
stopped by cries of " no, no" from all , sides in the pandal^.
and the confusion became still worse. It must be stated that
the Surat Reception Committee, composed of Moderates.
had made arrangements the previous night to dismiss the
Nationalist Volunteers and to hire Bohrah or Mahomedan goondas
for the day. These with lathis were stationed at various places in
the pandal and their presence was detected and protested against
by the Nationalist Delegates before the commencement of the
Congress proceedings of the day. But though one or two were
removed from the pandal, the rest who remained therein now took
part in the scuffle on behalf of their masters. It was found im-
possible to arrest the progress of disorder and proceedings were
then suspended sine die ; and the Congress officials retired in
confusion to a tent behind the pandal. The police, who seem to
have been long ready under a requisition, now entered into and
eventually cleared the pandal ; while the Nationalist Delegates
who had gone to the platform safely escorted Mr. Tilak to an
adjoining tent. It remains to be mentioned that copies of an
inflammatory leaflet in Gujrathi asking the Gujrathi people to rise
against Mr. Tilak were largely distributed in the pandal before the
commencement of the day's proceedings.

It would be seen from the above account that the statement
in the official note to the effect that Dr. Ghose was elected Presi-
dent amid loud and prolonged applause before Mr. Tilak appeared
on the platform, and that Mr. Tilak wanted to move an adjourn-
ment of the whole Congress are entirely misleading and unfound-
ed. What he demanded, by way of amendment, was an adjourn-
ment of the business of the election of the President in order to
have the differences settled by a joint Conciliatory Committee of
leading delegates from both sides. Whether this was in order or
otherwise, Mr. Tilak had certainly a right to appeal to the dele-
gates and it was this consciousness that led Mr. Malvi and his
advisers to hastily wind up the election business without sending
a reply to Mr. Tilak or calling upon him to address the delegates.
It was a trick by which they intended to deprive Mr. Tilak of the
right of moving an amendment and addressing the delegates
thereon. As for the beginning of the actual rowdyism on the day
some of the members of the Reception Committee itself were res-
ponsible. The silent hearing given by the Nationalists to Mr.
Surendranath on the one hand, and the circulation of the inflam-
matory leaflet and the hiring of the goondas on the other, further
prove that if there was any pre-arrangement anywhere for the pur-
pose of creating a row in the pandal, it was on the part of the
Moderates themselves. But for their rowdyism there was every

"Xliv II. THE 'extremists' VERSION.

likelihood of Mr. Tilak's amendmenfcs being carried by a large
majority and the eleodon of President afterwards taking plaoe
smoothly and unanimously. But neither Dr. Ghose nor any other
Congress officials seemed willing to tactfully manage the business
as Mr. Dadabhai Naoro^i did last year.

Dr. Ghose's speech though undelivered in the Congress pandal
had been by this time published in the Calcutta papers, and
telegrams from Calcutta received in the evening showed that he
had made an inoffensive attack on the Nationalist party thereon.
This added to the sensation in the Nationalist camp that evening,
but the situation was not such as to preclude all hope of reconcilia-
tion. Srijut Motilal Ghose of the Patrika, Mr. A. C. Moitra of
•Rajshahi, Mr, B. C. Chatterji of Calcutta and Lala Harkisen Lai
from Lahore accordingly tried their best to bring about a compro-
^mise, and, if possible, to have the Congress session revived the
next day. They went to Mr. Tilak on the night of 27th and the
morning of 28th to ascertain the views of his party, and to each of
them Mr. Tilak gave the following assurance in writing • —

"Surat, 28th December, 1907.

"Dear Sir, — With reference to our conversation and prin-
cipally ia the best interests of the Congress, I and my party are
prepared to waive our opposition to the election of Dr. Hash
Behari Ghose as President of 23rd Indian National Congress, and
are prepared to act in the spirit of forget and forgive, provided,
firstly the last year's resolutions on Swaraj, Swadeshi, Boycott
and National Education are adhered to and each expressly re-
affirmed ; Secondly, such passages, if any, in Dr. Ghose's speech
as may be offensive to the Nationalists Party are omitted.

Yours &c.. B. G, TiLAK."

This letter was taken by the gentlemen to whom it was ad-
dressed to the Moderate leaders but no compromise was arrived at
as the Moderates were all along bent upon the retrogression of
the Congress at any cost. A Convention of the Moderates was,
therefore, held in the pandal the next day where Nationalists were
not allowed to go evefci when some of them were ready and offered
to sign the declaration required. On the other hand, those who
did not wish to go back from the position taken up at the Calcutta
Congress and honestly desired to work further on the same lines
met in a separate place the some evening to consider what steps
might be taken to continue the work of the Congress in future.
Thus ended the proceedings of the 23rd Indian National Congress;

APPENDIX B.

xlv

and we leave it to the public to judge of the conduct of the two
parties in this affair from the statement of lacis hereinbefore
given.

B. G. TILAK,

G. S. Khaparde.

ARABINDO GHOSE.

SURAT.
31st December

917.1

1917,

Appendix to the Extremists Version.

HOW They Wanted To Go Back.

THE Congress ideal.

H. Mukerjee.
B. c. Chatterjee.

At the Calcutta Congress,
under the presidentship of Mr.
Dadabhai Naoroji, it was re-
solved that the goal of the Con-
gress should be Swaraj on the
lines of the Self-governing
British Colonies, and this goal
was accepted by all Moderates
and Nationalists without a single
dissentient voice. The resolu-
tion on Self-Government passed
there is as follows : —

" Self-Government : — This
Congress is of opinion that the
system of Government obtaining
in the Self-Governing British
Colonies? should be extended to
India and that as steps leading
to it, urges that the following
reforms should be immediately
carried out." (Here followed
certain administrative reforms
such as simultaneous examina-
tions in England and India, re-
form of Executive and Legisla-
tive Councils, and of Local and
Municipal Boards.)

