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INDIA
On The
EVE OF THE BRITISH CONQUEST
A Historical Sketch.
By
SIDNEY OWEN,M.A,.
LONDON :
H. ALLEN & CO., WATERLOO PLACE,
1872.
PREFACE
following pages contain f tlie substance of a course
tf lectures delivered at Oxford last year, and which
tad a threefold aim. First, to give such an account
tf the state of affairs in India, immediately previous to
he establishment of British Rule, aa seemed essential
o a proper appreciation of ottr historical position in
elation to that country and its native Governments;
tnd as might facilitate, in some measure, the forma-
ion of just judgments on the character of our earlier
Eastern policy,
A second object was, to trace the outlines of one of
;he most remarkable and dramatic revolutions which
*
!he world has ever witnessed the rapid decline and
lissolution of the Mogul Empire, and the rise and
julmination of the Maratha Power.
I
Thirdly, it was attempted to survey this revolu*
ion not as an isolated and abnormal series of occur-
fences, but as forming, not the less because its actors
|)ore ^trange nani^ and had (like Mahomet and
paladin) dark complexions, an essential portion of
[he history of the world ; a portion closely akin, both
in its phenomena and in their concatenation, to mor<?
IV PREFACE.
popular and hackneyed, but not intrinsically njore
interesting or important passages; a portion
suggestive of striking and instructive analogies to
the leading circumstances, characters, and events of
European aimals, which it thus illustrates all the
more usefully, if unexpectedly ; and hence, in short,,
both claims and repays the attention of the general
student of history and politics.
In recasting the lectures, the same objects have
been kept in view. And with special reference to
the third, more of the style of spoken composition
has been retained, than would otherwise have seemed
appropriate to what, in some sense, aspires to be a
book; and historical parallels have been frequently
suggested, without being worked out.
The materials available for the delineation or illus-
tration of the period in question are very copious and
miscellaneous. In using them, general impressions
have been derived from too many works to be here
enumerated, or even, in all cases, distinctly remem-
bered. But for the details of events, it has appeared,
on the whole, best to follow closely the lead of a few
standard European authors, whose means of personal
information were particularly good, and who have
sifted with critical acumen the statements of others.*
* Thus, e.g., little use has been made at present even of the Seir
Mutakkerin, though on the former account the writer of that curious
boot possessed great advantages.
PREFACE, V
Thus Mr. Elphinstone's high authority has re-
solved many doubts in the introductory historical
chapters. Aliverdy Khan's career has been sum-
marised chiefly from the contemporary biography
translated and remodelled in Scott's Dekkan y (of
which the account in Stewart's valuable History of
Bengal is almost an exact transcript). Sir John
Malcolm has been mostly consulted for the outline
of Nadir Shall/ s portentous course.
Hycler Ally's rise has been traced almost entirely
with the help of Colonel Wilks, whose discrimi-
nating and classical narrative corrects and explodes
a mass of trash put forth on the same subject by
half-informed or romancing writers, both , European
and Native."*
But the piece de resistance, invaluable at every
stage of the inquiry, has been the minute, luminous,
sagacious, and scrupulously conscientious History of
the Mahrattas, by Captain Grant Duff. This ad-
mirable work, being derived from native sources,
now in too many cases irrecoverable, and from per-
sonal converse with actors in the events related, or
their immediate ancestors, is an original and au-
thentic KT?jftt$ f: <7t, of primary importance.
Much the same, though in a narrower fielcj of
investigation, may be said of Colonel Wilks' History
* Col. Miles, whose translation of one elaborate native life of
Hyder has been here o6casionally quoted, declines, not without
ample grounds, to guarantee the accuracy of the narrative.
VI PREFACE.
of Mysoor. And on this account, and because both
are unfortunately to the shame of Englishmen !
so scarce, these time-honoured but too generally
neglected books have been here quoted freely.
No attempt has been consciously made to gloss
over with the false halo of reckless hero-worship the
moral turpitude of most of the prominent personages
throughout the memorable period that occupies these
sheets. But if, during such an epoch of disruption
A,
and anarchy, the tone of ptiblic morality was repul-
sively low in India; let it not be forgotten, that
in England Charles the Second, Shaftesbury, Marl-
borough, and Walpole and so much else implied in
their names still demand attention, without ex-
citing unqualified admiration.
Should it be thought that too much stress has here
been laid upon the influence of religion among the
Marathas, it would be well to consult Sir Alexander
Grant's account of Tukaram, the Maratha religious
poet, in the Fortnightly Review (January, 1867.)
It would be childish to deprecate criticism. But,
while the lecturer is very conscious of his own short-
comings; the difficulty of the subject, the pressure of
oth$r work, and the notorious intolerance of long
discussions on Indian topics, must also be taken into
ao^otint.
CBBIST CHURCH,
May, 1872.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
CHAPTER I.
The Physical Features of India
CHAPTER II.
The Earlier Mogul Emperors ... ... ... ... 23
CHAPTER III.
The Mogul Government ... ... . . ... 46
CHAPTER IV.
Aurungzib in Hindostan ... ... ... ... 80
CHAPTER V.
Sivaji, the Founder of the Maratha Power ... ... $&96
^V/FT
CHAPTER VI.
The Maratha War$f Independence ... 139
V1U CONTENTS.
PAGE
CHAPTER VII.
The Raja, the Nizam, and the Peishwa ... . 170
CHAPTER VIII.
The Empire in extrrm /* ... ... ... ... 203
CHAPTER IX.
Development of the Maratha Confederacy . 242
CHAPTER X.
Culmination of the Maratha Power ... ... ... 274
CHAPTER XT.
The Rise of Hyder Ally . . . ... 302
CHAPTER XII.
The Paniput Campaign . . . . . . . 355
Conclusion ... ... ... . . . . . . 388
INDEX 391
INDIA ON THE EVE OF THE
BRITISH CONQUEST.
CHAPTER I.
THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF INDIA.
THE natural limits and the larger stereotyped
divisions of India are strongly marked.
Wherever the sea does not wash its borders, it is at
once connected with, and separated from, Higher
Asia by the culminating region of the Stony Girdle
of the Earth, or its lateral offshoots. The Himalaya;
sweeping southwards, at the Hindoo Koosh, is con-
tinued on a smaller scale in the Suleiman mountains;
and the Hala range prolongs the barrier to the
western sea. While on tlie east, the bold promontory
of the Garrows and the.Cossya Hills, determining
and overhanging the valley of the Brahmaputra, are
but a projecting spur of the Burmese mountains,
which look down upon Aracan, feed the sources of
the foreign Irawaddy, and separate India from
China.
1
2 THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF INDIA.
Hardly less distinct than its boundaries are the
great regions, into which the character of its super-
ficies naturally resolves the country. A vast, de-
pressed, and typical area of river basins and deltas in
the north; a mountain-girdled, and irregularly dia-
mond-shaped table-land in the centre; maritime
lowlands on either side, converging and communica-
ting with each other at the southern extremity of
the table-land; lastly a solid, wedge-shaped district
in the extreme south, high in the centre, falling
eastward and westward towards the sea, and having
its apex at Cape Comorin ; such in the most
general way seems to be an account of the country,
however brief, not incorrect, or unimportant in rela-
tion to minuter geographical phenomena.
The Aravulli range, commencing geologically
speaking in Kattywar, forms the eastern watershed
of the Indus Valley ; or rather ought to form it, but,
from a circumstance which will be noticed presently,
hardly fulfils the office. From the northern point of
the Aravulli, the high land margin trends south-
eastward, almost parallel to the Himalayas, until at
the Rajmahal Hills it suddenly turne sharp south-
westward, and continued through Orissa in the Nelli-
green and other mountains, joins or rather becomes
the Eastern Ghats. This great chain The Ghats
though differing much in different parts, both as to
character and elevation, is the continuous fringe of
PENT OF THE TABLE-LAND. 6
the table-land southward, across the Peninsula, (where
the Neelgherries are its highest summits,) and again
westward, till it once more approaches Kattywar,
near the Gulf of Cambay.
The Neelgherries look down on a sort of funnel-
shaped pass, the highest point of which is at Palghat,
and which is called the Gap of Coimbatore.
Hence the triangular extremity of the Peninsula
commences ; and the Cardamum Hills are, as it were,
the spinal cord of the land in this remote region.
In a general and comparative sense it is true, and
for practical purposes useful, to describe the diamond-
shaped central block as a table-land, girdled by
mountains. But, while, on the north, the steep
crest that looms over the Gangetic and Jumna Valley
is not strictly a mountain range; this is almost
equally true of many parts of the so-called Eastern
Ghats. And even the Western, though the highest,
and very abrupt towards the sea, are comparatively
little elevated above the plateau which they fringe.
Still more necessary is it, when we come to details,
to discriminate clearly the varying elevations and
depressions of the central table-land itself.
The highest region of all is the Neelgherries. The
Western Ghats are considerably higher than the
Eastern. The general slope of the table-land between
them is decidedly eastward, and to a certain extent
northward. But about the meridian, where the
* THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF INDIA.
