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I
Pike's Peak
From a painting by Charles Craig
The Indians
of the
Pike's Peak Region
Including an Account of the Battle of Sand
Creek, and of Occurrences in El Paso
County, Colorado, during the War
with the Cheyennes and Arapa-
hoes, in 1864 and 1868
By
Irving Howbert
Illustrated
Ube ikntcfeerbocfeer press
New York
1914
Copyright, 1914
BY
IRVING HOWBERT
F
He ■)
CONTENTS
PAGE
The Tribes of the Pike's Peak Region . i
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game, etc. . 27
The Indian Troubles of 1864 ... 75
The Third Colorado and the Battle of
Sand Creek ..... 93
A Defense of the Battle of Sand Creek 114
A Defense of the Battle of Sand Creek —
Continued ...... 147
The Indian War of 1868 . . . .187
in
ILLUSTRATIONS
FACING
PAGE
Pike's Peak . . . Frontispiece
Ouray 60
Colonel John M. Chivington . . 117
Governor John Evans .... 123
INTRODUCTION
COR the most part this book is intentionally
local in its character. As its title implies,
it relates principally to the Indian tribes that have
occupied the region around Pike's Peak during
historic times.
The history, habits, and customs of the Ameri-
can Indian have always been interesting subjects
to me. From early childhood, I read everything
within my reach dealing with the various tribes
of the United States and Mexico. In i860, when
I was fourteen years of age, I crossed the plains
between the Missouri River and the Rocky
Mountains twice, and again in 1861, 1865, and
1866; each time by ox- or horse-team, there being
no other means of conveyance. At that time
there were few railroads west of the Mississippi
River and none west of the Missouri. On each of
these trips I came more or less into contact with
the Indians, and during my residence in Colorado
from i860 to the present time, by observation and
vii
viii Introduction
by study, I have become more or less familiar
with all the tribes of this Western country.
From 1864 to 1868, the Indians of the plains
were hostile to the whites; this resulted in many
tragic happenings in that part of the Pike's Peak
region embracing El Paso and its adjoining counties,
as well as elsewhere in the Territory of Colorado.
I then lived in Colorado City, in El Paso County,
and took an active part in the defense of the settle-
ments during all the Indian troubles in that section.
I mention these facts merely to show that I am
not unfamiliar with the subject about which I am
writing. My main object in publishing this book
is to make a permanent record of the principal
events of that time.
So far as I know, the public has never been given
a detailed account of the Indian troubles in El
Paso County during the years 1864 and 1868.
At that time there was no newspaper published in
the county and the few newspapers of the Terri-
tory were small affairs, in which little attention
was given to anything outside of their immediate
localities. The result was that news of tragic-
happenings in our part of the Territory seldom
passed beyond the borders of our own county.
I have thought best to begin with a short
account of the tribes occupying the Pike's Peak
Introduction ix
region prior to the coming of the white settler,
adding to it extracts from the descriptions given
by early explorers, together with an account of
the game, trails, etc., of this region. All these
facts will no doubt be of interest to the inhabitant
of the present day, as well as of value to the future
historian.
I took part in the battle of Sand Creek, and
in many of the other events which I mention.
Where I have no personal knowledge of any par-
ticular event, I have taken great pains to obtain
the actual facts by a comparison of the statements
of persons who I knew lived in the locality at the
time. Consequently, I feel assured of the sub-
stantial accuracy of every account I have given.
In giving so much space to a defense of the
battle of Sand Creek, I am impelled by an earnest
desire to correct the false impression that has gone
forth concerning that much maligned affair.
Statements of prejudiced and unreliable witnesses
concerning the battle were sent broadcast at the
time, but except through government reports,
that only few read, never before, to my knowledge,
has publicity been given to the statement of the
Governor of the Territory, telling of the conditions
leading up to the battle, or to the sworn testimony
of the colonel in command at the engagement, or
x Introduction
of the officer in command of the fort near which it
was fought. That the battle of Sand Creek was
not the reprehensible affair which vindictive
persons have represented it to be, I believe is
conclusively proven by the evidence which I
present.
I.H.
Colorado Springs,
November I, 19 13.
The
Indians of the Pike's Peak
Region
CHAPTER I
THE TRIBES OF THE PIKE'S PEAK REGION
[T would be interesting to know who were the
occupants of the Pike's Peak region during
prehistoric times. Were its inhabitants always
nomadic Indians? We know that semi-civilized
peoples inhabited southwestern Colorado and
New Mexico in prehistoric times, who undoubt-
edly had lived there ages before they were driven
into cliff dwellings and communal houses by sav-
age invaders. Did their frontier settlements of
that period ever extend into the Pike's Peak re-
gion? The facts concerning these matters, we
may never know. As it is, the earliest definite
2 The Tribes of
information we have concerning the occupants of
this region dates from the Spanish exploring ex-
peditions, but even that is very meager. From
this and other sources, we know that a succession
of Indian tribes moved southward along the east-
ern base of the Rocky Mountains during the two
hundred years before the coming of the white
settler, and that during this period, the principal
tribes occupying this region were the Utes, Co-
manches, Kiowas, Cheyennes, Arapahoes, and
Sioux; and, further, that there were other tribes
such as the Pawnees and Jicarilla Apaches, who
frequently visited and hunted in this region.
The Jicarilla Apaches are of the Athapascan
stock, a widely distributed linguistic family,
which includes among its branches the Navajos,
the Mescalaros of New Mexico, and the Apaches
of Arizona. Notwithstanding the fact that they
were kindred people, the Jicarillas considered the
latter tribes their enemies. However, they always
maintained friendly relations with the Utes, and
the Pueblos of northern New Mexico, and inter-
marriages between members of these tribes were
of frequent occurrence. The mother of Ouray,
the noted Ute chief, was a Jicarilla Apache.
From the earliest period, the principal home of
the Jicarilla Apaches was along the Rio Grande
The Pike's Peak Region 3
River in northern New Mexico, but in their wan-
derings they often went north of the Arkansas
River and far out on the plains, where they had an
outpost known as the Quartelejo. By reason of the
intimate relations existing between the Jicarillas
and the Pueblo Indians, this outpost was more than
once used as a place of refuge by members of the
latter tribes. Bancroft, in his history of New
Mexico, says that certain families of Taos Indians
went out into the plains about the middle of the
seventeenth century and fortified a place called
" Cuartalejo, " which undoubtedly is but another
spelling of the name Quartelejo. These people
remained at Quartelejo for many years, but finally
returned to Taos at the solicitation of an agent
sent out by the Government of New Mexico.
In 1704, the Picuris, another Pueblo tribe, whose
home was about forty miles north of Sante Fe,
abandoned their village in a body and fled to
Quartelejo, but they also returned to New Mexico
two years later. Quartelejo is frequently men-
tioned in the history of New Mexico, and its
location is described as being 130 leagues north-
east of Santa Fe. In recent years the ruin of a
typical Pueblo structure has been unearthed on
Beaver Creek in Scott County, Kansas, about two
hundred miles east of Colorado Springs, which, in
4 The Tribes of
direction and distance from Santa Fe, coincides
with the description given of Quartelejo, and is
generally believed to be that place.
Aside from the Jicarilla Apaches, the Utes,
living in the mountainous portion of the region
now included in the State of Colorado, were the
earliest occupants of whom there is any historical
account. They were mentioned in the Spanish
records of New Mexico as already inhabiting the
region to the north of that Territory in the early
part of the seventeenth century. At that time,
and for many years afterward, they were on peace-
able terms with the Spanish settlers of New Mexico.
About 1705, however, something occurred to dis-
turb their friendly relations, and a war resulted
which lasted fifteen to twenty years, during which
time many people were killed, numerous ranches
were plundered, and many horses stolen. Al-
though the Utes already owned many horses, it is
said that in these raids they acquired so many
more that they were able to mount their entire
tribe. During that time various military expedi-
tions were sent against the Utes as well as against
the Comanches, who had first appeared in New
Mexico in 1716. In 1719, the Governor of New
Mexico led a military force, consisting of 105
Spaniards and a large number of Indian auxiliaries,
The Pike's Peak Region 5
into the region which is now the State of Colorado,
against the hostile bands. The record of the expe-
dition says that it left Santa Fe on September 15th
and marched north, with the mountains on the
left, until October 10th. In this twenty-five days'
march the expedition should have gone far beyond
the place where Colorado Springs now stands.
Although the expedition failed to overtake the
Indians, the latter ceased their raids for a time,
but their subsequent outbreaks showed that their
friendship for the New Mexican people could not
be entirely depended upon, although they mingled
with them to such an extent that a large portion of
the tribe acquired a fair knowledge of the Spanish
language.
The Utes were an offshoot of the Shoshone
family, the branches of which have been widely
distributed over the Rocky Mountain region
from the Canadian line south into Mexico. It
is now generally conceded that the Aztecs of
Mexico and the Utes belong to the same linguistic
family. It is probable that in the march of the
former toward the south, many centuries ago, the
Utes were left behind, remaining in their savage
state, while the Aztecs, coming in contact with the
semi-civilized nations of the South, gradually
reached the state of culture which they had
6 The Tribes of
attained at the time of the conquest of Mexico
by the Spaniards. I am firmly of the opinion that
these Indians, and in fact all the Indians of
America, are descendants of Asiatic tribes that
crossed over to this continent by way of Bering
Strait at some remote period. These tribes may,
however, have been added to at various times by
chance migrations from Japan, the Hawaiian and
South Sea islands. It is known that in historic
times the Japanese current has thrown upon the
Pacific Coast fishing-boats, laden with Japanese
people, which had drifted helplessly across the
Pacific Ocean. It is, therefore, fair to assume
that what is known to have occurred in recent
times might also have frequently occurred in 1 he-
remote past, and if this be so, the intermarriage
of these people with the native races would un-
doubtedly have had a decided influence upon the
tribes adjacent to the Pacific Coast. There seems
to be no reason why the people of the Hawaiian
Islands should not have visited our shores, as those
islands are not much farther distant from the
Pacific Coast than are certain inhabited islands in
other directions. These same conclusions have
been reached by many others who have made a
study of the question.
The National Geographic Magazine of April,
The Pike's Peak Region 7
1 910, contained an article written by Miss Scid-
more on "Mukden, the Manchu Home," in which
she says:
When I saw the Viceroy and his suite at a Japanese
fete at Tairen, whither he had gone to pay a state visit,
I was convinced as never before of the common origin
of the North American Indian and the Chinese or
Manchu Tartars. There before me might as well have
been Red Cloud, Sitting Bull, and Rain-in- the-Face,
dressed in blue satin blankets, thick-soled moccasins,
and squat war-bonnets with single bunches of feathers
shooting back from the crown. Manchu eyes, Tartar
cheek-bones, and Mongol jaws were combined in
countenances that any Sioux chief would recognize
as a brother.
The Ute Indians were well-built, but not nearly
as tall as the Sioux, Cheyennes, Arapahoes, or
any of the tribes of the plains. Their type of
countenance was substantially the same as that
of all American Indians. They were distinctly
mountain Indians, and that they should have
been a shorter race than those of the plains to the
east is peculiar, as it reverses the usual rule.
Might not this have been the result of an infusion
of Japanese blood in the early days of the Sho-
shones when their numbers were small? And
possibly from this same source came the unusual
ability of the Utes in warfare.
8 The Tribes of
As Indians go, the Utes were a fairly intelligent
people. They had a less vicious look than the
Indians of the plains, and as far as my observation
goes, they were not so cruel. They ranged over
the mountainous region from the northern boun-
daries of the present State of Colorado, down as
far as the central part of New Mexico. Their
favorite camping-place, however, was in the beauti-
ful valleys of the South Park, and other places in
the region west of Pike's Peak. The South Park
was known to the old trappers and hunters as the
Bayou Salado, probably deriving its name from
the salt marshes and springs that were abundant
in the western part of that locality.
Game was to be found in greater abundance in
the South Park and the country round about
than in almost any other region of the Rocky
Mountains, and for that reason its possession was
contended for most strenuously year after year
by all the tribes of the surrounding country. For
a time in the summer season, the Utes were
frequently driven away from this favorite region
by the tribes of the plains who congregated in the
South Park in great numbers as soon as the heat
of the plains became uncomfortable. However,
the Utes seldom failed to retain possession during
most of the year, as they were remarkably good
The Pike's Peak Region 9
fighters and more than able to hold their own
against equal numbers.
In point of time, the Comanches were the next
tribe of which we have any record, as inhabiting
this region. These Indians also were a branch of
the Shoshone nation. They led the procession of
tribes that moved southward along the eastern
base of the Rocky Mountains during the seven-
teenth and the first half of the eighteenth centuries.
When first heard of, they were occupying the
territory where the Missouri River emerges from
the Rocky Mountains. Later, they were driven
south by the pressure of the Sioux Indians and
other tribes coming in from the north and east.
For a while they occupied the Black Hills, and
then were pushed still farther south by the Kiowas.
They joined their kinsmen the Utes in raids upon
the settlements of New Mexico in 17 16, and it was
to punish the Comanches as well as the Utes, that
the Governor of New Mexico, in 1719, led the
military expedition into the country now within
the boundaries of Colorado. In 1724, Bourgemont,
a French explorer mentions them under the
name of the Padouca, as located between the
headwaters of the Platte and Kansas rivers,
but later accounts show that before the end of
that century they had been pushed south of the
10
The Tribes of
Arkansas River by the pressure of the tribes to
the north.
During the stay of the Comanches in this
region, they were for a time friendly with the Utes,
and the two tribes joined each other in warfare and
roamed over much of the same territory, but later,
for some unknown reason, they for a time engaged
in a deadly warfare. The old legend of the
Manitou Springs mentions the possible beginning
of the trouble. The incident around which the
legend is woven, may be an imaginary one, but it
is a well-known fact that long and bitter wars
between tribes resulted from slighter causes. It
is said that a long war between the Delawares
and Shawnees originated in a quarrel between
two children over a grasshopper.
The Comanches were a nation of daring warriors,
and after their removal to the south of the Arkan-
sas River, they became a great scourge to the
settlements of Texas and New Mexico, finally
extending their raids as far as Chihuahua, in
Mexico. As a result of these operations, they
became rich in horses and plunder obtained in
their raids, besides securing as captives many
American and Spanish women and children. One
of their most noted chiefs in after days was the son
of a white woman who had been captured in Texas
The Pike's Peak Region n
in her childhood, and who, when grown, had
married a Comanche chief. The Government
arranged for the release of both the American and
Spanish captives, but in more than one instance
women who had been captured in their younger
days refused to leave their Comanche husbands,
notwithstanding the strongest urging on the part
of their own parents.
Following the Comanches came the Kiowas, a
tribe of unknown origin, as their language seems
to have no similarity to that of any of the other
tribes of this country. According to their mythol-
ogy, their first progenitors emerged from a hollow
cottonwood log, at the bidding of a supernatural
ancestor. They came out one at a time as he
tapped upon the log, until it came to the turn of a
fleshy woman, who stuck fast in the hole, and thus
blocked the way for those behind her, so that
they were unable to follow. This,' they say, ac-
counts for the small number of the Kiowa tribe.
The first mention of this tribe locates them at the
extreme sources of the Yellowstone and Missouri
rivers, in what is now central Montana. Later,
by permission of the Crow Indians, they took up
their residence east of that tribe and became allied
with them. Up to this time they possessed no
horses and in moving about had to depend solely
12
The Tribes of
upon dogs. They finally drifted out upon the
plains; here they first procured horses, and came
in contact with the Arapahoes, Cheyennes, and,
later, with the Sioux. The tribe probably secured
horses by raids upon the Spaniards of New Mexico,
as the authorities of that Territory mention the
Kiowas as early as 1748, while the latter were still
living in the Black Hills. It may not be generally
known that there were no horses upon the American
continent prior to the coming of the Spaniards.
The first horses acquired by the Indians were those
lost or abandoned by the early exploring expedi-
tions, and these were added to later by raids upon
the Spanish settlements of New Mexico. The
natural increase of the horses so obtained gave the
Indians, in many cases, a number in excess of their
needs. Previous to acquiring horses, the Indians
used dogs in moving their belongings around the
country. As compared with their swift move-
ments of later days this slow method of transporta-
tion very materially limited their migrations.
By the end of that century, the Kiowas had
drifted south into the region embraced by the
present State of Colorado, probably being forced
to do so by the pressure of the Sioux, Cheyennes,
and Arapahoes, who were at that time advancing
from the north and east. As the Kiowas advanced
The Pike's Peak Region 13
southward, they encountered the Comanches;
this resulted in warfare that lasted many years, in
the course of which the Comanches were gradually
driven south of the Arkansas River. When,
finally, the war was terminated, an alliance was
effected between the two tribes, which thereafter
remained unbroken. In 1806, the Kiowas were
occupying the country along the eastern base of
the mountains of the Pike's Peak region. From
Lieut. Zebulon Pike's narrative, we learn that
James Pursley, who, according to Lieutenant
Pike, was the first American to penetrate the
immense wilds of Louisiana, spent a trading season
with the Kiowas and Comanches in 1802 and 1803.
He remained with them until the next spring,
when the Sioux drove them from the plains into
the mountains at the head of the Platte and Arkan-
sas rivers. In all probability their retreat into the
mountains was through Ute Pass, as that was the
most accessible route. In the same statement
Lieutenant Pike mentions Pursley's claim to
having found gold on the headwaters of the Platte
River. By the year 1815, most of the Kiowas had
been pushed south of the Arkansas River by the
Cheyennes and Arapahoes, but not until 1840 did
they finally give up fighting for the possession of
this region.
H The Tribes of
The Cheyennes and Arapahoes were of the Al-
gonquin linguistic family, whose original home was
in the New England States and southern Canada.
When first heard of, about 1750, the Cheyennes
were located in northern Minnesota. Later,
about 1790, they were living on the Missouri, near
the mouth of the Cheyenne River. Subsequently
they moved west into the Black Hills, being forced
to do so by the enmity of the Sioux. Here they
were joined by the Arapahoes, a tribe of the same
Algonquin stock, and from that time on the two
tribes were bound together in the closest relations.
Beginning about 1800, these two federated
tribes, accompanied by some of the Sioux, with
whom they had made peace, gradually moved
southward along the eastern base of the Rocky
Mountains. Dr. James, the historian of Long's
expedition which visited the Pike's Peak region
in 1820, mentions the fact that about four
years previous there had been a large encamp-
ment of Indians on a stream near Platte Canon,
southwest of Denver, which had assembled for
trading purposes. It appears that the Cheyennes
had been supplied with goods by British traders
on the Missouri River, and had met to exchange
these goods for horses. The tribes dwelling on
the fertile plains of the Arkansas and Red rivers
The Pike's Peak Region 15
always had a great number of horses, which
they reared with much less difficulty than did the
Cheyennes, who usually spent the winter in the
country farther to the north, where the cold
weather lasted much longer and feed was less
abundant. After many years of warfare with the
Kiowas, the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were vic-
torious, and by a treaty, made in 1840, secured
undisputed possession of the territory north of the
Arkansas River and east of the mountains. As
this was only eighteen years before the coming of
the whites, the Cheyennes and Arapahoes could not
rightfully claim this region as their ancestral home.
The country acquired by the Cheyennes and
Arapahoes, through their victory over the Kiowas,
embraced a territory of more than eighty thousand
square miles. As in those two tribes there were
never more than five thousand men, women, and
children, all told, the area was out of all proportion
to their numbers.
Early in 1861, the Government made a treaty
with the Cheyennes and Arapahoes by which
these tribes gave up the greater part of the lands
claimed by them in the new Territory of Colorado.
For this they were to receive a consideration of
four hundred and fifty thousand dollars, to be
paid in fifteen yearly installments, the tribes
1 6 The Tribes of
reserving for their own use a tract about seventy
miles square located on both sides of the Arkansas
River in the southeastern part of the Territory.
From the time of their first contact with the
whites, the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were
alternately friendly or hostile, just as their temper
or whim dictated upon any particular occasion.
With the old trappers and hunters of the plains,
the Cheyennes had the reputation of being the
most treacherous and untrustworthy at all times
and in all places, of any of the tribes of the West.
The Arapahoes, while occasionally committing
depredations against the whites, were said to be
somewhat different in temperament, in that they
were not so sullen and morose as the Cheyennes,
and were less treacherous and more open and
trustworthy in their dealings. This estimate of
the characteristics of the two tribes was fully
confirmed in our contact with them in the early
days of Colorado.
The Cheyennes were continuously hostile during
the years 1855, 1856, and 1857, killing many whites
and robbing numerous wagon-trains along the
Platte River, which at that time was the great
thoroughfare for travelers to Utah, California,
Oregon, and other regions to the west of the Rocky
Mountains. In 1 857, the Cheyennes were severely
The Pike's Peak Region 17
punished in a number of engagements by troops
under command of Colonel E. V. Sumner of the
regular army, and as a result, they gave little
trouble during the next five or six years.
In the early days, the Arapahoes came in touch
with the whites to a much greater extent than
did the Cheyennes. The members of the latter
tribe usually held aloof, and by their manner
plainly expressed hatred of the white race. Horace
Greeley, in his book describing his trip across the
plains to California in 1859, tells of a large body of
Arapahoes who were encamped on the outskirts of
Denver in June of that year, because of the protec-
tion they thought it gave them from their enemies
the Utes. I saw this band when I passed through
Denver in June of the following year.
The Sioux were one of the largest Indian nations
upon the American continent. So far as is known,
their original home was upon the Atlantic Coast
in North Carolina, but by the time Europeans
began to settle in that section they had drifted
into the Western country. Their first contact
with the white race occurred in the upper Missis-
sippi region. These white people were the French
explorers who had penetrated into almost every
part of the interior long before the English had
made any serious attempt at the exploration of
1 8 The Tribes of
the wilderness west of the Allegheny Mountains.
The friendly relations between the French and the
Sioux continued for many years, but when the
French were finally supplanted by the English in
most localities, the Sioux made an alliance with
the latter which was maintained during the Rev-
olutionary War, and continued until after the
War of 1 812. Subsequent to the year 18 12, the
Sioux gradually drifted still farther westward , and
not many years later their principal home was
upon the upper Missouri River. The recognized
southern boundary of their country was the North
Platte River, but on account of their friendly rela-
tions with the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, the
Sioux often wandered along the base of the moun-
tains as far as the Arkansas River, and, being at
enmity with the Utes, they frequently joined the
Cheyennes and Arapahoes in raids upon their
common enemy.
While the Pawnees seldom spent much time in
this region, they often came to the mountains in
raids upon their enemies the Sioux, Cheyennes,
Arapahoes, and Kiowas and upon horse-stealing
expeditions. The Pawnees were members of the
Caddoan family, whose original home was in the
South. In this they were exceptional, since almost
every other tribe in this Western country came
The Pike's Peak Region 19
from the north or east. From time immemorial
their principal villages were located on the Loup
Fork of the Platte River and on the headwaters
of the Republican River, about three hundred
miles east of the Rocky Mountains. The Paw-
nees were a warlike tribe and extended their raids
over a very wide stretch of country, at times
reaching as far as New Mexico. They carried on
a bitter warfare with the Sioux, Cheyennes, and
Arapahoes, and at times were engaged in warfare
with almost every one of the surrounding tribes.
They were a courageous people, and were generally
victorious, where the numbers engaged were at
all nearly equal. The Spaniards of New Mexico
became acquainted with this tribe as early as 1693,
and made strenuous efforts to maintain friendly
relations with them; with few exceptions these
efforts were successful.
In 1720, the Spanish authorities of New Mexico
learned that French traders had established trad-
ing stations in the Pawnee country, and were
furnishing the Indians with firearms. This news
greatly disturbed the Spaniards and resulted in a
military expedition being organized at Santa Fe,
to visit the principal villages of the Pawnees for
the purpose of impressing that tribe with the
strength of the Spanish Government, and thus to
20 The Tribes of
counteract the influence of the French. The
expedition started from Santa Fe in June of that
year. It was under the command of Lieutenant-
Colonel Villazur, of the Spanish regular army, and
was composed of fifty armed Spaniards, together
with a large number of Jicarilla Apache Indians
as auxiliaries, making the expedition an imposing
one for the times. The route taken, as nearly as I
can determine from the description given in Ban-
croft's history of New Mexico, was northerly
along the eastern base of the mountains, passing
not very far from where Colorado Springs is now
located. After reaching the Platte River, at no
great distance east of the mountains, the expedi-
tion proceeded down the valley of that stream
until it came in contact with the Pawnees, but
before a council could be held, the latter surprised
the Spaniards, killed the commanding officer, and
in the fight that ensued almost annihilated the
party. The surviving half-dozen soldiers, who
were mounted, saved themselves by flight. Not
yet having acquired horses, the Pawnees could not
pursue them. These survivors, after untold hard-
ships, reached Santa Fe a month or two later to
tell the tale. Another instance of a Spanish
force visiting the Pawnees occurred in 1806.
When Lieutenant Pike on his exploring tour visited
The Pike's Peak Region 21
the Pawnees on the Republican River in Septem-
ber of that year, he found that a Spanish military
force had been there just ahead of him. This
force had been dispatched from Santa Fe to pre-
vent him from exploring the country north of the
Arkansas River, to which the Spanish Government
insistently laid claim. However, the expedition
failed of its purpose, inasmuch as it marched
back up the Arkansas River to the mountains,
and returned to Santa Fe without having seen or
heard of Lieutenant Pike.
When Colonel Long on his exploring expedition
visited this tribe in 18 19, he found the Pawnees
mourning the loss of a large number of their war-
riors who had been killed in an encounter with the
Cheyennes and Arapahoes in the region adjacent to
the Rocky Mountains. It seems that ninety-three
warriors left their camp on the Republican River
and proceeded on foot to the mountains on a horse-
stealing expedition. The party finally reached a
point on the south side of the Arkansas River,
having up to that time accomplished nothing.
Here they were discovered and attacked by a
large band of Cheyennes and Arapahoes. During
the fight that followed, over fifty of the Pawnees
were killed; but the attacking party suffered so
severely that after the fighting had continued for a
22 The Tribes of
day or more, they were glad to allow the surviving
Pawnees, numbering about forty, to escape. Most
of the latter were wounded and it was with diffi-
culty that they succeeded in reaching their
homes.
All the tribes that I have mentioned were
purely nomadic, and, aside from the Pawnees,
depended entirely upon game for a living.
The Pawnees were the only tribe that engaged
in agriculture. Their summer camps were
generally located at some favorable spot for
growing corn, beans, pumpkins, and other vege-
tables. They usually remained at such place
until their crops were harvested, when they made
large excavations in the ground in which they
stored their grain and vegetables for future use.
After covering the excavation they carefully
obliterated all evidence of it, in order to prevent
discovery. They would then go off on hunting
expeditions, returning later in the winter to enjoy
the fruits of the summer's toil of their squaws—
for the warrior never degraded himself by doing
any labor which the squaw could perform. Their
habitations, when staying any length of time in
one locality, were made of poles, brush, grass, and
earth, and were more durable structures than the
lodges used by the other tribes of the plains.
The Pike's Peak Region 23
The Utes, Comanches, Kiowas, Sioux, Chey-
ennes, and Arapahoes used the conical wigwam,
which was easily erected and quickly taken down.
The conical wigwam consisted of a framework of
small pine poles about two and one-half inches in
diameter and twenty feet in length. In its erec-
tion, three poles were tied together about two or
three feet from the smaller end; the three poles
were then set up, their bases forming a triangle
sufficiently far apart to permit of a lodge about
twenty feet in diameter. The remaining sixteen
to eighteen poles used were then placed in position
to form a circle, their bases about four feet apart
and their tops resting in the fork of the three
original poles. Among the plains Indians, where
buffalo were plentiful, the covering for this frame-
work consisted of buffalo skins which had been
tanned and sewed together by the squaws. It
was so shaped that a flap could be thrown back
at the top, leaving an opening through which the
smoke could escape, and another at the bottom
for use as a door. The bottom of this covering
was secured by fastening it to small stakes driven
into the ground. All of the bedding, buffalo
robes, and other belongings of the Indians were
taken into the wigwam and piled around the sides I
a small hole was then dug in the center of the
24 The Tribes of
earthern floor, in which the fire was built. In
taking down the tents, preparatory to moving
about the country, the squaws removed the
covering from the framework, and folded it into
a compact bundle; they took the poles down and
laid them in two parallel piles three or four feet
apart, and then led a pony in between them. The
upper end of each pile was fastened to the pack-
saddle, leaving the other end to drag upon the
ground. Just back of the pony's tail the covering
of the tent was fastened to the two sets of poles,
on top of which the babies and small children
were placed. In this way the Indians moved
their camps from place to place. The squaws
did all the work of making these tent cover-
ings, procuring the poles, setting up the tents,
and taking them down. The warrior never
lifted his hand to help, as it was beneath the
dignity of a warrior to do any kind of manual
labor.
Among the favorite camping-places of the
Indians in El Paso County, Colorado, the region
extending along the west side of Cheyenne Creek
just above its mouth was probably used most fre-
quently. There were evidences of other camping
places at different points farther up the creek,
that had been used to a lesser extent. Their tent-
The Pike's Peak Region 25
poles, in being dragged over the country, rapidly
wore out, and for that reason the Indians of the
plains found it necessary to come to the moun-
tains every year or two to get a new supply. The
thousands of small stumps that were to be seen on
•the side of Cheyenne Mountain at the time of the
first settlement of this region gave evidence that
many Indians had secured new lodge poles in that
locality. It is probable that this was the reason
why their tents were so often pitched in the
valley of Cheyenne Creek, and undoubtedly this
is the origin of the name by which the creek is
now known.
On account of its close iproximity to the country
of the Utes, the Indians of the plains must neces-
sarily have had to come to this locality in very
considerable force and must at all times have
kept a very sharp lookout in order to avoid disas-
ter. It is known that the Utes maintained pickets
in this vicinity much of the time. In the early
days, any one climbing to the top of the high sand-
stone ridge back of the United States Reduction
Works at Colorado City might have seen numer-
ous circular places of defense built of loose stone,
to a height of four or five feet, and large enough
to hold three or four men comfortably. These
miniature fortifications were placed at intervals
26 Pike's Peak Indians
along the ridge all the way from the Fountain to
Bear Creek and doubtless were built and used
by the Utes. From these small forts, the Indian
pickets could overlook the valley of the Fountain,
the Mesa, and keep watch over the country for a
long distance out on the plains. At such times as
the Utes maintained sentinels there it would have
been difficult for their enemies to reach this region
without being discovered.
CHAPTER II
TRAILS, MINERAL SPRINGS, GAME, ETC.
HPHE principal Indian trail into the mountains
1 from the plains to the northeast of Pike's Peak
came in by way of the Garden Ranch, through
what used to be known as Templeton's Gap. It
crossed Monument Creek about a mile above Col-
orado Springs, then followed up a ridge to the
Mesa; then it went southwest over the Mesa and
across Camp Creek, passing just south of the Gar-
den of the Gods; from there it came down to the
Fountain, about a mile west of Colorado City, and
there joined another trail that came from the
southeast up the east side of Fountain Creek.
The latter trail followed the east side of the
Fountain from the Arkansas River, and crossed
Monument Creek just below the present Artificial
Ice Plant in Colorado Springs, from which point
it ran along the north side of the Fountain to a
point just west of Colorado City, where it crossed
to the south side, then up the south side of the
27
28 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
creek to the Manitou Springs. From this place it
went up Ruxton Creek for a few hundred yards,
then crossed over to the west side, then up the
creek to a point just below the Colorado Midland
Railway bridge ; thence westward up a long ravine
to its head; then in the same direction near the
heads of the ravines running into the Fountain and
from a quarter to a half of a mile south of that
creek for two miles or more. The trail finally came
down to the Fountain again just below Cascade
Canon and from there led up the Fountain to its
head, where it branched off in various directions.
The trail I have described from Manitou to
Cascade Canon is the famous old Ute Pass trail
which undoubtedly had been used by various tribes
of Indians for hundreds of years before the dis-
covery of America. We know it was used later
for many generations by the Spanish explorer,
the hunter, the trapper, and the Indian until the
white settler came, and even after that by occa-
sional war-parties, up to the time the Indians
were driven from the State of Colorado. Marble
markers were placed at intervals along this trail
by the El Paso County Pioneer Society in the
summer of 1912. This trail and those leading
into it from the plains were well-traveled roads
and gave indication of long and frequent use.