The Congress Reception Com-^
mittee at Surat did not publish
the draft Resolution till th&
commencement of the Congress
Sessions : but a Draft Constitu-
tion of the Congress, prepared
by the Hon'ble Mr. Gokhale,
was published a day or two
earlier. In this draft the goal
of the Congress was defined as
follows : —

" The Indian National Cong-
ress has for its ultimate goal
the attainment by India of
Self-Government similar to that
enjoyed by other members of
the British Empire and a parti-
cipation by her in the privileges
and responsibilities of the
Empire on equal terms with the
other members ; and it seeks to
advance towards this goal by
strictly constitutional means, by
bringing about a steady reform
of the existing system of ad-
ministration, and by promoting
national unity, fostering public-
spirit and improving the condi-
tion of the mass of the people."

Xlvi II. THE EXTREMISTS VERSION

" Those who acoept the fore-
going creed of the Congress,
shall be members of the Provin-
cial Committee."

" All who accept the foregoing
oraed of the Congress . . •
shall be entitled to become mem-
bers of a District Congress
Committee,"

"From the year 1908, dele-
gates to the Congress shall be
elected by Provincial and Dist-
rict Congress Committees only."

Remarks :— It will at once be seen that the new Constitution
intended to convert the Congress from a national into a sectional
movement. The goal of Swaraj on the lines of the Self-governing
colonies as settled last year, was to be given up : and in its stead
Self-Government similar to that enjoyed by other members (not
necessarily self-governing) of the British Empire was to be set
up as the ultimate goal evidently meaning that it was to be
considered as out of the pale of practical politics. The same view
is expressed by Sir Pherozeshah Mehta in his interview with the
correspondent of the Times of India published in the issue of
the Times dated 30th December, 1907. The Hon'ble Mr. Gokhale
must have taken his cue from the same source. The reform of
the existing system of administration, and not its gradual replace-
ment by a popular system, was to be the immediate object of the
Congress according to this constitution ; and further no one, who
did not accept this new tsreed, was to be a member of provincial
or district committees or possibly even a delegate to the Congress
after 1908. This was the chief feature of retrogression, which Sir
P. M. Mehta and his party wanted to carry out this year at a safe
place like Surat. It is true that the old resolution on Self-Govern-
ment was subsequently included in the Draft Resolutions published
only after the commencement of the Congress Session. But the
Draft Constitution was never withdrawn.

SWADESHI MOVEMENT.

The Calcutta Resolution on At Surat, the Draft Resolution
the Swadesi Movement was as on the subject was worded as
follows : — follows : —

" The Congress accords its most " This Congress accords its

cordial support to the Swadeshi most cordial support to the
Movement and calls upon the Swadeshi Movement, and calls

APPENDIX B.

xlvii

T)eople of the country to labour
lor its suooess by making earnest
and sustained eSorts to promote
the growth of indigenous indus-
tries, and to stimulate the pro-
duction of indigenous articles
by giving them preference over
imported commodities even at
-some sacrifice.'

upon the people of the country
to labour for its success by
earnest and sustained efforts to
promote the growth of indigen-
ous industries and stimulate the
consumption of indigenous
articles by giving them prefer-
ence, where possible, over im-
ported commodities."

Remarks: — Last year the words "even at some sacrifice"
were introduced at the end after the great discussion and as a com-
promise between the two parties, The Hon. Mr. Gokhale or Sir
P.M. Mehta now wanted to have these words expunged, converting
the old resolution into a mere appeal for preference for the
indigenous over imported goods.

BOYCOTT MOVEMENT.

The Calcutta Resolution was
as follows : —

"Having regard to the fact
that the people of this country
have little or no voice in its
administration and that their
representations to Government
do not receive due considera-
tion, this Congress is of opinion
that the Boycott Movement in-
augurated in Bengal by way of
protest against partition of
that province was and is
legitimate."

The proposed Resolution at
Surat was : —

"Having regard to the fact
that the people 'of the country
have little or no voice in its
administration and that their
representatives to the Govern-
ment, do not receive due con-
sideration, this Congress is of
opinion that the boycott of
foreign goods resorted to in
Bengal by way of protest
against the partition of that
Province was and is legitimate."

Remarks : — This subject was not included in the list of sub-
jects published at first but seems to have been subsequently inserted
in the Draft Resolutions, when the first omission in the list
was severely noticed in the press. The words Boycott Movement
in the old Resolution have, however, been changed into Boycott
of foreign goods.

National Education.

The Calcutta Resolution was
as follows : —

" In the opinion of this Con-
gress the time has arrived for the
people all over the country
earnestly to take up the question
of National Education for both

The proposed resolution at
Surat runs thus : —

" In the opinion of this Con-
gress the time has arrived for the
people all over the country
earnestly to take up the question
of National Education for both

Xlviii III. MR. GOKHALE & THE EXTREMISTS* VERSION^

boys and girls and organise a
system of education — Literary,
Scientific, Technical — suited to
the requirements of the coun-
try on National lines and under
National control,"

boys and girls and organise an
independent system of educa-
tion, Literary, Scientific, Tech-
nical— suited to the require-
ments of the country."

Bemarks : — The change is significant inasmuch as the word

" on National lines and under National control" are omitted in the

Surat draft, for "control" is the most important factor in this

matter. The phrase "an independent system " does not convey all

that is desired.

K.P.P.

III. MB. GOKHALB & THE EXTREMISTS' VEESION. xlix

III. MR. GOKHALE AND THE
EXTREMISTS' VERSION.

The Extremist version of what occurred at Surat, which was^
under preparation has at last been published. It is full of gross
mis-statements, some of which concern me personally, and these,
with your permission, I would like to sec right in your columns.

1. The version says : — " It was clearly arranged by the Hon.
Mr, Gokhale to get the (Reception) Committee to nominate Dr.
R. B. Ghose to the office of President, brushing aside the proposal
for the nomination of Lala Lajpat Rai." Dr. Ghose had been
nominated for the office of President by all the Provinces consult-
ed except Berar. The overwhelming preponderance of opinion
in the Reception Committee at Surat was also in his favor. The
reason why I attended the meeting of the Reception Committee at
which the nomination took place was that rowdyismhad been threat-
ened to make its proceedings impossible as at Nagpur unless the
proposal of the Extremists to elect Lala Lajpat Rai was accept-
ed. The Reception Committee had barely a month at its disposal
for making the required preparations, and any hostility to it on the
part of a section however small would have meant abandoning the
Congress Session at Surat. I went there as Joint General Secre-
tary of the Congress in the interests of harmony, and for the tima
may appeal to those who wanted to bring forward Lala Lajpat Rai's
name proved effective. The harmony brought about lasted
till Mr. Tilak's emissaries from Nagpur repaired to Surat and stir-
red up trouble about a week after the meeting of the Reception
Committee.