Peninsula properly so called ends, the geography is
complicated, and both physical and political India
are dichotomised, bv several features, which have
* / '
been reserved for what appeared their most appro-
priate place. If a line be drawn westward from
Calcutta, and another southward from Allahabad,
they will intersect each other at a point where the
table-land reaches its highest elevation, except at the
Neelgherries. Here, near the Hindoo place of pil-
grimage Amercuntuc, the Mekal Hills collect the
clouds, and disperse the waters distilled from the
Dekkan in all directions. Hence the Sone flows
northward to the Ganges; the Hasdoo, &c., feed the
eastern stream of the Mahanuddy ; the Wyne
Gunga drops southward towards the far-off Goda-
very ; while the Nerbudda strikes due westward to
the Gulf of Cambay. So noteworthy is this wild
region in a physical point of view ; though in Indian
history it is more conspicuous by its absence. Quite
otherwise is the case with the famous river which it
sends westward. Physically and historically, the
mature stream of the Nerbudda and its confines are
equally memorable. In the latter respect I will
only now rppeat a name which I formerly ventured
to apply to it ; and in calling it the Loire of India
postpone any further justification or explanation of
the term than is implied in the fact, that it separates
Prpper from the " Region of the South '*
LIMITS OF HINDOSTAN AND THE DEKKAN.
or in native phrase, the Dekkan. But as to its
physical surrounding I must explain, that the
barrier of demarcation between the North and the
South is not single but five-fold. The northern bank
of the Nerbudda is also the brow of the far-famed
Vinclhya mountains, which, continued in the Mey-
har, the Kymore, and the Keinjua ranges, accom-
pany the Sone in its pilgrimage to the Ganges.
Again, the Nerbudda is overlooked, and separated
from its companion westward stream, the Tapty, by
the Sautpoora mountains, geologically a formation dis-
tinct from the Vindhyas. While, lastly, the Western
Ghats, just south of the Tapty, are continued to the
eastward in what ought properly to be called though
the term is hardly yet fully recognised the Northern
Ghats. Such is the remarkable and multiform line
of separation between Hindostan and the Dekkan.
For the present it may be assumed, that the southern
table-land is tolerably equable in general elevation.
Bat it must be mentioned, that while the whole
tetragon enclosed between the Vindhyas, the range
that borders Guzerat on the east, the Aravulli, and
the southern crest of the Gangetic Valley is a lofty,
region, this is specially true of the high table-land of
Malwa; less so of the wild Bundlekund country;
and least (I believe) of the eastern corner towards
the Sone and the Kymore range'.
From the nature of the case, as well as frdm what
6 THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF INDIA.
has now been said, it may be inferred, that the sub-
ordinate geographical features of India may be de-
scribed as deducible partly from the form and other
circumstances of the Great Continent, partly from
those of India Proper or the Peninsula strictly so
called. Or, in other words, paradoxical as it may
sound, that India Proper and its distinctive geo-
graphy begin, pretty much where Hindostan Proper,
or that part more nearly related to Asia, ends. Thus,
whereas it is a familiar coincidence that the line of
highest elevation should be found to follow the direc-
tion of the longest land, the Himalayas fulfil this
condition in the case of the Great Continent; the
Eastern and Western Ghats in that of the Peninsula.
So, too, both the origin, the size, and the general
character and direction of the four mighty northern
rivers are essentially Asiatic : whereas the chief
Dekkan streams agree in rising far to the west all
but one in the Western Ghats flowing eastward into
the Bay of Bengal; being deep-channelled, yet
shallow-watered, turbulent and unnavigable in the
higher country; and in depositing a fertile and
spacious delta at their respective mouths, mostly
fringed and impeded by a heavy bar and a rough
surf.
The Great Indian Desert again, on the east of the
Indus, is but a continuation of its more widely dif-
fused and famous western counterparts. I may add
NORTHERN RIVERS. 7
that the direction and position of the steep and lofty
Western Ghats, the rock-bound coast, and narrow
space of land at their base, the consequent absence of
great rivers on that side (though small streams and
torrents are innumerable), the direction' of the rivers
eastward, the wide expanse of low land on the
eastern coast, and the deltas, are a combination of phe-
nomena more or less exactly reproduced in America,
Africa, Scandinavia, and in our own country.
* The Vindhya, Sautpoora, and Northern Ghats, as
well as the two rivers that run between them, though
more obviously connected with India than with Asia,
yet in their direction seem to ape the eastern and
western pose of the colossal chain, that dwarfs them
into comparative insignificance.
The great Asiatico- Indian rivers have certain
points of resemblance. Fed from the highest water-
shed in the world, they attest their common source
by a volume of water, an impetuosity of current, a
proneness to ramble and alter their channels, a copi-
ousness of deposit, and an extent of periodical inun-
dation, which recall the astonishment of Herodotus
at the proceedings of the Nile, and which the New
World hardly surpasses.
But the points of contrast are particularly worth
attention, both on their own account, and in their
historical and social bearings.
The Brahmaputra and the Indus, rising far to the
8 THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF INDIA.
north, in the remoter regions of the Himalaya, and
describing a vast sriakc-like coil around their Alpine
home, pour their waters into the plain on the con-
fines of the country ; and seem never to be identified
with its life, or endeared to the memory of its inha-
bitants, or intimately connected with its civilization.
The shortness of its Indian course accounts for this
in the case of the Brahmaputra. And two circum-
stances explain it in that of the Indus, First, the
landward invader has ever come that way j and tur-
bulence, devastation, idleness, sterility, and poverty
have been the successive consequences of the fact or
the dread of incursion. Secondly, how far the
result of neglected human effort I know not, but a
fact it seems, that a large portion of the Indus valley
either has always been, or has relapsed into, a hope-
less desert ; and that -within historical memory that
desert has largely encroached on the once compara-
tively fertile country. Where works of irrigation arc
neglected or destroyed in a tropical climate, and the
soil is thin, such a retrograde process goes on rapidly.
Long and desolate sand hills occur between the Indus
and the Aravulli. Salt pervades the ground far up
country; and the streams that run westward froni
those mountains flow into a river, which does not
reach the Indus, but either loses itself in the sand, or
empties itself into the Great Salt Runn. The absence
oi tributaries from the east, after the junction of the
THE INDUS. 9
Punjnud the united channel of the Punjab rivers
is probably connected with what appears to be the
case, that the Indus has been gradually trending more
westward. Thus between Sinde and the Aravulli,
the large Province of Rqjputana or Ajmir is mainly a
desert, dotted with oases, in which the archaic Raj-
put communities still exhibit a striking resemblance
to their ancestors, who in the same neighbourhood
confronted Alexander. An earthquake, as lately as
A.D, 1819, has greatly altered the mouth or rather
the delta of the Indus. Possibly previous con-
vulsions mav have had much to do with the barren-
*
ness of the whole region. Cutch also is a country
of volcanic origin. The hills in that insular region
and in Kattywar seem to be (as I have already inti-
mated) the geological commencement of the Aravulli
range. At the same time, it may be observed, the
form of both districts appears to favour the idea that,
rounded off as they arc, they may be relics of a vast,
pro-historic delta district, when the Indus rolled its
mighty waters further eastward, and biittled with the
sea and the united stream of the Nerbudda, the
Tapty, and other rivers; and when the rocks or
narrow islands of that day became gradually silted
up and clothed upon: until they were amplified,
and almost completely attached to the main land.
The spaces between the Punjab rivers, the Doabs
as they are called, differ greatly in fertility; and
10 THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF INDIA.
while the desert re-appears between the Chenab
and the Ravi, the Julinder Doab, encircled by the
Sutlej and the Beas, and far in the higher north-
east region, is exuberantly productive.
It is difficult, in a few sentences, and without
creating an impression of exaggeration, to convey a
just idea of the manifold interest attaching to the
Ganges, and its kindred stream the Jumna, regarded
merely from a physical point of view* That this
most sacred river has been to the Hindoo much what
the Nile was to the Egyptian of old, and that its
banks are crowded with historical cities and famous
associations are commonplaces. But it is also, as I
have already said of these northern river areas gene-
rally, a typical study for the hydrographcr. We
speak of the Ganges as a single river. But it is
rather, in fact, a geographical expression for a vast
confluence of mighty streams, each many hundred
miles in length, and fed from innumerable sources :
the whole forming an enormous and intricate system
of Himalayan drainage, with contributions from the
southern table land, less intricate indeed, but hardly
inferior in the size and length of many tributaries ;
this prodigal accumulation of waters poured through
a country everywhere adapted to profit by it ; sloping
gently and gracefully towards the Bay of Bengal;
teeming with fertility ; lubricated and enriched each
year by the wide expanse and liberal deposits of the
THE GANGES. 11
inundation ; scored in the lower course of the stream
by old and deserted channels and jeels or beds of
lakes; ending at last in a wondrous region tmUr^Tos
re y?}, nai b&pov rov Trora/xou (as Herodotus ex-
presses it of the Nile Delta,) so loamy that for 400
miles, it is said, not a pebble is to be found; so
rankly and pestilentially fertile at its extremity the
Sundurbunds, that human life can hardly be sus-
tained, and, as Mr. Buckle would say, "nature/' in
this wild haunt of the tiger and the jungle fever,
"dominates man/' Such are a few of the more
prominent characteristics of what may not im-
properly be called a unique river.