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 29
Dr. Edwin James, botanist and historian of
Long's expedition, who visited the Pike's Peak
region in 1820, says:
A large and much frequented road passes the springs
and enters the mountains running to the north of the
high peak.
He says of the principal spring at Manitou :
The boiling spring is a large and beautiful fountain
of water, cool and transparent and aerated with car-
bonic acid. It rises on the brink of a small stream
which here descends from the mountains at the point
where the bed of this stream divides the ridge of sand-
stone, which rests against the base of the first granitic
range. The water of the spring deposits a copious
concretion of carbonate of lime, which has accumulated
on every side, until it has formed a large basin over-
hanging the stream, above which it rises several feet.
The basin is of snowy whiteness and large enough to
contain three or four hundred gallons, and is con-
stantly overflowing . The spring rises from the bottom
of the basin with a rumbling noise, discharging about
equal volumes of air and of water, probably about
fifty gallons per minute, the whole kept in constant
agitation. The water is beautifully transparent, has
a sparkling appearance, the grateful taste and ex-
hilarating effect of the most highly aerated artificial
mineral water.
In the bottom of the spring a great number of beads
and other small articles of Indian adornment \vere
found, having unquestionably been left there as a
sacrifice or present to the springs, which are regarded
30 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
with a sort of veneration by the savages. Bijeau,
our guide, assured us he had repeatedly taken beads
and other adornments from these springs and sold
them to the same savages who had thrown them in.
Mr. Rufus B. Sage, who describes himself as a
New Englander, after passing through this region
in 1842, published a book giving his experiences
and observations. In speaking of the Fontaine
qui Bouille Creek, now known as the Fountain
and of the Manitou Springs, he says :
This name is derived from two singular springs
situated within a few yards of each other at the
Creek's head, both of which emit water in the
form of vapor, with a hissing noise; one strongly
impregnated with sulphur and the other with soda.
The soda water is fully as good as any manufactured
for special use and sparkles and foams with equal
effervescence. The Arapahoes regard this phenome-
non with awe, and venerate it as the manifestation
of the immediate presence of the Great Spirit. They
call it the "Medicine Fountain" and seldom neglect
to bestow their gifts upon it whenever an opportunity
is presented. These offerings usually consist of robes,
blankets, arrows, bows, knives, beads, moccasins, etc.,
which they either throw into the water, or hang upon
the surrounding trees.
Sometimes a whole village will visit the place for
the purpose of paying their united regard to this
sacred fountain.
The scenery in the vicinity is truly magnificent.
A valley several hundred yards in width heads at the
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 31
springs, and overlooking it from the west in almost
perpendicular ascent tower the lofty summits of
Pike's Peak, piercing the clouds and reveling in
eternal snow. This valley opens eastward and is
walled in at the right and left at the mountain's base
by a stretch of high table-land surmounted by oaks
and stately pines, with now and then an interval dis-
playing a luxuriant coating of grass. The soil is a
reddish loam and very rich. The trees, which skirt
the creek as it traces its way from the fountain, are
generally free from underbrush, and show almost as
much regularity of position as if planted by the hand
of art. A lusty growth of vegetation is sustained
among them to their very trunks, which is garnished
by wild flowers during the summer months, that invest
the whole scene with an enchantment peculiar to itself.
The climate, too, is far milder in this than in
adjoining regions, even of a more southern latitude.
" 'T is here summer first unfolds her robes, and here the
longest tarries " ; the grass, continuing green the entire
winter, here first feels the genial touch of spring.
Snow seldom remains upon the ground to exceed
a single day, even in the severest weather, while the
neighboring hills and prairies present their white
mantlings for weeks in succession.
As the creek emerges from the mountains, it in-
creases in size by the accession of several tributaries,
and the valley also expands, retaining for a con-
siderable distance the distinguishing traces above
described.
The vicinity affords an abundance of game, among
which are deer, sheep, bear, antelope, elk, and buffalo,
together with turkeys, geese, ducks, grouse, mountain
fowls, and rabbits. Affording as it does such magnifi-
32 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
cent and delightful scenery, such rich stores for the
supply of human wants both to please the taste and
enrapture the heart; so heavenlike in its appearance
and character, it is no wonder the untaught savage
reveres it as a place wherein the Good Spirit delights
to dwell, and hastens with his free-will offerings to the
strange fountain, in the full belief that its bubbling
waters are the more immediate impersonation of Him
whom he adores.
And there are other scenes adjoining this that
demand a passing notice. A few miles from the
springs, and running parallel with the eastern base
of the mountain range, several hundred yards removed
from it, a wall of coarse, red granite towers to a varied
height of from fifty to three hundred feet. This wall
is formed of an immense strata planted vertically.
This mural tier is isolated and occupies its prairie
site in silent majesty, as if to guard the approach to
the stupendous monuments of Nature's handiwork,
that form the background, disclosing itself to the
beholder for a distance of over thirty miles.
Lieut. John C. Fremont, who visited the springs
in 1843, while on his second expedition, was just
as enthusiastic about them. He says :
On the morning of the 16th of July we resumed our
journey. Our direction was up the Boiling Springs
River, it being my intention to visit the celebrated
springs from which the river takes its name, and
which are on its upper waters at the foot of Pike's
Peak.
Our animals fared well while we were on this stream,
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 33
there being everywhere a great abundance of grass.
Beautiful clusters of flowering plants were numerous,
and wild currants, nearly ripe, were abundant. On
the afternoon of the 17th, we entered among the
broken ridges at the foot of the mountain, where the
river made several forks.
Leaving the camp to follow slowly, I rode ahead in
the afternoon, in search of the springs. In the mean-
time, the clouds, which had been gathering all the
afternoon over the mountains, began to roll down their
sides, and a storm so violent burst upon me that it
appeared I had entered the store house of the thunder
storms. I continued, however, to ride along up the
river until about sunset, and was beginning to be
doubtful of finding the springs before the next day,
when I came suddenly upon a large, smooth rock about
twenty feet in diameter, where the water from several
springs was bubbling and boiling up in the midst of a
white encrustation, with which it had covered a portion
of the rock. As it did not correspond with the descrip-
tion given me by the hunters, I did not stop to taste
the water, but dismounting, walked a little way up the
river, and passing through a narrow thicket of shrub-
bery bordering the stream, stepped directly upon a
huge, white rock at the foot of which the river, already
becoming a torrent, foamed along, broken by a small
fall.
A deer which had been drinking at the spring was
startled by my approach, and springing across the
river bounded off up the mountain. In the upper
part of the rock, which had been formed by the deposi-
tion, was a beautiful, white basin overhung by currant
bushes, in which the cold, clear water bubbled up,
kept in constant motion by the escaping gas, and over-
34 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
flowing the rock which it had almost entirely covered
with a smooth crust of glistening white.
I had all day refrained from drinking, reserving
myself for the springs, and as I could not well be more
wet than the rain had already made me, I lay down by
the side of the basin and drank heartily of the delight-
ful water.
As it was now beginning to grow dark, I rode
quickly down the river on which I found the camp a
few miles below. The morning of the 1 8th was beauti-
ful and clear, and all of the people being anxious to
drink of these famous waters, we encamped immedi-
ately at the springs and spent there a very pleasant day .
On the opposite side of the river is another locality
of springs which are entirely of the same nature. The
water has a very agreeable taste, which Mr. Preuss
found very much to resemble that of the famous
Selter spring in the Grand Duchy of Nassau, a
country famous for wine and mineral waters.
Resuming our journey on the morning of the 19th,
we descended the river, in order to reach the mouth
of the eastern fork which I proposed to ascend. The
left bank of the river is here very much broken . There
is a handsome little bottom on the right, and both
banks are exceedingly picturesque, a stratum of red
rock in nearly perpendicular walls, crossing the valley
from north to south.
Lieut. George F. Ruxton, an officer of the
British Army, who was seeking the restoration of
his health by roughing it in the Rocky Mountains,
camped at the Manitou Springs for a number of
months in the early part of 1847.
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 35
Writing of his trip from Pueblo up the Fontaine
qui Bouille in the month of March of that year,
and of his stay at the springs afterwards, he says :
The further I advanced up the creek and the nearer
the mountains, the more advanced was the vegetation.
As yet, however, the cottonwoods and the larger trees
in the bottom showed no signs of life, and the currant
and cherry bushes still looked dry and sapless. The
thickets, however, were filled with birds and resounded
with their songs, and the plains were alive with prairie
dogs, busy in repairing their houses and barking
lustily as I rode through their towns. Turkeys, too,
were calling in the timber, and the boom of the prairie
fowl at rise and set of sun was heard on every side.
The snow had entirely disappeared from the plains,
but Pike's Peak and the mountains were still clad in
white.
On my way I met a band of hunters who had been
driven in by a party of Arapahoes who were encamped
on the eastern fork of the Fontaine qui Bouille [Monu-
ment Creek]. They strongly urged me to return,
as, being alone, I could not fail to be robbed of my
animals, if not killed myself. However, in pursuance
of my fixed rule never to stop on account of Indians,
I proceeded up the river and camped on the first fork
for a day or two, hunting in the mountains. I then
moved up the main fork on which I had been directed
by the hunters to proceed, in order to visit the far
famed springs, from which the creek takes its name.
I followed a very good lodge-pole trail which struck the
creek before entering the broken country, being that
used by the Utes and Arapahoes on their way to the
36 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
Bayou Salado. Here the valley narrowed considerably,
and turning an angle with the creek, I was at once shut
in by mountains and elevated ridges which rose on
each side of the stream. This was now a rapid torrent
tumbling over the rocks and stones and fringed with
oak and a shrubbery of brush. A few miles on, the
canon opened into a little shelving glade and on the
right bank of the stream, raised several feet above it,
was a flat, white rock, in which was a round hole where
one of the celebrated springs hissed and bubbled with
its escaping gas. I had been cautioned against drink-
ing this, being directed to follow the stream a few
yards to another, which is the true soda spring.
I had not only abstained from drinking that day,
but with the aid of a handful of salt, which I had
brought with me for the purpose, had so highly
seasoned my breakfast of venison, that I was in a most
satisfactory state of thirst. I therefore proceeded
at once to the other spring, and found it about forty
yards from the first and immediately above the river,
issuing from a little basin in the flat, white rock, and
trickling over the edge into the stream. The escape
of gas in this was much stronger than in the other,
and was similar to water boiling smartly.
I had provided myself with a tin cup holding about
a pint, but before dipping it in I divested myself of
my pouch and belt, and sat down in order to enjoy
the draught at my leisure. I was half dead with thirst,
and tucking up the sleeves of my hunting shirt, I
dipped the cup into the midst of the bubbles and raised
it, hissing and sparkling, to my lips. Such a draught !
Three times without drawing a breath was it replen-
ished and emptied, almost blowing up the roof of my
mouth with its effervescence. It was equal to the very
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 37
best soda water, but possesses that fresh, natural
flavor which manufactured water cannot impart.
The Indians regard with awe the medicine waters
of these fountains, as being the abode of a Spirit who
breathes through the transparent water, and thus
by his exhalations causes the perturbation of its sur-
face. The Arapahoes especially attribute to this water
god, the power of ordaining the success or miscar-
riage of their war expeditions, and as their braves
pass often by the mysterious springs when in search
of their hereditary enemies, the Utes, in the "Valley of
Salt, " they never fail to bestow their votive offerings
upon the water sprite, in order to propitiate the
Manitou of the fountain and insure a fortunate issue
to their path of war. Thus at the time of my visit,
the basin of the spring was filled with beads and wam-
pum and pieces of red cloth and knives, while the
surrounding trees were hung with strips of deer skin,
cloth, and moccasins; to which, had they been service-
able, I would most sacrilegiously have helped my-
self. The signs, too, around the spring, plainly showed
that here a war dance had been executed by the
braves, and I was not a little pleased to find that
they had already been here and were not likely to
return the same way; but in this supposition I was
quite astray.
The large spring referred to by Dr. James, Sage,
Fremont, Ruxton, and the other writers whom I
have quoted, is the one now enclosed and used by
the bottling works at Manitou. Ruxton says the
two springs were intimately connected with the
separation of the Comanche and the Snake, or
3 8 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
Ute tribes, and he gives the following legend
concerning the beginning of the trouble:
Many hundreds of winters ago, when the cotton-
woods on the Big River were no higher than an arrow,
and the red men, who hunted the buffalo on the plains,
all spoke the same language, and the pipe of peace
breathed its social cloud of kinnikinnik whenever
two parties of hunters met on the boundless plains —
when, with hunting grounds and game of every kind
in the greatest abundance, no nation dug up the
hatchet with another because one of its hunters
followed the game into their bounds, but, on the
contrary, loaded for him his back with choice and
fattest meat, and ever proffered the soothing pipe
before the stranger, with well-filled belly, left the vil-
lage, — it happened that two hunters of different
nations met one day on a small rivulet, where both
had repaired to quench their thirst. A little stream
of water, rising from a spring on a rock within a few
feet of the bank, trickled over it and fell splashing
into the river. To this the hunters repaired; and
while one sought the spring itself, where the water,
cold and clear, reflected on its surface the image of
the surrounding scenery, the other, tired by his exer-
tions in the chase, threw himself at once to the ground
and plunged his face into the running stream.
The latter had been unsuccessful in the chase, and
perhaps his bad fortune and the sight of the fat deer,
which the other hunter threw from his back before he
drank at the crystal spring, caused a feeling of jealousy
and ill-humour to take possession of his mind. The
other, on the contrary, before he satisfied his thirst,
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 39
raised in the hollow of his hand a portion of the water,
and, lifting it towards the sun, reversed his hand and
allowed it to fall upon the ground, — a libation to the
Great Spirit who had vouchsafed him a successful
hunt, and the blessing of the refreshing water with
which he was about to quench his thirst.
Seeing this, and being reminded that he had
neglected the usual offering, only increased the feel-
ing of envy and annoyance which the unsuccessful
hunter permitted to get the mastery of his heart;
and the Evil Spirit at that moment entering his body,
his temper fairly flew away, and he sought some pre-
tense by which to provoke a quarrel with the stranger
Indian at the spring.
"Why does a stranger," he asked, rising from the
stream at the same time, "drink at the spring-head,
when one to whom the fountain belongs contents
himself with the water that runs from it?"
"The Great Spirit places the cool water at the
spring, " answered the other hunter, "that his children
may drink it pure and undefiled. The running water
is for the beasts which scour the plains. Au-sa-qua
is a chief of the Shos-shone; he drinks at the head
water."
"The Shos-shone is but a tribe of the Comanche, "
returned the other; "Waco-mish leads the grand
nation. Why does a Shos-shone dare to drink above
him?"
"He has said it. The Shos-shone drinks at the
spring-head; other nations of the stream which runs
into the fields. Au-sa-qua is chief of his nation.
The Comanche are brothers. Let them both drink
of the same water. "
" The Shos-shone pays tribute to the Comanche.
40 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
Waco-mish leads that nation to war. Waco-mish
is chief of the Shos-shone, as he is of his own people."
"Waco-mish lies; his tongue is forked like the
rattlesnake's; his heart is black as the Misho-tunga
[bad spirit]. When the Manitou made his children,
whether Shos-shone or Comanche, Arapahoe, Shi-an,
or Pa-ne\ he gave them buffalo to eat, and the pure
water of the fountain to quench their thirst. He said
not to one, Drink here, and to another, Drink there;
but gave the crystal spring to all, that all might
drink. "
Waco-mish almost burst with rage as the other
spoke; but his coward heart alone prevented him from
provoking an encounter with the calm Shos-shone.
He, made thirsty by the words he had spoken — for the
red man is ever sparing of his tongue — again stooped
down to the spring to quench his thirst, when the
subtle warrior of the Comanche suddenly threw
himself upon the kneeling hunter, and, forcing his
head into the bubbling water, held him down with all
his strength, until his victim no longer struggled, his
stiffened limbs relaxed, and he fell forward over the
spring, drowned and dead.
Over the body stood the murderer, and no sooner
was the deed of blood consummated than bitter
remorse took possession of his mind, where before had
reigned the fiercest passion and vindictive hate. With
hands clasped to his forehead, he stood transfixed
with horror, intently gazing on his victim, whose head
still remained immersed in the fountain. Mechan-
ically he dragged the body a few paces from the water,
which, as soon as the head of the dead Indian was
withdrawn, the Comanche saw suddenly and strangely
disturbed. Bubbles sprang up from the bottom,
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 41
and rising to the surface, escaped in hissing gas. A
thin vapoury cloud arose, and gradually dissolving,
displayed to the eyes of the trembling murderer the
figure of an aged Indian, whose long, snowy hair and
venerable beard, blown aside by a gentle air from his
breast, discovered the well-known totem of the great
Wan-kan-aga, the father of the Comanche and Shos-
shone nation, whom the tradition of the tribe, handed
down by skillful hieroglyphics, almost deified for the
good actions and deeds of bravery this famous war-
rior had performed when on earth.
Stretching out a war-club towards the affrighted
murderer, the figure thus addressed him :
"Accursed of my tribe! this day thou hast severed
the link between the mightiest nations of the world,
while the blood of the brave Shos-shone cries to the
Manitou for vengeance. May the water of thy tribe
be rank and bitter in their throats. " Thus saying,
and swinging his ponderous war-club (made from the
elk's horn) round his head, he dashed out the brains
of the Comanche, who fell headlong into the spring,
which, from that day to the present moment, remains
rank and nauseous, so that not even when half dead
with thirst, can one drink the foul water of that
spring.
The good Wan-kan-aga, however, to perpetuate
the memory of the Shos-shone warrior, who was re-
nowned in his tribe for valour and nobleness of heart,
struck, with the same avenging club, a hard, flat rock
which overhung the rivulet, just out of sight of this
scene of blood ; and forthwith the rock opened into a
round, clear basin, which instantly filled with bubbling,
sparkling water, than which no thirsty hunter ever
drank a sweeter or a cooler draught.
42 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
Thus the two springs remain, an everlasting
memento of the foul murder of the brave Shos-shone,
and the stern justice of the good Wan-kan-aga; and
from that day the two mighty tribes of the Shos-shone
and Comanche have remained severed and apart;
although a long and bloody war followed the treacher-
ous murder of the Shos-shone chief, and many a scalp
torn from the head of the Comanche paid the penalty
of his death.
In telling of the great quantities of game in this
region, Ruxton says:
Never was there such a paradise for hunters as this
lone and solitary spot.
Game abounded on every hand. Bear, elk,
deer, mountain sheep, antelope, and grouse were
in abundance in the surrounding mountains and
valleys. Of buffalo there were few except in
the valleys west of Pike's Peak and in the Bayou
Salado, or South Park, as it is now known.
Ruxton further says :
It is a singular fact that within the last two years
the prairies, extending from the mountains to one
hundred miles or more down the Arkansas, have been
entirely abandoned by the buffalo ; indeed, in crossing
from the settlements of New Mexico, the boundary
of their former range is marked by skulls and bones,
which appear fresher as the traveler advances west-
ward and towards the waters of the Platte.
The evidences that Ruxton here mentions were
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 43
still apparent twelve or fourteen years later, when
the first settlers of this region arrived. Buffalo
skulls and bones were scattered everywhere over
the plains, but live buffalo could seldom be
found nearer than one hundred miles east of the
mountains.
The reason for this has been variously stated,
some claiming that a contagious disease broke
out among the buffalo in the early forties, which
virtually exterminated those along the eastern
base of the mountains. Others say that about
that time there was a tremendous snowfall in
the early part of the winter which covered the
whole country along the eastern base of the
mountains to a depth of six to eight feet, and that
as a result all the buffalo within the region of the
snowfall starved to death during the following
winter. It is very possible that the latter reason
may have been the true one, as a heavy fall of
snow in the early part of the winter is not unknown.
In the winter of 1 864-1 865 the antelope of this
region nearly starved to death, owing to a two-
foot fall of snow, on the last day of October and
the first day of November, 1864, which covered the
ground to a considerable depth for most of the
winter.
While it is true that there were no buffalo in
44 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
this immediate region at the time Ruxton was here,
nor afterwards, it is well-known that they had
been fairly plentiful in earlier years. Lieuten-
ant Pike tells of killing five buffalo the day he
reached the present site of Pueblo in 1806, and a
day or two afterwards he killed three more on
Turkey Creek, about twenty miles south of where
Colorado Springs now stands, and saw others
while climbing the mountains in his attempt to
reach the "high point," as he calls it, now known
as Pike's Peak.
In 1820, Long's expedition, on its way from
Platte Canon, killed several buffalo on Monument
Creek, a few miles south of the Divide ; and later,
while camped on the Fountain a short distance
below the site of the present city of Colorado
Springs, killed several more.
Sage says that in 1842, during a five days' stay
at Jimmy's Camp (ten miles east of the present
city of Colorado Springs), he "killed three fine
buffalo cows."
After Ruxton had been camped near Manitou
Springs for two or three weeks, while out hunting
one day, he ran across an Indian camp, which
startled him very much. No Indians were in
sight at the time, but later he got a glimpse of
two carrying in a deer which they had killed. The
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 45
next morning Ruxton concluded that as a matter
of safety, he had better remove his camp to some
more secluded spot. The following day a fire
was started on the side of the mountain to the
south of the springs, which rapidly spread in every
direction. He says:
I had from the first no doubt that the fire was caused
by the Indians who had probably discovered my
animals, and thinking that a large party of hunters
might be out, had taken advantage of a favorable wind
to set fire to the grass, hoping to secure the horses
and mules in the confusion, without risk of attacking
the camp.
In order to be out of reach of the fire, Ruxton
moved his camp down the Fontaine qui Bouille
six or seven miles. He says:
All this time the fire was spreading out on the
prairies. It extended at least five miles on the left
bank of the creek and on the right was more slowly
creeping up the mountainside, while the brush and
timber in the bottom was one mass of flame. Besides
the long, sweeping line of the advancing flame the
plateaus on the mountainside and within the line
were burning in every direction as the squalls and
eddies down the gullies drove the fire to all points.
The mountains themselves being invisible, the air
from the low ground where I then was, appeared a
mass of fire, and huge crescents of flame danced as
it were in the very sky, until a mass of timber blazing
46 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
at once exhibited the somber background of the
stupendous mountains.
The fire extended towards the waters of the
Platte upwards of forty miles, and for fourteen
days its glare was visible on the Arkansas River
fifty miles distant.
The testimony of Ruxton bears out information
I have from other sources, that a large portion of
the great areas of dead timber on the mountain-
sides of this region is the result of fires started by
the various Indian tribes in their wanderings to
and fro. Old trappers say that the Utes fre-
quently went out upon the plains on horse-stealing
expeditions; that when they had located a camp
of their enemies, they would stealthily creep in
among their ponies in the night, round them up,
and start off towards the mountains with as many
as they could hastily gather together. They were
sure to be pursued the following morning when the
raid had been discovered, and often the Utes with
the stolen herd would find their pursuers close
after them by the time they reached the moun-
tains. In that case, they knew that if they fol-
lowed up Ute Pass they were likely to be overtaken,
but by crossing over the northern point of Cheyenne
Mountain and on to the west along a trail that
ran not very far distant from the route now fol-
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 47
lowed by the Cripple Creek Short Line, they could
much more easily elude their pursuers. If, when
west of Cheyenne Mountain the Utes found their
enemies gaining upon them, they would start a
timber fire to cover their retreat. These fires
would, of course, spread indefinitely and ruin
immense tracts of timber. This is doubtless on e
of the principal reasons why our mountainsides
are so nearly denuded of their original growth
of trees. These horse-stealing raids were no un-
common occurrence. Colonel Dodge, in his book
Our Wild Indians, tells of one made by the Utes
in 1874, which was daring as well as successful.
He says :
A mixed band of some fifteen hundred Sioux and
Cheyennes, hunting in 1874, went well up on the head-
waters of the Republican River in search of buffalo.
The Utes found them out and a few warriors slipped
into their camp during the night, stampeded their
ponies at daylight, and in spite of the hot pursuit
of the Sioux, reached the mountains with over two
hundred head.
Ruxton frequently mentions the Ute Pass, and
states that it was the principal line of travel to
and from the South Park for all the Indian tribes
of this region at the time of his arrival, as well as
previous thereto.
48 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
There was another much-used trail into the
South Park which entered the mountains near the
present town of Canon City. It led in a north-
westerly direction from the latter place, and
reached the South Park proper near Hartsell
Hot Springs. This route was used by the Indians
occupying the country along the Arkansas River
and to the south of it. In addition to the two
principal trails, there were others of lesser note,
as, for example, that over the north end of Chey-
enne Mountain, and one west of the present
town of Monument; but these were difficult and
were not used to any great extent.
In 1806, Lieutenant Pike attempted to lead his
exploring expedition over the Canon City trail,
but evidently had a very poor guide, and, as a
result, lost his way very soon after leaving the
Arkansas River. They wandered about through
the low mountains west of the present mining
camp of Cripple Creek, and finally reached the
Platte near the west end of Eleven-Mile Canon
where the river emerges from the South Park.
He mentions having found near that point a
recently abandoned Indian camp which he esti-
mates must have been occupied by at least three
thousand Indians.
Thomas J. Farnham, on his way to Oregon in
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 49
1839, passed through the South Park, reaching it
from the Arkansas River by the trail already de-
scribed. He tells of his trip, in a rudely bound
little book of minutely fine print, published in
1843. In recounting his journey from the Arkan-
sas River to the South Park, he frequently men-
tions James Peak as being to the east of the route
he was traveling. Previously, when encamped on
the Arkansas River, below the mouth of the Fon-
taine qui Bouille, he speaks of the latter stream as
heading in James Peak, eighty miles to the north-
west; he also states that one of the branches of
the Huerfano originates in Pike's Peak, seventy to
eighty miles to the south. This brings to mind the
fact that previous to about 1840 the peak that we
now know as Pike's Peak was known as James
Peak. Major S. H. Long, who was in command
of the expedition that explored the Pike's Peak
region in 1820, gave it this name in honor of Dr.
James, who is supposed to have been the first
white man to ascend it. After about 1840, this
name was gradually dropped and Pike's Peak was
substituted.
Farnham was very much pleased with the South
Park, and says of it, after describing its streams,
valleys, and rocky ridges:
This is a bird's-eye view of Bayou Salado, so named
4
50 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
from the circumstance that native rock salt is found
in some parts of it. We were in the central portion
of it. To the north and south and west its isolated
plains rise one above another, always beautiful and
covered with verdure during the months of spring and
summer. A sweet spot this, for the romance of the
future as well as of the present and past. The
buffalo have for ages resorted here about the last days
of July from the arid plains of the Arkansas and
the Platte; and hither the Utes, Cheyennes and
Arapahoes, Black Feet, Crows and Sioux of the north,
have for ages met and hunted and fought and loved,
and when their battles and hunts were interrupted
by the chills and snows of November, they separated
for their several winter resorts.
How wild and beautiful the past, as it comes up
fledged .with the rich plumage of the imagination!
These vales, studded with a thousand villages of
conical skin wigwams, with their thousands of fires
blazing on the starry brow of night! I see the dusky
forms crouching around the glowing piles of ignited
logs, in family groups, whispering the dreams of their
rude love, or gathered around the stalwart form of
some noble chief at the hour of midnight, listening to
the harangue of vengeance or the whoop of war that
is to cast the deadly arrow with the first gleam of
morning light.
Or, may we not see them gathered, a circle of old
braves, around an aged tree, surrounded each by the
musty trophies of half a century's daring deeds. The
eldest and richest in scalps rises from the center of
the ring and advances to the tree. Hear him !
"Fifty winters ago when the seventh moon's first
horn hung over the green forests of the Ute hills, myself
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 51
and five others erected a lodge for the Great Spirit
on the snows of the White Butte and carried there our
wampum and skins, and the hide of a white buffalo.
We hung them in the Great Spirit's lodge and seated
ourselves in silence till the moon had descended the
western mountain, and thought of the blood of our
fathers that the Comanches had killed when the moon
was round and lay on the eastern plains. My own
father was scalped, and the fathers of five others were
scalped, and their bloody heads were gnawed by the
wolf. We could not live while our father's lodges were
empty and the scalps of their murderers were not in
the lodges of our mothers. Our hearts told us to
make these offerings to the Great Spirit who had
fostered them on the mountains, and when the moon
was down and the shadows of the White Butte were
as dark as the hair of a bear, we said to the Great
Spirit: 'No man can war with the arrows from the
quiver of thy storms. No man's word can be heard
when thy voice is among the clouds. No man's hand
is strong when thy hand lets loose the wind. The
wolf gnaws the heads of our fathers and the scalps of
their murderers hang not in the lodges of our mothers.
Great Father Spirit, send not thine anger out.
Hold in thy hand the winds. Let not thy great voice
drown the death yell while we hunt the murderers
of our fathers. ' I and the five others then built
in the middle of the lodge a fire, and in its bright light
the Great Spirit saw the wampum and the skins and
the white buffalo hide. Five days and nights I and
five others danced and smoked the medicine and beat
the board with sticks and chanted away the powers
of the great Medicine Men, that they might not be
evil to us and bring sickness into our bones. Then
52 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
when the stars were shining in the clear sky, we swore
(I must not tell what, for it was in the ear of the Great
Spirit), and went out of the lodge with our bosoms
full of anger against the murderers of our fathers whose
bones were in the jaws of the wolf and went for their
scalps, to hang them in the lodges of our mothers."
See him strike the aged tree with his war-club; again,
again, nine times. "So man}'- Comanches did I slay,
the murderers of my father, before the moon was round
again and lay upon the eastern plains. "
Farnham, continuing, says:
This is not merely an imaginary scene of former
times in the Bayou Salado. All the essential incidents
related happened yearly in that and other hunting-
grounds, whenever the old braves assembled to cele-
brate valorous deeds of their younger days. When
these exciting relations were finished, the young men of
the tribe who had not yet distinguished themselves
were exhorted to seek glory in a similar way ; and woe
to him who passed his manhood without ornamenting
the door of his lodge with the scalps of his enemies.
This valley is still frequented by these Indians as
a summer haunt, when the heat of the plains renders
them uncomfortable. The Utes were scouring it
when we passed. Our guide informed us that the
Utes reside on both sides of the mountains, — that
they are continually migrating from one side to the
other, — that they speak the Spanish language, — that
some few half-breeds have embraced the Catholic
faith, — that the remainder yet hold the simple and
sublime faith of their forefathers, in the existence of
one great, creating, and sustaining Cause, mingled
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 53
with the belief in the ghostly visitations of their de-
ceased Medicine Men, or Diviners ; — that they number
one thousand families.
He also stated that the Cheyennes were less brave
and more thievish than any of the other tribes living
on the plains.
Farnham's description of the incantations
practiced by the Utes is in the main probably
true; the information on which it was based was
doubtless obtained from his guide.
Ruxton tells of the use of the trail west of the
present town of Monument by a war-party of
Arapahoes on their way to the South Park to
fight the Utes. In the night the band had sur-
prised a small company of trappers on the head of
Bijou Creek, killing four of them and capturing
all of their horses. The following morning two
of the trappers, one of whom was slightly wounded,
started in pursuit of the Indians, intending if
possible to recover their animals. They followed
the trail of the Indians to a point in the neighbor-
hood of the present town of Monument where they
found that the band had divided, the larger
party, judging from the direction taken, evidently
intending to enter the mountains by way of TJte
Pass. The other party, having all the loose ani-
mals, started across the mountains by the pass to
54 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
the west of Monument, probably hoping to get
the better of the Utes by coming in from two
different directions. The trappers followed the
latter party across the first mountains where they
found their stolen animals in charge of three
Indians. The trappers surprised and killed all
three of them, recaptured their animals, and
then hurried on to the Utes, giving such timely
warning as enabled them to defeat the Arapahoes
in a very decisive manner.
The battles in the South Park and on the plains
between the contending tribes were seldom of a
very sanguinary nature. If the attacking Indians
happened to find their enemies on level ground,
they would circle around them just out of gunshot
at first, gradually coming closer, all the time
lying on the outside and shooting from under the
necks of their ponies. These ponies were gener-
ally the best that the tribe afforded and were not
often used except for purposes of war. While
engaged in battle, the Indians seldom used saddles,
and in place of bridles had merely a piece of
plaited buffalo-hide rope, tied around the under
jaw of the pony. If the defending party was
located in a fairly good defensive position, the
battle consisted of groups of the attacking party
dashing in, firing, and then dashing out again.