2. I am charged with" brushing aside the proposal for th&
nomination of Lala Lajpat Rai" on the ground that *' we cannot
afford to flout the Government at this stage. The authorities would
throttle our movement in no time." This unscrupulous distortion
of stray sentences from a private conversation, taken apart from
their context, has now been pushed to such lengths that it is neces-
sary to put aside the feeling of delicacy that has hitherto restrained
me in the matter. The conversation was with two Extremist gentle-
men of Surat with whom I disoussed^the situation at some length
prior to the meeting of the Recepsibn Committee on the 24th
November. I pointed out to these gentlemen the unwisdom of
bringing forward Lala Lajpat Rai's name for the Presidentship of
the Congress, and this I did on three grounds : —

First, that with only a month at disposal of the Reception
Committee for making arrangements which, in other places, had
d

1 APPENDIX B.

taken at least three to four months, any division among the work-
ers at Sura* was most undesirable as it was sur© to hamper the
progress of their work.

Secondly, that there was absolutely no chance of their carrying
their proposal abouc Lala Lajpat Rai, their strength being only five
or six out of abouc two hundred, who were expected to attend that
afternoon's meeting and that the rejection of Mr. Lala Lajpat Rai's
name would only be a painful and wanton humiliation forhim and
thirdly and lastly, that though Lala Lajpat Rai had been
-personally restored to freedom, the larger question of principle
involved in his deportation had yet to be fought out, and it would
best be fought out by keeping up the feeling of the country united
and intact behind him, and that this feeling was sure to be divided
if one section of the Congress tried to run him as a party candi-
date. I next pointed out that there were other ways in which we
could all honour Mr. Lajpat Rai, and then I added, "if your object
48 simply to flout the Government, I can understand your
proposal." To this one of the two gentlemen said, "Yes, even if
we do nothing else, we want to show that we are prepared to flout
the Government." I thereupon said, "I don't believe in such
flouting. The Congress must, of course, express its condemnation
of Government measures when necessary, but it has other import-
ant work to do. We cannot do without the help and co-operation
of Government in many matters at our present stage." The
conversation then turned to what our goal should be, and what the
•Congress should try to do. And the gentleman in question — a
young man who had only recently returned from England. — urged
on me his view that the Congress should work for absolute inde-
pendence, and that it should try to teach the people of the country
to hate the present foreign Government as much as possible. It
was in reply to this that I said, " you do not realise the enormous
reserve of power behind ifche Government. If the Congress were
to do anything such as you suggest, the Government will have no
difficulty in throttling it in five minutes." It is out of this
-conversation that the story which has been kept going for some
time past with a hundred variations has been concocted. There
were about twenty people present when the above conversation
took plaoe,

3. " The Hon. Mr. Gokhale was entrusted by the Reception
Committee at its meeting h*ld on the 24th November 1907, for
nominating the President with the work of drafting the Resolu-
tions before the Congress."

This is not correct. No resolution whatever was passed on
the matter at the meeting of the Reception Committee. About the
beginning of December, when I went to Bombay from Poona, I

III. MR. GOKHALE & THE EXTREMISTS* VERSION. li

iwas informed by one of the Secretaries of the Reception Commit-
tee, Mr. Manubhai Nanabhai, thac the Working Committee had
-decided to ask me to undertake the drafting of the Reso-
lutions to be laid before the Subjects Committee. I was at that
time pressed with other work, and so I suggested that the draft
should, in the first instance, be prepared by either Mr. Manubhai
himself or by his colleague Mr. Gandhi, and that I would then touch
them up if required. Mr. Gandhi wrote back at once to say that
that he could not undertake the work as he had no time. Mr.
Manubhai began to collect the material necessary for drafting the
resolutions, but he was so terribly overworked that he too could not
give any time to the actual work of preparing the drafts, and at
last about the 15th December, he told me that I should have to do
the whole work in tha.t respect myself.

4. "Neither Mr. Gokhale nor the Reception Committee
supplied a copy of the Draft Resolutions to any delegates till 2-30
iP.M. on Thursday, the 26th December." This was due to the fact
chat printed copies were not till then available. On the 15th
December, I settled the headings of the Resolutions in Bombay, but
il could get no quiet there for the work of drafting, and so I went
• to Poona on the 19th December to prepare the drafts. It whs by
no means easy work. The Resolution that gave the greatest
trouble was about the proposed reforms. I wrestled with it as
well as I could in Poona, but I could not produce a satisfactory
draft. When I arrived in Surat on the morning of the 24th, the
Draft Resolution on the proposed Reforms was still not ready. I
then gave the other drafts to Mr. Gandhi, Secretary of the Recep-
tion Committee, in charge of this work, who immediately sent
them to the press.

For the draft on the Reform proposals I asked for a day more.
There were, however, a thousand things to distract one's attention
and though I gave to the draft all the time I could spare on the
24th and the morning of the 25th I was not able to finish it.
So, with much regret, I asked Mr. Gandhi to get the other drafts
printed leaving a blank in the place of the Resolution on Reform
proposals. Now Surat is a small place and its printing resources
are not equal to those of Calcutta, Bombay or Madras, and the
press took a day to give printed copies of the drafts to Mr. Gandhi.
It was only when I went to the pandal at 2-30 P.M. on the
i26th that I learnt from Mr. Gandhi that copies had arrived
from the press, and the first printed copy which I myself saw was
the one which I procured from Mr. Gandhi to pass on to Mr.
Tilak who had just then asked Mr. Malvi for a copy. The copies
were available in good time for the delibefations of the Subjects
Committee which, in the usual course, was expected to sit that*

Hi APPENDIX B.

afternoon and for whose use alone the drafts have always been'
prepared.