The extent and complication of its tributary system
can only be appreciated by a study of the map. But
one or two examples will illustrate how truly it is
rather a confluence of mighty rivers than a single
stream. The Sun Cosi from the east and the Gunduk
from the west of Katmandu, the remote capital of
Nepal, join at last, though at different points, the
great gathering of waters. But while the former
brings with it the added volume of many not unim-
portant rivers; the latter enters the Ganges almost
at the same spot as the Gogra from the north-west,
and the Sone from Central India. The Gogra again
is a common term for a collection of large and long
streams; and the tributaries of the great Sone are
legion. Once more; above the junction of the
12 THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF INDIA.
Ganges and the Jumna, or iii the Doab Proper, the
complication of northern waters becomes almost be-
wildering. But not to mention the long channel of
the Betwa and other streams from the southern table-
land, the Chumbul alone is in itself a host of rivers,
and rivals in length the separate course of the
Jumna.
Well may the Hindoo dread the Indus, and revere
the Ganges. Nature and man have stamped for him
the impress of terror on the former name : the latter
personifies the vivifying and widely diffused powers of
Nature; and has in every age been associated with
facility of existence and communication, social pros-
perity, and political power. What the Danube was
to the trembling citizen of Constantinople in the
early middle ages, that and worse than that has been
the Indus to the Hindoo. What Normandy in the
later middle ages was to the French political arith-
metician^ that, arid better than that, has been the
Gangetic Plain to the exacting ministers of the Delhi
sovereigns.
It is impossible to comprise, within the limits of
this Sketch, even a general description of the
ample and diversified block of highland that stretches
from the Neelgherries to the Rajmahal Hills; and
from the Aravulli Mountains to the Eastern Ghats.
But a few characteristic particulars may be given.
The greater portion of the north-eastern part of the
MILITARY HISTORY OF THE TABLE-LAND. 1$
region, or roughly speaking from the Eastern Ghats
and the banks of the Godavery to the Mekal Hills
and the Subunrika River, is, and apparently always
has been, in a very primitive and indeed savage state ;
the bulk of the inhabitants being pre-historic races,
under turbulent and ferocious chieftains, living in
wild forests, possessing few of the arts of life, and
little connected with the history of the Peninsula,
The western portion of the block on the contrary
teems, from north to south, with historical associa-
tions ; has been the nursery, the base, and the battle-
field of every indigenous Power (except the Sikhs)
tli at for centuries has aspired to empire ; and has
been as closely connected with the military, as the
Gangetic Valley with the industrial, life of India,
And the complex political geography of the country
still bears obvious traces of this fact in every direc-
tion. Tims, when defeated by the invading Mussul-
man in early times, the hereditary chief of the war-
rior caste, the representative of the Solar Dynasty,
retired to the unfrequented country near the eastern
slopes of the Aravulii ; whence his tribesmen in after
days went forth to contest vigorously the empire ot
India with Baber himself. And both the western
desert and the table-land above, as well as the park-
like Guzerat, arc still tenanted by a host of gallant,
haughty, dissipated lordlings, who present a striking
contrast in character to the ordinary Hindoo type.
14 THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF INDIA.
Thus again, when Baber's Empire was waning, the
ignobler Jats made themselves strong in hill forts
not far removed from the imperial city. And while
no single place, defended by natives, ever resisted the
English so stoutly, and frequently, and with such loss
to our countrymen, as the Jat stronghold of Bhurt-
pore; this people is still represented in the same
district, and at Alwar and M^cliery.
But the importance of geographical circumstances
in war, and the extreme difficulty of deducing a
mountain community under an able leader, were
even more strikingly exhibited in the case of the
Marathas. As 1 have already said : " the sublime
country of the Western Ghats, with its deep recesses,
its umbrageous woods, its steep fastyesscs, and the
rugged and impracticable Concan at its base, fur-
nished [Sivaji] with a secure and inaccessible retreat
from pursuit, and a constant repository for his spoil ;
as well as with a race of hardy clansmen on whose
fidelity he could implicitly rely, for among them he
had been bred, and with their aid had performed
his earliest feats.*" What Holland was to the Dutch
against Philip the Second that were the Ghats and
the Corican to the Marathas against Aurungzih.
Thus, after maintaining their independence against
the Empire, this singular people proceeded to con-
quer a great portion of the highland, and not only
* The Mus*ulman> the Maratha, and the European^ pp. 21, 22.
MILITARY GEOGRAPHY OF MYSORE. 15
the Raja of Satara and the Peishwa, but all their
great chiefs except one (the Guikwar) had their
seats in this upper region Sindia at Gwalior, Hol-
kar at Indore, the Bonslay at Nagpore.
In connexion with the Marathas it may be men-
tioned also, that the valleys of the Nerbudda and the
Tapty ineffectually sheltered their bad imitators the
Pindarics from our arms. Nor need I dwell on the
fact, that decayed and dismembered Imperialism is
still represented in the transmuted Mogul func-
tionary, the modern Nizam, who holds the centre
of the Dekkan, and rules or professes to rule at
Hyderabad.
*>
What Sivaji was to Aurungzib, that Hyder Ally
long threatened to be, indeed may be said to have
been, to the English. And the connexion between
the character of his country and his successful war-
fare against them is so close, that it may be well to
add a few words on a subject so intimately affecting
our own fortunes.
Mysore Proper is conterminous with the southern
sweep of the Ghats ; and is thus, so to speak, a vast
natural fortress, surrounded on three sides by very
formidable, though not impregnable, barriers, but
exposed on the north, so as to be easily overrun by
invaders from the heart of the Dekkan.
And the history of Hyder and Tippoo is strictly in
accordance with these geographical peculiarities. Not
16 THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF INDIA.
to mention the occasional visits of the Nizam, the
Maratha from the north is ever hovering on and over-
passing the frontier ; levying chout, pillaging and de-
vastating the country, occupying the strongholds,
more than once assailing and beleaguering the capital
itself.
While, on the other hand, from behind the screen
of their hills, through the gates of their yawning and
sinuous passes, from the vantage ground of their
commanding plateau, working (as a soldier would
say) on the interior lines of their central position ;
the fierce and crafty barbarians inspire in the English
at their feet a mysterious dread ; watch and antici-
pate the movements of their antagonists ; conceal
their own operations till the time arrives for delivering
the swift and terrible blow; elude pursuit in their
lofty fastness ; cross and recross the Peninsula, deal-
ing their strokes alternately to right and left against
dissevered armies, too scanty to co-operate along so
extended a line of frontier.
A few remarks on the principal Dekkan rivers will
complete what I have space to say on the central
upland of India. They all flow (as I have observed)
eastward into the Bay of Bengal ; but may be dis-
tinguished as follows. The Mahanuddy is perhaps
the shortest, but is the most navigable, and has on
ttte whole the largest delta ; flows through the wildest
country ; is most destitute of important tributaries ;
DKKKAN RIVERS. 17
and reaches the sea near one of the holiest places in
India Juggernath. The course of the Godavery is
the longest, extending right across the Peninsula :
it rises not far from Bombay, near that remarkable
feat of modern engineering, the T hull Ghat railway
cutting; and forms, during the later part of its
course, the northern boundary of the Nizam's terri-
tories; (the Praiihita, one of its larger tributaries,
and the Northern Ghats completing that boundary
line.) The Kistna has the largest drainage area, and
the most numerous and* celebrated feeders; one of
them, the Bhima, rising a little south of the Godavery,
and due east of Bombay, while the Tunga and the
Bhudra, (whose united streams form the Toombudra,
and join the Kistna at the extreme south of the
Nizam's dominions,) and the Hugri have their sources
far down in the western Mysore country. The
Kistna also forms the boundary of the Nizam's ter-
ritories on the south, until its final abrupt turn in
the same direction. Lastly, the Cavery, though
perhaps positively the shortest of the four, is fraught
witli the most interesting historical memories to
Englishmen. Indeed it may be said to symbolize, as
it were, inversely in its course the career of the
British in India* At its mouth we first engaged with
natives in a contest, which was the prelude to our lorfg
and obstinate struggle Tfith the French, and which
resulted in our acquiring there a post of much im-
18 THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OP INDIA.
portance with a view to the later war. The chief
scene of the Anglo-French struggle was at Trichi-
nopoly, on the banks of the same river. Our next
internecine war was with the Mysorean, whose capital
was at Seringapatam, still on the Cavery ; the cap-
ture of which place extinguished the Empire of
Tippoo, and made us the strongest Power in the
South. Yet twice more we had to vindicate our
supremacy against the insolent challenge or the sullen
opposition of the Maratha, whose starting p&int, like
that of the Cavery, had been the Western Ghats,
whence like that river he had advanced to meet the
sea-born invader.