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 55
This was kept up until a few warriors had been
killed or wounded and a few scalps had been
taken; then the battle was over, one side or the
other retreating. With an Indian, it was a waste
of time to kill an enemy unless his scalp was taken,
as that was the evidence necessary to prove the
prowess of the warrior. Engagements of the
kind I have mentioned have occurred in almost
every valley in and around the South Park at
some time during the hundreds of years of warfare
that was carried on in that region.
Fremont, on his return trip from California,
during his second exploring expedition, crossed
the Rocky Mountains by way of Middle Park,
then across South Park, reaching the Arkansas
River near the present town of Canon City. On
his way through the South Park he witnessed one
of these battles, in describing which he says :
In the evening a band of buffalo furnished a little
excitement by charging through our camp. On the
following day we descended the stream by an excellent
buffalo trail along the open grassy bottom of the river.
On our right, the Bayou was bordered by a mountain-
ous range crested with rocky and naked peaks, and
below it had a beautiful parklike character of pretty,
level prairies, interspersed among low spurs, wooded
openly with pine and quaking asps, contrasting well
with the denser pines which swept around on the
56 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
mountainous sides. Descending always the valley
of the stream, towards noon we descried a mounted
party descending the point of a spur, and judging them
to be Arapahoes— who, defeated or victorious, were
equally dangerous to us, and with whom a fight would
be inevitable — we hurried to post ourselves as strongly
as possible on some willow islands in the river. We
had scarcely halted when they arrived, proving to be
a party of Ute women, who told us that on the other
side of the ridge their village was fighting with the
Arapahoes. As soon as they had given us this
information, they filled the air with cries and lamen-
tations, which made us understand that some of their
chiefs had been killed.
Extending along the river directly ahead of us was
a low piny ridge, leaving between it and the stream
a small open bottom on which the Utes had very
injudiciously placed their village, which, according to
the women, numbered about three hundred warriors.
Advancing in the cover of the pines, the Arapahoes,
about daylight, charged into the village, driving off a
great number of their horses, and killing four men,
among them the principal chief of the village. They
drove the horses perhaps a mile beyond the village to
the end of a hollow where they had previously forted
at the edge of the pines. Here the Utes had instantly
attacked them in turn, and, according to the report of
the women, were getting rather the best of the day.
The women pressed us eagerly to join with their
people, and would immediately have provided us with
the best horses at the village, but it was not for us to
interfere in such a conflict. Neither party were our
friends or under our protection, and each was ready to
prey upon us that could. But we could not help feel-
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 57
ing an unusual excitement at being within a few
hundred yards of a fight in which five hundred men
were closely engaged, and hearing the sharp cracks
of their rifles. We were in a bad position and subject
to be attacked in it. Either party which we might
meet, victorious or defeated, was certain to fall upon
us, and gearing up immediately, we kept close along
the pines of the ridge, having it between us and the
village, and keeping the scouts on the summit to
give us notice of the approach of the Indians. As we
passed by the village which was immediately below
us, horsemen were galloping to and fro, and groups of
people were gathered around those who were wounded
and dead and who were being brought in from the
field.
We continued to press on, and crossing another
fork which came in from the right, after having made
fifteen miles from the village, fortified ourselves
strongly in the pines a short distance from the river.
During the afternoon Pike's Peak had been plainly
in view before us and from our encampment bore
north 87 east by compass. This was a familiar object,
and it had for us the face of an old friend. At its
foot were the springs where we had spent a pleasant
day in coming out.
In 1859, a battle between the Utes on the one
side, and the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, and Sioux on
the other, was fought six miles north of Colorado
City, in the valley now occupied by the Modern
Woodmen's Home. There were several hundred
warriors on each side and the battle was of unusual
58 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
duration, continuing for almost an entire day.
The Utes were finally victorious and drove their
enemies back to the plains.
Until 1864, every spring after the white settlers
came into this region, war-parties of Cheyennes,
Arapahoes, and Sioux would come trailing in from
the plains, pass through Colorado City, stopping
long enough to beg food from the families living
near the line of their march and then go on to the
soda springs; here they would tarry long enough
to make an offering to the Great Spirit who was
supposed to be manifest in the bubbling waters,
and then follow, in single file, up the Ute Pass
trail into the South Park, where they would scout
around until they had found a band of Utes. If
they succeeded in surprising the latter, they would
probably come back with a lot of extra ponies and
sometimes with captured squaws and children, in
which case they would exhibit a jubilant air; but
at other times on their return, they would present
such a dejected appearance that one could readily
surmise that they had suffered defeat. These
annual visits were discontinued after the tribes
became involved in warfare with the whites.
Referring again to the mineral springs at Mani-
tou, I quote from Col. R. B. Marcy, of the United
States Army, who, with his command, camped
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 59
there during the whole of the month of April,
1858. He tells not only of the springs and the
game of that neighborhood, but of a frightful
snowstorm that delayed them, near Eastonville
in El Paso County, for several days at the begin-
ning of the following month. He says:
Having accomplished the objects of my mission to
New Mexico, by procuring animals and other supplies
sufficient to enable the troops at Fort Bridger to make
an early march into Salt Lake Valley, I, on the 15th
day of March, left Fort Union on my return for Utah,
intending to pass around the eastern base of the
mountains near Pike's Peak and the headwaters of
the Arkansas and Platte rivers, following the Cherokee
trail from the Cache la Poudre. The command was
well organized, and we made rapid progress for about
two hundred and fifty miles, when, on the 27th of
March, I received an order from the General in
Command in New Mexico, to halt and await rein-
forcements. I was obliged to obey the order and went
into camp upon the headwaters of a small tributary
of the Arkansas, called Fontaine qui Bouille, directly
at the foot of Pike's Peak and near a very peculiar
spring which gives the name to the stream.
This beautiful fountain issues from the center of
a basin, or rather bowl, about six feet in diameter,
and throws out a column of water near the size of a
man's arm. The receptacle, which is constantly
filled but never runs over, seems to have been formed
by the deposit of salts from the water, and is as
perfectly symmetrical and round as if it had been cut
60 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
out with a chisel. As the fountain is constantly
playing and never overflows, it of course has a sub-
terranean outlet. The most remarkable feature,
however, in the Fontaine qui Bouille, is the peculiar
taste of the water. It is pungent and sparkling and
somewhat similar in taste to the water from the Con-
gress spring at Saratoga, but sweeter, and to my
palate pleasanter. We drank it every day in large
quantities without perceiving any ill effect from it,
and the men made use of it instead of yeast in raising
their bread, which induced the belief that it contained
soda or some other alkali.
The Indians believe it to possess some mysterious
powers, the purport of which I could not learn, but
there were a great many arrows, pieces of cloth, and
other articles that they had deposited in the spring,
probably as an offering to the Big Medicine Genius
that presided over it. We remained at this place a
month, during which time we amused ourselves in
hunting elk, mountain sheep, and blacktail deer, all
of which were very abundant in the surrounding
country, and our larder was constantly supplied with
the most delicious game.
I remember that one morning just at daybreak, I
was awakened by my servant, who told me there was
a large herd of elk in close proximity to the camp. I
ran out as soon as possible and saw at least five hun-
dred of these magnificent animals, drawn up in line
like a troop of cavalry horses, with their heads all
turned in the same direction, and from the crest of a
high projecting cliff, looking in apparent wonder and
bewilderment directly down upon us. It was to me
a most novel and interesting spectacle. The noise
made in the camp soon frightened them, however,
Ouray
Chief of the Utes
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 61
and they started for the mountains. They were pur-
sued for some distance by our hunters, who succeeded
in killing six before they escaped.
On the 30th day of April, our reinforcements having
joined us, we gladly resumed our march for Utah, and
at about one o'clock encamped upon the ridge that
divides the Arkansas from the Platte rivers. The day
was bright, cheerful, and pleasant, the atmosphere soft,
balmy, and delightful. The fresh grass was about six
inches high. The trees had put forth their new leaves
and all nature conspired in giving evidence that the
somber garb of winter had been cast aside for the more
verdant and smiling attire of spring. Our large herds
of animals were turned out to graze upon the tender
and nutritious grass that everywhere abounded. Our
men were enjoying their social jokes and pastimes
after the fatigues of the day's march and everything
indicated contentment and happiness. This pleasant
state of things lasted until near sunset, when the wind
suddenly changed into the north. It turned cold and
soon commenced snowing violently, and continued to
increase until it became a frightful winter tempest,
filling the atmosphere with a dense cloud of driving
snow, against which it was utterly impossible to ride
or walk. Soon after the storm set in, one of our
herds of three hundred horses and mules broke furi-
ously away from the herdsmen who were guarding
them, and in spite of their utmost efforts, ran at full
speed directly with the wind for fifty miles before they
stopped. Three of the herdsmen followed them as
far as they were able, but soon became exhausted,
bewildered, and lost on the prairie. One of them
succeeded in finding his way back to camp in a state
of great prostration and suffering. One of the others
62 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
was found frozen to death in the snow, and the third
was discovered crawling about upon his hands and
knees in a state of temporary delirium, after the
tempest subsided. This terrific storm exceeded in
violence and duration anything of the kind our eldest
mountaineer had ever beheld. It continued with
uninterrupted fury for sixty consecutive hours and
during this time it was impossible to move for any
distance facing the wind and snow. One of our em-
ployes who went out about two hundred yards from
the camp, set out to return, but was unable to do so
and perished in the attempt. Several antelope were
found frozen upon the prairie after the storm. . . .
At the termination of this frightful tempest, there
was about three feet of snow upon the ground, but
the warm rays of the sun soon melted it, and after
collecting together our stampeded animals, we again
set forward for Utah and on the third day following,
struck the South Platte at its confluence with Cherry
Creek. There was at that time but one white man
living within one hundred and fifty miles of the place,
and he was an Indian trader named Jack Audeby,
on the Arkansas.
A year later, after the Pike's Peak mining excite-
ment had started, Marcy issued a handbook for
overland expeditions, in which he says, referring
to a point at the mouth of Monument Creek,
which he calls the forks of the Fontaine qui
Bouille :
The road to Cherry Creek here leaves the Fontaine
qui Bouille and bears to the right. There is a large
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 63
Indian trail which crosses the main creek and takes a
northwesterly course towards Pike's Peak. By going
up this trail about two miles, a mineral spring will be
found which gives the stream its name of " The Foun-
tain that Boils. " This spring, or rather these springs,
for there are two. both of which boil up out of the
solid rock, are among the greatest natural curiosities
that 1 have ever seen. The water is strongly impreg-
nated with salts, but is delightful to the taste and
somewhat similar to the Congress water. It will well
compensate one for the trouble of visiting it.
Marcy claims that while waiting at the mouth of
Cherry Creek for a ferry-boat to be constructed
to take them over the Platte River, which was
very high at the time, one of his employees washed
a small amount of gold dust from the sands of
Cherry Creek. This employee was discharged soon
after and went direct to St. Louis, where he told
of his discovery, and Marcy claims that this was
the beginning of the mining excitement in the
Pike's Peak region. This is different from other
versions of the event, the most probable of which
is that the discovery of gold was first made by the
semi-civilized Cherokee Indians on their way to
California.
What was known as the old Cherokee trail
came up the Arkansas River to a point about
twelve miles below the mouth of the Fontaine
qui Bouille. From that place it ran in a north-
64 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
westerly direction across the hills, striking that
creek about eight or ten miles above its mouth;
thence up the valley of the Fontaine to a point
near the present town of Fountain; turning
northerly by the way of Jimmy's Camp to the
head of Cherry Creek, and down Cherry Creek to
its mouth, where Denver now stands. From this
place, after running northerly along the base of the
mountains for a considerable distance, it struck
across the mountains through Bridger's Pass,
and then turned westerly along the usual traveled
road to California. This trail was used by the
first gold-seeking parties which came to the present
State of Colorado in 1858. The first of these
parties arrived at Cherry Creek only about two
months after Marcy left. The second party
followed a week or two later, and the third party,
of which Anthony Bott, of Colorado City, was a
member, was close behind it. Members of this
third party explored the region around where
Colorado City now stands, and later, with some
others, returned and laid out the town.
In 1859, occurred the memorable visit of Horace
Greeley to the Pike's Peak region. He arrived
in Denver, June 16th, having come by the Smoky
Hill route. Writing from Denver, he says, among
other things :
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 65
I have been passing, meeting, observing, and trying
to converse with Indians, almost ever since I crossed
the Missouri River. Eastern Kansas is checkered with
their reservations, — Delaware, Kaw, Ottawa, Osage,
Kickapoo, Potawatamie, while the buffalo range and
all this side belong to, and are parceled among
the Cheyennes, the Arapahoes, and the Apaches,
or perhaps among the two former only, as Indian
boundaries are not well defined. At all events, we
have met or passed bands of these three tribes, with
occasional visitors from the Sioux on the north, and
the Comanches on the south, all these tribes having
for the present a good understanding. The Utes
who inhabit the mountains are stronger and braver
than any one of the three tribes first named, though
hardly a match for them all, are at war with them.
The Arapahoe Chief, Left Hand, assures me that his
people were always at war with the Utes; at least
he has no recollection, no tradition, of a time when
they were at peace. Some two or three hundred
lodges of Arapahoes are encamped in and about this
log city, calculating that the presence of the whites
will afford some protection to their wives and chil-
dren against a Ute onslaught, while the braves are off
on any of their fighting — that is stealing — expedi-
tions. An equal or larger body of Utes are camped
in the mountains some forty or fifty miles west, and
the Arapahoe warriors recently returned in triumph
from a war party on which they managed to steal
about one hundred horses from the Utes, but were
obliged to kill most of them in their rapid flight so
that they only brought home forty more than they
took away. They are going out again in a day or two,
and have been for some days practicing secret in-
5
66 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
cantations and public observances with reference
thereto. Last midnight they were to have had a great
war dance and to have left on the warpath to-day, but
their men sent out after their horses reported that they
saw three Utes on the plain, which was regarded as
premonitory of an attack, and the braves stood to their
arms all night and were very anxious for white aid in
case of the Ute foray on their lodges here in Denver.
Such an attack seems very improbable and I presume
the three Utes who caused all this uproar were simply
scouts or spies on the watch for just such marauding
surprise parties as our Arapahoe neighbors are con-
stantly meditating. I do not see why they need to
take even this trouble. There are points on the
mountain range west of this city, where a watchman
with sharp eyes and a good glass could command the
entire plain for fifty miles north, south, and east of him,
and might hence give intelligence of any Arapahoe
raid at least a day before a brave entered the mountains ;
for though it is true that Indians on the warpath travel
or ride mainly by night, I find that the Arapahoes do
this only after they have entered on what they con-
sider disputed or dangerous ground; that they start
from their lodges in open day and only advance under
cover of darkness after they are within the shadows
of the mountains. Hence the Utes, who are con-
fessedly the stronger, might ambush and destroy any
Arapahoe force that should venture into their Rocky
Mountain recesses, by the help of a good spy-glass
and a little "white forecast"; but the Indians are
children. Their arts, wars, treaties, alliances, habita-
tions, crafts, properties, commerce, comforts, all be-
long to the very lowest and rudest ages of human
existence. Any band of schoolboys from ten to fif-
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 67
teen years of age are quite as capable of ruling their
appetites, devising and upholding a public policy,
constituting and conducting a state or community, as
the average Indian tribe.
I have learned to appreciate better than hitherto,
and to make more allowance for the dislike, aversion,
and contempt wherewith Indians are usually regarded
by their white neighbors, and have been since the
days of the Puritans. It needs but little familiarity
with the actual, palpable aborigines, to convince
anyone that the poetical Indian— the Indian of
Cooper and Longfellow — is only visible to the poet's
eye.
The Utes seldom visited Colorado City and the
region round about in the early days, except in the
winter, which was the only time they could do
so with a fair degree of safety. A majority of
the tribe had been on friendly terms with the
English-speaking people from the time of their
earliest contact with that race. It is true that
straggling bands of Utes occasionally committed
acts of depredation, and such bands on one or
two occasions killed white people, but these acts
were not approved by the majority of the tribe.
One of these exceptions occurred on Christmas
day, 1854, at Fort Napesta, on the present site
of the city of Pueblo. It is said that the men who
occupied the fort were celebrating the day with
the liquid that both cheers and inebriates, and in
68 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
the midst of their jollity, a band of wandering
Utes came by and was invited to join in the revelry.
The Indians, nothing loath, partook of the white
man's Taos lightning, the product of a distillery
at Taos, New Mexico, and the natural consequence
was an attack upon the whites which resulted in
all the latter being killed.
In 1866, a small band of Utes began a raid
upon the settlers on Huerfano Creek, but when the
news reached Ouray, the head chief of the tribe,
he sent runners out at once to warn the settlers
and then went to the scene of action with a band
of his faithful warriors. He soon afterwards took
the hostile Indians prisoners and compelled them
to go to Fort Garland and remain there, in this
manner quickly ending the trouble. Ouray was
always the friend of the whites, and is entitled to
the very greatest credit for the able manner in
which he held the Utes under control up to the
time of his death, in 1881.
Ouray was born at Taos, New Mexico, in 1833.
His father was a Tabeguache Ute and his mother
a Jicarilla Apache. His boyhood was passed
among the better class of Mexicans, chiefly as a
herder of sheep. He learned Spanish and always
preferred it to his native tongue. When eighteen
years of age, he joined the band of Utes of which his
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 69
father was leader, then located in southwestern
Colorado. From that time until about i860,
he led the life of a wild Indian, passing his time
hunting in the mountains and on the plains,
varied by an occasional battle with the hereditary-
enemies of his people, the Kiowas, Sioux, Cheyennes,
and Arapahoes of the plains, in which he acquired
the reputation of a courageous and skillful warrior.
In 1859, he chose a wife, named Chipeta, from
among the Tabaguache maidens, to whom he was
always devotedly attached, and who bore him a
son. This child was captured by the Cheyennes
in 1863, they having surprised a hunting camp of
Utes under Ouray's command, near the present
site of Fort Lupton on the Platte River. The
boy was never recovered and, indeed, was never
heard of afterwards.
In person Ouray was of the almost invariably
short stature which distinguishes his people from
those of the plains tribes. He stood about five
feet seven inches high and in his later years became
quite portly. His head was strikingly large and
well-shaped, his features were regular, bearing an
expression of dignity in repose, but lighting up
pleasantly in conversation. In his ordinary bear-
ing his manner was courtly and gentle, and he was
extremely fond of meeting and conversing with
jo Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
cultivated white men, with whom he was a genial
companion, compelling their respect and favor
by the broad enlightenment of his views. In his
habits he was a model, never using tobacco,
abhorring whiskey, and taking only a sip of wine
when in company with those who were indulging,
and then merely as a matter of courtesy to them.
He never swore nor used obscene language, was a
firm believer in the Christian religion, and about
two years before his death united himself with
the Methodist Church.
When in active command of his men, his word
was law, and disobedience meant death. In the
summer of 1874 at Bijou, while returning from
Denver to their camp in the south, one of his men
decided to build a fire and started to cut some wood
for that purpose within the enclosure of a white
settler. Ouray, discovering his intention, ordered
him back, reminding him that they must not
trespass upon the property of the white man. The
obstinate Ute replied that he must have firewood
and that he would cut it anyway. Ouray an-
swered that if he did, he would kill him, whereat
the other observed that two could play at that
game. Instantly both started for their guns,
reaching them at about the same time, but Ouray
was quicker than his adversary and shot him.
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 71
On another occasion he shot and broke the arm of
Johnson, a member of his tribe, who afterwards
caused much of the trouble at the White River
Agency. Johnson was given to gambling, horse-
racing, lying, and trickery of all kinds. In the
present case, he had stolen some horses from white
men, and refused to return them when commanded
to do so, thereby, in Ouray's opinion, bringing
disgrace upon the Ute nation, for which he had to
be punished.
In the foregoing, I have quoted freely from
General Frank Hall's History of Colorado.
General Hall had unusual opportunities for know-
ing Ouray and of his dealings with the whites.
It was through the prompt and decisive action of
Ouray that the leaders of the massacre of Meeker
and others at the White River Agency, in 1879,
were surrendered to the authorities for punishment.
The early settlers of Colorado owe to Ouray a
debt of gratitude, and a monument to his memory
should at some time be erected by the people of
this State. Ouray frequently came to Colorado
City in the early days, and sometimes his visits
were of considerable duration.
In the winter of 1 865-1 866, a large body of
Ute Indians camped for several months on the
south side of the Fountain, opposite Colorado
72 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
City. On departing in the spring, they abandoned
a squaw who had broken a leg, leaving her in a
rudely constructed tent, or tepee. Had not the
women of Colorado City taken her in charge she
would have starved. After the Indians left, she
was moved into a log cabin in Colorado City and
provided with all she needed until her death, which
occurred a few months later. The Utes seemed to
think nothing of this heartless act, and even the
abandoned squaw did not seem to resent it. It
was a very common occurrence for the Indians
of most of the tribes to abandon the aged and
disabled, as in moving around, they did not wish
to be burdened with those who were incapable of
taking care of themselves.
In the winter of 1 866-1 867, a thousand or more
Utes camped for several months below Manitou,
between the Balanced Rock and the Fountain.
Game was very scarce in this region during that
winter and the Indians suffered for want of food.
Finally, they reached such a strait that their chiefs
made a demand upon the citizens of Colorado
City for twenty sacks of flour, and intimated that
unless it was produced forthwith, they would be
compelled to march into town and take it by force.
The citizens, realizing their utter helplessness in
the matter, obtained the flour without delay and
Trails, Mineral Springs, Game 73
turned it over to the Indians. This was the only
time in all the early period that Colorado City
suffered from the presence of the Utes.
Chaveno and Colorow were the principal chiefs
of this band. Chaveno was an Indian of a good
deal of intelligence. When visiting the whites he
always went about dressed in an army officer's uni-
form of dark blue which had been given him by
an officer at Fort Garland. Chaveno was always
strutting around, and seemed very proud of him-
self in his uniform, of which he took the greatest
possible care. In the matter of dress, Colorow
was the reverse. He seemed to have no liking
whatever for the white man's costume. His
physique was like that of Ouray, short, but of
powerful build. He had been a noted warrior in
his early days and delighted in telling of his
exploits in the various battles with the Cheyennes
and Arapahoes in which he had taken part.
Colorow was treacherous by nature and his friend-
ship for the whites was not always to be depended
upon.
In the winter of 1 874-1 875, Ouray, with a band
of six hundred Utes, camped at Florissant for
several months. One day a Mr. Marksberry,
living on Tarryall Creek, rode up to the Post Office
at Florissant, tied his horse, and went into the
74 Trails, Mineral Springs, Game
building. The pony attracted the attention of an
Indian named Antelope, who claimed the animal
as his own; he slipped off the saddle and bridle,
and, jumping on the pony's back, rode away.
Marksberry and a friend, being determined to
recover the pony, followed the band to their camp
in Beaver Park, south of Pike's Peak. Marksberry
found his pony with the Indian herd, caught it,
and was turning away, when Antelope, hidden
behind a tree, shot and instantly killed him. Chief
Ouray, always ready to "travel the white man's
road," gave up Antelope to justice. Upon trial
of the case in the courts of Arapahoe County,
some months later, he was acquitted.
The Utes, by treaties made in March, 1868,
April, 1874, an d March, 1880, ceded to the general
government all the lands claimed by them within
the boundaries of the present State of Colorado,
except a small reservation retained for their own
use in the southwestern part of the State.
CHAPTER III
THE INDIAN TROUBLES OF 1 864
AS I have before mentioned, war parties of
^^ Cheyennes and Arapahoes continued to
make occasional trips through the Ute Pass to the
mountains in search of their enemies, the Utes,
until 1864. As these war parties seldom tarried
long in this vicinity, their presence was not
seriously objected to during the first two or three
years, but after rumors of impending trouble with
them became current, their visits were looked
upon with a good deal of apprehension. From the
year 1859 to the beginning of 1863, the wagon
trains that brought supplies from the Missouri
River to Colorado came and went without
molestation, but it was noticed, from the latter
part of 1862 on, that the Indians of the plains
were anxious to secure guns and ammunition, and
were acquiring more than was necessary for their
ordinary hunting. Early in 1863, they began to
attack and rob wagon trains, steal horses, and
75
76 Indian Troubles of 1864
threaten exposed settlements, but nothing occurred
to cause any great alarm in the immediate Pike's
Peak region, until the spring of 1864. During a
very considerable portion of the next four years,
however, the people of El Paso County experienced
all the horrors of Indian warfare.
My story of the Indian troubles of that period
will necessarily be much in the nature of a personal
narrative. At the time hostilities began, I was
little more than eighteen years old, and as fond of
excitement and adventure as boys at that age
usually are. I had a part in many of the occur-
rences which I shall mention, and was personally
familiar with the details of most of the others.
About the 20th of June, 1864, word reached
Colorado City that a day or two previously, the
Hungate family, living on Running Creek about
forty miles northeast of Colorado City, had been
murdered by the Indians. The father and mother
had been shot down and mutilated with horrible
brutality, and the children who had tried to escape
had been pursued and killed, so that not one of the
family was left alive. This news made the people
of Colorado City, and the settlers along the Foun-
tain and on the Divide, very uneasy, and of course,
after that, they were constantly on the lookout,
not knowing where the savages might next appear.
Indian Troubles of 1864 77
Two or three weeks after the murder of the Hun-
gate family, some cattle herders came into Colora-
do City late one evening and told of having seen
near Austin's Bluff, a half a dozen mounted
Indians who seemed to be acting mysteriously.
Following the killing of the Hungate family, and
other acts of hostility at various places on the
plains, this was indeed alarming news. Conse-
quently, early the following morning an armed
party went to the place where the Indians had
been seen, found their trail, and followed it. In
this way it was discovered that, some time during
the previous night, the Indians had been on the
hill that overlooks Colorado City on the north,
and that the trail from that point led into the
mountains. The direction from which these
Indians came, their mysterious movements after
they were discovered, taken in connection with the
recent acts of hostility, and the knowledge that
the tribes of the plains had been attempting during
the previous winter to make a coalition for the
purpose of annihilating the settlements along the
eastern base of the mountains, seemed convincing
proof that this band was here for no good purpose.
At that time I was living with my father on the
west side of Camp Creek, about half-way between
Colorado City and the Garden of the Gods. I
78 Indian Troubles of 1864
had been in town during the forenoon and had
heard the alarming news, and as a result, after
that father and I kept a sharp lookout for the
savages. However, the day passed without any-
thing further having been seen or heard of them.
Shortly after sundown, my brothers Edgar and
Frank, who were small boys, brought our cattle in
from the neighborhood of the Garden of the Gods,
and while I was helping to drive them into the
corral adjacent to our house, I happened to look
up the valley of Camp Creek, and there, about
three-quarters of a mile away, I saw six mounted
Indians leading an extra horse. They were
going easterly along the old Indian trail, which
I have heretofore described, that ran just south of
the Garden of the Gods. As soon as I saw these
Indians, I was sure that they were the party which
had been trailed into Colorado City the night
before. Without delay I strapped on a revolver,
took my gun, and rode to Colorado City as fast
as my pony could travel, to report what I had seen.
The people had been greatly agitated during the
day and, consequently, the news I brought caused
much excitement.
It was at once decided that the Indians must be
followed, and if possible the purpose of their visit
ascertained. In less than three-quarters of an
Indian Troubles of 1864 79
hour, ten mounted and well-armed men were
ready for the pursuit. Those forming the party-
were Anthony Bott, Dr. Eggleston, William J.
Baird, A. T. Cone, Ren Smith, myself, and four
others whose names I cannot now recall. By a
quarter of eight we were traveling along the trail
taken by the Indians across the Mesa east of the
Garden of the Gods. We appreciated the neces-
sity of making as little noise as possible, and all
talking was carried on in an undertone. The trail
led from the Mesa down to Monument Creek,
about a mile above the present site of Colorado
Springs, and then crossed the stream over a bed of
gravel that extended to the bluff on the eastern
side. Thick clumps of willows enclosed the trail
on both sides. It was a starlight night without
clouds, but not light enough for us to see an object
any distance away.
We suspected nothing, as we believed the Indians
to be far ahead of us. But just as we came up on
the first rise out of the willows on the east side of
the creek we were startled to see them huddled
together on the left of us, under the bank, appar-
ently getting ready to start a small camp-fire,
while to the right were their ponies, which had
been turned out to graze. The Indians were
just as much surprised as we were, and for an
80 Indian Troubles of 1864
instant the situation was extremely tense. As we
refrained from firing, the Indians, knowing that
they were at a disadvantage in not being able to
reach their ponies, evidently with the hope of
making us believe that they were friendly, began
calling out "How! How!" as Indians usually do
on meeting the whites. We then questioned
them, hoping to ascertain the object of their
presence in this locality. Some of our people had a
slight knowledge of Spanish, with which the
Indians seemed somewhat conversant, and in this
way and by signs, we told them that we were there
only for the purpose of ascertaining their object in
visiting this region, and not to do them harm ; that
if they could show that they were here for no
hostile purpose, we would permit them to go on
their way unmolested, but in order to establish
this fact it would be necessary for them to go with
us to Colorado City, where competent interpreters
could be found, and meanwhile we should require
them to give up their arms. They apparently
assented to this proposition, and at once surren-
dered such of their arms as were in sight. Six of
us then dismounted, and each took an Indian
in charge while he was securing his pony. The
Indian I had in charge was a tall, slim fellow, fully
six feet in height and probably not much over
Indian Troubles of 1864 81
twenty years of age. He appeared to take the
situation quietly and I had no reason to apprehend
any trouble with him. I allowed him to lead his
pony to the camp, where he put on the saddle and
bridle and mounted the animal, as all were per-
mitted to do. We then formed the Indians in
ranks of twos, placing a file of our men on each
side of them, each white man having charge of the
Indian next to him, which left two extra whites
for the front and two to guard the rear. I was in
charge of the Indian on the left side of the rear
rank and had hold of his bridle with my right
hand. The order was given to march and we
started east towards the plateau on which Colorado
Springs is now built. We had proceeded only
eight or ten feet when the Indians suddenly halted.
From the time they mounted they had been talking
animatedly with one another in their own language.
Just then someone happened to see that one of the
Indians had a knife in his hand. This was taken
from him and then we made a systematic search
of the others and found that most of them had
knives, and one a spear concealed under his blan-
ket. It was with great difficulty that we twisted
these weapons from their hands, but finally, as we
thought, secured everything of that nature. The
order was again given to march. Immediately
$2 Indian Troubles of 1864
following this, the Indians gave a tremendous war-
whoop, shook their blankets, and were out from
between us before we realized what was happening.
The bridle rein in my hand was jerked away before
I knew it. We were all so dazed that the Indians
probably were seventy-five to one hundred feet
away before our people began shooting. Mean-
time, my pony, which was of Indian breed, had
become almost unmanageable. He seemed to be
determined to go off with the other Indian ponies
and I had the greatest difficulty in restraining him.
Before I succeeded, I was so far in front that I was
in great danger of being shot by our own people.
By the time I could get my pony under control,
the Indians were too far away for me to shoot with
hope of doing any execution, but during this time
the others had been making such good use of their
weapons that in a few minutes the affair was over,
and five of the Indians had fallen from their
ponies. Whether they had been killed or wounded
we did not know until some years later. We only
knew that their ponies were running riderless over
the plains. It was now about ten o'clock, and
quite dark; consequently we made little effort to
locate the dead and wounded. We rounded up
the ponies, there being six of them, one a pack
animal, and after gathering up such of the belong-
Indian Troubles of 1864 83
ings of the Indians as they had dropped in their
flight, we started on our return to Colorado City.
The whole occurrence made one of the weirdest
scenes that it has ever been my fortune to witness.
First the sudden discovery of the Indians in
the darkness of the night ; the group formed of the
Indians with the whites surrounding them; the
mounting of the ponies; the shrill war-whoop of six
savages ringing out in the solitude, followed by the
shots, and then the riderless horses running hither
and thither over the plain. The dramatic scene
was completed a few minutes later by the rounding
up of these riderless ponies and the beginning of
the march back to Colorado City over the present
town site of Colorado Springs, the only inhabitants
of which at that time were the antelope and the
coyotes. Our road led us over the present College
reservation, down what is now Cascade Avenue to
a ford crossing the Monument Creek, just west of
the present Rio Grande freight station.