Three things must here be noted. First, though the Draft-
Kesolutions have in previous years been published beforehand^
whenever there has been time to do so, it is ^ot true that they
have always been so published. Last year, for instance, at Cal-
cutta, some of the Draft Resolutions were not ready till the last
minute, and this, in spite of the fact that our Calcutta friends
had much more time at their dipposal than the one month in
which Surat had to make its preparations.

Secondly, never before in the history of the Congress was ai>
attempt made as at Surat to attach an absurdly exaggerated im-
portance to the Draft Resolutions. Everyone knows that these^
drafts bind nobody, and that they are merely material laid before
the Subjects Committee for it to work upon. I don't remember a
single Goneress at which the Subjects Committee did not make
important and sometimes even wholesale alterations in the drafts
placed before it by the Reception Committee. The final form in
which Resolutions have been submitted to the Congress has
always been determined by the Subjects Committee and the-
Subjects Committee alone.

Thirdly, no Reception Committee has ever in the past merely
reproduced the Resolutions of the previous Congress on its agenda
paper for the Subjects Committee. The Calcutta Reception Com-
mittee of last year did not merely reproduce the Benares
Resolutions, neither did the Benares Committee reproduce the
Bombay Resolution. Every Reception Committee has exercised
its own judgment as to the wording of the Draft Resolutions, and
the Surat Committee or those who were working for it were
merely following the established practice when they prepared their
own drafts.

5. "While Mr. Malvi was reading his speech, Mr. Tilak
got a copy of the Draft Resolutions, which he subsequently found
were published the very evening in the Advocate of India in
Bombay, clearly showing that the reporter of the paper must
have been supplied with a copy at least a day earlier." The report-
er must have procured a copy from Mr. Gandhi as soon as copies
arrived from the press and must have wired the Resolutions to his
paper, or it is possible that he may have obtained a proof from
the press before copies were printed. Certainly no printed copies
were available to me till I went to the pandal on the 26th. I
wanted to give a copy to Lala Lajpat Rai that morning, but
could not do so as no copies had arrived from the press till then.

I now come to the wording of the Draft Resolutions.

III. MR. GOKHALB & THE EXTREMISTS* VERSION, liii

Comiug to the wording of the Draft Resolutions, I would
like to point out at the outset that the cry set up by Mr. Tilak in
connection with these drafts was his third attempt to discredit
the Surat Congress, since the middle of November,

He began by denouncing the change of venue from Nagpur
to Surat and by misrepresenting, beyond all recognition, the

-proceedings of the All-India Congress Committee which decided
upon the change — and this, without even the excuse of ignorance,

•since he was personally present at the meeting of the Committee
and knew exactly what had taken place. ^

When he found that he could not make much impression on
the country by these attacks, he played his second card. He
started his agitation to have the election of Dr. Ghosh set aside
in favour of Lala Lajpat Rai. In this, however, he was foiled
by Lala Lajpat Rai's own letter which put an effective extinguish-
er on the agitation.

Then the cry was raised that it was the intention of the Recep-
tion Committee to drop certain resolutions altogether this year.
'The ball was set rolling by a telegram from Poona to certain
Madras and Calcutta Papers about a week before the meeting of
the Congress that the Reception Committee had made up its mind
to omit certain resolutions from its agenda paper and that there
was intense indignation in the " Nationalist circles " in conse-
quence. This manufacture of "Nationalist indignation" was pushed
forward so energetically that, when I went to Bombay on the 22nd
I^ecember, I found a considerable amount of feeling stirred up in
certain quarters against the Reception Committee on this account.
*0a that day I meD Lala Lajpat Rai and he asked me what the truth
was about the resolutions in question. I told him that the resolu-
tions were all there with slight verbal alterations made in one or
two of them to remove ambiguity and that the Subjects Committee
would decide in what form they should finally be submitted to the
'Congress. I understand that Lala Lajpat Rai communicated the
substance of this conversation that same evening to Mr. Tilak.
In spite of this communication, Mr. Tilak definitely and deliberately
stated at the Extremists' Conference at Surat on the 24th Decem-
ber that the Reception Committee had decided to omit the resolu-
'tions and this naturally caused great excitement among the dele-
gates assembled ! Mr. Gandhi, the local secretary in charge of the
resolutions, came to know of this in the evening and he immediately
issued a Press Note contradicting Mr. Tilak's statements as wholly
unfounded.

But the cry was kept up the whole of the next day, i.e., the
^5th. On that day, in the afternoon, Lala Lajpat Rai, who was
vgoing to visit the Extremist Camp, asked me if he might personally

liv APPENDIX B. ^

assure the leaders on that side that they were under a mis-
apprehension about the resolutions and that they would find theni)
all on the agenda paper when it arrived from the press. I readily
asireed and Lala Lajpat Rai went and gave the assurance. That same
evening I addressed about 200 delegates in the Madras tent of the
Congress camp, especially for the purpose of removing the mis-
apprehensions and there I not only assured them that the resolu-
tions were all on the agenda paper, but also mentioned the exact
verbal alterations that had been made. About 11 P.M. that night
I met Babu Ashwani Kumar Dutt of Barisal at the President's
residence, and I repeated to him what I had told the Madras
delegates and he expressed himself satisfied. The next day, i.e,
on the 26th, on going to the pandal as soon as I heard of the copies
having arrived from the press, I procured and gave one to Mr.
Tilak as I have mentioned in my last letter. The Hon. Pandit
Madan Mohan Malaviya was sitting by Mr. Tilak at the time and I;
heard it afterwards from him that he asked Mr. Tilak if he was.
satisfied that the resolutions were all there and Mr. Tilak had to
admit that it was so. Only the slight verbal alterations that had
been made would have to be amended. And now as regards the
wording of the four Resolutions : —