The smaller rivers, as the Palaar and the two
Pennars, drain the space between the Kistna and
the Caver) 7 , and water the Carnatic Plain.
The triangular block with which the Peninsula
comes to an end reproduces many of the features of
the regions further north. The Palnai Hills, in
which its highland culminates, confront and rival in
elevation the Neelgherries, on the opposite side of
the Palghat-Pass, or Gap of Coimbatore. The Car-
damums, like the main chain of the Ghats, keep
closer to the western than the eastern coast, Hence
Travancore is narrower and more undulating, not to
say precipitous : Madura and Tinnevelly are in general
flat, river-traversed plains, in which the Vaiga, &c.,
repeat, on a diminished scale proportioned to the
THE EXTREME SOUTH. 19
locality, the operations of the Cavery and the other
Dckkan rivers. Some distance from Cape Coraorin
the Cardamums sink suddenly to 2,000 feet, and the
Cape itself is (I believe) still not far short of 500,
The whole of this block is abundantly watered both
by streams and by the monsoon torrents, and exhibits
the same exuberant fertility and, especially on the
west, the same woodland characteristics that are
found on the Malabar coast proper. \Vhile in the
last century Tinnevelly was for years a fearful scene
of anarchy, hill chiefs and coll cries, Mysorean irre-
gulars and English Sepoys, revolted servants and
relatives of the Carnatic Nawab, and soldiers of for-
#
tune who fought on their own account, reproducing
in a coarser and more confused form the phenomena
of the Great Coast War ; this Province is now chiefly
known among us in connexion with the remarkable
progress of Christianity within its limits, and the
social improvements which have been the steady
result of that progress. On the other hand, across
the mountain range, the primitive Rajnship of Tra-
vancore presents a hardly less satisfactory spectacle as
a model Native State, under English protection and
auspices, assimilating English resources, including
University Education, but unauncxed, and reclaimed
but undevoured by English "civilianism/' as it so
nearly was in the last century by Tippoo's appetite
for conquest.
Some of the characteristics of the coast line, and o
20 THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF INDIA.
the lower lands between the Ghats and the coast,
have been incidentally mentioned. But, at the risk
of some little repetition, it may be well to attempt
such a general sketch of their features as is commen-
surate with my limits. The sharply defined, con-
tinuous, and almost straight line of the western range
contrasts obviously with the wandering and nearly
broken course of the eastern crests. Also, the
general proximity of the former to the sea, with the
remoteness from it of the latter. Nor is it difficult
to perceive that the western lowland is often no plain
at all ; while the eastern is in no small measure
shaped by river deposits. But it must be added, that
the double formation the lower range or " Under-
cliff/* and the final summits prevalent in the Himalaya
i is repeated along much of the Eastern Ghats : that
the deltas of the great Dekkan rivers rival in fertility,
though on a reduced scale, the Gangetic plain: while
the character of the coast, the silting up of the river
mouths, and the occurrence of a violent surf along
*&'
the whole eastern sea-margin, afford not a single
good harbour between the Mahanuddy and Cape
Comorin,
Nor are matters much mended in this respect, on
the western side j for though the surf is not here
prevalent, except off the southern coast, the character
of the geology is fatal to the existence of spacious
and landlocked havens. Estuaries indeed there are ;
but these are treacherous receptacles; and even
THE MONSOON. 21
Bombay, though presenting from the hills which
overlook it one of the most beautiful, indeed magni-
ficent panoramas in the world, is by no means so
readily accessible to the sailor as an unprofessional
critic might imagine.
How far the Hindoo's dread and hatred of the
sea are connected with this absence of good harbours,
I must not now attempt to estimate. But I have on
a previous occasion pointed out the important in-
fluence which, in concert with the monsoon, it exer-
cised upon the course of the Anglo-French contest.*
And the peculiarities of the Malabar coast must
* " Bui the most serious impediment to warfare on the mainland,
and a total obstacle to maritime enterprises, was the Monsoon.
This prevails, on the Coromandel coast, from about October to
December. It is ushered in generally by gales and thunderstorms
of appalling violence : it swells the rivers with surprising rapidity
and volume; (ills the deep channels of the water- courses, and re-
duces (lie country variously to a lake or a morass. The comfortless
chilliness of this dreary beason, the effect of constant wind and an
all-pervading atmosphere of moisture, alternating with capricious
bursts of fiery sunshine, can only be appreciated by those who have
felt it ; and is a most trying experience, whether to a native or to a
European constitution. Harbourless, and threatened by the raging
eurf that rolls ever on these shores, and most fiercely at such a
time, the fleets were compelled to quit the coast and seek shelter
at a distance, before the Monsoon broke ; or to remain at the risk
of being beaten to pieces at their anchorage in the open roadsteads,
or to bravo the perils of the mid-ocean at its wildest season. Thus
the settlers wore left to themselves and their own resources during
a quarter of the year ; unaided by that branch of the service on
which they so innch depended for their military efficiency, and even
for their existence in the country of their exile. 11 The Mussulman,
22 THE PHYSICAL FEATURES OF INDIA.
not be altogether ignored, even in so summary a
sketch of Indian Geography as the present.
No maritime plain strictly speaking at all. A
comparatively narrow strip of land between the sea
and the Ghats ; land broken up, contorted, writhing
(as it were) from the rugged and indented sea-margin,
till after preliminary gam1>ols of a wilder character it
shoots aloft in steep and terrific elifts, and craggy
summits, which I shall not attempt to describe, and
whose beauty and majesty must be seen to be un-
derstood. Magnificent forests clothe these elevations,
and spread far down into the wild country below,
and extend their mysterious and treacherous shade
for many a mile along the table-land above. Im-
|>etuous torrents leap from the mountain sides ; rive,
and still further diversify, in their headlong career
seaward, the uneven and craggy surface of the coast
land ; and the hollow nullahs of the dry season are,
on the approach of rain, transformed in a few hours
into deep, furious, and impassable cataracts. The
thunderstorms of these regions are terrific : the de-
luges of rain violent, copious, and frequent beyond
all comparison elsewhere in India. There is a
native saying that, on the Malabar coast the mon-
soon lasts nine months. Roads throughout the greater
part of the country there are none ; the character of
the grdund, and the luxuriance of the forests and
jungles alike preclude them. Nature here (to use
once more Mr. Buckle's expression) dominates man*
CHAPTER II.
THE EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS.
BAUER, the Founder of the Mogul Empire, was des-
cended, ou his father's side, from Timour, on his
mother's, from Chcngis. His early life was not un-
like that of the conqueror of Bajazet, as described by
Gibbon. He was but twelve years of age when, by
the death of his father, he succeeded to the govern-
ment of Ferghana, a principality on the Sirr, the an-
cient Jaxartes. His struggles and adventures during
the next ten years are admirably described by himself,
and read like a romantic tale of knight-errantry on a
grand scale, (ilia sturdy frame, his precocious and
versatile abilities, his indomitable energy, his quick ob-
servation and lively susceptibility to the curiosities,
wonders and beauties of nature, his warm heart and
genial temper, and his constant cheerfulness under
adverse circumstances, are most attractively displayed
24 EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS.
in his Memoirs / while in a style as far as possible
removed from the popular conception of the rude
Tartar, he records a series of victories and defeats, of
hair-breadth escapes and daring achievements, which
well illustrate the old adage, that truth is, after all,
often stranger than fiction.
Eventually overmatched, routed, and expelled by
the Usbeks, but undismayed and hopeful as ever,
and with a select body of attached followers, he
marches southward ; and making liimself master of
the kingdom of Cabul, begins to meditate the auda-
cious project of repeating in India, though in a better
and more humane spirit, the exploits of his great
ancestor Timour.
There the old Empire has long been dissolved, and
many separate kingdoms, as usual, have arisen on its
ruins. An Afghan sovereign rules at Delhi, and
in vain attempts to arrest the impetuous course of
the hardy and experienced invaders. A Hindoo
Prince, the descendant of a hundred kings, and the
hero of a hundred fights, next musters a vast host of
his own people^ the traditionally warlike Rajputs, and
renews the contest, on his own account. But again
Babels fortune prevails: later efforts to resist or
subvert his power, a power based not only on violence,
but on the generous treatment of the conquered,
prove equally fruitless; and just as the mediaeval
jystem is breaking up in Europe, and the Age of
THE EMPEROR BAUER. 25
Charles the Fifth is opening out an indefinite vista of
change and reconstruction in the Western world, the
refugee from Central Asia establishes his throne in
Hindostan; and, having crowded into a compara-
tively brief span the experiences and achievements of
a long career, expires most characteristically, in the full
belief that he has offered his life, in exchange for that
of his son, and that the offering has been accepted.
Such, in a few words, was Baber, one of the most
fascinating characters in history. Mr. Elphinstone
pronounces him to have been " the most admirable {
prince that ever reigned in Asia." And those who
are disposed to dismiss him as a barbarian conqueror,
would do well to glance at Lord Jeffrey's account of
him, published in the Edinburgh Review, on occasion
of the appearance of his Memoirs in an excellent
English version.