On the way home, the thought came to us
whether we could have done differently under the
circumstances. We knew the tribes to which these
Indians belonged were at war with the whites, and
that, unless they were on their way to fight the
Utes, they were here on no peaceable errand so far
as our people were concerned. Their course in
84 Indian Troubles of 1864
going only to the foot of the mountains, showed
that they were not seeking the Utes, and their
actions under cover of the previous night, and
afterward, up to the time they were captured,
proved conclusively that they were here as scouts
of a larger party, to ascertain and to report the
strength of the town and its surrounding settle-
ments. When first discovered, they were in an
out-of-the-way spot, and from that time on until
their capture, they traveled over abandoned roads
and trails, probably hoping in this way to fulfill
their mission without detection. These things
convinced us that we had accomplished an import-
ant work, and the only regret we had was that we
had not been able to bring the captives into town.
Early the following morning several of our
party returned to the scene of the occurrence of the
night before, hoping to find the bodies of the
Indians who unquestionably had been killed in
the m&lee, but there was nothing to indicate the
struggle excepting a few articles of clothing and
personal adornment, and marks upon the ground
showing where the dead and wounded had evi-
dently lain. Several years afterward, we learned
from the Cheyennes that three of this scouting
party had been killed outright, one was so seriously
wounded that he died shortly afterward, another
Indian Troubles of 1864 85
was slightly wounded, and one had escaped unhurt.
The last, with the aid of the one slightly wounded,
had carried off and buried the dead during the
night.
News of our evening's experience spread rapidly
and created intense excitement in Colorado City
and throughout the county. The people of El
Paso County now realized that they were face to
face with Indian troubles of the most serious
nature, and that arrangements for the defense of the
town and surrounding country must immediately
be made. The fighting strength of the Pike's
Peak region was exceedingly limited, as compared
with the great horde of savages that occupied our
eastern frontier. Probably there were not over
three hundred men of all ages in El Paso County
at that time. And, as further showing the pre-
carious position of the community, I wish to call
attention to the fact that the frontier settlements
of the United States at that time extended but
little west of the Missouri River, leaving the narrow
belt of settlements along the eastern base of the
mountains in Colorado separated from the nearest
communities to the east by a stretch of plains at
least four hundred miles in width, inhabited only
by wild and savage tribes of nomadic Indians.
The same condition existed on the north to the
86 Indian Troubles of 1864
British possessions, and to the west the Ute Indians
held undisputed sway to the Great Salt Lake
valley. To the south, with the exception of a
small part of New Mexico sparsely settled by
feeble and widely scattered communities of
Spanish-speaking people, wild tribes roamed over
every portion of the country for hundreds of miles.
From the foregoing, it will be seen that the settle-
ments of Colorado were but a small island of
civilization in a sea of savagery. Our settlements
were at times completely cut off from civilization
in every direction by this cordon of savage tribes;
their very existence was now threatened, with no
hope of assistance from the National Government,
because of the civil war which was then at its most
critical stage, demanding every resource of the
nation. Threatened as they were by hordes of
hostile savages and under conditions that would
have had a disheartening effect upon a people not
inured to frontier life, our settlers had no thought
of allowing themselves to be driven out or
overwhelmed.
Warning was at once sent to every family living
down the Fountain and on the Divide, the result
being that within a day or two almost every ranch
in the county was abandoned. The people for
fifteen miles down the valley below Colorado City
Indian Troubles of 1864 87
came to that town. Those living below gathered
at the extreme lower edge of the county and there
built a place of defense. In Colorado City the
work of constructing a fort around an old log hotel
was started at once. Green pine logs, ten to
fifteen inches in diameter and about fifteen feet
long, were cut on the adjacent mountains, brought
in, and set in the ground close together, entirely
surrounding the building, making a defensive
structure about twelve feet high. At intervals
through these logs portholes were made for use in
repelling an attack. During the next month or
two all the women and children of the town as
well as those who had congregated there from
the country slept at night in this fortification.
Throughout this time a picket force of three or
four mounted men was maintained night and day
on the flat east of the town, and out on the present
site of Colorado Springs. There was scarcely a
day during this period in which Indians were not
seen at various points in the country to the east of
Colorado City, and on the borders of the settle-
ments along the Fountain, but as the people
everywhere were watchful, the savages had little
opportunity of catching any one unawares.
About two weeks after the occurrence on Monu-
ment Creek, a messenger arrived at Colorado City,
88 Indian Troubles of 1864
sent by Governor Evans to warn the people of an
impending attack upon the settlements of the
Territory by the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, and other
hostile Indians. It appears that the Governor
had received information from Elbridge Gerry,
one of his secret agents, that eight hundred war-
riors belonging to the Cheyenne, Arapahoe, and
other hostile Indian tribes, were in camp at the
Point of Rocks near the head of Beaver Creek in
eastern Colorado, and had planned a simultaneous
attack upon the frontier settlements of Colorado
extending from a point in the valley of the Platte
River one hundred miles below Denver, to the
Arkansas River at the mouth of the Fontaine qui
Bouille. According to the program agreed upon
by the Indians, one hundred warriors were to go
to the valley of the Platte, two hundred and fifty
to the head of Cherry Creek, and the remainder
of the eight hundred to the valley of the Fountain
and Arkansas rivers. On reaching the appointed
localities, these parties were to be divided into
small bands, each one of which was to attack a
farmhouse, kill the occupants, loot the property,
and run off the stock.
Elbridge Gerry, from whom the information of
the proposed raid was received, was the grandson
of a signer of the Declaration of Independence,
Indian Troubles of 1864 89
and although an educated man, had lived with the
Indians for a good many years and had married
a Cheyenne woman. At this time, he was living
with his Indian wife on a stock ranch in the valley
of the Platte River, sixty to seventy miles below
Denver. It was here that the information reached
him, through two Cheyenne chiefs, who came to
warn him of the impending danger. Gerry re-
ceived the word about midnight and early next
morning started on horseback for Denver to notify
Governor Evans, arriving there about eleven
o'clock that night, having ridden the sixty or
seventy miles without resting. As the date set
for the raid was but a day or two off, Governor
Evans at once dispatched messengers in every
direction to notify the people. The one sent to
Colorado City reached that place the next after-
noon, and warning was immediately sent by
messengers to the few ranchmen down the Foun-
tain and east of Colorado City, who for urgent
reasons had been compelled temporarily to return
to their homes.
The following day, small bands of Indians
appeared along the entire frontier of El Paso
County, but their raid was a failure, as the warn-
ings given through the occurrence on Monument
Creek, and that of the Governor, had put every one
90 Indian Troubles of 1864
on guard; consequently the savages found that
the settlers at every point had either fled, or were
fully prepared to defend themselves.
That the information given by Gerry was abso-
lutely correct, was shown by the fact that at the
appointed time the Indians appeared along the
entire frontier of Colorado, from the Platte to
the Arkansas River. However, in almost every
locality, as in El Paso County, they found the set-
tlers on the lookout, consequently, the wholesale
slaughter planned did not take place. After
killing one man near Fort Lupton, below Denver,
two or three near the head of Cherry Creek,
and stealing many cattle, the larger part of the
Indians returned to their rendezvous out on the
plains, leaving a few warriors along the borders to
harass the settlers during the remainder of the
summer.
The Point of Rocks on Beaver Creek, where the
eight hundred Indians were in camp, is about one
hundred miles northeast of Colorado City. It is
practically certain that the Indians we captured
on Monument Creek two or three weeks previous
were from that camp and had been sent out to
secure information concerning the settlers of this
region, preparatory to the raid they were then
planning. There is every probability that an
Indian Troubles of 1864 91
awful calamity would have befallen the settlers of
this county had not the discovery, capture, and
escape of these scouts aroused our people to a full
realization of their impending danger. Had the
news brought by the messenger from the Governor
been our first warning, it would have been im-
possible after his arrival to have brought any
considerable portion of our scattered settlers into
Colorado City before the appearance of the
Indians.
Governor Evans, in telling of this incident in his
evidence before the Committee on the Conduct of
the War, in March, 1865, expressed the opinion
that had the plan of the Indians been carried out
without previous notice having been given to the
settlers, it would have resulted in the most whole-
sale and extensive massacre that has ever been
known. It was most fortunate for our people that
timely notice was given in such an effective man-
ner, because in those days news traveled slowly.
Weekly mails were then the only method of dis-
seminating news, as telegraph lines had not yet
reached this part of the Territory, nor was there a
newspaper published in the county; consequently
news of Indian raids and outbreaks in other parts
of the Territory often was a week or more in reach-
ing El Paso County. Early realizing that they
92 Indian Troubles of 1864
must depend upon their own resources, so far as I
can see, the people of El Paso County took all
necessary precautions, and acted wisely in every
emergency.
One day early in September, 1864, a company of
the First Colorado Cavalry on its way from one
of the forts in New Mexico to Denver stopped for
the noon meal at Jimmy's Camp, about ten miles
east of Colorado City. Not having seen any
Indians on the march, both officers and men were
exceedingly skeptical as to there being any in this
region, and had made sport of the settlers for being
so unnecessarily alarmed. Upon making camp,
the soldiers turned their horses, numbering from
seventy-five to one hundred, out to graze, placing
only one trooper in charge of them. The horses in
their grazing gradually drifted farther and farther
away from camp, until finally when they were
almost half a mile distant, a band of Indians
suddenly came tearing out of the timber just above
and almost before the soldiers realized it they had
rounded up the herd and were off over the hills,
yelling back taunts as they rode away. The
soldiers came marching into Colorado City on foot
the next day, a dejected lot, and as they passed, it
gave the settlers great pleasure to jeer at them.
CHAPTER IV
THE THIRD COLORADO AND THE BATTLE OF
SAND CREEK
[T may be asked why we did not receive protec-
tion from the territorial authorities. The
reason for this was that the Territory was without
funds or a military organization. The Governor
had repeatedly called the attention of the General
Government to the helpless condition of our settle-
ments, and asked that government troops be sent
to protect them from the raids of the Indians ; but
at this time the entire military force of the nation
was employed in suppressing the Rebellion, and
little aid could be given. It is true that the com-
panies of the First Regiment of Colorado Cavalry
were distributed along the frontier, seldom more
than one company in a place. Scattered in this
way over a wide extent of country, they were of
little or no use in the way of defense.
Meanwhile, the Indians were in virtual posses-
sion of the lines of travel to the east. Every coach
93
94 The Third Colorado and
that came through from the Missouri River to
Denver had to run the gauntlet. Some were
riddled with bullets, others were captured and
their passengers killed. Instances were known
where the victims were roasted alive, shot full of
arrows, and subjected to every kind of cruelty the
savages could devise. Finally, after many urgent
appeals, the Governor of Colorado was permitted
to organize a new regiment to be used in protect-
ing the frontier settlements and in punishing the
hostile Cheyennes and Arapahoes. The term of
service was to be one hundred days ; it was thought
that by prompt action signal punishment could
be inflicted on the savages in that time. Lieut.
George L. Shoup, of the First Colorado, was
commissioned as Colonel of the new regiment,
which was designated as the Third Regiment of
Colorado Volunteer Cavalry. Colonel Shoup had
already proved himself to be a very able and. effi-
cient officer. He was afterward for many years
United States Senator from the State of Idaho.
From the day he received his appointment, he
proceeded with great activity to organize his
command. Recruiting officers had already been
placed in almost every town in the Territory, and
in less than thirty days eight or nine hundred men
had been enlisted. Eight or ten others from El
The Battle of Sand Creek 95
Paso County besides myself joined the regiment
at the first call. Among them were Anthony
Bott, Robert Finley, Henry Coby, Samuel Murray,
John Wolf, A. J. Templeton, Henry Miller, and a
number of others whose names I do not now
remember. The recruits from El Paso County
were combined with those from Pueblo County
and mustered in as Company G at Denver on the
29th day of August, 1864. Our officers were O.
H. P. Baxter of Pueblo, Captain; Joseph Graham
of the same county, First Lieutenant; and A. J.
Templeton of El Paso County, Second Lieutenant.
Within a short time after we had been mustered
in at Denver, we marched back through El Paso
County and south to a point on the Arkansas
River, five miles east of Pueblo, where we remained
for the next two months, waiting for our equipment.
Meanwhile, we were being drilled and prepared
for active military duty.
On the last day of October and the first day of
November of that year there was a tremendous
snow-storm all over the region along the eastern
base of the Rocky Mountains. The snowfall at
our camp was twenty inches in depth ; at Colorado
City it was over two feet on the level, and on the
Divide still deeper. All supplies for the company
had to be brought to our camp by teams, from the
96 The Third Colorado and
Commissary Department at Denver. The depth
of the snow now made this impossible; conse-
quently, in a few days we were entirely out of food.
As there seemed to be no hope of relief within the
near future, our Captain instructed every one who
had a home to go there and remain until further
notice. Half a dozen of us from El Paso County
started out the following morning before daylight,
and tramped laboriously all day and well into the
night through deep snow along the valley of the
Fountain. For a portion of the way a wagon or
two had gone over the road since the storm, making
it so rough that walking along it was almost
impossible. As a result, we were so tired by dusk
that we would have traveled no farther could we
have found a place where food and shelter were to
be obtained; but it was eleven o'clock that night
before we could get any accommodations at all,
and by that time we were utterly exhausted.
We resumed our tramp the next morning, but I
was two days in reaching my home in Colorado
City, twenty-five miles distant. Two weeks later
we were notified by our Captain that provisions
had been obtained and that we should return to
camp at once. We had already been clothed in
the light blue uniform then used by the cavalry
branch of the United States Army. Soon after
The Battle of Sand Creek 97
our return to camp we received our equipment of
arms, ammunition, and the necessary accouter-
ments. The guns were old, out-of-date Austrian
muskets of large bore with paper cartridges from
which we had to bite off the end when loading.
These guns sent a bullet rather viciously, but one
could never tell where it would hit. A little later
on, our horses arrived. They were a motley
looking group, composed of every kind of an equine
animal from a pony to a plow horse. The saddles
and bridles were the same as were used in the
cavalry service and were good of the kind. I had
the misfortune to draw a rawboned, square-built
old plow horse, upon which thereafter I spent a
good many uncomfortable hours. If the order
came to trot, followed by an order to gallop, I had
to get him well underway on a trot and he would
be going like the wind before I could bring him
into the gallop. Meanwhile his rough trot would
be shaking me to pieces. From what I have said,
it will be seen that our equipment, as to arms and
mounts, was of the poorest kind.
The main part of the regiment had been in
camp near Denver during all this time. This
inactivity had caused a great deal of complaint
among the officers and enlisted men. For the
most part, the regiment had been enlisted from the
98 The Third Colorado and
ranchmen, miners, and business men of the State,
and it was the understanding that they were to be
given immediate service against the hostile Indians.
The delay was probably unavoidable, being caused
by the inability of the Government to promptly
furnish the necessary horses and equipment, as the
animals had to be sent from east of the Missouri
River. The horses and equipment were received
about the middle of November. A few days later,
under command of Colonel Shoup, the main part
of the regiment, together with three companies of
the First Colorado, started on its way south, to-
wards a destination known only to the principal
officers. The combined force was under command
of Col. John M. Chivington, commander of the
military district of Colorado. The company to
which I belonged joined the regiment as it passed
our camp, about the 25th of November, and from
that time on our real hardships began. We
marched steadily down the valley of the Arkansas
River, going into camp at seven or eight o'clock
every night, and by the time we had eaten supper
and had taken care of our horses, it was after ten
o'clock. We were called out at four o'clock the
next morning and were on the move before day-
light. In order that no news of our march should
be carried to the Indians, every man we met on
The Battle of Sand Creek 99
the road was taken in charge, and, for the same
purpose, guards were placed at every ranch.
About four o'clock in the evening of November
28th, we arrived at Fort Lyon, to the great
surprise of its garrison. No one at the fort even
knew that the regiment had left the vicinity of
Denver. A picket guard was thrown around the
fort to turn away any Indians that might be
coming in, and also to prevent any of the trappers
or Indian traders who generally hung around there
from notifying the savages of our presence.
Soon after our arrival at camp, we were told
that the wagon train would be left behind at this
point, and each man was instructed to secure from
the commissary two or three pounds of raw bacon
and sufficient ' ' hardtack ' ' to last three or four days,
which he was to carry in his saddlebags. At eight
o'clock that night, the regiment took up its line of
march across the prairie, in a direction almost due
north from Fort Lyon. Each company was formed
into fours, and we pushed on rapidly. All night
long it was walk, trot, gallop, dismount and lead.
I had had very little sleep for two or three nights
previously, and, consequently, this all-night march
was very exhausting. During the latter part of
the night, I would willingly have run the risk of
being scalped by the Indians for a half-hour's
ioo The Third Colorado and
sleep. Some time after midnight, our guide,
intentionally as we thought, led us through one of
the shallow lakes that are so plentiful on the plains
of that region. He was understood to be more
friendly to the Indians than to the whites, and
perhaps he hoped our ammunition would get wet,
and thus become ineffective in the anticipated
engagement. During the night, in order to keep
awake, we had been nibbling on our hardtack,
which in the morning, much to our disgust, we
found to be very much alive.
It was a bright, clear, starlight night; the air
was crisp and uncomfortably cool, as might be
expected at that time of year. Just as the sun
was coming up over the eastern hills, we reached
the top of a ridge, and away off in the valley to the
northwest we saw a great number of Indian tents,
forming a village of unusual size. We knew at
once that this village was our objective point. Off
to the left, between us and the village, was a
large number of Indian ponies.
Two or three minutes later, orders came direct-
ing our battalion to capture the herd. Under
command of a Major of the regiment, we immedi-
ately started on the run in order to get between
the ponies and the Indian camp before our pres-
ence was discovered. We had not proceeded
The Battle of Sand Creek 101
any great distance before we saw half a dozen
Indians coming toward the herd from the direction
of the camp, but, on seeing our large force, they
hesitated a moment and then started back as fast
as their ponies could take them. We were not
long in securing the herd, which consisted of be-
tween five and six hundred ponies. The officer
in command placed from twenty to thirty men
in charge of the ponies, with instructions to drive
them away to some point where they would be in
no danger of recapture. The remainder of the
battalion then started directly for the Indian
camp, which lay over a little ridge to the north
of us. Meanwhile, the main part of the com-
mand had marched at a rapid rate down the
slope to Sand Creek, along the northern bank of
which the Indian camp was located. Crossing
the creek some distance to the eastward of the
village, they marched rapidly westward along the
north bank until near the Indian village, where
they halted, and the battle began. At the same
time our battalion was coming in from the south.
This left an opening for the Indians to the west-
ward, up the valley of Sand Creek, and also to
the northward, across the hills towards the Smoky
Hill River. Before our battalion had crossed the
low ridge which cut off the view of the village
102 The Third Colorado and
at the point where we captured the ponies, and
had come in sight of the village again, the firing
had become general, and it made some of us, my-
self among the number, feel pretty queer. I am
sure, speaking for myself, if I hadn't been too
proud, I should have stayed out of the fight
altogether.
When we first came in sight of the Indian
camp there were a good many ponies not far away
to the north of it, and now when we came in sight
of the camp again, after we had captured the
other herd, we saw large numbers of Indians,
presumably squaws and children, hurrying north-
ward on these ponies, out of the way of danger.
After the engagement commenced, the Indian
warriors concentrated along Sand Creek, using
the high banks on either side as a means of de-
fense. At this point, Sand Creek was about two
hundred yards wide, the banks on each side be-
ing almost perpendicular and from six to twelve
feet high. The engagement extended along this
creek for three or four miles from the Indian
encampment. Our capture of the ponies placed
the Indians at a great disadvantage, for the
reason that an Indian is not accustomed to fight-
ing on foot. They were very nearly equal to us in
numbers, and had they been mounted, we should
The Battle of Sand Creek 103
have had great difficulty in defeating them, as
they were better armed than we were, and their
ponies were much superior for military purposes
to the horses of our command.
From the beginning of the engagement our
battery did effective work, its shells, as a rule,
keeping the Indians from concentrating in con-
siderable numbers at any one point. However,
at one place, soon after getting into the fight, I
saw a line of fifty to one hundred Indians receive
a charge from one of our companies as steadily as
veterans, and their shooting was so effective that
our men were forced to fall back. Returning
to the charge soon after, the troopers forced the
Indians to retire behind the banks of the creek,
which they did, however, in a very leisurely man-
ner, leaving a large number of their dead upon
the field. Our own company, Company G,
became disorganized early in the fight, as did
many of the other companies, and after that
fought in little groups wherever it seemed that
they could be most effective. After the first few
shots, I had no fear whatever, nor did I see
any others displaying the least concern as to their
own safety. The fight soon became general all
up and down the valley, the Indians continuously
firing from their places of defense along the banks,
104 The Third Colorado and
and a constant fusillade being kept up by the
soldiers, who were shooting at every Indian that
appeared. I think it was in this way that a good
many of the squaws were killed. It was utterly
impossible, at a distance of two hundred yards,
to discern between the sexes, on account of their
similarity of dress.
As our detachment moved up the valley, we
frequently came in line of the firing, and the bul-
lets whizzed past us rather unpleasantly, but
fortunately none of us was hurt. At one point
we ran across a wounded man, a former resident
of El Paso County, but then a member of a
company from another county. A short time
previously, as he passed too near the bank, a
squaw had shot an arrow into his shoulder, in-
flicting a very painful wound. He was being
cared for by the members of his own company.
A little farther up the creek we crossed over to
the north side, and then moved leisurely up the
valley, shooting at the Indians whenever any were
in sight. By this time, most of them had bur-
rowed into the soft sand of the banks, which
formed a place of defense for them from which
they could shoot at the whites, while only slightly
exposing themselves.
Soon after, we joined a detachment which was
The Battle of Sand Creek 105
carrying on a brisk engagement with a considerable
force of Indians, some of whom were hidden behind
one of the many large piles of driftwood along the
banks of Sand Creek, while others were sheltered
behind a similar pile in the center of the creek,
which was unusually wide at that point. Our men
were posted in a little depression just back from the
north bank, from which some of them had crawled
forward as far as they dared go, and were shooting
into the driftwood, in the hope of driving the
Indians from cover. Soon after I reached this
point, a member of the company from Boulder,
who had stepped out a little too far, and then
turned around to speak to one of us, was shot in
the back, the bullet going straight through his
lungs and chest. Realizing at once that he was
badly wounded, probably fatally so, he asked to
be taken to his company. I volunteered to ac-
company him and, after helping him on his horse,
we started across the prairie to where his com-
pany was supposed to be. With every breath,
bubbles of blood were coming from his lungs and
I had little hope that he would reach his com-
rades alive. Just as we reached the company, he
fainted and was caught by his captain as he was
falling from his horse. I returned immediately
to the place that I had left and found the bat-
106 The Third Colorado and
tie still going on. During my absence, our little
force had been considerably increased by soldiers
from other parts of the battlefield. It was now
decided to make it so hot for the savages by con-
tinuous firing, that they would be compelled to
leave their places of cover. Soon two or three
of the Indians exposed themselves and were in-
stantly shot down. In a short time, the re-
mainder started across the creek towards its
southern bank. They ran in a zigzag manner,
jumping from one side to the other, evidently
hoping by so doing that we would be unable to
hit them, but by taking deliberate aim, we dropped
every one before they reached the other bank.
About this time, orders came from the com-
manding officer directing us to return at once to
the Indian camp, as information had been received
that a large force of Indians was coming from the
Smoky Hill River to attack us. Obeying this
order, we marched leisurely down the creek, and
as we went we were repeatedly fired at by Indians
hidden in the banks in the manner I have described
heretofore. We returned the fire, but the savages
were so well protected that we had no reason to
think any of our shots had proved effective. At
one place, an Indian child, three or four years of
age, ran out to us, holding up its hands and crying
The Battle of Sand Creek 107
piteously. From its actions we inferred that it
wished to be taken up. At first I was inclined
to do so, but changed my mind when it occurred
to me that I should have no means of taking care
of the little fellow. We knew that there were
Indians concealed within a couple of hundred
yards of where we were, who certainly would take
care of him as soon as we were out of the way;
consequently we left him to be cared for by his
own people. Every one of our party expressed /
sympathy for the little fellow, and no one dreamed/
of harming him.
As we neared the Indian camp, we passed the
place where the severest fighting had occurred
earlier in the day, and here we saw many dead
Indians, a few of whom were squaws. At the
edge of the camp, we came upon our own dead
who had been brought in and placed in a row.
There were ten of them, and we were informed
that there were forty wounded in a hospital
improvised for the occasion. Among the dead
I expected to find the Boulder man whom I had
taken to his company, but, strange to relate, he
survived his wound, and I saw him two or three
years afterwards, apparently entirely recovered.
The number of our dead and wounded showed
that the Indians had offered a vigorous defense,
io8 The Third Colorado and
and as I have before stated, if they had been
mounted, it is questionable whether the result
would have been the same — had they remained
to fight.
We reached the Indian camp about four o'clock
in the afternoon, the battle having continued
without cessation from early morning until that
time. The companies were immediately placed
in position to form a hollow square, inside of
which our horses were picketed. I was so utterly
exhausted for want of sleep and food, as were
many others of our company, that I hunted up
a buffalo robe, of which there were large numbers
scattered around, threw myself down on it, and
was asleep almost as soon as I touched the ground.
The next thing I remember was being awakened
for supper, about dusk. We were told that we
must sleep with our guns in our hands, ready for
use at any moment. Near midnight, we were
awakened by a more than vigorous call of our
officers, ordering us to fall into line immediately to
repel an attack. We rushed out, but in our sleepy
condition had difficulty in forming a line, as we
hardly knew what we were doing. In the evening,
by order of the commanding officer, all the Indian
tents outside of our encampment had been set on
fire and now were blazing brightly all around us.
The Battle of Sand Creek 109
We heard occasional shots in various directions,
and in the light of the fire saw what looked to be
hundreds of Indian ponies running hither and
thither. We saw no Indians, but we knew that
savages in an encounter always lie on the side of
their ponies opposite from the enemies they are
attacking. From the number of what seemed to
be horses that could be seen in every direction,
we thought that we should surely be overwhelmed.
After forming in line, and while waiting for the
attack, we discovered that what in our sleepy
condition we had imagined to be ponies, was
nothing but the numerous -dogs of the Indian
camp, which, having lost their masters, were
running wildly in every direction. Nevertheless,
it was evident that Indians were all around us, as
our pickets had been fired upon and driven in
from every side of the camp. After remaining
in line for a considerable length of time, without
being attacked, the regiment was divided into
two divisions, one of which was marched fifty
feet in front of the other. We were then instructed
to get our blankets, and, wrapping ourselves in
them, with our guns handy, we lay down and
slept the remainder of the night.
In the Indian camp we found an abundance of
flour, sugar, bacon, coffee, and other articles of
no The Third Colorado and
food, sufficient for our maintenance, had we needed
it, for a time. In many of the tents there were"
articles of wearing apparel and other things that
had been taken from wagon-trains which the
Indians had robbed during the previous summer.
In these same tents we found a dozen or more
scalps of white people, some of them being from
the heads of women and children, as was evi-
denced by the color and fineness of the hair,
which could not be mistaken for that of any othe
race. One of the scalps showed plainly from its ,
condition that it had been taken only recently./
Certain members of our regiment found horses
and mules in the Indian herd that had been stolen
from them by the hostiles in their various raids
during the preceding year. The camp was over-
flowing with proof that these Indians were among
those who had been raiding the settlements of
Colorado during the previous summer, killing
people, robbing wagon-trains, burning houses,
running off stock, and committing outrages of
which only a savage could be guilty; this evidence j
only corroborated in the strongest possible manner
what we already knew. Among the members
of our regiment, there were many who had had
friends and relatives killed, scalped, and mutilated
by these Indians, and almost every man h
The Battle of Sand Creek m
sustaine^nand^ 0^\C^
consequently it is not surprising they should be O^
determined to inflict such punishment upon the
savages as would deter them from further raids^/
upon our settlements. Notwithstanding the fact
that this grim determination was firmly fixed iiT*} ^y-
the mind of every one, I never saw any one de- \
liberately shoot at a squaw, nor do I believe that j
any children were intentionally killed.
About noon of the day following the battle, our
wagon-train came up, and was formed into a hollow
square in the center of our camp, the lines being
drawn in, so that if necessary the wagons could
be used as a means of defense. We knew that on
the Smoky Hill River, from fifty to seventy-five
miles distant, there was another large body of
Cheyennes and Arapahoes which might attack us
at any time. In every direction throughout the
day, many Indians were seen hovering around our
camp. Scouting parties were seldom able to get
very far away from camp without being fired
upon, and several of our men were killed and a
number wounded in the skirmishes that took
place. During the second night of our stay on
the battle ground, we were kept in line continu-
ously, with our arms ready for use at a moment's
notice. At intervals during the entire night, there
ii2 The Third Colorado and
was an exchange of shots at various points around
the camp.
I never understood why we did not follow up
our victory by an attack upon the hostile bands
camped on the Smoky Hill River, but I assume it
was on account of our regiment's inferior horses,
arms, and equipment. Probably Colonel Chiv-
ington, taking this into consideration, thought
his force not strong enough to fight such a large
party successfully.
The following day, the command took up its
line of march down the Big Sandy and followed it
to the Arkansas River, then easterly, along the
north side of that stream to the western boundary
of Kansas. Soon after we reached the Arkansas
River, we found the trail of a large party of
Indians traveling down the valley. They seemed
to be in great haste to get away from us, as they
had thrown away their camp kettles, buffalo
robes, and everything that might impede their
flight. Realizing that the Indians could not be
overtaken with the whole command, on account
of the poor condition of many of the horses, our
officers specially detailed three hundred of our
best mounted and best armed men, and sent them
forward in pursuit under forced march; but even
this plan was unsuccessful, and the pursuit was
The Battle of Sand Creek 113
finally abandoned when near the Kansas line.
The term of enlistment of our regiment had al-
ready expired, for which reason the command
was reluctantly faced about, and the return
march to Denver begun.
From the time we left the Sand Creek battle
ground, it had been very cold and disagreeable.
Sharp, piercing winds blew from the north almost
incessantly, making us extremely uncomfortable
during the day, and even more so at night. Being
without tents and compelled to sleep on the open
prairie, with no protection whatever from the
wind, at times we found the cold almost unbear-
able. The thin, shoddy government blankets
afforded only the slightest possible protection
against the bitter winds; consequently those were
fortunate indeed who could find a gully in which
to make their bed. Our march back to Denver
was leisurely and uneventful. We reached there
in due course and were mustered out of service on
the 29th day of December, 1864. We dispersed
to our homes, convinced that we had done a good
work and that it needed only a little further
punishment of the savages permanently to settle
the Indian troubles so far as this Territory was
concerned.
CHAPTER V
A DEFENSE OF THE BATTLE OF SAND CREEK
CEW events in American history have been the
* subject of so much misrepresentation as the
battle of Sand Creek. It has gone down into
history as an indefensible massacre of peaceable
Indians, and perhaps nothing that can now be
said will change this erroneous impression of the
world at large, notwithstanding the fact that the
accusation is unjust and a libel upon the people
of Colorado. Worst of all, it was given wide
publicity through the reports of two Congressional
committees following unfair, one-sided, and preju-
diced investigations. Unfortunately, at that time,
Colorado, being a Territory, had no Senators or
Representatives in Congress to defend the good
name of its people, and to add to the bad features
of the situation, its people at home realized but
dimly what was taking place at Washington,
until after the mischief was done; consequently
to a great extent the Congressional investigations
114
The Battle of Sand Creek 115
went by default, so far as the people of Colorado
were concerned.
It should be kept in mind that Colorado, com-
paratively speaking, was more remote from the
rest of the world at that time than Alaska is to-
day, and the means of disseminating news through-
out the Territory were exceedingly limited.
From early in November of 1864 until March,
1865, the coaches that carried the mail between
the Missouri River towns and Denver ceased
running on account of the hostility of the Indians,
and all this time Colorado was cut off from the rest
of the world, except for a limited telegraph service
that did not reach any point in the Territory out-
side of Denver. Consequently, the enemies of
Colonel Chivington and the Third Colorado
Cavalry, had full sway in their efforts to blacken
the reputation of these representative citizens of
Colorado. I wish to emphasize the fact that a
large majority of the members of the Third Colo-
rado Cavalry were high-class men, whatever may
be said to the contrary. Colorado had been settled
less than six years and most of its inhabitants had
come to the Territory in i860, only four years
previously. These people were from every part
of the United States, many of them farmers,
merchants, and professional men, and the men
n6 A Defense of
who enlisted in the Third Colorado were largely
of this class.
The accusations on which the various Congres-
sional and military investigations were based had
their origin in the jealousy of military officers.