(a) Taking Self-Government first the Extremists' version says :
*' At the Calcutta Congress, under the Presidentship of Mr.
Dadabhai Naoroji, it was resolved that the goal of the
Congress should be Swaraj on the lines of self-governing'
British Colonies." This is not accurate. The word Swaraj
was not used in any of the resolutions of the Congress
last year though it was used by Mr. Dadhabhai in his own
speech. Neither was there any mention of a goal in any of-
last year's resolutions. What last year's Congress had done
was to prefix a preamble about Self-Government to certain^
specific proposals of reform and that preamble was in
these words : — '" This Congress is of opinion that the
system of government obtaining in the Self Governing Colonies
should be extended to India and that, as steps leading to
it, it urges that the following reforms should be immediately^
carried out." Now a reference to this year's draft resolu-
tions will show that the whole of this resolution, preamble
and all, was reproduced by the Reception Committee on the-
agenda paper with only a slight alteration in one of the clauses
rendered necessary by the appointment of two Indians to the
Secretary of State's Council, Mr. Tilak, however, compares last
year's resolution on Self-Government, not with this year's draft
resolution on the same subject, but with the preamble to an-
other draft resolution — that on the constitution of the Congress,
And he charges the Reception Committee with " a direct attempt

III. MR, GOKHALE & THE EXTREMISTS* VERSION. Iv

to tamper with the ideal of Self-Government on the lines of the
Self-Goveming Colonies as settled at Calcutta." Now the por-
tion of the preamble to the proposed constitution referring to Self-
Government was as follows : " The Indian National Congress has,
for its ultimate goal, the attainment by India of Self-Govern-
ment similar to that enjoyed by other members of the British
Empire and a participation by her in the privileges and responsi-
bilities of the Empire on equal terms with the other members."
This is interpreted by Mr. Tilak as meaning that "' the goal of
Swaraj on the lines of Self-Governing Colonies, as settled last
year, was to be given up and in its stead Self-Government similar
to that enjoyed by other members (not necessarily self-governing)-
of the British Empire was to set up as the ultimate goal." I
should have thought it incredible that any one with any pre-
tention to a knowledge of practical politics could put such an
atrocious misconstruction on the preamble of the draft consti-
tution, but for the fact that Mr. Tilak has actually done it.

Whoever talks of the form of Government obtaining in the
Crown Colonies or Dependencies of the British Empire as Self-
Government ? Whoever talks of their partcipating in the pri
vileges of the Empire? However, as soon as Mr. Tilak's construc-
tion was brought to my notice, I at once altered the expression,
" Self-Government enjoyed by other members of the British
Empire," to *' Self-Government enjoyed by the Self-Governing
members of the British Empire," so as to leave no room for his
ludicrous objection and it will be seen that the Convention after-
wards used this wording for its creed. In this connection, I
would like to observe that it is most curious that Mr. Tilak should
charge me with a desire to abandon the idea of Self-Government,
as in the British Colonies, being the goal of our aspiration. Ever
since I began to take an active interest in the national affairs
this has been a part of my political faith. In the prospectus of
the Servants of India Society which was started in June
1905, I have mentioned this goal in clear and explicit terms,
*' Self-Government on the lines of English Colonies," the pros-
pectus says, *' is our goal." Prom the Presidential Chair of the
Congress at Benares in December 1905, I declared the same
thing. " The goal of the Congress," I then stated, '* is that India
should be governed in the interests of the Indians themselves
and that, in course of time, a form of Government should be
attained in this country similar to what exists in the Self-
Governing Colonies of the British Empire." In 1906, in a Paper
read before the East India Association in London, on '* Self
Government for India" I elaborated the same idea. On the
other hand, Mr. TilaK has not always known his own mind in
this matter. After the Benares Congress, Mr. Shyamji Krishna-

Ivi APPENDIX B.

varma denounced me in his Indian Sociologist for my idea of
Self -Government on Colonial lines and later on Mr. Tilak follow-
ing Mr. Shyamji's lead joined in that denunication in his Kesari,
Last year, however, Mr, Tilak veered round to the position that
the goal of our political works was of equality for the English-
man and the Indian in the British Empire, but this year again at
the Extremists' Conference he coquetted with the views of the
Bengal School of Extremist politicians and yet it is Mr. Tilak who
attributes to me a desire to alter the resolution of last year on this
subject.

(6) As regards Swadeshi, there never was the least intention
to alter a single word in last year's resolution and it was by a
mere accident that the words, " even at some sacrifice," happen-
ed to be left out in the Reception Committee's drafts. It happen-
ed this way. The report of the Calcutta Congress was not out
when the draft resolution were prepared. So far the text of
last year's resolutions I had to rely on a newspaper file. Now, the
only file I had with me containing those resolutions was of the
journal India which had published all the resolutions of last
year in its issue of 1st February 1907. As no change of even a
•word was contemplated in the resolution on Swadeshi, I had got
one of my assistants merely to copy it from the India and include
' it among the drafts. Unfortunately the text as published in
India was defective and did not contain the words, " even at some
sacrifice," as a reference to the issue of that journal of 1st Febru-
ary, 1907, will show.

And the omission, perfectly unintentional, remained un-
noticed till the meeting of the informal Conference which followed
the Convention when the words which had been left out were at
■once restored. It is unnecessary to say that they would have
been similarly restored if the Agenda paper had gone as usual to
the Subjects Committee for consideration.

(c) la the resolution on Boycott, the only verbal alteration
made was to substitute the words " the boycott of foreign goods
resorted to in Bengal " for the words " the boycott movement
inaugurated in Bengal '* and the resolution was placed under
Partition as the Boycott approved was " by way of protest
against the Partition," The change in the wording had been
rendered necessary by the unfair and unjustifiable attempt made
by an Extremist leader from the Congress platform last year and
by Mr. Tilak and others in the Press throughout the year to
construe the phraseology employed last year as approving a
universal boycott of all forms of association with the Government.