If Saber's life, as related by himself, reads like a
romance, his son Humayun's, full at once of startling
disasters and terrible incidents, and of petty mortifi-
cations and grotesque perplexities, may almost be
called a melodrama. His Memoirs are not an auto-
biography, though composed by a contemporary, and
a follower of his chequered fortunes. Humayun's
career has been compared to that of Charles the
Second. But Robert of Normandy, or King Stephen,
would seem to offer juster and more numerous points
nf
26 EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS.
The new Emperor is at once called upon to main*
tain his authority by the sword. He displays great
gallantry, and remarkable though fitful energy ; and
is at first successful, t But his personal defects^he
difficulties inherent in his situation,5the faithlessness
and ambition of his brothers, especially of Kararan,
who robs him of Cabulf the base of his military power,
(which to stave off immediate hostilities Humayun
abandons) ^and the ability of his Afghan rival, Shir
Khan, ruin his cause : and after a succession of
crushing defeats, spasmodic struggles on an ever-
lessening scale to recover what he has lost, narrow
escapes from imprisonment or death, and severe
trials in the Great Indian Desert, the dethroned
*
Emperor takes refuge at the Court of Persia. There
he is at once patronised, insulted, and persecuted
by the haughty king; and is compelled, in hopes
of procuring assistance towards regaining his
throne, to adopt the Shia peculiarities of garb if
not of faith.
With a Persian contingent he at length returns to
India, soured by misfortune; wreaks, as he passes, a
bloody vengeance on his brother Kamran whom he
regards as the original author of all his calamities ;
recovers Agra and Delhi, with a small district around
those cities; and shortly after dies, from the effects
of an accidental fall.
Humayun was by no means a commonplace man,
JIUMAYUN'S CHARACTER* 27
Some European authors speak of him with respect,
if not with admiration. He had gained military dis-
tinction under Baber. And while his abilities were
good, his temper does not seem to have been origin-
ally cruel. But his character, as well as his fate, was
to a remarkable extent, a conspicuous foil to that of
his great father, and of his still greater soli. His
energy was intermittent; he was constitutionally
indolent and dilatory. *' Good-natured" in 'the
same sense in which Charles the Second was good-
natured, not otherwise lie was selfish, capricious,
inconsiderate of others, flippant, and distrustful.
Hence he was unequal to a sustained series of war-
like combinations, or to a self- abnegating political
conciliation of heterogeneous and clashing interests.
He inspired neither enthusiasm nor respect : his sup-
porters fell off continually ; and his very servants
slighted him. This during his first troubled reign*
The darker hues of his character, on his restoration,
must probably be set down to his misfortunes* It is
impossible to say how far he might *have improved,
had his life been prolonged, and his dominion once
more established on a less contentious basis
neither Kamran nor Shir Shah being now alive to
molest and threaten him. Yet though, with every
allowance, it is not easy to admire the man, the life
of the adventurer is interesting and instructive. And
it is far from improbable, that his successor profited
28 EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS.
largely by the experience of bis errors and their fatal
results, as well as by the lessons to be derived from
the more prudent, engaging, and prosperous course of
the firm, sagacious, and generous Baber.
Disappointing, rather than surprising, as is the
sudden collapse of the young Empire under Humayun,
its re-establishment, extension, and consolidation
under his son present one of the most interesting and
remarkable phenomena in history.
Baber, brilliant, like Cortes, as a successful adven-
turer, did not live to prove his capacity for organiza-
tion; though his fame, his noble nature, and his
judicious treatment both of friends and foes, were not
lost upon his posterity, and were reproduced with
more abiding results by his grandson.
Acber, the Charlemagne of the dynasty, was the
real founder of the imperial system, in its leading and
most distinctive features. He was a man well fitted
for the purpose of evolving order out of chaos, in
such a state of society, and laying deep in the hearts
and imaginations of his miscellaneous subjects the
well adjusted foundations of a dominion as stable aa
was compatible with the circumstances of his position
and the precarious event of finding fit and appre-
ciative successors.
Powerful athletic, and enduring in frame, incredibly
active both in body and mind, brave to temerity,
passionately devoted to field-sports, enterprising and
ACBEH'S WARS. 29
skilful in war, undesponding in temper, and resolute
in maintaining his authority over turbulent and
ambitious followers; but temperate, calm, sincere,
just, statesmanlike and profoundly benevolent ; anxi-
ous to promote not only the limits and tranquillity of
his dominions, but the welfare and improvement,
material, intellectual, and moral of his people j^-he
stands forth in character and achievements at once as
no inferior, in some respects indeed as a more favour-
able counterpart of the far-famed Frankish reviver of
the Holy Roman Empire, and as the greatest and
best sovereign of the Mogul, or perhaps of any
Eastern monarchy.
Aided and tutored, at the outset, by an able but
stern and overbearing captain of his father's lawless
army, he assumes independence, and the personal
cares of government, at the early age of eighteen.
For fifteen years he wages incessant and obstinate
wars to recover what he conceives to be the rightful
territories of his House. In the course of this
arduous struggle he displays great military qualities,
the most adventurous gallantry, traits of touching
and chivalrous nobleness, and an equally amiable and
politic clemency towards his opponents, combined
with a conspicuous absence of vindictiveness and
cruelty. Save one Hindoo chieftain, (who baffles him
by burying himself in the jungles and deserts of
30 EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS.
Guzerat), every pretender to empire, north of the
Nerbudda, has been permanently subdued, and all
Hindostan Proper has submitted to his sway. Can-
dahar and Cabul have been re-annexed. Cashmir
has been seized to become the luxurious Simla of
the Mogul Emperors. A severe reverse sustained by
his lieutenants, at the hands of the North Eastern
tribes of Afghanistan, much resembling in its circum-
stances our own terrible disaster on the same border,
has been followed by a partial reduction of the irre-
claimable mountaineers. In the Dckkau, Berar and
Candcish have become imperial Provinces ; the capi-
tal of Ahmcdmiggur has fallen, after a long and
heroic resistance; and the power of that State has
been shaken to its foundations ; though its complete
subversion is reserved for a later time.
Such were the extensive and solid military tri-
umphs of the reign. But though, personally or by
his generals, Acber had wielded the sword with so
much vigour and success, that his conquests did not
require to be repeated, and were secured by the
construction of fortifications, the maintenance, re-
modelling, careful inspection, and regular payment^
of a large and well-appointed army, and by improve-
ments in the art and implements of war ascribed to
the Emperor himself; yet this truly heroic king's
heart was in the beneficent works of peace; and
ACBER'S CIVIL POLICY. 31
he might without hypocrisy have made the profes-
sion :
u We are brothers, we are men,
And we conquer but to save ! "
Henceforth he proves himself a father tt>. all his
subjects, by strict and just personal government, and
by the careful choice and vigilant supervision of
appropriate ministers and local governors; by re-
moving a variety of unnecessary and obnoxious
taxes, especially those which bear hard on the poor,
and by reforming the land-revenue system, so as to
make it, though from its purer collection more pro-
ductive to the sovereign, less oppressive to the
cultivator; by improving the currency, erecting
buildings of 'general utility, and introducing regular
and expeditious posts; by assembling all classes to
witness in holiday harmony splendid spectacles,
athletic sports, and animating beast-fights the
mimicry of war; by employing Hindoo and Mussul-
man alike in his service, both warlike and adminis-
trative; by keeping up an imposing and accessible
Court, frequented and guarded by officers and chief-
tains of every race, tongue, and creed throughout his
ample realm, but refraining (it is said) from the
usual practice of receiving from those whom he
delights to honour the gift that blinds the king's
eyes, and tends to impoverish the giver ; by treating
his Mussulman officers liberally, while strengthen-
32 EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS.
ing his hold over the Hindoo,; through the favour
accorded to the gallant and faithful Rajput, and the
practice now introduced of imperial intermarriage
with the ancient and noble houses of that tribe ; by
discouraging sectarian fanaticism and religious per-
secution, attracting to his Court eminent scholars,
writers, and teachers, fostering schools and general
culture, and encouraging especially the study of
comparative religious literature, friendly controversy,
and serious speculation : by such means did Acber
justly rival the undying fame of Charlemagne, secure
the lordship of the soil which his prowess had won,
initiate institutions, and infuse a tone, which pre-
served his Empire in vigour for a century after his
death, and deserve the gratitude of his own people,
and the reverence of mankind in after ages.
Though a highly-cultivated man, the great
Emperor seems to have left not a line of his own
composition.* But in his beloved friend and devoted
admirer, Abul Pazil, he had an Eirihard, who both
wrote his life, and compiled in the Ayeen Akbery an
invaluable and very curious account of the Empire,
,ts topography, administrative arrangements, military
resources, the ordering of the Court in all its
branches, the Emperor's principles of government,
his instructions to his officials^ aqd iqany interesting
particulars connectefl wjth his character and habits.