It was the same kind of spirit that caused the loss
of more than one battle in the Civil War. How-
ever, at Sand Creek, on account of the secrecy
of preparations, the victory could not be pre-
vented, but the good effects could be, and were,
completely nullified, to the great detriment of the
people of Colorado; and this was done by officers
who had been former residents of the Territory
and were indebted to it for their official positions.
But fully to understand the animus of these
officers, it is necessary for the reader to know
something of their personality, as well as that of
the other officers involved in the controversy.
Colonel John M. Chivington, who was in com-
mand at the battle of Sand Creek, and who was
the principal target throughout the various
investigations, was the Rev. John M. Chivington,
who from i860 to 1862 was in charge of the
Methodist missions in the region now forming
the State of Colorado. He was a member of the
Kansas-Nebraska Conference, and had been se-
lected for this mission work because of his
John M. Chivington
Colonel First Colorado Volunteer Cavalry
The Battle of Sand Creek 117
unusual energy, ability, and force of character.
The commanding position that the Methodist
Church early assumed in the Territory under his
administration confirmed the wisdom of his
appointment.
Upon the organization of the First Colorado
Volunteer Cavalry in the early part of 1862, Mr.
Chivington resigned his position as presiding
elder of the Rocky Mountain District, and was
commissioned Major of the new regiment. He
at once became the regiment's most influential
officer. He was the most prominent figure in its
wonderful march to New Mexico, and the re-
markable victories won by it over the invading
Confederates were largely due to his brilliant
leadership. By the end of the active campaign,
which was a short one, Major Chivington had
become so popular with the officers and enlisted
men that upon the resignation of John P. Slough,
the Colonel of the regiment, soon after, he was
promoted to that position over Lieutenant- Colonel
Samuel F. Tappan on petition of every com-
missioned officer of the regiment. Here was the
beginning of all his troubles, as will be seen
farther along in my narrative. Later, Colonel
Chivington was appointed by General Canby to
the command of the military district of Southern
n8 A Defense of
New Mexico, and was afterward transferred to
the command of the military district of Colorado,
which position he held at the time of the battle
of Sand Creek.
Colonel Chivington was a man of commanding
personality, and possessed marked ability both as
a preacher and as an army officer. I can do no
better than quote what General Frank Hall says
of him in his History of Colorado:
Though wholly unskilled in the science of war, with
but little knowledge of drill and discipline, Major
Chivington, of Herculean frame and gigantic stature,
possessed the courage and exhibited the discreet
boldness, dash, and brilliancy in action which dis-
tinguished the more illustrious of our volunteer
officers during the war. His first encounter with the
Texans at Apache Canon was sudden and more or
less of a surprise. The occasion demanded not only
instantaneous action, but such disposition of his
force as to render it most effective against superior
numbers and the highly advantageous position of the
enemy. He seemed to comprehend at a glance the
necessities of the situation and handled his troops like
a veteran. His daring and rapid movement across
the mountains and the total destruction of the
enemy's train, simultaneously with the battle of
Pigeon's Ranch, again attested his excellent general-
ship. It put an end to the war by forcing the in-
vaders to a precipitate flight back to their homes.
He hesitated at nothing. Sure of the devotion and
The Battle of Sand Creek 119
gallantry of his men, he was always ready for any
adventure, however desperate, which promised the
discomfiture of his adversaries.
We cannot but believe that had his application for
the transfer of his regiment to the Army of the Poto-
mac, or to any of the great armies operating under
Grant, been acceded to, he would have made a still
prouder record for himself, the regiment, and the
Territory. That he was endowed with the capabili-
ties of a superior commander, none who saw him in
action will deny.
I fully concur in General Hall's estimate of
Colonel Chivington's marked ability. I knew him
well, as he was a frequent visitor at our house in
the mining town of Hamilton, in the early days.
The overshadowing reputation made by Colonel
Chivington in the campaign against the Texas in-
vaders of New Mexico, and his subsequent pro-
motion to the colonelcy of the regiment over
Lieutenant- Colonel Samuel F. Tappan, although
apparently acquiesced in at the time, aroused
a spirit of je alousy, envy, and antagonism against
him on the part of a small group of officers headed
by Lieutenant-Colonel Tappan and Major E. WS
Wynkoop_ 4 _sdiich was participated in by Captain/
Soule, Lieutenant Cramer, and other subordinates. >*•'
This antagonism manifested itself on every later ^
occasion. It was the jealousy of mediocrity
120 A Defense of
manifested against superior ability and worth;
for one can search the records of the First Colorado
in vain for anything noteworthy ever accomplished
by either Tappan, Wynkoop, or Soule. After
their return from New Mexico, these officers never
allowed an opportunity to pass for discrediting
and injuring the "Preacher Colonel," and after
the battle of Sand Creek they never tired of re-
ferring to it as an evidence of his unfitness.
Lieutenant-Colonel Tappan ha d been a profes-
sional newspaper correspondent before entering
the army, consequently, he had no trouble in
filling the Eastern publications with exaggerated
and distorted accounts of the battle. In his
crusade he had the active aid of Major Wynkoop,
of S. G. Colley, the Indian agent a t Fort Ly on,
and of all the Indian traders, interpreters, half-
breeds, and others of similar character congre-
gated around the Indian agency. He also had the
support of the Indian_J Bureau at W ashington,
which usually took th e sentimental side jp f eve ry
question affecting the Indians.
Prior to 1864 Indians who had been on the war-
path during the summer were permitted to make
peace in the fall, remain unmolested during the
winter, receive annuities, rest up, and accumulate
ammunition for the coming summer's raids; but
The Battle of Sand Creek 121
in that year the overtures of the Cheyennes and
Arapahoes were rejected, except upon the con-
dition that they deliver up their arms and sub-
mit to the military authorities. This they not
only refused to do, but continued their depre-
dations at places convenient to their winter camps,
and received from Colonel Chivington's command
the punishment they so richly deserved. Naturally
this meant great financial loss to the Indian
agents, traders, and hangers-on around the
Indian agency; and, as a result, these people
actively joined in the attack upon Colonel Chiv-
ington.
This crusade resulted in two Congressional in-
vestigations of the battle, and also in a hearing by
a military commission. Before the Joint Special
Committee of the two Houses of Congress the
principal witnesses were Major Wynkoop, Captain
Soule, Xieutenant Cramer, two Indian agents, two
Indian traders, two half-breeds, and one interpre-
ter to sustain the accusations, and only Governor
Evans and three minor officers of the Third Col-
orado regiment for the defense. Aside frorrK
Governor Evans and the three minor officers justf
mentioned, the witnesses were extremely hostile )
to Colonel Chivington and were ready to go toj
any length in their testimony in order to blackenJ
122 A Defense of
his reputation and that of the Third Colorado.
An the investigation before the Joint Special Corn-
's mittee, neither Colonel Chivington nor Colonel
(Shoup was present or represented in any way.
Ah the hearing before the Committee on the Con-
I duct of the War, Colonel Shoup was not repre-
J sented, and Colonel Chivington only by means of
\a deposition. As^a result of these partial and one-
. sided investigations^both _cpmmr^e^j^2^emned
Chivington and pronounced the battle a massacre.
The most unjust and absurd investigation^oT~all
was that made by the military commission, which
was composed of three officers of the First Col-
orado Cavalry, all subordinates of Colonel Chiving-
ton, headed by his inveterate enemy Lieutenant-
Colonel Samuel F. Tappan.
/The accusation made at each hearing was that
/the Cheyenne and Arapahoe Indians attacked
\by Colonel Chivington's command at Sand Creek
were not only friendly to the whites, but were
j under the protection of the military authorities
at Fort Lyon, and that the battle was, by the
consent, if not by the direction of Colonel Chiv-
ington, an indiscriminate massacre. All of this
I believe is proved to be untrue, to the satisfaction
of any reasonable person, by the facts related in
ly account of the battle, and of the hostilities
Hon. John Evans
Governor of Colorado, 1 862-1 865
The Battle of Sand Creek 123
in El Paso County and elsewhere preceding it.
In corroboration of my statements as to the hostile
character of the Indians punished at Sand Creek,
and to show the conditions existing elsewhere
in the Territory previous thereto, I quote from
Governor Evans's reply to the report of the Com-
mittee on the Conduct of the War, dated August
6, 1865.
In the Territorial days of Colorado, the Gov-
ernor was ex-officio Superintendent of Indian Af-
fairs. At the time of the Sand Creek battle, the
Hon. John Evans, formerly of Illinois, was Governor
of Colorado, and had held that office since the
spring of 1862. Governor Evans was a personal
friend of President Lincoln, and had been ap-
pointed Governor because of his high character,
great ability, and efficiency in administrative
affairs. Governor Evans's supervision of Indian
affairs in Colorado during 1862, 1863, and 1864
made him a better qualified witness as to the
conditions existing among the various tribes
during these years than any man living. The
following extracts from his reply to that part of
the report of the Committee on the Conduct of
the War, which, under the heading, "Massacre
of the Cheyenne Indians," refers to his responsi-
bility in the matter, tells of the attitude of the
124 A Defense of
Indians towards the whites during that period
and of his own strenuous efforts to avert hostili-
ties.
Executive Department and Superintendency of Indian
Affairs, C. T.
Denver, August 6, 1865.
To the Public :
I have just seen, for the first time, a copy of the
report of the Committee on the Conduct of the War,
headed, " Massacre of Cheyenne Indians."
As it does me great injustice, and by its partial,
unfair, and erroneous statements will mislead the
public, I respectfully ask a suspension of opinion in
my case until I shall have time to present the facts
to said committee or some equally high authority,
and ask a correction. In the meantime, I desire to
lay a few facts before the public. The report
begins :
"In the summer of 1864 Governor Evans, of Colo-
rado Territory, as acting Superintendent of Indian
Affairs, sent notice to the various bands and tribes of
Indians within his jurisdiction, that such as desired
to be considered friendly to the whites should repair
to the nearest military post in order to be protected
from the soldiers who were to take the field against
the hostile Indians."
This statement is true as to such notice having been
sent, but conveys the false impression that it was at
the beginning of hostilities, and the declaration of war.
The truth is, it was issued by authority of the In-
dian Department months after the war had become
general, for the purpose of inducing the Indians to
The Battle of Sand Creek 125
cease hostilities, and to protect those who had been, or
would become, friendly from the inevitable dangers
to which they were exposed. This "notice" may be
found published in the report of the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs for 1864, page 218.
The report continues :
"About the close of the summer some Cheyenne
Indians, in the neighborhood of the Smoky Hill, sent
word to Major Wynkoop, commanding at Fort Lyon,
that they had in their possession, and were willing to
deliver up, some white captives they had purchased
of other Indians. Major Wynkoop, with a force of
over one hundred men, visited these Indians and
recovered the white captives. On his return he was
accompanied by a number of the chiefs and leading
men of the Indians, whom he had brought to visit
Denver for the purpose of conferring with the authori-
ties there in regard to keeping the peace. Among
them were Black Kettle and White Antelope, of the
Cheyennes, and some chiefs of the Arapahoes. The
council was held, and these chiefs stated that they were
friendly to the whites and always had been."
Again they say :
"All the testimony goes to show that the Indians
under the immediate control of Black Kettle and
White Antelope, of the Cheyennes, and Left Hand of
the Arapahoes, were, and had always been, friendly
to the whites, and had not been guilty of any acts of
hostility or depredations."
This word, which the committee say was sent to
Major Wynkoop, was a letter to United States Indian
Agent, Major Colley, which is published in the report
of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1865, page
233, and is as follows:
126 A Defense of
"Cheyenne Village, August 29, 1864.
"Major Colley:
"We received a letter from Bent wishing us to make
peace. We held a council in regard to it. All come
to the conclusion to make peace with you, providing
you make peace with the Kiowas, Comanches, Arapa-
hoes, Apaches, and Sioux. We are going to send a
messenger to the Kiowas and to the other nations
about our going to make peace with you. We heard
that you have some [prisoners] in Denver. We have
seven prisoners of yours which we are willing to give
up, providing you give up yours. There are three
war parties out yet, and two of Arapahoes. They
have been out some time, and expected in soon.
When we held this council there were few Arapahoes
and Sioux present.
"We want true news from you in return. This is
a letter.
"Black Kettle and the other Chiefs."
Compare the above extract from the report of the
committee with this published letter of Black Kettle,
and the admission of the Indians in the council at
Denver.
The committee say the prisoners proposed to be
delivered up were purchased of other Indians. Black
Kettle, in his letter, says: "We have seven prisoners
of yours, which we are willing to give up, providing
you give up yours." They say nothing about pris-
oners whom they had purchased. On the other hand,
in the council held in Denver, Black Kettle said :
"Major Wynkoop was kind enough to receive the
letter and visited them in camp, to whom they
The Battle of Sand Creek 127
delivered four white prisoners, one other (Mrs.
Snyder) having killed herself; that there are two
women and one child yet in their camp whom they
will deliver up as soon as they can get them in ; Laura
Roper, 16 or 17 years; Ambrose Asher, 7 or 8 years;
Daniel Marble, 7 or 8 years; Isabel Ubanks, 4 or 5
years. The prisoners still with them [are] Mrs.
Ubanks and babe, and a Mrs. Norton who was taken
on the Platte. Mrs. Snyder is the name of the woman
who hung herself. The boys were taken between
Fort Kearney and the Blue."
Again: They did not deny having captured the
prisoners, when I told them that having the prison-
ers in their possession was evidence of their having
committed the depredations when they were taken.
But White Antelope said: "We (the Cheyennes)
took two prisoners west of Kearney, and destroyed
the trains." Had they purchased the prisoners, they
would not have been slow to make it known in this
council.
The committee say the chiefs went to Denver to
confer with the authorities about keeping the peace.
Black Kettle says: "All come to the conclusion to
make peace with you providing you will make peace
with the Kiowas, Comanches, Arapahoes, Apaches,
and Sioux."
Again the committee say:
"All the testimony goes to show that the Indians
under the immediate control of Black Kettle and
White Antelope, of the Cheyennes, and Left Hand,
of the Arapahoes, were, and had been friendly to the
whites, and had not been guilty of any acts of hostility or
depredations."
128 A Defense of
Black Kettle says in his letter: "We received a
letter from Bent, wishing us to make peace." Why
did Bent send a letter to friendly Indians, and want
to make peace with Indians who had always been
friendly? Again they say : " We have held a council
in regard to it." Why did they hold a council in
regard to making peace, when they were already
peaceable? Again they say: "All come to the con-
clusion to make peace with you providing you make
peace with the Kiowas, Comanches, Arapahoes,
Apaches, and Sioux. We have seven prisoners of
yours, which we are willing to give up, providing you
give up yours. There are three war [not peace]
parties out yet, and two of Arapahoes."
Every line of this letter shows that they were and
had been at war. I desire to throw additional light
upon this assertion of the committee that these In-
dians "were and had been friendly to the whites,
and had not been guilty of any acts of hostility or
depredations"; for it is upon this point that the
committee accuses me of prevarication.
In the council held at Denver, White Antelope said :
"We [the Cheyennes] took two prisoners west of
Kearney and destroyed the trains." This was one of
the most destructive and bloody raids of the war.
Again, Neva (Left Hand's brother) said: "The
Comanches, Kiowas, and Sioux have done much more
harm than we have."
The entire report of this council shows that the
Indians had been at war, and had been "guilty of acts
of hostility and depredations."
As showing more fully the status and disposition
of these Indians, I call your attention to the following
extract from the report of Major Wynkoop, published
The Battle of Sand Creek 129
in the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs
for 1864, page 234, and a letter from Major Colley,
their agent; same report, page 230. Also statement
of Robert North ; same report, page 224 :
"Fort Lyon, Colorado, Sept. 18, 1864.
"Sir:
" . . . Taking with me under strict guard the Indians
I had in my possession, I reached my destination and
was confronted by from six to eight hundred Indian
warriors, drawn up in line of battle and prepared to
fight.
"Putting on as bold a front as I could under the
circumstances I formed my command in as good order
as possible for the purpose of acting on the offensive
or defensive, as might be necessary, and advanced
towards them, at the same time sending forward one
of the Indians I had with me, as an emissary, to state
that I had come for the purpose of holding a consul-
tation with the chiefs of the Arapahoes and Chey-
ennes, to come to an understanding which might
result in mutual benefit; that I had not come de-
siring strife, but was prepared for it if necessary,
and advised them to listen to what I had to say,
previous to making any more warlike demonstrations.
' ' They consented to meet me in council, and I then
proposed to them that if they desired peace to give
me palpable evidence of their sincerity by delivering
into my hands their white prisoners. I told them that
I was not authorized to conclude terms of peace with
them, but if they acceded to my proposition I would
take what chiefs they might choose to select to the
Governor of Colorado Territory, state the circum-
130 A Defense of
stances to him, and that I believed it would result
in what it was their desire to accomplish — 'peace
with their white brothers.' I had reference particu-
larly to the Arapahoe and Cheyenne tribes.
"The council was divided — undecided — and could
not come to an understanding among themselves. I
told them that I would march to a certain locality,
distant twelve miles, and await a given time for their
action in the matter. I took a strong position in the
locality named, and remained three days. In the in-
terval they brought in and turned over four white
prisoners, all that was possible for them at the time
being to turn over, the balance of the seven being
(as they stated) with another band far to the north-
ward.
• ••••••
"I have the principal chiefs of the two tribes with
me, and propose starting immediately to Denver, to
put into effect the aforementioned proposition made
by me to them.
"They agree to deliver up the balance of the
prisoners as soon as it is possible to procure them,
which can be done better from Denver City than
from this point.
"I have the honor, Governor, to be your obedient
servant,
"E. W. Wynkoop,
" Major First Col. Cav. Com'd'g
Fort Lyon, C. T.
"His Excellency, John Evans,
"Governor of Colorado, Denver, C. T."
"Fort Lyon, Colorado Territory, July 26, 1864.
"Sir:
"When I last wrote you, I was in hopes that our
The Battle of Sand Creek 131
Indian troubles were at an end. Colonel Chivington
has just arrived from Larned and gives a sad account
of affairs at that post. They have killed some ten
men from a train, and run off all the stock from the
post.
"As near as they can learn, all the tribes were
engaged in it. The colonel will give you the particu-
lars. There is no dependence to be put in any of
them. I have done everything in my power to keep
the peace ; I now think a little powder and lead is the
best food for them.
"Respectfully, your obedient servant,
"S. G. COLLEY,
United States Indian Agent.
" Hon. John Evans,
"Governor and Superintendent Indian Affairs."
The following statement by Robert North was made
tome:
"November 10, 1863.
"Having recovered an Arapahoe prisoner (a squaw)
from the Utes, I obtained the confidence of the In-
dians completely. I have lived with them from a
boy and my wife is an Arapahoe.
"In honor of my exploit in recovering the prisoner,
the Indians recently gave me a 'big medicine dance'
about fifty miles below Fort Lyon, on the Arkansas
River, at which the leading chiefs and warriors of
several of the tribes of the plains met.
"The Comanches, Apaches, Kiowas, the northern
band of Arapahoes, and all of the Cheyennes, with the
Sioux, have pledged one another to go to war with the
whites as soon as they can procure ammunition in
132 A Defense of
the spring. I have heard them discuss the matter
often, and the few of them who opposed it were forced
to be quiet, and were really in danger of their lives. I
saw the principal chiefs pledge to each other that they
would be friendly and shake hands with the whites
until they procured ammunition and guns, so as to be
ready when they strike. Plundering to get means
has already commenced ; and the plan is to commence
the war at several points in the sparse settlements
early in the spring. They wanted me to join them in
the war, saying that they would take a great many
white women and children prisoners, and get a heap
of property, blankets, etc. ; but while I am connected
with them by marriage, and live with them, I am yet
a white man, and wish to avoid bloodshed. There
are many Mexicans with the Comanche and Apache
Indians, all of whom urge on the war, promising to
help the Indians themselves, and that a great many
more Mexicans would come up from New Mexico
for the purpose in the spring."
In addition to the statement showing that all the
Cheyennes were in the alliance, I desire to add the fol-
lowing frank admission from the Indians in the
council :
"Governor Evans explained that smoking the war-
pipe was a figurative term, but their conduct had been
such as to show that they had an understanding with
other tribes.
"Several Indians: We acknowledge that our ac-
tions have given you reason to believe this."
In addition to all this, I refer to the statement of
Mrs. Ewbanks. She is one of the prisoners that
Black Kettle, in the council, said they had. Instead
The Battle of Sand Creek 133
of purchasing her, they first captured her on the
Little Blue, and then sold her to the Sioux.
Mrs. Martin, another rescued prisoner, was cap-
tured by the Cheyennes on Plum Creek, west of
Kearney, with a boy nine years old. These were
the prisoners of which White Antelope said, in the
council, "We took two prisoners west of Kearney,
and destroyed the trains." In her published state-
ment she says the party who captured her and the boy
killed eleven men and destroyed the trains and were
mostly Cheyennes.
Thus I have proved by the Indian chiefs named in
the report, by Agent Colley and Major Wynkoop, to
whom they refer to sustain their assertion to the
contrary, that these Indians had "been at war, and
had committed acts of hostility and depredations."
In regard to their status prior to their council at
Denver, the foregoing public documents which I have
cited show how utterly devoid of truth or foundation
is the assertion that these Indians "had been friendly
to the whites, and had not been guilty of any acts of
hostility or depredations."
The next paragraph of the report is as follows :
"A northern band of Cheyennes, known as the
'Dog Soldiers,' had been guilty of acts of hostility;
but all the testimony goes to prove that they had no
connection with Black Kettle's band, and acted in
spite of his authority and influence. Black Kettle
and his band denied all connection with, or responsi-
bility for, the Dog Soldiers, and Left Hand and his
band were equally friendly."
The committee and the public will be surprised to
learn the fact that these Dog Soldiers, on which the
committee throws the slight blame for acts of hos-
134 A Defense of
tility, were really among Black Kettle's and White
Antelope's own warriors, in the "friendly" camp to
which Major Wynkoop made his expedition, and their
head man, Bull Bear, was one of the prominent men
of the deputation brought in to see me at Denver.
By reference to the report of the council with the
chiefs, to which I referred the committee, it will be
observed that Black Kettle and all present based their
propositions to make peace upon the assent of their
bands, and that these Dog Soldiers were especially
referred to.
The report continues :
"These Indians, at the suggestion of Governor
Evans and Colonel Chivington, repaired to Fort
Lyon and placed themselves under the protection
of Major Wynkoop, etc."
The connection of my name in this is again wrong.
I simply left them in the hands of the military
authorities, where I found them, and my action was
approved by the Indian Bureau.
The following extracts from the report of the coun-
cil will prove this conclusively. I stated to the
Indians :
"... Another reason that I am not in a condition
to make a treaty is, that the war is begun, and the
power to make a treaty of peace has passed from me
to the great war chief."
I also said: "Again, whatever peace they may
make must be with the soldiers and not with me."
And again, in reply to White Antelope's inquiry,
"How can we be protected from the soldiers on the
plains?" I said: "You must make that arrange-
ment with the military chief."
The morning after this council, I addressed the
The Battle of Sand Creek 135
following letter to the agent of these Indians, which is
published in the report of the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs for 1864, page 220:
"Colorado Superintendency Indian Affairs,
Denver, September 29, 1864.
"Sir:
"The chiefs brought in by Major Wynkoop have
been heard. I have declined to make any peace
with them, lest it might embarrass the military
operations against the hostile Indians on the plains.
The Arapahoe and Cheyenne Indians being now at
war with the United States Government, must make
peace with the military authorities. Of course this
arrangement relieves the Indian Bureau of their
care until peace is declared with them; and as these
tribes are yet scattered, and all except Friday's band
are at war, it is not probable that it will be done
immediately. You will be particular to impress upon
these chiefs the fact that my talk with them was for
the purpose of ascertaining their views, and not to
offer them anything whatever. They must deal with
the military authorities until peace, in which case,
alone, they will be in proper position to treat with
the government in relation to the future.
"I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your
obedient servant,
"John Evans,
" Governor Colorado Territory and
"ex-officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs.
"Major S. G. Colley,
"United States Indian Agent, Upper Arkansas."
It will thus be seen that I had, with the approval
136 A Defense of
of the Indian Bureau, turned the adjustment of
difficulties with the hostile Indians entirely over to the
military authorities; that I had instructed Agent
Colley, at Fort Lyon, that this would relieve the Bu-
reau of further care of the Arapahoes and Cheyennes,
until peace was made, and having had no notice of
such peace, or instructions to change the arrange-
ment, the status of these Indians was in no respect
within my jurisdiction, or under my official inspec-
tion.
It may be proper for me to say further, that it
will appear in evidence that I had no intimation of
the direction in which the campaign against the
hostile Indians was to move, or against what bands
it was to be made, when I left the Territory last fall,
and that I was absent from Colorado when the Sand
Creek battle occurred.
The report continues :
"It is true that there seems to have been excited
among the people inhabiting that region of country
a hostile feeling towards the Indians. Some had
committed acts of hostility towards the whites, but
no effort seems to have been made by the authorities
there to prevent these hostilities, other than by the
commission of even worse acts."
" Some had committed acts of hostility towards
the whites!" Hear the facts: In the fall of 1863 a
general alliance of the Indians of the plains was
effected with the Sioux, and in the language of Bull
Bear, in the report of the council, "Their plan is to
clean out all this country."
The war opened early in the spring of 1864. The
people of the East, absorbed in the greater interest
of the rebellion, know but little of its history. Stock
The Battle of Sand Creek 137
was stolen, ranches destroyed, houses burned, freight
trains plundered, and their contents carried away or
scattered upon the plains; settlers in the frontier
counties murdered, or forced to seek safety for them-
selves and families in blockhouses and interior towns ;
emigrants to our Territory were surprised in their
camps, children were slain, and wives taken prisoners;
our trade and travel with the States were cut off ; the
necessities of life were at starvation prices; the in-
terests of the Territory were being damaged to the
extent of millions; every species of atrocity and
barbarity which characterizes savage warfare was
committed. This is no fancy sketch, but a plain
statement of facts of which the committee seem to
have had no proper realization. All this history
of war and blood — all this history of rapine and ruin
— all this story of outrage and suffering on the part
of our people— is summed up by the committee, and
given to the public in one mild sentence, "Some had
committed acts of hostility against the whites."
The committee not only ignore the general and
terrible character of our Indian war, and the great
sufferings of our people, but make the grave charge
that "no effort seems to have been made by the
authorities there to prevent all these hostilities."
Had the committee taken the trouble, as they
certainly should have done before making so grave
a charge, to have read the public documents of the
government, examined the record and files of the
Indian Bureau, of the War Department, and of this
superintendency, instead of adopting the language of
some hostile and irresponsible witness, as they appear
to have done, they would have found that the most
earnest and persistent efforts had been made on my
138 A Defense of
part to prevent hostilities. The records show that
early in the spring of 1863, United States Indian
Agent Loree, of the Upper Platte Agency, reported
to me in person that the Sioux under his agency, and
the Arapahoes and Cheyennes, were negotiating an
alliance for war on the whites. I immediately wrote
an urgent appeal for authority to avert the danger,
and sent Agent Loree as special messenger with the
dispatch to Washington. In response authority was
given, and an earnest effort was made to collect the
Indians in council. The following admission, in the
report of the council, explains the result:
"Governor Evans: ' . . . Hearing last fall that they
were dissatisfied, the Great Father at Washington sent
me out on the plains to talk with you and make it all
right. I sent messengers out to tell you that I had
presents, and would make you a feast; but you sent
word to me that you did not want to have anything
to do with me, and to the Great Father at Washington
that you could get along without him. Bull Bear
wanted to come in to see me, at the head of the
Republican, but his people held a council and would
not let him come.'
' ' Black Kettle : ' That is true . '
"Governor Evans: 'I was under the necessity,
after all my trouble, and all the expense I was at, of
returning home without seeing them. Instead of
this, your people went away and smoked the war-
pipe with our enemies.' "
Notwithstanding these unsuccessful efforts, I still
hoped to preserve peace.
The records of these offices also show that, in the
autumn of 1863, I was reliably advised from various
sources that nearly all the Indians of the plains had
The Battle of Sand Creek 139
formed an alliance for the purpose of going to war in
the spring, and I immediately commenced my efforts
to avert the imminent danger. From that time for-
ward, by letter, by telegram, and personal represen-
tation to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, the
Secretary of War, the commanders of the department
and district; by traveling for weeks in the wilderness
of the plains; by distribution of annuities and pres-
ents; by sending notice to the Indians to leave the
hostile alliance; by every means within my power, I
endeavored to preserve peace and protect the inter-
ests of the people of the Territory. And in the face
of all this, which the records abundantly show, the
committee say: " No effort seems to have been made
by the authorities there to prevent these hostilities,
other than by the commission of even worse acts."
They do not point out any of these acts, unless the
continuation of the paragraph is intended to do so.
It proceeds:
"The hatred of the whites to the Indians would
seem to have been inflamed and excited to the ut-
most. The bodies of persons killed at a distance—
whether by Indians or not is not certain — were
brought to the capital of the Territory and exposed
to the public gaze, for the purpose of inflaming still
more the already excited feelings of the people."
There is no mention in this of anything that was
done by authority, but it is so full of misrepresenta-
tion, in apology for the Indians, and unjust reflection
on a people who have a right from their birth, educa-
tion, and ties of sympathy with the people they so
recently left behind them, to have at least a just
consideration. The bodies referred to were those
of the Hungate family, who were brutally murdered
140 A Defense of
by the Indians, within twenty-five miles of Denver.
No one here ever doubted that the Indians did it,
and it was admitted by the Indians in the council.
This was early in the summer, and before the notice
sent in June to the friendly Indians. Their mangled
bodies were brought to Denver for decent burial.
Many of our people went to see them, as any people
would have done. It did produce excitement and
consternation, and where are the people who could
have witnessed it without emotion? Would the
committee have the people shut their eyes to such
scenes at their very doors?
The next sentence, equally unjust and unfair, refers
to my proclamation, issued two months after this
occurrence, and four months before the "attack " they
were investigating, and having no connection with it
or with the troops engaged in it. It is as follows :
' The cupidity was appealed to, for the Governor,
in a proclamation, calls upon all, either individually,
or in such parties as they may organize, to kill and
destroy as enemies of the country, wherever they may
be found, all such hostile Indians; authorizing them
to hold, to their own use and benefit, all the property
of said hostile Indians they may capture. What
Indians he would ever term friendly, it is impossible
to tell."
I offer the following statement of the circumstan-
ces under which this proclamation was issued by the
Hon. D. A. Chever. It is as follows:
"Executive Department, Colorado Territory,
August 21, 1865.
"I, David A. Chever, Clerk in the office of the
Governor of the territory of Colorado, do solemnly
The Battle of Sand Creek 141
swear that the people of said territory, from the
Purgatoire to the Cache la Poudre rivers, a distance
of over two hundred miles, and for a like distance
along the Platte river, being the whole of our settle-
ments on the plains, were thrown into the greatest
alarm and consternation by numerous and almost
simultaneous attacks and depredations by hostile
Indians early last summer; that they left their un-
reaped crops, and collecting into communities built
blockhouses and stockades for protection at central
points throughout the long line of settlements; that
those living in the vicinity of Denver City fled to it,
and that the people of said city were in great fear of
sharing the fate of New Ulm, Minnesota; that the
threatened loss of crops, and the interruption of
communication with the states by the combined
hostilities, threatened the very existence of the whole
people; that this feeling of danger was universal; that
a flood of petitions and deputations poured into this
office, from the people of all parts of the territory,
praying for protection, and for arms and authority
to protect themselves; that the defects of the militia
law and the want of means to provide for defense was
proved by the failure of this department, after the
utmost endeavors, to secure an effective organiza-
tion under it ; that reliable reports of the presence of a
large body of hostile warriors at no great distance
east of this place were received, which reports were
afterwards proved to be true, by the statement of
Elbridge Gerry (page 232, Report of Commissioner
of Indian Affairs for 1864); that repeated and urgent
applications to the War Department for protection
and authority to raise troops for the purpose had
failed; that urgent applications to department and
142 A Defense of
district commanders had failed to bring any prospect
of relief, and that in the midst of this terrible conster-
nation and apparently defenseless condition, it had
been announced to this office, from district head-
quarters, that all the Colorado troops in the service
of the United States had been peremptorily ordered
away, and nearly all of them had marched to the
Arkansas River, to be in position to repel the threat-
ened invasion of the rebels into Kansas and Missouri ;
that reliable reports of depredations and murders by
the Indians, from all parts of our extended lines of ex-
posed settlements, became daily more numerous, until
the simultaneous attacks on trains along the overland
stage line were reported by telegraph, on the 8th of
August, described in the letter of George K. Otis,
superintendent of overland stage line, published on
page 254 of Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs
for 1864. Under these circumstances, on the nth of
August, the Governor issued his proclamation to the
. people, calling upon them to defend their homes and
families from the savage foe ; that it prevented anarchy ;
that several militia companies immediately organized
under it, and aided in inspiring confidence ; that under
its authority no act of impropriety has been reported,
and I do not believe that any occurred ; that it had no
reference to or connection with the third regiment of
one-hundred-days men that was subsequently raised
by authority of the War Department, under a different
proclamation, calling for volunteers, or with any of
the troops engaged in the Sand Creek Affair, and that
the reference to it in such connection in the report
of the Committee on the Conduct of the War is a per-
version of the history and facts in the case.