(d) In regard to National Education the slight alteration
made was only with the object of improving the phraseology with-

III. MR. GOKHALE & THE EXTREMISTS* VERSION. Ivii

out altering the meaning in any way. It noust be mentioned here
that the wording adopted last year on this subject had not been

' considered in the Subjects Committee, there being no time fordoing
so. In last year's resolution, the word "National" appeared
three times — national education on national lines and under
national control. It appeared to me that the words, " a system of
national education" suited to the requirements of the country and
"independent of Government " really expressed all that had to be

- expressed and that this phraseology was more restrained and more
in accord with what was being actually attempted in different
parts of India. It will thus be seen that, in drawing up its draft
resolutions on the four subjects, the Surat Committee had not
intended or attempted any alteration in meaning, though verbal
changes had been made here and there to remove ambiguity or to
improve the phraseology. I hava already pointed out that in

>making such changes, it was only following the practice of previous
years. Moreover, as I have stated in my last letter, there were
only drafts that bound nobody and the Subjects Committee would
have determined the final form in which they were to be submitted
to the Congress. a11 the storm raised in connection with them was
really more to discredit the Surat Committee than for furthering

' any national interests, real or fancied.

The Extremist Statement speaks of certain attempts made
by certain gentlemen to arrange " a compromise " and it mentions
three gentlemen as having undertaken to speak tome — Lala Lajpat
Rai, Mr, Surendra Nath Banerjee and Mr. Chuuilai D. Suraya.

• Of these, Mr. Chunilal never saw me in any such connection.
Lala Lajpat Rai had a brief talk with me — it was on the 25th
December in the evening at the Railway Station when we had
gone there to receive the President — about a proposal made
by Mr. Tilak that five men on his side and five men on the other
side should meet together and settle the wording of the difier-
ent resolutions. I pointed out to Mr. Lajpat Rai that it ^s the
business of the Subjects Committee to settle the wording and
that a Committee such as Mr. Tilak suggested had never been
appointed before. Moreover it was easy for Mr, Tilak, whose
followers were meeting in a Conference day after day to
nominate five men to represent his side, but amidst the excite-

i ment and bitterness of feeling then prevailing, what five men, I
asked, could claim the authority or undertake the responsibility
to act in the name of the other delegates ? And I said to him,
"let the Subjects Committee meet to-morrow and let us see if any
differences remain to be adjusted. And, if any remain, you can
make this proposal to the Subjects Committee." Lala Lajpat Rai
saw the force of this and did not press the suggestion further.
Mr. Surendra Nath Banerjee mentioned to me on the opening day

Iviii APPENDIX B.

of the Congress, only a few minutes before going to the Pandal,,
that he had had a conversation that morning with Mr. Tilak and»
that Mr. Tilak had said to him that if he (Mr. Banerjee) and.
myself guaranteed the passing of the four resolutions in the same
form as last year, there would be no trouble in connection with*
the President's election. I pointed out to Mr. Banerjee how Mr.
Tilak had shifted his ground — how, till the previous evening, the
cry was for an assurance that the four resolutions would be on the
agenda paper and how he now demanded a guarantee that they
would be passed in the same form as last year and I said, " it is-
outrageous that Mr, Tilak should make such a demand and
threaten now with trouble. How can any individual member with
any sense of responsibility guarantee what would be done by
Subjects Committee not yet appointed or by a Congress of sixteen
hundred delegates ? These men denounce us in one breath for auto-
cracy and, in the next, they ask us to take upon ourselves such an
impossible responsibility." The conversation then ended. Before-
passing away from this point, I would like to contradict here,
in the most emphatic manner possible, the report to which such,
wide currency has been given, that Mr. Tilak tried three times
at Surat to see me and that every time I declined to see him.
There is not a word of truth in this report. Mr, Tilak never
gave me to understand directly or indirectly that he wanted to
meet me at Surat. He never wrote to me or sent me word
with any one to express such a desire. He never came to my
place and to my knowledge he never tried to meet me anywhere
else.

Only one more matter in the Extremists' Statement concerns
me personally. Ic is the version that it gives of what took place
first between Mr. Malvi and Mr. Tilak and then between Dr.
Ghosh and Mr. Tilak, when Mr. Tilak came to the platform to
move the adjournment of the Congress. This version is in direct
confiicrt with the official version issued immediately after the
break-up of the Congress over the signatures of Dr. Ghosh,.
Mr. Malvi. Mr. Wacha and myself. Now, all four of us had
heard every word of the conversation that took place between Mr.
Tilak on one side and Mr. Malvi and Dr. Ghosh on the other.
On the other hand, though the Extremist version is signed by
five gentlemen, four of the five were not on the platform and
could not have heard a syllable of what was said, The conflict
between the two versions thus means the word of us four is
against the word of Mr. Tilak and there I am content to let it.
stand. Here I must close and I would do so with one observation.
The Reception Committee of Surat had not departed in a single-
particular from the established practice of the last twenty-two
years. It had made its arrangements for the holding of the Con-

III. MR. GOKHALE & THE EXTREMISTS' VERSION. Ixix.

gress and for the comfort of the delegates in the usual way. It had
prepared the agenda paper for the Subjects Committee in the
usual way. It had elected the President under a special rule
adopted loy the Congress itself last year. Having made these
preparations in the course of single month, for which cities
like Calcutta and Bombay have taken three to four months —
having turned its nights into days for the purpose — it awaited for
the Congress meeting and conducting its deliberations in the
usual way. On the other hand, all the innovations were on Mr.
Tilak's side. Tie set up a separate camp of his own followers.
He harrangued them daily about the supposed intention of the
Reception Committee and the high-handedness of imaginary
bureaucracy in the Congress. He made from day to day wild
and wreckless statements, some of which it is difficult to charac-
terise properly in terms of due restraint.

He created a pledge-bound party to vote with him like a
machine, whatever the personal views of individual delegates
might be. He demanded guarantees from individual members on
the other side unheard of in the history of the Congress. On the
first day some of his followers by sheer rowdyism compelled the
sitting to be suspended. On the second day when the sitting was
resumed there was no expression of regret forthcoming for the dis-
creditable occurrence of the previous day and though one day out
of three had been already lost, Mr. Tilak himself came forward to
interrupt the proceedings again by a motion of adjurnment,
Under the mildest construction this was a move of obstruc-
tion, pure and simple, for as long as the rule under which the
Reception Committee had elected Dr. Ghosh remained unrescind-
ed, there was no possible way to get that election set aside. On the
paltform. Mr. Tilak openly and persistently defied the authority
of the Chair. Over the painful incidents that followed, it is
perhaps best now to throw a pall. But in all this, I do not see
where the responsibility of the Reception Committee comes in.