* Feriflhta says that h$ jyrote poetry. If so, did it survive him P
ACBER'S RELIGION. 33
Besides other authorities, his son Jehangir^s Memoirs
also throw much additional light both On the man
and on the reign.
It remains, after all, more or less problematical,
how far the peculiarities of his eclectic religious
system were due to the bent of his own speculative
temper, how far to a long-sighted policy. His
father's enforced conformity to the Shia sect may
have had something to do with it. Baber himself.
O ~w.**M >*" >*''* "******
too, was a very cosmopolitan religionist. Acber's
desire to conciliate the Hindoos undoubtedly told in
the same direction. Especially was he anxious to
smooth down differences with the Rajputs. But it is
hard to believe that his proceedings in this matter
were due to policy alone. He had a genuine interest
d^t^MlM-V
in religious problems for their own sake; a broad
sympathy with what he esteemed rational piety and
moral excellence, under all forms; and an equally
cordial antipathy to what he considered not only
mischievous but perverse, self-opinionated, and un-
philosophical exclusiveness. On the whole, those
only who are prepared to pronounce with confidence
and precision on the balance of motives, and the
spiritual condition of Theodoric and the Emperor
Frederick the Second, will perhaps feel justified in
reading the perplexing riddle of Acber's faith and
religious conduct. He died, it seems pretty clear,
3
34 EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS.
an ostensible Mussulman. But if so, does this foct
meet and answer the main question?*
The excellence of Acber's institutions was attested
by the continued prosperity of the Empire under his
two immediate successors. Jehangir's reign was
indeed at times a troubled one, and exhibited many
of the familiar and unfavourable features of Oriental
despotism At its opening, one son revolts, and
though, on the failure of the attempt, his life is
spared, he is never forgiven, and dies in captivity,
while his followers are executed by hundreds with
barbarous severity. At its close, another son, the
future Emperor Shah-Jehan, is goaded into rebellion
by the too apparent design of supplanting him in
favour of a younger brother. The latter crisis was
precipitated by the over-weening influence of the
world-renowned Empress, Nur Jehan, a woman
whose character was hardly less remarkable than her
beauty, or her strangely romantic story. Nor was
she satisfied with setting the father and the son at
variance. Jehangir was led by her to distrust and
ill treat one of his ablest and most powerful nobles ;
who thereupon, by a coup de main, seizes the person
of the Emperor in the midst of his camp. But the
artful and dashing Sultana contrives to rescue her
lord ; who, however, does not long survive these agi-
* Is it more conclusive than the final offering of a cock to
JEsculapiua by Socrates ?
DISTURBANCES UNDER JEIIANGIR. 35
tating scenes; and Shah Jehan reigns in his stead,
and Nur Jehan is heard of no more in public life.
Candahar too, that perpetual bone of contention
between Persia and India, is again lost under Jehaii-
gir; and though Shah- Jehan, while still heir-ap-
parent, completes the reduction and conciliation of
Rajputana, and makes great progress in the Dekkan,
the fruits of his labours in the latter quarter are for-
feited by the effects of the rupture with his father*
Thus the first aspect of the reign is not re-assuring
for the stability of the dynasty ; and it almost seems
as though Humayun's cycle of ruin both to the
Emperor and to the Empire were about to recur. Yet
this impression I believe to be, in reality, most
erroneous. Acber had effectually and finally disposed
of all the older claimants to the throne of Hindostan.
An Oriental monarchy, if otherwise well organised,
can stand much strain in the way of what, while we
cannot but pronounce them to be civil wars, are
regarded in the East as inevitable, not to say nor-
mal family quarrels, of a violent perhaps, but by no
means necessarily of a very dangerous, much less
destructive tendency to the raj itself.
They are the Asiatic form of the Fronde cabals and
tumults. Or, to take an earlier illustration, the
Anglo-Norman Power was not dissolved, how far was
it imperilled, or even weakened, by the contests
between the Conqueror's sons ? However that may
36 EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS.
have been, certain it is, that more general and more
radical causes of decay than the simultates and
jurgia of the Zenana were required to shake a
dominion, that had now attained a steady and strong
hold on the imagination, if not on the affections, of
the natives of India, and that was skilfully adapted
to foster the interests both of the native, and of the
foreign adventurer. It is equally clear, that the
world outside India including Europe now looked
with admiration and awe upon the august fabric of
Mogul Imperialism; and contemporary evidence of
this fact is both abundant and precise.
This double aspect of the reign is reflected in, and
explained by, the personal character of the Emperor
"Nil fuit unquam
Sic impar sibi."
Jehangir has been compared with his contemporary
James the First " the wisest fool in Christendom"
who sent a formal embassy to the court of his
Asiatic brother. And certainly a considerable resem-
blance between the two men may be traced. Their
exalted theories and well-rounded periods about the
divinely delegated functions of sovereignty, their
passionate and pedantic indignation against subjects
convicted or suspected of disaffection, their amusing
pride in petty devices of kingcraft, their lingering
belief in magic, their notable displays of selfishness
find puerile meanness, their favoritism and maudlin
JEHANGIK/S CHARACTER. 37
sentimentality especially in their cups, their shrewd
and coarse sayings, and frequent lack of self-respect,
poorly compensated by an affectation of dignity in
public : these and other circumstances may be
observed, in which poor human nature, aspiring to a
God-like attitude on two such different stages, ex-
hibited contemporaneously, in either case, an equally
extraordinary and grotesque falling off in practice
from the sublime ideal.
Still Jehangir, though gossiped over and laughed
at privately in his capital, sustained in an atmosphere
congenial to the freaks of despotism the character
and power of the Great Mogul, far more successfully
than James was able to hold his own as King of
England.
For, on the other hand, the character and conduct
of the Asiatic monarch present, on a closer inspection,
a much more favourable appearance. He undoubtedly
had a high view, not only of his privileges, but of his
duties as a sovereign, and a sincere desire to rule his
people well. It is impossible to believe that the
political disquisitions and pious sentiments on this
subject, which abound in his rambling autobiography,
however overstrained, rhetorically amplified, and too
often forgotten in actual life, are mere cant/ Nor
was his administration, on the whole, either oppressive
or imbecile. His admiration for his father's great
qualities and wise dispositions was both profound and
38 EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS,
salutary. Even his occasional fits of revolting bar-
barity were not wanton, but were prompted by Ins
sense of the propriety of maintaining unimpaired his
legitimate authority. And they diminished in fre-
quency and violence as he grew older, in which res-
pect he contrasts favourably with too many tyrants
both Oriental and Occidental. His passion for Nur
Jehan was inordinate, and, as usual, her kinsmen
were great gainers by it. And he had originally
cleared the way for her becoming hjs consort by a
foul, Uriah-like murder of her former husband. But
his uxorious devotion to her was toto cffilo removed
from the contemptible, nauseous, and pernicious fond-
ness of James for Buckingham and others. The
destined Empress was a highly gifted woman both in
personal charms, in taste, in intellect, and in moral
resolution and courage. Nor, where her ascendancy
was not in peril, does she seem to have been otherwise
than actively beneficent in her influence. Her
courage she at once proved by resenting so strongly
the fate of her husband, that, though Jehangir had
consigned her to his harem, it was Jong before he
ventured or was inclined to raise her to the con-
templated dignity. After becoming his wife, how-
ever, she ruled his heart alone, and to the end. And
her power, in spite of the final troubles excited by
her jealousy, seems to have been beneficial both to
the character of her husband, and to the interests of
THE EMPIRE AT ITS ZENITH. 39
his subjects. Her father was a capable and honest
minister. And her brother dissociated himself from
her schemes, and aided the accession of Shah Jehan.
The graceful adornments of the Mogul court, which
long continued to attract the admiration of Europeans,
were not a little due to her ; while, unlike most fine
ladies, she was economical as well as tasteful in her
devices. It was not in her company that the Emperor
indulged in the private drinking bouts, which she
probably did much to render less frequent, instead of
sympathising in the practice, after the fashion set at
the English court, and described by an eye witness not
less graphically, than Sir Thomas Roe has recorded
the incidents of his petits soupers with Jehangir.
The Emperor, too, though a more decided Mussulman
than his father, was lenient and tolerant; and is even
said to have had affinities with Christianity.
On the whole, Jehangir seems to have been by no
means a bad king, judged from an European point of
view; and very much above the average of Orienta?
sovereigns ; while the disturbances of his reign were
episodical, and of short duration.
Under Shah Jchan the Empire attained its zenith.