"David A. Chever."
The Battle of Sand Creek 143
" Territory of Colorado, Arapahoe County, City of
Denver, SS.: Subscribed and sworn to before
me this 21st day of August, a.d. 1865. Eli M.
Ashley, Notary Public."
I had appealed by telegraph, June 14th, to the War
Department for authority to call the militia into the
United States service, or to raise one-hundred-day
troops ; also had written to our delegate in Congress
to see why I got no response, and had received his
reply to the effect that he could learn nothing about
it; had received a notice from the department com-
mander, declining to take the responsibility of asking
the militia for United States service, throwing the
people entirely on the necessity of taking care of
themselves.
It was under these circumstances of trial, suffering,
and danger on the part of the people, and of fruitless
appeal upon my part to the general government for
aid, that I issued my proclamation of the nth of
August, 1864, of which the committee complains.
Without means to mount or pay militia, and failing
to get government authority to raise forces, and under
the withdrawal of the few troops in the Territory,
could any other course be pursued?
The people were asked to fight on their own account
— at their own expense — and in lieu of the protection
the government failed to render. They were author-
ized to kill only the Indians that were murdering and
robbing them in hostility, and to keep the property
captured from them. How the committee would
have them fight these savages, and what other dis-
position they would make of the property captured,
the public will be curious to know. Would they
144 A Defense of
fight without killing? Would they have the captured
property turned over to the government, as if cap-
tured by United States troops? Would they forbid such
captures ? Would they restore it to the hostile tribes ?
The absurdity of the committee's saying that this
was an "appeal to the cupidity," is too palpable to
require much comment. Would men leave high
wages, mount and equip themselves at enormous
expense, as some patriotically did, for the poor chance
of capturing property, as a mere speculation, from the
prowling bands of Indians that infested the settle-
ments and were murdering their families? The
thing is preposterous.
For this proclamation I have no apology. It had
its origin and has its justification in the imperative
necessities of the case. A merciless foe surrounded
us. Without means to mount or pay militia, unable
to secure government authority to raise forces, and
our own troops ordered away, again I ask, could any
other course be pursued?
Captain Tyler's and other companies organized
under it, at enormous expense, left their lucrative
business, high wages, and profitable employment, and
served without other pay than the consciousness of
having done noble and patriotic service; and no act
of impropriety has ever been laid to the charge of
any party acting under this proclamation. They
had all been disbanded months before the "attack"
was made that the committee were investigating.
The third regiment was organized under authority
from the War Department, subsequently received by
telegraph, and under a subsequent proclamation
issued on the 13th of August, and were regularly
mustered into the service of the United States about
The Battle of Sand Creek 145
three months before the battle the committee were
investigating occurred.
Before closing this reply, it is perhaps just that I
should say that when I testified before the committee,
the chairman and all its members except three were
absent, and I think, when the truth becomes known,
this report will trace its parentage to a single member
of the committee.
I have thus noticed such portions of the report as
refer to myself, and shown conclusively that the
committee, in every mention they have made of me,
have been, to say the least, mistaken.
First: The committee, for the evident purpose of
maintaining their position that these Indians had not
been engaged in war, say the prisoners they held were
purchased. The testimony is to the effect that they
captured them.
Second: The committee say that these Indians
were and always had been friendly, and had committed
no acts of hostility or depredations. The public
documents to which I refer show conclusively that
they had been hostile, and had committed many acts
of hostility and depredations.
Third: They say that I joined in sending these
Indians to Fort Lyon. The published report of the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and of the Indian
council, show that I left them entirely in the hands of
the military authorities.
Fourth: They say nothing seems to have been
done by the authorities to prevent hostilities. The
public documents and files of the Indian Bureau, and
of my superintendency, show constant and unremit-
ting diligence and effort on my part to prevent hostili-
ties and protect the people.
10
146 Defense of the Battle of Sand Creek
Fifth: They say that I prevaricated for the pur-
pose of avoiding the admission that these Indians
"were and had been actuated by the most friendly
feelings towards the whites." Public documents
cited show conclusively that the admission they de-
sired me to make was false, and that my statement,
instead of being a prevarication, was true, although
not in accordance with the preconceived and mistaken
opinions of the committee. . . .
This report, so full of mistakes which ordinary
investigation would have avoided; so full of slander,
which ordinary care of the character of men would
have prevented, is to be regretted, for the reason that
it throws doubt upon the reliability of all reports
which have emanated from the same source, during
the last four years of war.
I am confident that the public will see, from the
facts herein set forth, the great injustice done me; and
I am further confident that the committee, when they
know these and other facts I shall lay before them,
will also see this injustice, and, as far as possible,
repair it.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
John Evans, Governor of the Territory of
Colorado, and ex-officio Superintendent
of Indian Affairs.
CHAPTER VI
A DEFENSE OF THE BATTLE OF SAND CREEK
{Continued)
IF anything in addition to Governor Evans's
statement were needed to prove the hostility
of the Indians attacked at Sand Creek, it will be
found in the admission of the Indians themselves
at the council held by Governor Evans with the
Cheyenne and Arapahoe chiefs in Denver about
sixty days prior to the battle. At this council,
there were present Black Kettle, leading chief of
the Cheyennes, White Antelope, chief of the
central band of the Cheyennes, Bull Bear, leader
of the Cheyenne Dog Soldiers, Neva, sub-
chief of the Arapahoes, and several other minor
chiefs of that tribe. These chiefs admitted that
their people had been, and were still committing
depredations, as the following extract from the
report of the council, taken down at the time,
conclusively shows:
Gov. Evans: Who committed the murder of
the Hungate family on Run-
ning Creek?
147
148
Neva:
Agt. Whitley;
Gov. Evans:
Neva:
Gov. Evans:
Neva:
Gov. Evans:
Neva:
Gov. Evans:
Neva:
Col. Shoup:
Gov. Evans:
Neva:
Gov. Evans:
A Defense of
The Arapahoes, a party of the north-
ern band who were passing north.
It was the Medicine Man, or
Roman Nose, and three others.
I am satisfied from the time he
left a certain camp for the north,
that it was this party of four
persons.
That cannot be true.
Where is Roman Nose?
You ought to know better than me,
you have been nearer to him.
Who killed the man and boy at the
head of Cherry Creek?
(After consultation) Kiowas and
Comanches.
Who stole the horses and mules
from Jimmy's Camp twenty-
seven days ago?
Fourteen Cheyennes and Arapahoes
together.
What were their names?
Powder Face and Whirlwind, who
are now in our camp, were the
leaders.
I counted twenty Indians on that
occasion.
Who stole Charlie Autobee's
horses?
Raven's son.
I suppose you acknowledge the de-
predations on the Little Blue,
as you have the prisoners then
taken in your possession?
The Battle of Sand Creek 149
White Antelope: We [the Cheyennes] took two
prisoners west of Ft. Kearney
and destroyed the trains.
It will be seen from the foregoing, that these
Indians, although pretending to be friendly, had
to admit that their people stole the horses from
the soldiers at Jimmy's Camp, near Colorado
City, an account of which I have already given,
and that the Indians who did it were in their
camp at Sand Creek at the time the council was
being held. They lied concerning the man and
boy killed at the head of Cherry Creek, for they
knew that the Kiowas and Comanches never came
this far north, and that the murders were com-
mitted by their own people. Neva's admission
that Raven's son stole Charlie Autobee's horses
proved the hostility of the Arapahoes, as Raven
was the head chief of that tribe.
At the time the council was being held, General
S. R. Curtis, commanding the military district,
sent the following telegram to Colonel Chivington,
evidently fearing that peace would be made pre-
maturely.
Ft. Leavenworth,
September 28th, 1864.
To Colonel Chivington:
I shall require the bad Indians delivered up; re-
150 A Defense of
storation of equal numbers of stock; also hostages
to secure. I want no peace till the Indians suffer
more. Left Hand is said to be a good chief of the
Arapahoes but Big Mouth is a rascal. I fear the
Agent of the Indian Department will be ready to
make presents too soon. It is better to chastise
before giving anything but a little tobacco to talk
over. No peace must be made without my direction.
S. R. Curtis, Major-General.
On November 2, 1864, Major Wynkoop was
relieved of the command at Fort Lyon, and Major
Anthony, of the First Regiment of Colorado
Cavalry, was appointed his successor. The reason
given for the removal of Major Wynkoop was that
he was inclined to temporize with the hostile
Indians, contrary to the orders of his superior
officers.
In a report made by Major Anthony to his
superior officer from Fort Lyon, under date of
November 6, 1864, he says:
Nine Cheyenne Indians to-day sent in wishing to
see me. They state that six hundred of that tribe
are now thirty-five miles north of here coming toward
the post, and two thousand about seventy-five miles
away waiting for better weather to enable them to
come in.
I shall not permit them to come in even as prisoners,
for the reason that if I do, I shall have to subsist
them upon a prisoner's rations. I shall, however, de-
The Battle of Sand Creek 151
mand their arms, all stolen stock, and the perpetra-
tors of all depredations. I am of the opinion that they
will not accept this proposition, but that they will re-
turn to the Smoky Hill.
They pretend that they want peace, and I think
they do now, as they cannot fight during the winter,
except where a small band of them can fight an un-
protected train or frontier settlement. I do not think
it is policy to make peace with them until all per-
petrators of depredations are surrendered up to be
dealt with as we may propose.
This report was dated only twenty-three days
before the battle of Sand Creek occurred. The
Indians Major Anthony mentions as camped
thirty-five miles away were those that were
attacked by Colonel Chivington. That they were
not, and had not been under Major Anthony's
protection, and that he considered them hostile,
is clearly shown by the above report as well as
by the testimony given by him March 14, 1865,
in an investigation of the battle of Sand Creek
made by the Joint Committee on the Conduct
of the War, as is shown by the following extracts :
"You say you held a conference with the Indians.
State what occurred? "
"At the time I took command of the post, there
was a band of Arapahoe Indians encamped about a
mile from the post, numbering, in men, women, and
children, 652. They were visiting the post almost
152 A Defense of
every day. I met them and had a talk with them.
Among them was Left Hand, who was a chief among
the Arapahoes. He with his band was with the
party at the time. I talked with them and they
proposed to do whatever I said; whatever I said for
them to do, they would do. I told them that I could
not feed them; that I could not give them anything
to eat; that there were positive orders forbidding
that; that I could not permit them to come within
the limits of the post. At the same time they might
remain where they were and I would treat them as
prisoners of war if they remained; that they would
have to surrender to me all their arms, and turn over
to me all stolen property they had taken from the
government or citizens. These terms they accepted.
They turned over to me some twenty head of stock,
mules and horses, and a few arms, but not a quarter
of the arms that report stated they had in their
possession. The arms they turned over to me were
almost useless. I fed them for some ten days. At
the end of that time I told them that I could not feed
them any more ; that they better go out to the buffalo
country where they could kill game to subsist upon.
I returned their arms to them and they left the post.
But before leaving they sent word out to the Chey-
ennes that I was not very friendly towards them."
"How do you know that?"
" Through several of their chiefs : Neva, an Arapahoe
chief, Left Hand, of the Arapahoes; then Black Kettle
and War Bonnet, of the Cheyennes."
"What property did they turn over?"
"Fourteen head of mules and six head of horses."
"Was it property purporting to have been stolen
by them?"
The Battle of Sand Creek 153
"Yes, sir."
"From whom?"
"They did not say, yet some of it was recognized;
some of it was branded ' U. S.' Some was recognized
as being stock that belonged to citizens. It was
generally understood afterwards — I did not know it
at the time — that the son of the head chief of the
Arapahoes, Little Raven, and I think another, had
attacked a small government train and killed one
man. . . ."
"Who was the chief of that band?"
"Little Raven was the chief of those I held as
prisoners. . . .
"A delegation of the Cheyennes, numbering, I
suppose, fifty or sixty men, came in just before the
Arapahoes left the post. I met them outside the
post and talked with them. They said they wanted
to make peace ; that they had no desire to fight against
us any longer. I told them that I had no authority
from department headquarters to make peace with
them; that I could not permit them to visit the post
and come within the lines; that when they had been
permitted to do so at Fort Larned, while the squaws
and children of the different tribes that visited the
post were dancing in front of the officers' quarters
and on the parade ground, the Indians had made an
attack on the post, fired on the guard, and run off
the stock, and I was afraid the same thing might
occur at Fort Lyon. I would not permit them to
visit the post at all. I told them I could make no
offers of peace to them until I heard from district
headquarters. I told them, however, that they
might go out and camp on Sand Creek, and remain
there if they chose to do so ; but they should not camp
154 A Defense of
in the vicinity of the post; that if I had authority to
go out and make peace with them, I would go out and
let them know of it.
"In the meantime I was writing to district head-
quarters constantly, stating to them that there was
a band of Indians within forty miles of the post — a
small band — while a very large band was about ioo
miles from the post. That I was strong enough with
the force I had with me to fight the Indians on Sand
Creek, but not strong enough to fight the main band.
That I should try to keep the Indians quiet until such
time as I received reinforcements ; and that as soon as
reinforcements did arrive we should go further and
find the main party.
"But before the reinforcements came from district
headquarters, Colonel Chivington came to Fort Lyon
with his command, and I joined him and went out on
that expedition to Sand Creek. I never made any
offer to the Indians. It was the understanding that
I was not in favor of peace with them. They so
understood me, I suppose; at least I intended they
should. In fact, I often heard of it through their
interpreters that they did not suppose we were
friendly towards them. . . .
" This is the way in which we had been situated out
there. I have been in command of a body of troops
at Fort Larned or Fort Lyon for upwards of two years.
About two years ago in September the Indians were
professing to be perfectly friendly. These were the
Cheyennes, the Comanches, the Apaches, the Arapa-
hoes, the Kiowas, encamped at different points on the
Arkansas River between Fort Larned and Fort Lyon.
Trains were going up to Fort Lyon frequently and
scarcely a train came in but had some complaint
The Battle of Sand Creek 155
to make about the Indians. I recollect that one
particular day three trains came in to the post and
reported to me that the Indians had robbed them
of their provisions. We at the post had to issue
provisions to them constantly. Trains that were
carrying government freight to New Mexico would
stop there and get their supplies replenished on
account of the Indians having taken theirs on the
road.
"At one time I took two pieces of artillery and 125
men, and went down to meet the Indians. As soon
as I got there they were apparently friendly. A
Kiowa chief perhaps would say to me that his men
were perfectly friendly, and felt all right towards the
whites, but the Arapahoes were very bad Indians.
Go to the Arapahoe camp, and they would perhaps
charge everything upon the Comanches; while the
Comanches would charge it upon the Cheyennes;
yet each band there was professing friendship towards
us. . . .
"When the Indians took their prisoners (in fact,
however, they generally took no prisoners) near
Simmering Spring, they killed ten men. I was told
by Captain Davis, of the California volunteers, that
the Indians cut off the heads of the men after they had
scalped them, and piled them in a pile on the ground,
and danced around them, and kicked their bodies
around over the ground, etc. It is the general im-
pression of the people of that country that the only
way to fight Indians is to fight them as they fight us ;
if they scalp and mutilate the bodies we must do the
same.
"I recollect one occasion, when I had a fight on
Pawnee fork with the Indians there, I had fifty-nine
156 A Defense of
men with me, and the Indians numbered several
hundred. I was retreating and they had followed
me about five miles. I had eleven men of my party
shot at that time. I had with my party then a few
Delaware Indians, and one Captain Fall Leaf, of the
Delaware tribe, had his horse shot; we had to stop
every few minutes, dismount, and fire upon the Indians
to keep them off. They formed a circle right around
us. Finally we shot down one Indian very close to
us. I saw Fall Leaf make a movement as though he
wanted to scalp the Indian. I asked him if he wanted
that Indian's scalp and he said he did. We kept up
a fire to keep the Indians off, while he went down and
took off his scalp, and gave his Delaware war-whoop.
That seemed to strike more terror into those Indians
than anything else we had done that day. And I do
think if it had not been for that one thing, we should
have lost a great many more of my men. I think it
struck terror to them so that they kept away from
us."
"Did the troops mutilate the Indians killed at
Sand Creek?"
' ' They did in some instances that I know of, but I
saw nothing to the extent I have since heard stated."
' ' Did you not feel that you were bound in good
faith not to attack those Indians after they had
surrendered to you and after they had taken up a
position which you yourself had indicated?"
"I did not consider that they had surrendered to
me ; I never would consent that they should surrender
to me. My instructions were such that I felt in duty
bound to fight them wherever I found them ; provided
I considered it good policy to do so. I did not con-
sider it good policy to attack Ithis party of Indians
The Battle of Sand Creek 157
on Sand Creek unless I was strong enough to go on
and fight the main band at the Smoke Hills, some
seventy miles further. If I had had that force, I
should have gone out and fought this band on Sand
Creek. ..."
"You think the attack made upon those Indians, in
addition to the other characteristics which it possesses,
was impolitic?"
"I do, very much so. I think it was the occasion
of what has occurred on the Platte since that time. I
have so stated in my report to the headquarters of
the district and of the department. I stated before
Colonel Chivington arrived there that the Indians
were encamped at this point ; that I had a force with
me sufficiently strong to go out and fight them; but
that I did not think it policy to do so, for I was not
strong enough to fight the main band. If I fought
this band, the main band would immediately strike
the settlements. But so soon as the party should be
strong enough to fight the main band, I should be in
favor of making the war general against the Indians.
I stated to them also that I did not believe we could
fight one band without fighting them all ; that in case
we fought one party of Indians and whipped them,
those that escaped would go into another band that
was apparently friendly and that band would secrete
those who had been committing depredations before.
As it was with Little Raven's band; his own sons
attacked a train a short distance above Fort Lyon,
killed one soldier, took a government wagon and
mules, some horses, and took some women prisoners.
One woman they afterwards outraged and she hung
herself; the other one, I think, they still hold. Some
of the Indians have married her, as they call it, and
158 A Defense of
she is still in their camp, as I have understood; not
now in the camp of those who took her prisoner, but
she has been sold to the Sioux and Cheyennes. The
instructions we constantly received from the head-
quarters both of the district and the department, were
that we should show as little mercy to the Indians
as possible. . . ."
In another part of his testimony, Major Anthony
said referring to the Arapahoes, "I considered
them differently from the Cheyennes," and when
asked if they were with the Cheyennes at Sand
Creek, replied, "I understood, afterwards, that
some six or eight or ten lodges of the Arapahoes
were there."
Major S. G. Colley, the Indian agent, said in his
testimony, "Left Hand's band had gone out to
Sand Creek," and when asked how many were in
Left Hand's band, replied, "About eight lodges of
about five to the lodge."
If there were no other evidence, the following
telegrams from General Curtis, Commander of
the Department of Missouri, are in themselves
sufficient proofs of the hostility of both Cheyennes
and Arapahoes:
Ft. Leavenworth, April 8th, 1864.
To Colonel Chivington :
I hear that Indians have committed depredations
The Battle of Sand Creek 159
on or near Platte River. Do not let district lines pre-
vent pursuing and punishing them.
S. R. Curtis, Major-General.
Ft. Leavenworth, May 30th, 1864.
To Colonel Chivington:
Some four hundred Cheyennes attacked Lieut.
Clayton on Smoky Hill. After several hours fight
the Indians fled, leaving twenty-eight killed. Our
loss four killed and three wounded. Look out for
Cheyennes everywhere. Especially instruct troops
in upper Arkansas.
S. R. Curtis, Major-General.
Ft. Leavenworth, October 7, 1864.
Major-General Halleck, Chief of Staff:
General Blunt came upon a party of Arapahoes and
other hostile Indians supposed to be four thousand,
with fifteen hundred warriors, on the twenty-fifth
ultimo. This was about one hundred miles west of
Larned on Pawnee fork. The Indians overpowered
the advance, but the main force coming up routed
and pursued them. Ninety-one dead Indians were
left and we lost two killed and seven wounded . Gen-
eral Blunt's force was less than five hundred. He
pursued for several days.
S. R. Curtis, Major-General.
The place where this battle occurred was about
one hundred and thirty miles east of the Sand
Creek battle-ground, and probably some of the
same Indians were in both encounters.
The telegrams I have quoted indicate that
i6o A Defense of
General Curtis was fully alive to the situation.
Evidently he believed the Cheyennes and Arapa-
hoes were hostile and was not in favor of making
peace with them until they had been punished.
On account of his limited force, Colonel Chiv-
ington could do little more than protect the lines
of travel; consequently, all that summer and fall
the frontier settlers were compelled to take care
of themselves. And it was not until after the
Third Colorado had been organized and equipped
that he was able to strike a decisive blow. In his
deposition presented at the investigation by the
Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War,
among other things, Colonel Chivington has the
following to say concerning the battle of Sand
Creek and the conditions leading up to it.
"On the 29th day of November, 1864, the troops
under my command attacked a camp of Cheyenne
and Arapahoe Indians at a place known as Big Bend
of Sandy, about forty miles north of Fort Lyon,
Colorado Territory. There were in my command at
that time about (500) five hundred men of the Third
Regiment Colorado cavalry, under the immediate
command of Colonel George L. Shoup, of said Third
Regiment, and about (250) two hundred and fifty
men of the First Colorado cavalry; Major Scott
J. Anthony commanded one battalion of said First
regiment, and Lieutenant Luther Wilson com-
manded another battalion of said First regiment.
The Battle of Sand Creek 161
The Third regiment was armed with rifled muskets,
and Star's and Sharp's carbines. A few of the men
of that regiment had revolvers. The men of the First
regiment were armed with Star's and Sharp's car-
bines, and revolvers. The men of the Third regi-
ment were poorly equipped; the supply of blankets,
boots, hats, and caps was deficient. The men of
the First regiment were well equipped; all of these
troops were mounted. 1 had four 12 -pound moun-
tain howitzers, manned by detachments from cav-
alry companies; they did not belong to any battery
company.
" From the best and most reliable information I
could obtain, there were in the Indian camp, at the
time of the attack, about eleven or twelve hundred
Indians; of these about seven hundred were warriors
and the remainder were women and children. I am
not aware that there were any old men among them.
There was an unusual number of males among them,
for the reason that the war chiefs of both nations were
assembled there, evidently for some special purpose. ..."
"What number did you lose in killed, and what
number in wounded and what number in missing?"
" There were seven men killed, forty-seven wounded,
and one was missing.
"From the best information I could obtain, I
judge that there were five or six hundred Indians
killed; I cannot state positively the number killed,
nor can I state positively the number of women and
children killed. Officers who passed over the field,
by my orders, report that they saw but few women and
children dead, no more than would certainly fall in
an attack upon a camp in which they were. I myself
passed over some portions of the field after the fight,
11
1 62 A Defense of
and I saw but one woman who had been killed, and one
who had hanged herself; I saw no dead children. From
all I could learn, I arrived at the conclusion that but few
women or children had been slain. I am of the opinion
that when the attack was made on the Indian camp the
greater number of squaws and children made their es-
cape, while the warriors remained to fight my troops.
" I do not know that any Indians were wounded that
were not killed; if there were any wounded, I do not
think they could have been made prisoners without
endangering the lives of the soldiers; Indians usually
fight as long as they have strength to resist. Eight
Indians fell into the hands of the troops alive, to my
knowledge; these with one exception were sent to
Fort Lyon and properly cared for. . . .
"My reason for making the attack on the Indian
camp was that I believed the Indians in the camp were
hostile to the whites. That they were of the same
tribes with those who had murdered many persons
and destroyed much valuable property on the Platte
and Arkansas rivers during the previous spring,
summer, and fall was beyond a doubt. When a
tribe of Indians is at war with the whites, it is im-
possible to determine what party or band of the tribe
or the name of the Indian or Indians belonging to the
tribe so at war, are guilty of the acts of hostility. The
most that can be ascertained is that Indians of the
tribe have performed the acts. During the spring,
summer, and fall of the year 1864, the Arapahoe and
Cheyenne Indians, in some instances assisted or led
on by Sioux, Kiowas, Comanches, and Apaches, had
committed many acts of hostility in the country
lying between the Little Blue and the Rocky Moun-
tains and the Platte and Arkansas rivers. They had
The Battle of Sand Creek 163
murdered many of the whites and taken others
prisoners, and had destroyed valuable property,
probably amounting to $200,000 or $300,000. Their
rendezvous was on the headwaters of the Republican,
probably one hundred miles from where the Indian
camp was located. I had every reason to believe
that these Indians were either directly or indirectly
concerned in the outrages that had been committed
upon the whites. I had no means of ascertaining
what were the names of the Indians who had com-
mitted these outrages other than the declarations of
the Indians themselves; and the character of Indi-
ans in the western country for truth and veracity, like
their respect for the chastity of women who may be-
come prisoners in their hands, is not of that order
which is calculated to inspire confidence in what they
may say. In this view I was supported by Major
Anthony, 1st Colorado Cavalry, commanding at
Fort Lyon, and Samuel G. Colley, United States
Indian Agent, who, as they had been in com-
munication with these Indians, were more com-
petent to judge of their disposition toward the
whites than myself. Previous to the battle they
expressed to me the opinion that the Indians should
be punished. We found in the camp the scalps of
nineteen white persons. One of the surgeons in-
formed me that one of these scalps had been taken
from the victim's head not more than four days pre-
viously. I can furnish a child captured at camp
ornamented with six white women's scalps. These
scalps must have been taken by these Indians or fur-
nished to them for their gratification and amusement
by some of their brethren, who, like themselves, were
in amity with the whites.
1 64 A Defense of
"I had no reason to believe that Black Kettle and
the Indians with him were in good faith at peace with
the whites. The day before the attack Major Scott
J. Anthony, ist Colorado Cavalry, then commander
at Fort Lyon, told me that these Indians were hostile ;
that he had ordered his sentinels to fire on them if they
attempted to come into the post, and that the senti-
nels had fired on them; that he was apprehensive of
an attack from these Indians and had taken every
precaution to prevent a surprise. Major Samuel G.
Colley, United States Indian Agent for these Indians,
told me on the same day that he had done everything
in his power to make them behave themselves, and
that for the last six months he could do nothing with
them; that nothing but a sound whipping would
bring a lasting peace with them. These statements
were made to me in the presence of the officers of my
staff whose statements can be obtained to corroborate
the foregoing. . . .
"Since August, 1863, I had been in possession of
the most conclusive evidence of the alliance, for the
purposes of hostility against the whites, of the Sioux,
Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Comanche, Kiowa and Apache
Indians.
"Their plan was to interrupt, or, if possible, en-
tirely prevent all travel on the routes along the
Arkansas and Platte rivers, from the states to the
Rocky Mountains, and thereby depopulate this
country. . . .
"With very few troops at my command, I could do
little to protect the settlers, except to collect the
latest intelligence from the Indians' country, commu-
nicate it to General Curtis, commanding department
of Missouri, and warn the settlers of the relations
The Battle of Sand Creek 165
existing between the Indians and the whites, and
the probability of trouble, all of which I did. . . .
"Commanding only a district with very few troops
under my control, with hundreds of miles between
my headquarters and the rendezvous of the Indians,
with a large portion of the Santa Fe and Platte routes,
besides the sparsely settled and distant settlements
of this Territory to protect, I could not do anything
till the 3rd regiment was organized and equipped,
when I determined to strike a blow against this
savage and determined foe. When I reached Fort
Lyon, after passing over from three to five feet of
snow, and greatly suffering from the intensity of the
cold, the thermometer ranging from 28 to 30 degrees
below zero, I questioned Major Anthony in regard
to the whereabouts of hostile Indians. He said there
was a camp of Cheyennes and Arapahoes about fifty
miles distant; that he would have attacked before,
but did not consider his force sufficient; that these
Indians had threatened to attack the post, etc., and
ought to be whipped, all of which was concurred in
by Major Colley, Indian agent for the district of the
Arkansas, which information with the positive orders
of Major-General Curtis,commanding the department,
to punish these Indians, decided my course, and
resulted in the battle of Sand Creek, which has
created such a sensation in Congress through the
lying reports of interested and malicious parties.
"On my arrival at Fort Lyon, in all my conversa-
tions with Major Anthony, commanding the post,
and Major Colley, Indian Agent, I heard nothing of
this recent statement that the Indians were under
the protection of the government, etc., but Major
Anthony repeatedly stated to me that he had at
166 A Defense of
different times fired upon these Indians, and that
they were hostile, and, during my stay at Fort Lyon,
urged the necessity of my immediately attacking the
Indians before they could learn of the number of
troops at Fort Lyon, and so desirous was Major
Colley, Indian agent, that I should find and also
attack the Arapahoes, that he sent a messenger after
the fight at Sand Creek nearly forty miles to inform
me where I could find the Arapahoes and Kiowas; yet,
strange to say, I have learned recently that these
men, Anthony and Colley, are the most bitter in
their denunciations of the attack upon the Indians
at Sand Creek. Therefore, I would, in conclusion,
most respectfully demand, as an act of justice to
myself and the brave men whom I have had the
honor to command in one of the hardest campaigns
ever made in this country, whether against white
men or red, that we be allowed the right guaranteed
to every American citizen, of introducing evidence
in our behalf to sustain us in what we believe to have
been an act of duty to ourselves and to civilization."
Colonel George L. Shoup, in a deposition pre-
sented to the military commission investigating
the battle of Sand Creek, among other things,
says :
On or about the 12th of November, 1864, I left
Denver for Fort Lyon, with Companies C, D, and F
of my regiment and Company H of the First Colorado
Cavalry, and on or about the 18th of November
joined Major Sayre at Boonville with that portion
of the regiment which had been left at Bijou Basin
The Battle of Sand Creek 167
(he having been ordered to precede me), consisting
of Companies A, B, and E, and I and M. On or
about the 20th Captain Baxter joined the command
with Company G, and the day following Colonel John
M. Chivington, commander of the district of Colo-
rado, arrived and assumed command of the column, I
still commanding my regiment. On or about the 226.
the column, consisting of my regiment and a battalion
of the first, marched from Boonville towards Fort Lyon
and reached Fort Lyon on the 28th, and went into
camp. On the evening of the 28th I received orders
from the colonel commanding to prepare three days'
cooked rations, and be ready to march at eight o'clock
the same evening. At eight o'clock the column
marched in the following order : the first regiment on
the right, my regiment on the left. I had under my
immediate command between five hundred and fifty
and six hundred men mounted. My transportation
was left at Fort Lyon. The column marched all night
in a northerly direction. About daylight the next
morning came in sight of an Indian village. Colonel
Chivington and myself being about three-fourths of
a mile in advance of the column, it was determined
to make an immediate attack. Lieutenant Wilson,
commanding a battalion of the first, was ordered to
cut off the ponies of the Indians at the northeast of
the village. By order of Colonel Chivington, . I was
ordered to send men to the southwest of the village,
to cut off the ponies in that direction, and then to
immediately engage the Indians.
"Did Colonel Chivington make any remarks to
the troops, in your hearing?"
"He did not."
"Did you approach the camp of the, Indians
1 68 A Defense of
in line of battle with your men mounted, or
dismounted?"
"Kept my men in columns of fours till I arrived
at the village, when I formed them in line of
battle, and to the left of a battalion of the first,
commanded by Lieutenant Wilson, my men
mounted."
"At what distance was your command from the
village when you commenced fire upon it?"
"I did not allow my men to fire when I formed my
first line; the battalion on my right was firing. I
wheeled my men into column of fours and marched
to the rear of the battalion on my right, to the right
of that battalion, to obtain a better position. I
marched up Sand Creek some distance, following the
Indians who were retreating up the creek. When
opposite the main body of Indians, wheeled my men
into line, dismounted, and opened fire."