13thJ^ary,''l908. ] »■ ^- GOKHALE.

ix APPENDIX B.

IV. EXTREMISTS' VERSION
CONTRADICTED.

It is with great reluctance that I take up my pen to write oa
an event, the tragical nature of which cannot be felt more acutely
by any one than by those who for the last twenty years and more
have been devoting their best energies to the one great national
institution, which gave hope of a better future, and who struck
steadfastly to it when the leaders of the newly arisen new party
were trying to stab it by ridicule, misrepresentation and calumny.
Having been an eye-witness of all that happened on the two
memorable days, the 26th and the 27th of December, I thought
that deplorable, disgraceful and utterly unworthy of gentlemen
as those occurrences were, even those who had so far forgotten what
they owe to themselves, to the country and to posterity as to have
indulged in rowdyism and open violence, would, despite party
passions, admit the real facts and express their sorrow for the
^grievous mistakes committed by them. It is therefore humiliat-
ing— nay, disgusting to see that men of education and position, who
must be regarded as representatives, have shown an open disregard
for truth which augurs ill for th3 progress of our motherland.
Whatever room for misapprehension there might have been as to
the intentions and plans of the Bombay leaders and whatever
scope one or two unintentional acts or omissions might have afforded
for criticism there could be those who would not wilfully disregard
the evidence of their senses. No doubt the whole rowdyism, un-
seemly squabbles and resort to sticks and physical violence, which
disgraced the last session of the Congress, was due to the Extre-
mists and that the responsibility for the fracas lies upon the lead-
ers of that partv. It appears that Mr. G. Subramania Iyer has
written to the Hindu stating that he has modified the views which
he had first expressed. I have not seen the latter, but, if the criti-
cism which the Indu Prakash makes on it is well based, I must
say, it is curious if Mr. Iyer throws on the Moderates any responsi-
bility for the disorderly scenes on the 26th and the attack of the
27th, He was sitting next to me on the first day and when the
din of cries, shouts and unparliamentary terms was raised against
Mr. Surendranath Banerjee by some Nagpurians, Benarees and
Madrasis, he became very angry and exclaimed excitedly; *' This is
most disgraceful, most shameful. This is all due to Tilak andKha-
parde. They are responsible for all this." He further said to me
' "this is all the doing of your Central Provinces. Nagpur has brought
troubles on the Congress." I felt that taunt and replied sharply

IV. extremists' version contradicted. Ixi

" your rebuke is, I must admit, sorrowfully true so far as men
of my province are concerned , but are there not 8 or 10 Madrasis,
who are even wilder than they?" On the 27th, he was, again, nob
far from me and saw all the incidents and when we met again
shortly afterwards he threw the whole blame on those same
persons. On both occasions, the remarks were voluntarily made.
On the following days, I remonstrated with several Berar Extre-
mists and told them what Mr. G. Subramaniya Iyer had said,
leader though he was till late of the Extremist party of the
Madras Presidency.

Every one, who has the least regard for truth, will unhesitat"
ingly say that every word in the statement issued under the signa"
turesof Dr. Ghosh and Messrs. Malvi, Wacha and Gokhale is
true. It is now well known from what quarter the shoe came and
that it was aimed at Sir P. M. Mehta. It is a wicked lie to say
that it was aimed at Mr. Tilak. It can be proved by the testimony
of hundreds of eye-witnesses that signals were gi^^en by prominent
Extremists and that thereon a number of persons from the Central
Provinces and Berar, some of whom were delegates and some
visitors, rushed to the platform wielding big long sticks. "When
Mr. Tilak was escorted, he was surrounded by more than 50 of
his followers armed with these lathies. Is it usual for delegates or
even visitors to carry about lathies? One fact throws a most lurid
light on the affair. Among the Extremist delegates and visitors
taken from Berar were gymnastic teachers, gymnastis. proclaimed
touts, workmen from factories, fitters, oilmen, etc. Q'here were, I
am told, barber delegates fromNagpur, who for the money spent on
them, made some small return by shaving the Nationalist delegates.
I These men are too poor to pay their travelling expenses, much
less, their delegation fee. Who supplied the money and what was
the object in taking such persons ? For, most of them do not
know English and have never taken part in public matters. With
my own eyes, I saw Extremist delegates, holding two degrees,
brandishing long and powerful sticks or rushing wildly and franti-
cally at the occupants of the platform. I myself stopped the
progress of a chair which was hurled at either the President or
Sir Pherozeshah. The man picked up another and I snatched it
away from him. He was then thrown down by some Gujarati
gentlemen. He was a visitor from these provinces. Why did he
rush on the platform? I rebuked sharply some C.P. graduates who
were rushing towards Sir P. M. Mehta, who was being taken out
by the hind entrance. They said, " we have no grievance against
you. We want to punish these Parsee rascals." What again is
the meaning of Mr. Khaparde rushing to the platform with a
thick stick uplifted? Only half an hour previously be had like
Mr. Tilak declined to take his seat in the chair reserved

'Ixii APPENDIX B.

.for him on the dais. Two Patels from the Akote Taluq
who were staying in my quarters received on the 27ch at
about noon a warning from two men of their caste who lived in
the Nationalist camp that day there would be enacted scenes
cfar worse than those of the previous day and advised them
either to stay away or to occupy back seats. These gentlemen
tried to communicate the warning to me but they could not suc-
ceed, A well-known Extremist of these provinces has been taking
credit that he sent me word " begging " me to leave the prominent
seat I occupied on the platform The word never reached me
and even if it had I would not have left my place. All the same
the fact is significant. Then again scan the list of Nagpar dele-
gates and their occupations and literary qualifications. Not that
the educated graduates were behind the uneducated rowdies in
creating disturbance. But the extraordinary advent of the un-
ruly element leaves little room for doubt that the whole disturb-
ance had been planned, organised and deliberately brought
about.