At no other period was it so tranquil, well-ordered,
and thriving in its older Indian Provinces ; never were
the feudatory princes of Rajputana more zealously
devoted to the imperial service : never was the Court
more splendid, or the Emperor more powerful, wealthy,
40 EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS.
or generally respected. Nor was the conventional
idea of the Great Mogul as the Sovereign of India,
and of India alone ever so near being realised. For
while, after a partially successful effort to recover the
extra-Indian territories of his ancestors, Shah Jehan
finally, in the spirit of Hadrian, abandoned regions too
difficult, costly, and unproductive to be profitably re-
tained j on the other hand, Southward, the course of
empire held its way. The monarchy of Ahmednuggur,
which Acber had assailed, and Shah Jehan himself,
during his father's reign, had been on the point of
annihilating, was now finally extinguished, in spite of
the gallant efforts of its last champion, Shahji, the
father of the great Sivaji. Bijapoor and Golconda,
the two remaining Afghan kingdoms of the Dekkan,
were reduced to tributary States ; a Mogul party was
established in each ; the Prime Minister of Golconda
transferred his obedience and invaluable services to the
Emperor ; and Shah Jehan began to talk the language
of a master, interfering with the internal policy of
Golconda, and the question of regal succession at
Bijapoor. Yet it does not appear that he contem-
plated the extinction of these kingdoms at least at
once, and before that step could be prudently taken.
The imperial Provinces in the Dekkan were now
elaborately surveyed, and the revenue system of
Acber was introduced into them.
Unremitting, till towards the close of his reign, in
SHAH JEHAN'S GREATNESS. 41
his personal attention to business, the Emperor was
most happy also in the choice of his servants (among
whom Saad Ullah Khan is pronounced by Mr. Elphin-
stone to have been "the most able and upright minister
that ever appeared in India") , and in the employment
of his sons, who for many years implicitly obeyed and
cordially served him, fighting against the common
enemy on the frontier.
Shah Jehan was a rather stricter Mussulman than
his father. But, though the Mahometan was encou-
raged, the Hindoo was not molested.
Nur Jehan had been handsomely pensioned off;
and a formidable rebellion early in the reign was
promptly quelled. After which mildness and graceful
munificence became the general order of the day.
That Shah Jehan was able, without imposing new
taxes, or resorting to other oppressive measures, to
lavish on one occasion alone largesse to the estimated
amount of 1,600,000; to maintain his royal estab-
lishments on an unexampled scale of magnificence, and
a regular army of 200,000 horsemen ; to construct
the most beautiful and costly edifices in India, includ-
ing the celebrated Taj Mahal; to build a new and
splendid capital at Delhi ; to devote to the decoration
of the famous peacock throne, jewels, &c,, variously
valued at from four to six and a half millions sterling ;
and, after all, to amass a reserve treasure of some
20,000,000, will (even if some exaggeration lurk in
42 EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS.
the items) give a not unfair idea of his ability, re-
sources, and reputation, before his abrupt and tota
eclipse.
But this brilliant prospect was soon to be over*
clouded.
Hitherto five sovereigns had occupied the Mogul
throne, each succeeding his father, and all exhibiting,
in spite of strongly marked individuality, a decided,
and on the whole a favorable family likeness. All
had been men of ability, energy, determination, and
(Humayun perhaps exceptecl, though great allowances
must be made even for him) of notable governing
qualities. All had been, so to speak, men of the
world; for Orientals, at least, open and simple in
character, hearty and frank in demeanor, straight-
forward and explicit in their general aims, mostly
free from the cruel propensities and bloodthirsty
practices commonly and too justly associated with
the idea of an Eastern despot ; tolerant in the deli-
cate matter of religion ; rather lax, to say the least,
in their adhesion to Mahometanism. Such men were
well adapted to sway the destinies, and develop the
resources of such an Empire ; and to retain a hold
over the heterogeneous and sensitive population com-
prised within its spacious limits.
But the time had now come when a very different
system was to be pursued by a Prince of a very
different temper.
CHARACTER OP AURUXGZIB. 43
As Shah Jehan grew old, and advancing years and
luxury relaxed the vigour of his faculties, the question
of the succession became more and more serious. He
had four sons, all of mature age,, versed in affairs,
ambitious, and little inclined to mutual forbearance
and concession when the great prize of empire was at
stake. Morad, the youngest, was a man of slender
ability, and, though brave, an inveterate sensualist.
Shuja, the second, was naturally clever, but had im-
paired his talents by self-indulgence, and his reputa-
tion and popularity with his co-religionists by leaning
to the S/tia sect. Dara, the eldest, was a bold, open-
handed and open-hearted Prince, but rash and over-
bearing. He was also still more un-orthodox than
Shuja, and had committed himself by broaching, in
writing, an eclectic scheme for uniting the Hindoo
and Mahometan religions. He was, however, a
favourite with the Hindoos,
Aurungzib, the third brother, was not only a
singular contrast to the rcst/Jbut a novel and unique
phenomenon in the Mogul House. Gentle, un-
assuming, even humble in manner, courteous and
considerate in his general intercourse, yet dignified
and princely on occasion ; simple and self-denying in
his daily life, austere in morals, and a sincere zealot
for the Kunnee faith, but secretly glowing with un-
quenchable ambition for the highest worldly station ;
wary, calculating and cold-blooded, yet susceptible of
44 EARLIER MOGUL EMPERORS.
enthusiasm both on the secular battle-field, and in the
subtler and more ideal contest for the ascendancy of
Islam; sedulous in attaching to his interests the
unpronouneed and the wavering, in detecting and
allaying germinant opposition, in perplexing, divid-
ing, and confounding open adversaries ; dark and 1
devious in his own machinations, consummately cun-
ning in penetrating and over-reaching those of others,
and infinitely suspicious of all men ; inflexible and
utterly untrammelled by moral or humane considera-
tions in the pursuit of his objects, and while, like
Philip the Second, gaining support and enlisting par-
tizan devotion as the Champion of the Faith, ready
to risk the exhaustion and dismemberment of the
Empire itself, rather than forego the attempt to
enforce his religious formula j like the same sovereign,
indefatigable in attention to the minutest details of
business, and capable of heroic perseverance in a
losing game, but equally destitute of broad statesman-
like views, and profound insight into the more general
and permanent workings of human character, the un-
written limiting principles of government, the com-
plexion of the times, and the consequent possibilities
of things j well trained and well informed in the craft
of regular warfare, and ever ready to incur toil, hard-
ship, and danger when great personal or public in-
terests summoned him to the field, but little conscious
as yet that peculiar circumstances and the extern-
AURUNGZIB'S HISTORICAL POSITION. 45
porised devices of genius might ultimately prove too
strong even for such a general, wielding the whole
force of the State ; such was Aurungzib, a man per-
cisely adapted to gain the day over all his brothers ;
to track his unfaltering way, through a cloud of
mysterious intrigue and a sea of blood, to a throne
which had hitherto been regularly and peacefully
transmitted in his family ; to reverse the traditional
and characteristically mild policy of his predecessors ;
to rule the empire with energy and dexterity ; and, in
the end, through the influence not only of his can-
kering and infectious vices, and his uncompromising
and fatal prejudices, but even of his very virtues, to
break it in pieces like a potter's vessel !
CHAPTER III.
THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
A SHORT account of the imperial system will make
the following narrative more intelligible.
The power of the Emperor was theoretically abso-
lute. The property, the liberty, the lives of his
subjects were at his unconditional disposal. Ac-
cording to the received courtlj..dQ(<tiiiie, he was the
exclusive owner of the whole soil of the Empire,
He could impose, enhance, and abolish taxes at his
pleasure* He could establish monopolies, and regu-
late and prohibit commerce and manufactures. He
could compel the people of one district to migrate to
another. He could exact military service, and levy
military contributions, to an indefinite extent.
Patronage, both civil and military, was entirely in
his hands. He could raise a man of the lowest
class, and of no experience, to the highest rank, and
to the most important functions. And the most
exalted officials he could degrade suo nutu. He
MOGUL DESPOTISM. 47
could punish any of his subjects with the most
capricious and extreme severity ; fine, imprison,
torture, mutilate, put them to death, on mere
suspicion, or in the indulgence of mere passion.
The extent of his territories, the pomp of his
Court, the vast number and sp|kndid equipments of
his armies, the conventionally submissive tone of his
ministers, his provincial rulers, and his generals, the
hyperbolical lordliness of his swelling titles, and, in
most cases until the decline of the Empire, the
ability and vigour which he displayed in his person-
ally conducted government, combined to give an
impression of awful reality and unfaltering force to
these formidable prerogatives.
Nor could it be otherwise, seeing that the sword
had given the Mogul the empire of India ; that no
permanent landed arisjtocracy, such as has arisen in
Teutonic communities, for some time existed, to
make constant head against Imperial despotism;
that collective popular organization for a similar
purpose was quite out of the question; that the
social compact was an unhistorical European specu-
lation, the first conditions of which were inconceiv-
able to an Asiatic; that neither the principles of
Islam nor the precedents of Oriental rule favoured
the limitation of the powers essentially reserved to a
sovereign who, from the nature of the case, was
peculiarly and permanently in the position (as Dr.
48 THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
Arnold would have said) of the general of an army
of occupation in a conquered country.