"Did you know what band of Indians it was at the
time of the attack?"
"I heard while at Fort Lyon that Left Hand, of the
Arapahoes, and Black Kettle, of the Cheyennes, were
at the village."
"Did you, at any time prior to the attack, hear
Colonel Chivington say that he was going to attack
Black Kettle's band?"
"I did not."
"How long did the fight last?"
"The fighting did not entirely cease until about
three o'clock in the afternoon."
" Did you camp with your regiment near the battle-
ground?"
"We camped on ground occupied by the Indians
before the battle."
The Battle of Sand Creek 169
"What was done with the Indians and other
property?"
" The lodges were burned. The ponies, numbering,
as I was told, five hundred and four, were placed in
charge of the provost marshal. A few remained in
the hands of the troops."
"What were the casualties of your regiment?"
"Ten killed, one missing, about forty wounded."
"In your opinion how many Indians were killed?"
"From my own observation I should say about
three hundred."
"Were they men, or women and children?"
"Some of each."
" Did you witness any scalping or other mutilation
of the dead by your command?"
"I saw one or two men who were in the act of
scalping, but I am not positive."
"Were you present in council with some Indian
chiefs in Denver, some time last summer or fall?"
"I was."
"Who were present— whites and Indians?"
"Governor Evans, Colonel Chivington, Captain
S. M. Robbins, Major Wynkoop, Major Whiteley,
Amos Steck, J. Bright Smith, Nelson Sargent, Cap-
tain John Wanless, Black Kettle, White Antelope,
and five or six other Indians, and John Smith and
Sam Ashcroft, interpreters."
" Did the Indians express a desire for peace with the
whites?"
"Yes."
" Upon what terms did they desire peace?"
"That they have protection and supplies while the
war was carried on against hostile Indians."
170 A Defense of
"Was peace guaranteed to them on any terms?"
"They were told by Colonel Chivington that if
they would come in and surrender themselves, he
would then tell them what to do."
"What did the governor tell them?"
' That as they had violated all treaties they would
have to treat with the military authorities, to whom
he had given up all the authority."
"Did Colonel Chivington tell them that he would
guarantee them peace only on condition that they
would come into the post and lay down their arms?"
" Colonel Chivington did not guarantee them peace
upon any terms, but if they would come into the post,
surrender themselves, and lay down their arms, he
would tell them what to do."
" Did the Indians say that they would do so?"
" They said that they would go back to their people,
tell them and advise them to do so."
•
" Did you have any conversation with Major Colley ,
Indian agent for the Arapahoes and Cheyennes of
the Upper Arkansas, respecting the disposition of
the Indians and the policy that ought to be pursued
towards them? If so, state what he said. "
"I had an interview with Major Colley, on the
evening of the 28th of November, in which he stated
to me that these Indians had violated their treaty ;
that there were a few Indians that he would not like
to see punished, but as long as they affiliated with the
hostile Indians we could not discriminate; that no
treaty could be made that would be lasting till they
were all severely chastised; he also told me where
these Indians were camped."
"State what you heard Major Scott J. Anthony
The Battle of Sand Creek 171
say in reference to these Indians on the 28th of
November last."
"He said he would have fought these Indians
before if he had had a force strong enough to do so,
and left a sufficient garrison at Fort Lyon, he being at
the time in command of Fort Lyon."
The Hon. S. H. Elbert, Acting Governor of
Colorado, in a message to the Legislature, a few
months after the affair, reflects the general attitude
of the people toward the battle, and those partici-
pating in it. The following is an extract from it:
The before unbroken peace of our Territory has
been disturbed since the last spring, by an Indian war.
Allied and hostile tribes have attacked our frontier
settlements, driven in our settlers, destroyed their
homes, attacked, burned, and plundered our freight
and emigrant trains, and thus suspended agricultural
pursuits in portions of our country, and interrupted
our trade and commerce with the States. This has
for the time seriously retarded the prosperity of our
Territory.
At the commencement of the war the General
Government, taxed to the utmost in subduing the
rebellion, was unable to help us, and it became neces-
sary to look to our own citizens for protection. They
everywhere responded with patriotism and alacrity.
Militia companies were organized in the frontier
counties and secured local protection. Much credit
is due to Captain Tyler's company of militia for the
important service they rendered in opening and pro-
tecting our line of communication with the States.
172 A Defense of
In response to the call of the governor for a regi-
ment of cavalry for one hundred day service, over a
thousand of our citizens — the large majority of them
leaving lucrative employment — rapidly volunteered,
and in that short time, despite the greatest difficulties
in securing proper equipments, organized, armed,
made a long and severe campaign amid the snows and
storms of winter, and visited upon these merciless
murderers of the plains a chastisement smiting and
deserved. The gratitude of the country is due to the
men who thus sacrificed so largely their personal
interests for the public good, and rendered such
important service to the Territory; and their work,
if it can be followed up with a vigorous winter cam-
paign, would result in a permanent peace.
The necessity of such a campaign, and the impera-
tive demand for immediate and complete protection
for our line of communication with the States has
been, and is now being, earnestly urged on the Govern-
ment at Washington, and with a prospect of success.
These efforts should be seconded by your honorable
body with whatever influence there may be in resolu-
tion or memorial, setting forth the facts and necessi-
ties of our situation.
The testimony of Governor Evans, Major
Anthony, Colonel Chivington, Colonel Shoup, and
Acting Governor Elbert covers every phase of the
matter in controversy. Governor Evans's state-
ment proves beyond question that the Cheyennes
and Arapahoes were viciously hostile during the
entire summer preceding the battle of Sand Creek,
The Battle of Sand Creek 173
and this was admitted by Black Kettle in his
letter to Major Colley, the Indian agent, and by the
other chiefs in the council at Denver. Governor
Evans also makes it plain that he refused to
consider the question of making peace, and turned
the Indians over to the military. The telegram
of General Curtis, commander of the Military
Department, sent at the time the council was being
held, says, "No peace must be made without my
direction." And peace had not been made when
the battle was fought. Major Anthony, com-
mander of the military post of Fort Lyon, near
the Cheyenne and Arapahoe Indian agency, says
that the Indians attacked were hostile and not
under his protection, and that he would have
punished them had his force been strong enough
to fight also the large band on the Smoky Hill
River. Colonel Chivington's testimony confirms
the statement of Governor Evans as to the hos-
tility of both Cheyennes and Arapahoes, and both
he and Colonel Shoup say that this was corro-
borated by Major Anthony, and Major Colley,
the Indian agent, each of whom told them, while
at Fort Lyon prior to the battle, that the Indians
camped on Sand Creek were hostile and should be
punished. Major Anthony admits that there were
Arapahoes camped near the Fort when he assumed
174 A Defense of
command, and that, in compliance with his de-
mand, they surrendered twenty head of stock,
stolen from the whites, and a few worthless guns ;
and added that a week or two later he returned the
guns, and told the Indians that he could no longer
feed them and ordered them to go out on the
plains, where they could kill buffalo for food;
whereupon they left.
The only Arapahoes that by any stretch of
the imagination could be said to have been under
the protection of the military were the small
part of the tribe under the control of Left Hand,
a sub-chief; while there is no doubt whatever
as to the hostility of the head chief Raven and
his followers, who constituted a large majority
of the tribe. It is generally conceded that the
chief Left Hand and a few of his adherents were
peaceably inclined. But, unfortunately, he and
the occupants of six or eight lodges of his people,
about forty persons in all, including women and
children, were in the camp of the hostile Chey-
ennes and Arapahoes at the time the attack was
made, and suffered accordingly. Left Hand knew
that the Cheyennes and a very large part of his
own people were at war with the whites, and of the
chance he was taking in being in company with
the hostiles. If it resulted disastrously, he had
The Battle of Sand Creek 175
no one but himself to blame. It was utterly
impossible to discriminate between Indians in
the midst of the battle. In those days, Indians
seldom permitted themselves to be taken pris-
oners in battle, and an attempt to do so, even if
the Indian was badly wounded, was a dangerous
undertaking. This was the reason that no pris-
oners were taken at Sand Creek. Major Anthony,
who was not friendly to Colonel Chivington, says
that while in some instances the Indians killed
at Sand Creek were mutilated, he saw nothing to
the extent since stated.
Colonel Chivington's statement concerning the
matter is :
Officers who passed over the field by my orders after
the battle, for the purpose of ascertaining the number
of Indians killed, report that they saw but few women
and children dead; no more than would certainly fall
in an attack upon a camp in which they were. I my-
self passed over some portions of the field after the
fight, and saw but one woman who had been killed
and one who had hanged herself. I saw no dead
children.
In this connection, I wish to refer back to my
own statement concerning the matter, as Colonel
Chivington's observations were identical with
mine.
All this shows that the charge that the battle
176 A Defense of
was merely a massacre is as untruthful as are
most of the other statements made by the coterie
of disgruntled army officers, Indian agents, traders,
interpreters, and half-breeds. M uch of the te sti-
mony given at the Congressional and military
hearings was hearsa y evidence o f statements said
to have been made b y persons who claimed to have
been in the battle. Possibly, some such state-
ments may have been made by irresponsible
braggarts belonging to the two regiments that
formed the command, for in every regiment during
the Rebellion, Eastern as well as Western, there
were a few men who were no credit to their com-
rades, and who have since told of many fictitious
happenings, or those having only the slightest
basis of truth. Statements of this character may,
perhaps, have been made by irresponsible members
of the First and Third Colorado regiments.
It is inconceivable to any one who knew the
members of the latter regiment that either its offi-
cers or enlisted men, with possibly a rare exception,
would have approved of, and much less have
participated in, the wanton acts of cruelty claimed
to have been perpetrated. No unprejudiced
person can believe a charge of such a character
against Colonel Shoup, afterwards for many years
an honored United States Senator from the State
The Battle of Sand Creek 177
of Idaho ; or of Major Hal Sayre, one of Colorado's
most respected mining engineers; or of Captain
Harper Orahood, who, later, was for many years
a law partner of Senator H. M. Teller; or of
Captain Baxter of Pueblo, or Captain Nichols of
Boulder, both afterwards members of the Legisla-
ture of Colorado and honored citizens in the
community in which they lived ; or in fact against
any of the officers of the Third Colorado, as
practically all of them were men of high standing
in their respective communities.
I was on the battle-field within fifteen minutes
after the fight began, and during the day, with a
part of our company, I went along the south side
of Sand Creek from the scene of one engagement to
another, until I had covered the full length of the
battle-field on that side of the creek. We then
crossed over to the north side and followed up the
creek as far as the engagement had extended. On
our return to camp, we went over the entire length
of the scene of the fighting on the north side of the
creek, thus covering almost the entire battle-field,
as after the first half-hour in the morning there
was but little fighting except near the banks of the
creek. During that time I saw much of the battle,
but not once did I see any one shoot at a squaw or a
child, nor did I see any one take a scalp, although
12
178 A Defense of
it is true that scalps were taken, for as I returned
to camp I saw a number of dead Indians whose
scalps had been taken, and among them a few
squaws. They had probably been scalped by
some of the reckless persons referred to, or possibly
by some of the many men in the regiment whose
relatives or friends had been killed and brutally
mutilated by the savages during the preceding
summer. I am not apologizing for the acts of
these people, but every fair-minded person must
admit that there may have been extenuating
circumstances connected with the offense, and no
one unfamiliar with the horrors of savage warfare
can appreciate the feelings of those who have
suffered from their attacks. I did not see a dead
or wounded child, and it is inconceivable that any
were killed during the fight except accidentally.
The incident of the child who wished me to take
it up as I was returning to the camp indicates the
sympathetic attitude of our men towards the
innocent non-combatants.
I think the proof I have presented shows conclu-
sively that every one of the charges made by the
enemies of Colonel Chivington was untrue; that,
on the contrary, the Indians attacked at Sand
Creek were, and had been during the previous
summer, viciously hostile to the whites; that they
The Battle of Sand Creek 179
were not under the protection of the military
authorities at Fort Lyon, and that the battle was
not a wanton massacre.
The adverse criticism of this whole affair was
but one of the many acts of injustice experienced
by the frontier settlers. From the formation of
the Government, up to the time when the Indians
were finally placed upon reservations, the frontier
settlements, in addition to defending themselves
from the savages, always had to contend with the
sentimental feeling in favor of the Indians that
prevailed in the East. The people of the East
had apparently forgotten the atrocities perpetrated
on their ancestors by the savages, and, resting
secure in the safety of their own homes, they could
not realize the privations and dangers that those
who were opening up the regions of the West had
to endure. And to add to the difficulties of the
situation, the Indian Department was usually
dominated by sentimental people who apparently
never had any conception of a proper and humane
method of dealing with the Indians.
The Government continued to recognize each
one of the tribes as a separate nation, and entered
into treaties with them, as though they had the
standing of an independent and responsible power.
Broken down and often corrupt men were ap-
180 A Defense of
pointed as agents to represent the Government.
The salaries received by the agents were so small
that no one could afford to take the position unless
he intended to increase his remuneration by corrupt
methods. As a part of this machinery for dealing
with the Indians, disreputable white men were
employed as interpreters, who, often by reason of
some crime committed in the States, had for
safety's sake exiled themselves among the Indians,
had married squaws, and, virtually, had become
Indians in habits and sympathy. The result was
that when the Government made treaties with the
Indians, accompanied by an issue of annuities, it
frequently happened that the agent and the inter-
preter would apply a considerable portion of such
annuities to their own use. The Indians, knowing
this, would become angry and take vengeance
upon the white settler.
No effort seems to have been made to study the
nature and character of the Indian, nor the
inherited traits that governed him in his dealings
with others. The nomadic Indian of the central
and western part of the United States was, in
most matters, merely a child. His sole occupation
from youth to old age was following the chase
and fighting his enemies. Almost the sole topic of
conversation in their tents and around their camp-
The Battle of Sand Creek 181
fires was the details of their hunting expeditions
and of their battles; and from his earliest days,
every Indian boy was taught that his one hope of
glory and the making of a reputation depended
upon his ability to kill other human beings. Every
tribe had its hereditary enemies with whom it was
in a state of continuous warfare. During the
summer-time, it was one continuous round of war-
parties going out to attack their enemies, and
parties returning, bringing with them the scalps
of those they had killed, together with squaws and
children they had captured, and frequently with
large herds of horses they had stolen. If the raids
were against the whites, they would return with
all sorts of plunder taken from wagon-trains and
ranch houses, and oftentimes with captive white
women and children. It must be understood that
no white man who understood the character of the
Indian would ever permit himself to be taken a
prisoner, for that meant torture of the most horri-
ble character. For that reason, white men, engaged
in battle with the Indians, seldom failed to reserve
one last shot in their revolvers, with which to
end their lives if capture was imminent, and in
many instances men have shot their wives
and children rather than allow them to fall
into the hands of the Indians. The fate
182 A Defense of
of the women captured by the Indians is
indescribable.
After a successful raid, there would ensue a series
of scalp dances, accompanied by a period of
frenzied rejoicing, in which unspeakable cruelties
were perpetrated upon their captive victims. The
fiendishness of these cruelties it is almost im-
possible to describe. In these orgies the squaws
always participated, and as a rule were even more
diabolical than the warriors. With such examples
and with such mothers, how could an Indian child
grow up to be anything but fiendish ? The Indians
had no conception of such a thing as mercy,
compassion, or humane treatment of their enemies.
Any exhibition of sentiment of that sort would
have been considered an evidence of weakness, and
any act of forbearance shown toward them by the
whites served only to make them more difficult to
control thereafter. They gave no quarter and
they asked no quarter.
As showing their contempt for the army, I saw
upon more than one of the Indian tents that we
captured at Sand Creek rude paintings portraying
their fights with the soldiers of the United States
Army. In every case the soldiers were running at
the top of their speed, pursued by Indians who
were firing at them and scalping those who had
The Battle of Sand Creek 183
been killed. The Indians knew no law, nor did
the Government attempt to teaeh them any.
From the first they were permitted to go on year
by year educating their young in savagery, while
at the same time the agents of the Government
were dealing dishonestly with them; and in every
case it was the frontier settler who had to pay the
penalty.
The savages soon found out that they could kill
the whites, steal or destroy their property through-
out the summer, and then upon their professing
penitence, the Government would permit them to
remain unmolested during the winter and at other
times would make a treaty of peace with them
and give them large quantities of annuities. After
this, they could rest in security until their ponies
were in condition to start upon the war-path again
the following spring. Was there ever anything
in the history of the dealings of any nation with
its savage neighbors more absurd or more dis-
reputable? The period I have referred to was
certainly a "Century of Dishonor," not only
because of the attitude of the Government in its
dealings with the Indians, but in the treatment of
those of its own people who were opening up
frontier lands for settlement.
The Indians could have been easily handled had
1 84 A Defense of
the Government studied their nature and for-
mulated a system of laws for their control, com-
pelling them to regard the rights of the whites as
well as of their neighboring tribes, and had at the
same time protected them from wrongs perpetrated
upon them by thieving and disreputable white
men; in short, have treated them with justice in
all things, and have required the same from them
in their dealing with the whites. Had this policy
been pursued, it would have been of infinite
benefit to the Indians, and would have saved the
lives of thousands of white men along the frontier
settlements. In this connection, I assert, from
my personal knowledge, that more than ninety-five
per cent, of the frontier settlers treated the Indians
with the utmost fairness and used every possible
endeavor to avoid difficulties with them.
As I have already said, the Indian is at a great
disadvantage in carrying on warfare during the
winter. He has no trouble in this direction in his
warfare with his own race, as every tribe is alike
in this respect. In this way the white people had
a great advantage, and it would have required
only a few cases of summary punishment such as
we gave them at Sand Creek, to have settled
Indian troubles for all time. We who inhabited
the frontier in the early sixties knew this and
The Battle of Sand Creek 185
realized that nothing struck such terror to the
Indian tribes as to be attacked in the winter, and
had the battle of Sand Creek been followed up as
it should have been, the frontier settlements of
Colorado would thereafter have had little trouble
with any of the Indians of the plains.
Four years later, the absurdity of the policy of
permitting the Indians to murder and rob during
the summer, make peace in the fall, and remain
unmolested during the winter, accumulating am-
munition for the following summer's warfare,
finally dawned upon the military authorities and
a new policy was adopted. As a result, on the
27th of November, 1868, General Custer, under
the direction of General Sheridan, commander of
the military division of the Missouri, made an
attack upon the Cheyennes camped on the Wash-
ita, south of the Arkansas River, in which one
hundred and three Indians (a number of whom
were squaws) were killed, fifty-three squaws and
children were captured, and 875 ponies were taken.
This attack was at the same time of year and was
almost identical with that made by Chivington at
Sand Creek. General Sheridan says in his report :
The objects of the winter's operations were to
strike a hard blow and force them on to the reserva-
tion set apart for them, or if this could not be accom-
186 A Defense of Sand Creek
plished, to show to the Indian that the winter season
would not give him rest; that he, with his village and
stock, could be destroyed; that he would have no
security winter or summer except in obeying the laws
of peace and humanity.
As in the case of Chivington, Custer was at-
tacked viciously for this affair by Wynkoop and
others, but, fortunately, Custer had the backing
of the commanding officers of the army and noth-
ing his enemies could do affected him in the least.
What a fortunate thing it would have been for
the frontier people if this policy had been adopted
a few years sooner!
CHAPTER VII
THE INDIAN WAR OF 1 868
~^\URING the three years following the battle
^^ of Sand Creek there was little trouble with
the Indians in El Paso County; consequently
the people of that section of Colorado, while
keeping a sharp lookout, felt fairly safe upon their
ranches. During the summer season of each of
these years, however, the Sioux, Cheyennes, and
Arapahoes continued their raids upon the exposed
settlements and the lines of travel to the East.
In the meantime, the Government was following
its usual temporizing policy with the savages. In
the spring of 1867, agents of the Indian Bureau
attempted to negotiate a new treaty with the
Cheyennes and Arapahoes, and for that purpose
visited them at their camp on Pawnee Fork, near
Fort Larned, Kansas. But spring was not the
time of year when the Indians wanted to negotiate
treaties, and as a result, after making several
appointments for councils, none of which was kept,
187
1 88 The Indian War of 1868
the savages suddenly disappeared, and were next
heard of raiding the frontier settlements of Kansas
and Nebraska, and the lines of travel between
Colorado and the Missouri River. These raids
were continued during the next five or six months,
but, after killing and robbing the whites all sum-
mer, these Cheyennes and Arapahoes came in
again professing penitence; whereupon, following
the usual custom, a new treaty was made with
them, by the terms of which both tribes consented
to give up their lands in Colorado and settle upon
a reservation elsewhere. Under the treaty, they
agreed that "hereafter they would not molest
any coach or wagon, nor carry off any white
woman or child, nor kill or scalp any white man."
For this and the lands ceded by them, these
tribes were to receive twenty thousand dollars
annually, and a suit of clothes for each Indian;
and, in addition, teachers, physicians, farmers'
implements, etc., were to be provided, in order to
help them to acquire the habits of civilization.
While it was not expressly stated in the treaty,
it was understood that the Cheyennes and Arapa-
hoes were to be supplied with arms and ammuni-
tion. The treaty seems to have been entered
into by the agents of the Indian Bureau with all
the outward semblance of good faith, although if
The Indian War of 1868 189
those reponsible knew anything of the facts they
must have realized that the promise of these
Indians to remain peaceable was utterly worth-
less, as had been proved year after year for a long
period of time. Not only did the treaty turn out
to be worthless, but that part of it giving the
savages arms and ammunition was particularly
reprehensible, as was shown by the results. The
savages remained quiet during the winter, as
usual, but in the spring they demanded the arms
and ammunition that had been promised to them,
and the Indian agents urged the Bureau to grant
the request, making the plea that the Indians
would starve unless these were given to them, so
that they might be able to hunt the buffalo and
other game of the plains.
Evidently the Government hesitated, but, fi-
nally, influenced by these statements, the issue
of the arms and ammunition was authorized. At
this juncture, Major Wynkoop, who after the
battle of Sand Creek had proved himself an
enemy of the people of Colorado, again showed
that he had no regard for their welfare. He
had by this time been taken into the service
of the Indian Bureau, presumably as a reward
for his services in aid of the Bureau in connection
with the Sand Creek investigation, and had been
190 The Indian War of 1868
appointed an Indian agent. He was one of those
who had been urging that arms and ammunition
be given to the Indians, and it was he who finally
delivered them to the savages. On August 10,
1868, he wrote to the Department:
I yesterday made the whole issue of annuity, goods,
arms, and ammunition to the Cheyenne chiefs and
people of their nation. They were delighted in
receiving the goods, particularly the arms and ammuni-
tion, and never before have I known them to be bet-
ter satisfied and express themselves as being so well
contented previous to the issue. They have now left
for their hunting grounds and I am perfectly satisfied
that there will be no trouble with them this season.
On the very day that Wynkoop sent this letter,
a body of two hundred and fifty Cheyennes,
Arapahoes, and Sioux were raiding the settle-
ments on the Saline River in Kansas, killing
settlers, burning buildings, and committing un-
speakable outrages on many defenseless women.
Before the end of the month, according to the
report of General Sheridan for that year, forty
white men had been killed by the savages on the
frontiers of Kansas and Colorado, many were
wounded, and a large amount of property de-
stroyed.
I must, however, confine my narrative to
The Indian War of 1868 191
events that occurred in El Paso County and the
counties adjoining. About ten days after the
Wynkoop letter was written, a party of seventy-
five Cheyennes and Arapahoes, all well mounted,
marched in from the plains and passed up
through Colorado City. Most of the savages
had modern guns and were well supplied with
ammunition, — presumably issued by the Govern-
ment. They bore letters from Indian agents and
peace commissioners, which stated that they
were peaceably disposed and should not be feared
nor molested; but our people, not being sat-
isfied with that kind of testimony, telegraphed
to the Governor at Denver, who replied, reiterat-
ing that they were not hostile and must not be
interfered with. At the time of their visit to Col-
orado City, the Indians were noticeably sullen in
their demeanor, and appeared to be observing
everything in a suspicious manner. However,
they left without committing any overt act, and,
apparently, went on leisurely up the Ute Pass
into the mountains to fight the Utes, which they
claimed was their intention.
A day or two later they surprised a small band
of Utes who were camped a few miles south of
the Hartsell ranch in the South Park, and in the
fight that followed claimed to have killed six of
192 The Indian War of 1868
the Utes including two or three squaws, and to
have carried off a small boy. On the day of
this occurrence Samuel Hartsell, owner of the
ranch above referred to, had gone over to
the mountains that form the eastern border of the
South Park, looking for wild raspberries. While
on one of the low mountains of that locality, he
saw a group of mounted men in the valley below,
a mile or so away. He had not heard of any
Cheyennes or Arapahoes being in that neighbor-
hood, consequently he very naturally concluded
that the horsemen were Utes. Having been on
friendly terms with that tribe for many years,
and well acquainted with many of its members,
he decided to ride down the mountain to meet
them. But as he came near the group, he noticed
that they were not dressed as the Utes usually
were, nor did they look like the people of that
tribe; however, it was now too late to retreat, as
almost immediately afterward he was discovered
and surrounded by the savages. By that time
Hartsell, through his general knowledge of the
Indians of this Western country, knew that his
captors were Cheyenne and Arapahoe warriors,
tribes that had been hostile to the whites during
the past four years, and were still hostile, so far
as he knew. Consequently, he was very much
The Indian War of 1868 193
alarmed, realizing that he was in a very dangerous
situation. Evidently, the savages were not yet
ready to begin hostilities, as was proved by their
efforts to reassure Hartsell by showing him their
certificates from Indian agents, telling of their
peaceable character; but this did not prevent
them from at once taking his revolver, ammu-
nition, and pocket knife.
Hartsell estimated that there were about
seventy Indians in the band, all of whom were
fully armed and amply supplied with ammuni-
tion. The savages told him of their victory over
the Utes, showed him the scalps they had taken,
and the boy they had captured. Finally, after
keeping Hartsell in suspense for more than three
hours, the Indians allowed him to go without
injury, and then departed eastward in the direc-
tion of Colorado City. The people of Colorado
City and its vicinity knew nothing of this oc-
currence until some time afterwards. Notwith-
standing the assurance of the Governor and the
Indian agents, the settlers continued to be very
much alarmed at the presence of the savages, and
knowing their treacherous nature, maintained
a sharp lookout in order to prevent being at-
tacked unawares. About eleven o'clock in the
morning three or four days after the savages
13
194 The Indian War of 1868
disappeared up Ute Pass, three Indians appeared
at H. M. Teachout's ranch on Monument Creek,
eight miles northeast of Colorado City. They
claimed to be friendly Utes, but Teachout, being
familiar with the Indian tribes of the region, knew
that they were not Utes. After staying five or
ten minutes, during which time they seemed to
be intent on taking in the surroundings, and
especially the corral where Teachout's large herd
of horses was kept at night, they left, following the
main road towards Colorado City. Mr. Teachout
and his brother, who lived on the Divide, owned
about one hundred and fifty horses, all of which
were kept at this Monument Creek ranch.
After the Indians had disappeared, Teachout,
being alarmed, rounded up his horses and drove
them into the corral, where he kept them during
the daytime thereafter, letting them out to graze
only at night, thinking that the safest plan.
Apparently, the Indians, having obtained all the
information they desired concerning the settle-
ments around Colorado City, disappeared, and a
day or two later were heard of raiding the frontier
settlements east of Bijou Basin and on the head-
waters of Kiowa, Bijou, and Running creeks,
during which raid they killed several people and
ran off much stock.
The Indian War of 1868 195
On August 27, 1868, the Cheyennes and Arapa-
hoes killed Mrs. Henrietta Dieterman and her
five-year-old son on Comanche Creek, about
twenty-five miles northeast of Colorado City, in
a peculiarly atrocious manner. The Dieterman
household consisted of Mr. and Mrs. Dieterman,
a daughter about twelve years old, a son of five
years, a sister of Mr. Dieterman's, and a hired
man. The sister was soon to marry the hired
man, and he and Mr. Dieterman had gone to
Denver to buy furniture for the new house-
hold, leaving a German farmhand temporarily in
charge. On the morning of the 27th, something
happened to alarm Mrs. Dieterman. She evi-
dently believed the Indians were near, for she
hurriedly started with her sister-in-law and the
two children for a neighbor's house some distance
away. After having gone a few hundred yards she
remembered that she had left a considerable sum
of money in the house, and with her small son went
back to get it. They reached the house, got the
money, and started away again, but had gone
only a short distance when they were overtaken
by the Indians, who at once shot and killed both
of them. The savages shot the boy repeatedly
and finally broke his neck. The mother was shot
through the body, stabbed, and scalped, and the
196 The Indian War of 1868
bodies of both were dreadfully mutilated. Those
who afterwards saw the victims said that it was
one of the most horrible sights they had ever
looked upon. Meanwhile, the sister-in-law and
daughter ran to where the German was working
in the field near by. He stood the Indians off
by pointing the handle of his hoe at them, making
them believe it was a gun. In that way he covered
the retreat of himself and the others to a neigh-
bor's house. Mrs. Dieterman had formerly lived
near the northern line of El Paso County, and was
well known to many of the old settlers. The
awful tragedy of her death created a great sensa-
tion, not only in that county, but also in Denver
and throughout the entire State. News of the
killing of Mrs. Dieterman and of the other out-
rages perpetrated by the Indians in that region
reached Colorado City late in the evening, a day
or two afterwards. As there was a possibility of
the savages appearing at any moment, messengers
were at once sent throughout the county notify-
ing the people of the great danger that confronted
them. At that time I happened to be at home
with my father and other members of the family
on our Bear Creek ranch. About eleven o'clock
at night, we were aroused from sleep by the
messenger sent to warn us and were advised to
The Indian War of 1868 197
go immediately to Colorado City for protection.
We appreciated the danger of our situation and
quickly hitched up our team, put a few necessary
articles of wearing apparel and bedding into the
wagon, and started for town, three miles distant.
It was a dark night, which made the trip a weird
as well as an anxious one. With my sisters and
younger brothers in the wagon, my father and I
marched along behind, each with a rifle in hand,
knowing that there was a possibility that the
Indians had already stolen into this region, and
that every bush or rock on the way might conceal
a savage; but nothing happened and we reached
town in safety. It was an incident that made
one appreciate to the fullest extent the disagree-
able and dangerous features of frontier life. We
rented a house in Colorado City, moved our
household effects from the ranch, and remained
in town until after the Indian troubles were over.
Early in the morning of September 1st, Mr.
Teachout, accompanied by his hired man, went
out to bring in his herd of horses, as had been his
custom since the visit of the three Indians a few
days previous. They went down Monument
Creek a mile or two, then up Cottonwood Creek,
where they found the herd scattered along the
valley for a mile or more above the point where
198 The Indian War of 1868
the Santa Fe Railway now crosses that creek,
which is about six miles north of the present
city of Colorado Springs. The two rode leis-
urely through the herd up the valley on the
south side of the stream, and had gone about
half a mile above the point just mentioned, when
they saw a half dozen mounted Indians come over
the hill to the north and dash at full speed in the
direction of the herd. Following them, other
Indians came in sight, until there were at least
twenty-five in the band. In a very short time the
savages had rounded up most of the horses and
were driving them up the creek at a furious speed.
They passed Teachout, who was on the other side
of the creek, expecting every minute to be at-
tacked. Neither he nor his hired man had guns,
but as they did not run, the Indians evidently
thought they were armed, and kept some distance
away. As they went by, one of the Indians who
could speak English yelled: "Damn you, we are
going to take your horses!" Soon after this,
Teachout saw that the Indians had missed a
bunch of fifteen to twenty colts that were grazing
off to one side, and he and his hired man started
after them, thinking to save at least that part of
the herd. But the Indians soon discovered what
they were after and started in pursuit, firing as
The Indian War of 1868 199
they went. When affairs took this turn, there
was nothing left for Teachout and his man to do
but ride for their lives, and get back to the ranch
as quickly as possible, which they did. The
Indians rounded up the colts and soon disap-
peared to the eastward up Cottonwood Creek
with the entire herd. Less than an hour afterward,
they passed a ranch near the head of the creek,
traveling rapidly. At this place the Indians
attempted to add to their herd, but failed, as the
horses they were after happened to be picketed
close to the house, and a few shots from two well-
armed ranchmen entrenched behind the walls of
their log cabin drove the savages off.