To me it is small comport that hooliganism was shown by
Extremists and not by Moderates, and I would not have written a
word for publication in regard to these disgraceful performances,
but for the monstrous lies that are studiously being circulated by
the foolish, misguided sinner and their culpable and designing
leaders. Rowdyism and violence are bad enough but to add wick-
ed untruthfulness to it is unfamous. The facts are all plain and
lie on the surface and if people would only drive away the cloud of
dust which the breakers of the peace purposely raise in order to
conceal the real issues, there would be little room for doubt as to
where the guilt lies.

The campaign of vilification of the Moderate party was com-
menced in the first fortnight of January last by Mr. Tilak at
Allahabad where the people and especially the young men were
exhorted to pull down their leaders and the high ideal was impress-
ed upon them that morality had no place in politics. Mr. Kha-
parde followed in a few days by a most outragous speech at
Nagpur in which the Moderate leaders were called " infamous,"
" the most debased of human kind," etc., and the fraternity of men
who ventured to hold views difierent from those of the "New
School " was questioned. In about 4 weeks more came the meet-
ing at Nagpur for the formation of the working Committee
•when a respected old C. P. leader of 60 years of age was greeted
with a shoe, burning powder was sent in a letter to the President
of the meeting, Dr. Gour, and threatening letters were sent to some
other prominent men. Simultaneously with this and four months
after this, the Kesari at Poona and the Deshasewak at Nagpuc

IV. extremists' version contradicted. Ixiii

'Carried on a regular crusade against those members of the Moderate
party whose opposition to Mr. Tilak's Presidentship was feared
by them. Week after week and month after month men like
Mr. Gokhale became the subjects of the foulest calumnies and
XQOst wanton perversions of truth. It would be well if the articles
in these papers and others of that school are translated word for
word so that the whole Indian world might know how low have
fallen those from whom much was expected. It is disspiriting to

•see the literary and moral garbage on which the new generation of
Maharashtra is sought to be brought up.

The occurrences of 32nd September at Nagpur (which were
the direct offspring of the spirit created and fed by these writings)
are well known. The concerted rowdyism within the hall, the
pre-arranged hooliganism outside and worse than all the shameless
effrontery with which these proceedings are white washed and
defended (which are the most distressing developments of the
" New Spirit") need not be recounted.

Then came the All-India Congress Committee's meeting in
which after refusal by Messrs. Tilak and Khaparde to adhere to
the compromise which thay had accepted only three or four hours
.previously, the resolution was arrived at to transfer the venue
of the Congress to Surat. And then followed the most vitriolic,
venomous and bitter attacks on Sir P. M. Mehta, Mr, Gokhale and
the Surat people, the language of which would put to shame even
the street brawlers. It deservs to be noted that the Deshaseioak
and other Tilakite papers distinctly used the threat that no efforts*
would be spared to make a Congress at Surat impossible.

First, a difficulty is sought to be created by dragging in Mr.
Lajpat Rai's name against his expressed wishes. Even when he
definitely and openly puts his foot down, attempts to prevent
Dr. Ghosh from taking the presidential chair is persevered in and
carried out. Finding that Mr. Lajpat Rai would not allow
himself to be made a "catspaw the story is next invented and
studiously spread that the Reception Committee wanted to go
back on the propositions in regard to Self-Government, Swadeshi,
Boycott in Bengal and National Education. On the evening of
the 24:ih I told a number of delegates that there was no valid basis
for this assertion and that propositions on the subjects substan-
tially the >eame in spirit as those of last year would be put befora
thB Subjects Committee. On the 25th at noon when Mr. N. C.
Kelkar was at the place where I was putting up, I told him the
same thing and begged that scenes and split be avoided. That
day in the evening, Mr. Gokhale made a detailed statement to
the delegates in the Congress Camp. About 150 attended and he
itold them the exact wording of the Resolution drafted by him as

Ixiv APPENDIX B.

the draftsman of the Subjects Committee. Mr. R. P. Karandikar
of Satara and other friends of Mr. Tilak were present on the occa-
sion. In spite of this conclaves were held in the Nationalist Camp-
and the resolution arrived at to oppose the election of the
President and other obstruction and organise rowdyism at every
stage of the prooeediugs. On the 26th, when thousands were
present in the Congress Pandal, Mr. Khare of Nasik went on
shouting from blopk to block that Mr. Tilak had sent word that
the election of the President was to be prevented. In the face of
all these facts, can there be any doubt left that the rowdyism and
voilence carried out had been deliberately planned and organised?
It is admitted that before time for proposing the President
came, Mr. Talik had in his possession a copy of the draft resolu-
tions containing the ones on " Swaraj," *' Swadeshi," " Boycott,"
and " National Education." And yet the row was made, carried
on and persisted in and not the least efforts made to check it. It
is sickening to see the ignoble tactics and dishonourable methods
adopted by the leaders of the rowdies, and the lies that were
invented and busily spread, even after contradiction, so as to
create prejudice against the Moderates in general and Mr. Gokhale
in particular.

One word and I shall conclude this already too long communi-
cation. What is said in the Manifesto issued by the Extremist
leaders or by their very "impartial" friend and ally Babu
Motilal Ghosh, is suffioient to prove the main charge that these
. people wanted to impose their will upon the Moderates who form-
ed the majority and if that could not be done to create an uproar
and to resort to the use of force. They only acted in obedience to
a telegram which had been received from their headquarters at
Calcutta : " Blow up if every thing else fails."

AMRAOTI, I
January, 1912,} R.N. MUDHOLKAR.

V. BENGAL PEOTEST.

' After the rowdyism of the first day, the Bengal delegates met
at Bose's Bungalow in the evening, when the following Resolution
was passed on the motion of Mr.Didnarayan Singh of Bhagalpur: —

"We, the undersigned delegates of United Bengal, deeply
regret the unseemly demonstration made at the Congress Pandal
to-day, when Babu Surendranath Benerjee was seconding, the
resolution proposing the election*of the Honourable Dr. Ra^h
Behari Ghosh, and say that we entirely dissociate ourselves from
those that were guilty of such demonstration and irregular
prooeedingfe."

LOAN DEPT.

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