Upon reaching home, Teachout immediately
sent a messenger to his brother on the Divide,
with an account of the raid and a request that he
enlist as large an armed force as could quickly be
gotten together, to follow the Indians and, if
possible, recover the horses. The brother acted
promptly, and that evening a party consisting
of Dow and Bale Simpson, Jim Sims, ".Wild
Bill," and others, whose names I have been un-
able to obtain, twenty-eight in all, started in
pursuit of the savages. The party camped that
night at a ranch about three miles southeast of
C. R. Husted's saw-mill, and at this point were
200 The Indian War of 1868
joined by a Mr. Davis and Job Talbert, a brother-
in-law of Mr. Husted. These two men had
expected to get horses and arms at this ranch.
Failing in this, however, they started back to the
mill the following morning, but had gone only a
short distance when the Indians overtook them,
killed and scalped both leaving their mutilated
bodies in the road, where they were found by
their friends a few hours afterward.
The Simpson party, as it afterwards was called,
started again early in the morning, soon found the
trail of the captured herd, and followed it rapidly
along the south side of the pinery, then eastward
across Squirrel Creek and down the Big Sandy to
the mouth of a creek coming in from the north,
the size of the herd making the trail plain and
easy to follow. So far no Indians had been seen,
and the indications were that the Indians with the
stolen horses were so far ahead as to make further
pursuit useless. But instead of returning directly
home, they decided to follow up this creek and
scout the country to the east of Bijou Basin. A
few miles up the creek they came to a ranch, which
they found deserted. The house was open and
had been thoroughly ransacked, but the owner
nowhere appeared. After considerable search,
his dead body was found some distance away.
The Indian War of 1868 201
He had been killed and scalped by the Indians,
and, as in every other case, the body had been
horribly mutilated, the house looted, and all his
stock driven off. After burying the body, the
party continued in a northerly direction until it
reached the old Smoky Hill road. Here they met
a party of eighteen men from the country to the
north of Bijou Basin, and it was decided to com-
bine the two forces for further scouting in that
region. A short distance away from their camp
that night, they found and buried the bodies
of two men who had been killed by the Indians a
day or two before. The combined parties camped
together that night, and the following morning
started towards Bijou Basin. During all this
time no Indians had been seen, and it seemed
probable that the savages had returned to their
villages on the plains. Under this impression,
the men marched rather carelessly along, strung
out over the prairie for a considerable distance.
Early in the afternoon the party of eighteen,
having decided that there was nothing further they
could accomplish, left the Simpson party and
started off northwesterly, in the direction of their
homes. Hardly were they out of sight when two
of Simpson's men, who were some distance ahead
of the main party, saw a few Indians on a hill not
202 The Indian War of 1868
very far away. Word was at once sent back to the
stragglers, and the party closed up in double-
quick time. Meanwhile other Indians appeared,
until in a short time they greatly outnumbered
the Simpson party. This made it imperative that
a place for defense should be found without delay.
Apparently, the most favorable position in sight
was the extreme point of a short and rather iso-
lated ridge near by, at which place the ground
dropped off rather abruptly on three sides. The
men rushed to this point, formed a circle, and
began to throw up temporary entrenchments with
butcher knives and such other implements as
they had at hand. By this time the Indians,
under cover of a ridge to the south, had opened
a sharp fire. Bullets were whizzing around in a
lively fashion and in a few minutes several of the
horses had been wounded. However, an encourag-
ing feature of the situation was that many of the
shots fired by the Indians struck the ground some
distance away. The whites returned the fire at
every opportunity, and had reason to believe
that their shots had been effective in a number of
instances, although the Indians kept under cover
as much as possible. Before darkness came on, a
number of Simpson's men had been wounded and
several of the horses killed. By this time, not-
The Indian War of 1868 203
withstanding the strong defense that was being
made, it became more and more a question
whether the party could withstand a vigorous
charge by the Indians.
Night coming on, the firing of the Indians
slackened a little and the men were enabled to
give some consideration to their situation. It
was realized that neither their location nor re-
sources were favorable for a long siege, and for
that reason help must be obtained as soon as
possible. Among the party was a dare-devil sort
of fellow known by the name of "Wild Bill," who
volunteered to take the fastest horse, and in the
darkness endeavor to break through the Indian
line, which now completely surrounded the hill.
Then, if successful, he was to hurry on to the
settlements at Bijou Basin, fifteen miles away,
and bring back reinforcements as quickly as pos-
sible. This suggestion met with the approval of
every one, and arrangements were immediately
made to carry it into effect. About nine o'clock
Wild Bill, mounted on Dow Simpson's race horse,
stole out from the entrenchments and quietly
rode away. The night being moderately dark,
he succeeded in getting some distance away be-
fore he was discovered by the Indians. He then
put spurs to his horse and dashed away at the best
204 The Indian War of 1868
speed the animal was capable of, the Indians
following in a frantic endeavor to cut him off,
shooting at him as they ran. Fortunately
neither he nor the horse was hit, and in a short
time he had left the Indians far behind. After
that, he was not long in reaching Bijou Basin,
where arrangements were at once made to dispatch
couriers to Colorado City and elsewhere for rein-
forcements.
Meanwhile, those surrounded on the hill were
most anxious for the safety of their messenger.
They heard the shots and knew that he had been
discovered, and that the Indians were in pursuit
of him, but had no means of telling whether or
not he had escaped. The only reassuring cir-
cumstance was that soon after this the firing
gradually slackened, finally stopping altogether;
and when daylight came there were no Indians in
sight. The besieged men realized that this might
be on]y a ruse, and that possibly the Indians were
lurking near, ready to take advantage of them after
they had left their entrenchments. However, on
account of their critical position, being entirely
without water for themselves and their horses,
they determined to make a dash and take a chance
of reaching the settlements. This being decided
upon, they started at once, and without further
The Indian War of 1868 205
molestation reached Holden's ranch in Bijou
Basin before noon, no Indians having been seen
on the way. In the engagement none of the
party had been killed and no one seriously
wounded, probably because of the poor ammuni-
tion issued to the Indians by the Government —
for which I suppose the white people of this region
should have been duly thankful.
While this engagement had been going on,
stirring events had been happening in the neigh-
borhood of Colorado City and elsewhere in the
county. As I have already stated, within the
next few days after the killing of Mrs. Dieterman,
and the raid upon Teachout's horses, most of the
ranchmen down the Fountain Valley had brought
their families to Colorado City for protection.
The people of the Divide gathered for defense
at McShane's ranch near Monument, at John
Irion's on Cherry Creek, and at Husted's mill in
the pinery. The air was full of rumors of Indian
depredations in every direction; but, as it was
harvest time, it was imperative that the gathering
of the crops be attended to. This made it neces-
sary that some chances be taken, and it so hap-
pened that, when the crisis came, many of the
men of Colorado City were out in the harvest fields
of the surrounding country.
206 The Indian War of 1868
About noon on September 3, 1868, a band of
forty to fifty Indians came dashing down the
valley of Monument Creek, capturing all loose
horses in their path. The first white man they
ran across was Robert F. Love, of Colorado City,
who was riding along the higher ground to the
east of Monument Creek, not far from the pres-
ent town of Roswell. As soon as Love saw the
Indians, instead of trying to get away, which he
knew would be useless, he dismounted, keeping his
pony between himself and the savages, and, by keep-
ing his revolver pointed in their direction, show-
ing them that he was armed. After maneuvering
around him for a time, the Indians passed on,
apparently convinced that some of them would
get hurt if they remained. It was not their policy
to take many chances, as was evidenced through-
out their entire stay in this region. They seldom
troubled people who seemed to offer any serious
resistance, seeking rather defenseless men, women,
and children. Soon after leaving Love, a few
of the Indians crossed Monument Creek to the
house of David Spielman, which stood on the west
side, about half a mile above the Mesa Road
Bridge in the present city of Colorado Springs.
Spielman had just finished moving his family and
household effects to Colorado City, and being
The Indian War of 1868 207
tired, had lain down behind the open front door,
and had gone to sleep. The Indians looked in at
the open door, but fortunately did not see him.
They then went to the corral and took from it a
horse that Spielman had purchased only the day
before. After that they recrossed Monument
Creek and joined the main body, which continued
rapidly along the low ground east of the creek,
crossing the present Washburn Athletic Field, on
the way, and coming out on to the higher ground
a few hundred yards south of Cutler Academy,
near where the Hagerman residence now stands.
A short time previously, Charley Everhart, a
young man about eighteen years of age, had
started from his home just west of Monument
Creek and near the present railwa}^ bridge above
the Rio Grande station, to look after his father's
cattle, that were grazing on the plain now covered
by the city of Colorado Springs. After crossing
Monument Creek, he followed a trail that led
eastward along the south rim of the high bank
north of what is now known as Boulder Crescent.
Everhart knew there were Indians in the country,
and was no doubt on the lookout for them. He
was mounted on a small pony, and had probably
gone as far east as the present location of Tejon
Street, when he evidently saw the Indians as they
208 The Indian War of 1868
came out into open view to the north of him. He
at once turned his pony toward home and urged
it to its highest speed, making a desperate effort
to escape from the savages; but his horse was no
match for those of the Indians, and they soon
overtook him. Everhart had reached a point
near the intersection of what is now Platte and
Cascade Avenues, when a shot from one of the
savages caused him to fall from his horse. One of
the Indians then came up to him, ran a spear
through his body, and scalped him, taking all the
hair from his head except a small fringe around
the back part. The whole occurrence was witnes-
sed from a distance by several persons. An hour
or so afterward, when the Indians had gone and it
was safe to do so, a party went out to where his
mutilated body lay, and brought it to Colorado
City.
After killing Everhart, the Indians saw farther
down the valley, a quarter of a mile or so away, a
lone sheep herder, who was generally known as
"Judge" Baldwin, and the whole band immedi-
ately started after him. When Baldwin saw the
Indians coming, he tried to escape. Having no
spurs or whip, he took off one of his long-legged
boots and used it to urge his mount to its utmost
speed. This, however, was ineffectual, as his
The Indian War of 1868 209
horse was inferior to those of the Indians, and
they had no difficulty in overtaking him before
he had gone very far. They shot him, and he
fell from his horse near the site of the present
Fourth Ward Schoolhouse. The bullet struck
Baldwin in the shoulder, and as he was leaning
forward at the time, it passed upward through his
neck and came out through the jaw. He dropped
from his horse completely dazed, but in his deli-
rium he used the boot to fight off the Indians. The
latter evidently thought the wound mortal, so with-
out wasting any more ammunition upon him one
of their number proceeded to take his scalp. The
savage ran the knife around the back part of
Baldwin's head, severing the scalp from the skull,
and then discovered that he had been scalped at
some previous time. For some reason, probably
superstition of some kind, the Indians then aban-
doned the idea of scalping him, and the entire band
rode off, leaving their victim, as they supposed,
to die on the prairie. It was a fact that Baldwin
had been scalped by Indians in South America
some years before.
After leaving Baldwin, the Indians divided into
two bands, one of which went in a northeasterly
direction and crossed Shooks Run near the point
where Platte Avenue now intersects it. Near
14
210 The Indian War of 1868
this place they were joined by other Indians who
had evidently been in concealment near by. It
is said that during all this time two or three
Indians stationed on the hill where the Deaf and
Blind Institute is now located, apparently by the
use of flags, directed the movements of those
doing the killing, wigwagging in a manner similar
to that in use in the army at that time, and that
these signal men fell in with the others as they
came along; after which they all rode rapidly to
the eastward and soon disappeared on the plains.
The other party continued down the valley of the
Fountain, and at a point just below where the Rio
Grande bridge now crosses Shooks Run, they came
upon two small boys, the sons of Thomas H. Rob-
bins, who lived on the south side of the Fountain,
not far away. These two boys, eight and ten
years of age respectively, were looking after their
father's cattle. They had evidently seen the
Indians coming when some distance away, as they
were using every possible endeavor to escape;
but they had not gone far when the savages were
upon them. It is said that one of the boys fell
upon his knees and lifted up his hands, as though
begging the Indians to spare his life, but the
savages never heeded such appeals. Two Indians
reached down, each seized a boy by the hair, held
The Indian War of 1868 211
him up with one hand, and, using a revolver, shot
him with the other and then flung the quivering,
lifeless body to the ground.
The savages then continued rapidly down along
the edge of the bluffs, to the north of Fountain
Creek, and when at the south side of the present
Evergreen Cemetery, attempted to capture some
horses at the Innis ranch, in the valley a short
distance away, but the presence of a number of
armed men there caused them to desist after two
or three futile dashes in that direction. Half
a mile below this point, they met Solon Mason, a
ranchman from the lower end of the county,
accompanied by two or three other men. These
men were all armed and, after two or three shots
were exchanged, the Indians gave them a wide
berth. At a ranch just below, occupied by George
Banning, the Indians secured a few horses, after
which they struck out over the plains to join the
other band.
As I have already said, armed parties were
going out every day from Colorado City to harvest
the grain that had been ripe for some time. On
that morning, I had joined a group that was to
assist Bert Myers, a merchant of Colorado City,
in harvesting a field of wheat on land now occu-
pied by the town of Broadmoor. I was binding
212 The Indian War of 1868
wheat behind a reaper, at a point not very far
from the present Country Club buildings, when,
about two o'clock in the afternoon, I saw a horse-
man coming from the east riding furiously in our
direction. When he reached us we found that it
was a Mr. Riggs, who lived near the mouth of
Cheyenne Creek. He told us that the Indians
were raiding the settlements in every direction,
and were killing people, mentioning of his own
knowledge Everhart, Baldwin, and the Robbins
boys, and he thought a good many more ; and also
had run off a large number of horses. My first
thought was that the Indians had come in during
the previous night, concealed themselves in the
underbrush along the creeks, and taken advan-
tage of the time when most of the men were out
in the fields, to attack, rob, and murder. I knew
such a thing was possible, as there was no one
living between our settlement and the Indian
country to give us notice of the approach of a
hostile band. It then occurred to me that my
three small brothers, Edgar, Frank, and Charles,
were looking after our cattle near the mouth of
Bear Creek, and certainly were in great danger,
if indeed they had not already been killed. I
immediately secured permission to take one of the
horses from the reaper, in order to ride in search
The Indian War of 1868 213
of the boys. I quickly stripped off all the harness
except the blind bridle, mounted the horse, and
tore away in the direction of Bear Creek. As a
matter of precaution, I had taken a revolver
with me to the harvest-field as at this time few
went out unarmed. After a ride at top speed,
I met the boys about three-quarters of a mile
south of Bear Creek.
My brothers told me that while eating their
luncheon in the milk house near our dwelling on
Bear Creek, they were alarmed by the excited
barking of their dog. They ran out to see what
was the matter, and, looking across on the present
site of Colorado Springs, saw a group of horsemen
whom they immediately knew to be Indians,
pursuing another horseman, whom they at once
conjectured was Charley Everhart. A moment
later the band seemed to be grouped around some
object, which doubtless was the time when the
Indians were scalping young Everhart. The
boys witnessed the savages race down over the
flat in their pursuit of Baldwin, and while this
was in progress, they counted the horsemen and
found that there were thirty -five in the band.
The boys then ran up the hill to the east of the
house, heard the shot, and witnessed what I have
already described concerning the shooting of Bald-
214 The Indian War of 1868
win. They then saw the band divide, one party
going out on the plains and the other down the
creek. Becoming alarmed for their own safety,
they had started to run to some of the neighbors
on Cheyenne Creek, when I met them. As soon
as I had heard their story, which assured me that
the Indians had gone off to the east and that there
was no immediate danger to the boys, I rode back
to the harvest-field where we had abandoned the
reaper, hitched to the wagon, and drove to town.
Later in the afternoon, the Robbins family, whose
two boys had been killed, as I have related, came
by our Bear Creek ranch on their way to Colorado
City, and took my brothers to town with them.
By the time we reached Colorado City, the bodies
of Everhart and the two Robbins boys had been
brought in. The party that went after Baldwin
found him alive, but supposed him to be mortally
wounded. It was thought that he could not
possibly live more than a day or two at most, but,
to the surprise of everybody, in a short time he
began to recover and in a month or so was ap-
parently well again.
Of course, the excitement in Colorado City and
throughout the county was intense. We knew
that the Territorial authorities were unable to
give us any help whatsoever, and that the general
The Indian War of 1868 215
Government had turned a deaf ear to our appeals
for protection. Consequently, we realized that
we must again, as in 1864, rely solely upon our-
selves. In this emergency we repaired the old
fort around the log hotel, and organized our
forces to the best possible advantage, in order to
be prepared for any further attacks that the
Indians might make. Only a few hours after the
raid, a messenger came in from Bijou Basin,
asking that men be sent to the relief of the Simp-
son party, which was surrounded by Indians
near that point, as I have already told. After
consideration of the matter, it was decided that
our force was strong enough to spare a few men
for that purpose. Accordingly, that night ten
of us volunteered to go to the assistance of the
besieged. For this expedition a Mr. Hall, who
lived on what has since been known as the Pope
ranch, loaned me an excellent horse and a Colt's
rifle, a kind of gun I had never seen before nor
have I seen one like it since. It was a gun built
exactly on the principle of a Colt's revolver, the
only trouble with it being that one never knew
just how many shots would go off at once.
Early the following morning we started out,
following up Monument Creek to the mouth of
Cottonwood; thence up that creek over the ground
216 The Indian War of 1868
where Teachout's herd of horses had been cap-
tured. We stopped a few minutes at the Neff
ranch, which we found deserted, and then went
east along the route taken by the Indians when
running off the Teachout herd.
An hour later, while we were riding along in a
leisurely manner, and had reached within about
half a mile of the pinery, we saw to our right a band
of about twenty-five mounted Indians, half a mile
away on the south bank of Cottonwood Creek.
We had been so wrought up by the murders of
the previous day, that without a moment's hesi-
tation we wheeled about and made for the Indians
as fast as our horses could go. We had no sooner
started than I realized that we might be running
into an ambuscade, and I warned our people not
to cross the ravine at the place where we had first
seen the savages, but to go on one side or the
other; however, our men were in such a state of
frenzy, that they would not listen, so we rushed
headlong to the bank of the ravine through which
the creek ran. The bank was so steep that we
had to dismount and lead our horses. Fortu-
nately for us, there were no Indians at that
moment at the point where we were crossing the
ravine, but we had not gone a quarter of a mile
before a mounted Indian appeared on the bank,
The Indian War of 1868 217
almost at that identical place, and probably there
were others hidden near the same point.
As soon as the Indians on the south bank saw us
coming, they started on the run in a southeasterly
direction, and, when some distance away, gradually
turned to the eastward. By this time our party
began to think a little of the desirability of keeping
a way of retreat open, in case of defeat in the
expected engagement. For that reason, we veered
a little to the right, and kept on until we were
directly between them and Colorado City. By
this time, the Indians had dismounted on a large
open flat, about three-quarters of a mile to the
eastward of us, and, forming a circle with their
ponies, seemed to be awaiting our attack. We
could see their guns flashing in the sunshine, and
while we were surprised at this movement, so
contrary to the usual custom of the Indians, we
did not hesitate a moment, but started toward
them as fast as our ponies could take us. Evi-
dently changing their minds upon seeing this, the
Indians remounted and started in the direction
of the pinery as rapidly as they could go. Their
horses were better and fleeter than ours, so we
were unable to head them off, and when they
entered the edge of the timber we knew it would
only be inviting disaster to follow farther. We
218 The Indian War of 1868
then resumed our march in the direction of Bijou
Basin. An hour or two later, we went by the
extreme eastern edge of the pinery, at the point
where the old government road crossed Squirrel
Creek. Here, judging by the great number of
fresh pony tracks, a large number of Indians must
have passed only a short time previously. After
a short rest at this point, we rode steadily on and
reached Bijou Basin that evening just before
dark. On our arrival, we found that the besieged
party had come in the day before, and that all the
men, except the wounded, had returned to their
homes. The wounded were being cared for at
Mr. D. M. Holden's ranch. There being nothing
further for us to do, we started for home early the
following morning. Upon our way, we found many
Indian pony tracks at various places along the
eastern and southern edge of the pinery, showing
that the Indians were still around in considerable
numbers, but we saw none during the day. After
leaving the pinery, we followed the wagon road
that came down through what is now known as the
Garden Ranch. As we came down the hill, two
or three miles to the northeast of the ranch houses,
we noticed a number of horsemen congregated
near that point. From their actions we knew
that they were very much excited, and evidently
The Indian War of 1868 219
mistook us for a band of Indians. They gathered
around some tall rocks a little way to the eastward
of the gateway, and seemed to be preparing for
defense. We tried by signaling and otherwise to
make ourselves known to them, but were unsuc-
cessful until we were almost within gun-shot dis-
tance. They were greatly relieved when they
ascertained who we were. We then joined them
and reached Colorado City without further in-
cident.
Events of a similar character were of almost
daily occurrence while the Indians remained in
this region. Every animal on a distant hill
became an Indian horseman to the excited im-
agination of the ranchman or cowboy, and without
further investigation he rushed off to town to
give the alarm. No lone man on horseback
allowed another horseman to approach him with-
out preparing for defense, and every object at a
distance that was not clearly distinguishable was
viewed with alarm.
For two weeks following the raid upon the pres-
ent town-site of Colorado Springs, the Indians
had virtual possession of the northern and eastern
portions of the county. During this time they
raided Gill's ranch, east of Jimmy's Camp, and
ran off his herd of horses, taking them out of the
220 The Indian War of 1868
corral near his house in the night, although the
horses were being guarded by armed men. It
appears that the Indians stole up to the corral on
the opposite side from where the guards were
posted, made an opening in it, let the horses out,
and were off with them before the men realized
what was going on.
About the same time, the Indians killed a
demented man named Jonathan Lincoln, at the
Lincoln ranch in Spring Valley on Cherry Creek,
just north of the El Paso County line. Lincoln
and a Mexican were out in the harvest-field binding
oats when they saw the Indians approaching.
The Mexican saved himself by flight, but Lincoln
folded his arms and calmly awaited the coming
of the savages. Without hesitation they killed
him, took his scalp, and departed again into the
recesses of the adjacent pinery. They also killed
John Choteau, on east Cherry Creek, John Grief
and Jonathan Tallman on east Bijou, and raided
the John Russell ranch at the head of East Cherry
Creek, from which place they ran off sixteen horses.
About this time, a small band of Indians, while
prowling around near the town of Monument,
threatened the house of David McShane at a
time when all the men were away, Mrs. McShane
and some neighboring women and children being
The Indian War of 1868 221
the only occupants. Having the true pioneer
spirit, the women, under the leadership of Mrs.
McShane, put up such a strong show of defense
that the savages abandoned the attack in short
order, apparently glad to get away unharmed.
Soon after, they burned Henry Walker's house,
which stood about a mile east of the present Husted
station on the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad.
The Indians seemed to have established a camp
at some secluded place in the timber of the Divide,
from which they went out in small parties in every
direction, killing and robbing when opportunity of-
fered. Every day during these two weeks, Indians
were seen at various places on the Divide and the
eastern part of the county. By this time, how-
ever, our people had taken their families out of
danger and were so constantly on the alert that
the Indians, while having many opportunities
for looting and robbing the deserted ranches, had
few chances for surprising and killing defenseless
people, who were the only ones they cared to
attack. Throughout the raid, those who had been
able to make any kind of a defense had been let
alone. The Indians seemed unwilling to take
any chances or to waste their ammunition, unless
they were certain of results.
A week or two after the beginning of the Indian
222 The Indian War of 1868
troubles, the people of El Paso County took steps
to form a military company to be regularly
employed against the Indians, its members to
serve without pay. It was the intention to keep
this company in the field until the Indians were
driven out of the region. About the fifteenth of
September, eighty mounted and well-armed men,
who had enlisted for the purpose, and of whom I
was one, met at Husted's saw-mill on the Divide
and perfected a military organization by the
election of the usual company officers, A. J.
Templet on being elected captain. The company
took up its line of march through the pinery to
Bijou Basin ; thence eastward past the place where
Simpson's party had been besieged two or three
weeks before. After examining with much inter-
est the scene of this fight, we went southeasterly
to Big Sandy Creek, thence down the valley of that
creek to Lake Station on the Smoky Hill wagon
road, about ten miles east of the present town of
Limon. On our march we saw no Indians, and,
judging from their trails and from other indica-
tions, we decided that they were leaving the coun-
try. As we marched down the valley of the Big
Sandy, in the vicinity of the present towns of
Ramah and Calhan, we saw hundreds of dead
cattle, most of them cows that had been killed by
The Indian War of 1868 223
the Indians only a day or two before. That these
cattle had been wantonly killed, was shown by the
fact that no part of the animals had been taken
for food. In almost every instance they had been
shot with arrows, many of which were at the time
sticking in the carcasses. Besides the dead cattle,
we saw hundreds of live ones scattered all over the
hills and down the valley, which had evidently
been driven off by the Indians from the ranches in
El Paso and the surrounding counties. At a point
about ten miles down the valley from the present
station of Limon, on the Rock Island Railway, the
trail of the Indians left the valley and turned
northeastward. At this place we were about
seventy-five miles southwest from the Beecher
Island battle ground, on the Arickaree fork of
the Republican River, where Colonel George A.
Forsyth and his fifty followers were at that very
time making their heroic defense against an over-
whelming number of Indians under the command
of the famous chief Roman Nose, although we
knew nothing of the affair until some time later.
The trail of the Indians led across the country in
a direct line toward the battle ground. No doubt
they had been summoned by runners to aid their
people, and probably this was the reason for their
leaving El Paso County.
224 The Indian War of 1868
Upon discovering the course taken by the
Indians, Captain Templeton, on account of his
small force, deemed it imprudent to pursue them
farther. An additional reason for facing about
was that our supply of provisions was about
exhausted, and had we gone farther we should
have had to subsist on the wild game of the region,
which would have been a risky thing to attempt.
As it was, on our way homeward we had to live
entirely on the meat of cattle we killed. Having
no camp outfit, we broiled the meat on sticks
before our camp fires and then ate it without
salt. To me this fare was about the nearest to
a starvation diet that I have ever experienced.
We reached Colorado City in due time, with-
out having seen an Indian during our whole
campaign. Whether we were the cause of the
Indians leaving this region, or whether it was a
coincidence that they were just ahead of us, I do
not know, but it was evident that the Indians were
gone, and on account of approaching winter we
had little to fear from them during the remainder
of the year. There apparently being no further
use for its services, the company was disbanded.
It had been a strenuous period for the settlers
from the first appearance of the Indians about the
20th of August until this time. At least a dozen
The Indian War of 1868 225
persons had been killed in El Paso County and the
country adjacent thereto on the Divide. Many
houses had been destroyed; crops had been lost
through inability to harvest the grain; probably
five hundred horses and at least one thousand head
of cattle had been driven off, making an aggregate
loss of property that was extremely heavy for a
sparsely populated county such as El Paso was at
that time. The contest was an unequal one from
the start. The settlers were armed with a mis-
cellaneous lot of guns, most of which were muzzle-
loading hunting rifles, while the Indians were
armed with breech-loading guns using metal
cartridges. Fortunately for the settlers, the
ammunition of the Indians was of a poor qualit}^,
as was proved in the fight east of Bijou Basin and
elsewhere, and, judging by the careful manner in
which they used their ammunition, it is probable
that the supply was not very large. This un-
doubtedly saved the lives of many of our people.
It was noticed from the first that the Indians never
wasted their ammunition and seldom attacked an
armed person.
During all the time the savages were going up
and down the county murdering people, stealing
stock, and destroying the property of the settlers,
the general Government did not make the slightest
IS
226 The Indian War of 1868
attempt to give our people protection, although
attention was repeatedly called to their desperate
condition. It is true that a week or two after
the Indian troubles began, the Territorial authori-
ties at Denver supplied our people with a limited
number of old Belgian muskets, together with the
necessary ammunition, but these guns were so
much inferior to those in the hands of the Indians,
that they were of very little use. With this one
exception, the early settlers of this county were
left entirely to their own resources from the
beginning of the Indian troubles, in 1864, until the
end, which did not come until the building of
the railroads into the Territory. Every appeal to
the general Government for protection was
received either with indifference or insult.
In September, 1866, General William T. Sher-
man, Commander-in-Chief of the United States
Army, on his way north from an inspection of the
forts in New Mexico, accompanied by a large
number of staff officers and a strong escort, stopped
overnight in Colorado City. Having been in
constant danger from the Indians since the begin-
ning of the trouble in 1864, our people thought
this an opportune time to lay the matter before
him and ask that proper means of protection be
provided. My father, the Rev. Wm. Howbert,
The Indian War of 1868 227
was appointed spokesman of the committee that
waited upon the General. In his speech, father
explained our exposed and defenseless condition,
and suggested that a force of government troops
be permanently stationed at some point on our
eastern frontier, in order to intercept any Indians
that might be attempting a raid upon the people
of this region. General Sherman received the
appeal with utter indifference, and replied that
he thought we were unnecessarily alarmed; that
there were no hostile Indians in the neighborhood ;
and then sarcastically remarked that it probably
would be a very profitable thing for the people
of this region if we could have a force of govern-
ment troops located near here, to whom our
farmers might sell their grain and agricultural
products at a high price. With this remark he
dismissed the committee, the members of which
left the room very indignant at the manner in
which their appeal had been received. Later in
the year, General Sherman evidently was of the
opinion that there were hostile Indians in the
western country and that they needed severe
punishment, for after the massacre of Lieut. -Col.
Fetterman and his entire command near Fort
Phil Kearny, Wyoming, he telegraphed General
Grant, saying: "We must act with vindictive
228 The Indian War of 1868
earnestness against the Sioux, even to their
extermination, men, women, and children; nothing
else will reach the root of the case."
Two years later, in 1868, the General came to
Denver along the line of the Kansas-Pacific Rail-
way, at that time under construction, and was glad
to have a strong escort to guard him through the
region of the hostile Indians. Following this trip,
he made a strenuous effort to punish the savages
elsewhere, but apparently made no attempt to
protect the settlers on the eastern borders of
Colorado.
I venture to say that no civilized nation ever
gave less attention to protecting its frontier people
from the incursion of savages than did our general
Government. It was always a question of the in-
fluence that could be brought to bear upon the
government officials at Washington. After the
outbreak of the Indians in Minnesota, in 1862,
the Government took prompt measures and
punished the savages unmercifully. However,
this was due to the fact that Minnesota at that
time had two Senators and several members of
Congress who were able to bring the necessary
influence to bear. During all of our Indian
troubles, Colorado had only one delegate in Con-
gress, who had no vote and very little influence.
The Indian War of 1868 229
Consequently, we were left to protect ourselves
as best we could.
The whole eastern frontier of El Paso County
faced upon the territory occupied by the Sioux,
Cheyennes, and Arapahoes, the most crafty and
bloodthirsty savages upon the American conti-
nent. There were at all times bands of these
Indians roaming around on the headwaters of
the Republican and Smoky Hill rivers, and it was
easy for them to reach the settlements of this
county without being observed. Considering
these facts, it now seems a wonder that we were
not wiped off the face of the earth. Doubtless,
as I have said before, the reason that we were
not exterminated was the fact of our contiguity
to the country of their hereditary enemies, the
Utes, for whom, on account of their fighting ability,
they had a wholesome respect.
During the Indian troubles, a few settlers left
the county and sought places of safety elsewhere,
but the great majority of our people pluckily
stood their ground. The ranchmen who had
brought their families to Colorado City for pro-
tection left them there until the trouble was over,
but went to their homes as often as they could get
two or three armed men to accompany them, to
harvest their grain and take care of their stock.
230 The Indian War of 1868
Every time they did this, it was at the risk of their
lives, for no one could tell when or where the
savages might next appear. The people who now
live in the cities and on the ranches of El Paso
County can have no true conception of the dangers
and the anxieties of the early settlers of the Pike's
Peak region. As soon as it was definitely known
that the Indians had left the county, most of the
ranchmen moved their families back to their
homes. From previous experience it was known
that, as winter was coming on, there was little
danger to be apprehended until the following
spring.
By the spring of 1869, the Government, in a
winter campaign with troops under the command
of General Custer, had administered such severe
punishment to the Cheyennes and Arapahoes in
the battle of Washita and in other engagements
that thereafter the people of El Paso County
were unmolested by them, although spasmodic
outbreaks occurred at various places out on the
plains for several years afterward.
THE END
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CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY
F Howbert, Irving
782 The Indians of the Pike's
E3H8 peak region