But if the ideal power of the Emperor was so
unrestricted, the actual checks on its exercise were
numerous and effective. The general circumstances
of his political situation, as a Mussulman alien in
the midst of a vast Hindoo population, a large pro-
portion of which was by no means unwarlike, and a
Mogul ruling over fiery and turbulent Afghans, the
memory of whose domination was fresh and sug-
gestive; his dependence for the maintenance of his
authority, and the execution of his decrees, upon
ministers, satraps, generals, and ultimately upon his
troops ; the public opinion, at least the general and
well-ascertained sentiments and the strong pre-
judices of his subjects, whether Mahometan or
Hindoo ; the constantly impending danger of insur-
rection, or of violent attempts to redress public or
avenge private grievances, if not to remove the
despotic author or favourer of them; the continuous
tradition of moderate, and on the whole equitable
and beneficent rule, established even in the heat of
conquest by Baber, developed, systematised, and
rationally expounded under Acber, and strengthened
i>y the almost superstitious reverence commonly paid
io custom in India; pud last not least, the strong
*ense, forbearing tpnipe?, and liberal views of most
>f the Emperors, pbviatecl many of the evils of
MILDLY EXERCISED. 49
despotism, and combined not so much to cramp its
energies, as to give them a safe, if not always a
humane direction.
Though internally the Empire was rarely, before
the time of Aurungzib, disturbed by commotion and
revolution, the work of conquest went on steadily,
almost unceasingly, on the frontiers. Rebels were
crushed, at times, with merciless severity, (for the
generous and bold policy of Acber in forgiving even
such offenders was not always in vogue :) criminals
were dealt with both summarily and severely : ca-
pricious and revolting cruelties towards individuals
were not unfrequent on the part of the less en-
lightened and virtuous sovereigns : and mere sus-
picion was too often pretext enough for degrading
and oppressing distinguished officials. Still the
general conduct of the Mogul Rulers not only
exhibited no approach to the proverbial standard of
Oriental tyranny, but would (I suspect) sustain a
favourable comparison with that of too many Euro-
pean Caesars, Saviours of Society, Heroes of coups
d'etat, and Paternal Despots, whether in ancient or
in modern times.
Nor must it in this connexion be forgotten, that
Aurungzib himself died before we were well rid of
the danger of Stuart restoration; and more than a
century before our Statute Book was purged of laws,
the ingenious cruelty of which would have excited
50 THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
the astonishment and contempt, if not the horror,
even of that stern and unscrupulous sovereign.
It may be well to develop a little more fully the
nature and operation of each of the above-mentioned
checks on the otherwise unlimited power of the
Great Mogul*
Foremost among them was, of course, the danger
of assassination and insurrrection. It is not only in
Turkey that irresponsible despotism is tempered by
the fact, or the fear, of the bow-string. The elabo-
rate precautions as to the cooking, serving, and pre-
gustation of his food, which occur in Abul FaziPs
account of the imperial kitchen, betray a jealous
fear lest the Emperor might be poisoned at his
meals. The absence of any notice of such attempts,*
during the great period of the Empire, is a toler-
able proof that the government was neither tyran-
nical nor cruel. This, as well as a raiik crop of
other bad practices, flourished in the decline of the
dynasty j and Orme, early in his narrative, records a
whole string of murders of rulers in the South, too
closely corresponding to similar events that I shall
have to mention at Delhi.
But besides the summary way of assassination,
the more devious, but equally dangerous avenue of
rebellion, lay ever open to an ambitious chief, or an
* Bttber gives a long account of an attempt to poison him, con-
trived by Sultau Ibrahim's mother.
DANGER OF REBELLION. 51
outraged and oppressed people. The same circum-
stance that made Theodoric lenient and fair, or as
bigots would think, over-indulgent to the majority of
his subjects, and very circumspect in his general
conduct, operated in the case of the Moguls, They
differed in religion from the bulk of their people;
and they were the intrusive leaders of hosts of
northern barbarians, whose taste for plunder and
oppression needed no stimulating, and might, by the
infection of bad example, soon become ungovernable.
To ill-treat the Hindoo was dangerous. To encou-
rage a war at once of race and of religion, between
the conquerors and the conquered, was still more
dangerous. Soon the practice of leniency being
established, the temper followed; and the large-
hearted Acber promoted a theological eclecticism,
which was more successful in its political application,
than in its general adoption as a religious system.
Hindoos were exempted from the odious distinctive
tax on " unbelievers," and freely admitted to both
civil functions and military commands. After which
any general oppression of the Hindoo race and reli-
gion, as such, would have been, of course, indefinitely
more rash and impracticable than before, and would
in all probability have overthrown the dynasty in any
age, and however otherwise just and wise the adminis-
tration might have been* And. in fact, what in the
West would have been deemed a very
52 THE MOtftJL GOVERNMENT.
amount of such oppression, sufficed, under the
powerful and highly-gifted Emperor Aurungzib, to
alienate the Rajput, to exasperate the Jat, to give a
plausible colour and vast help, to Sivaji's schemes of
independence, and eventually to sap the foundations
of the imperial power.
Another check was found in the constitution of
the government. As normally in the East, the
great functionaries of the sovereign's ideally un-
restricted will, were, in reality, only so far sub-
servient to him, as either they chose to be, or as
their circumstances and his personal character com-
bined compelled them to be. By playing off one
against another, and by securing either their attach-
ment or that of their dependents, a clever and
cautious Emperor might reduce them to almost un-
limited subserviency. But the extent of the power
which he nominally wielded, was, in turn, entrusted
in its degree to his ministers and lieutenants. And
the very simplicity of administrative despotism
favoured its overthrow, or its curtailment, by a reso-
lute satrap or an ambitious eommander-m-clrief. A
military government is always exposed to such mili-
tary risks ; and, to be secure, it must be forbearing.
Another check was one, which has been too often
forgotten by those who have speculated upon Indian
subjects. It has become almost a common place,
there y^s no hereditary aristocracy i n tfye
INFLUENCE OF COUNCIL. 53
Empire. That there was no peerage, of the same
special character, and with the same constitutional
rights, powers, and privileges, as that of our own and
other European countries in modern times, is, of
course, true enough. But if, in a Homeric com-
munity, 01 tt/x</>t ftao-ikta was an intelligible and
allowable periphrasis for the King himself; if, in
mediaeval times, the conduct of great conquerors and
feudal sovereigns, even when little prescribed by
strictly constitutional canons, was to a very great
extent dependent upon the sympathy and approval
of his Comites, Duces, Witan, Earls, Council ; if, in
modern days, the important changa in the form of
government in British India from that by the
Governor- General and to that bv the same officer
*
in Council, has often resulted in little diminution of
the influence exercised by his subordinates over the
measures of the Supreme Government : so the Great
Mogul, however careful to retain personally the reins
of empire, and to decide for himself in the last resort,
*
was accustomed to consult, and be greatly guided by
the opinion of what we may venture, without any
abuse or over-straining of language, to call his Great
Council of Ministers, Omrahs, and other persons of
position, distinction, or special knowledge.
Nor was this the only approach to aristocracy, and
aristocratic influence on royal counsels, as they exist,
or have existed, among us. Though the Emperor
51 THE MOGUL GOVERXMEXT.
could raise the beggar from the dunghill, and set
him among princes; and though the title and dignity
of Omrah, Khan, or Bahadur, were, as much as
those of definite offices, essentially personal, not
family possessions, or (as we might say) titles of life
nobility, created by royal grant on each occasion ;
yet four circumstances must be observed of a contrary
tendency,
(1). As in Europe, in early times, according to
Mr. Hallam, ancient and distinguished lineage was
much considered; and such honours consequently
had a constant tendency to run in the same houses ;
until, in the later days of the Empire, even purely
official titles became strictly hereditary, and their
holders, as in Europe, became politically independent.
(2). Even in the case of a novas homo who had
faithfully served the Emperor in an important station,
though on his death not only did his official appoint-
in cut, but even his personal property, of right lapse to
the Crown, and his honorary title of Omrah or other-
wise expired; yet it became customary to forego or
commute the rights of the fisc, on behalf of the
family of the deceased ; to employ his descendants in
the imperial service ; and, if not at once, after a time,
to re-ennoble the house by a fresh creation in favour
of the new employe.
(3) . Liberal grants of land or its revenues in per-
petuity were not unfrequeritly made by the Emperors,
RAJPUT FEUDALISM. 55
not only for charitable or religious purposes to cor-
porations,, but in return for distinguished services to
individuals or families. Thus gradually, as in Europe,
the great and historic houses became, in spite of the
theory which gave all the land to the head of the
State, rooted in, and the virtual, if not the technical,
proprietors of the soiL And thus, by degrees, not
onlv the owner of Enam lands, or those avowedly
V '
ceded in propriety ; but even the Jayhiredar, or bene-
ficiary tenant, if other circumstances were favourable,
came to acquire much of the consideration, and to
exert much of the control over the policy of govern-
ment, of the meclia3val baron, or the modern noble-
man, or many- acred squire.
(4). And when, from the regular and completely
incorporated Provinces of the Empire, we pass to the
outlying Principalities, which were more loosely,
though very really connected with it, we shall find
that an almost exact counterpart of middle-age feudal
society, and its vague but stout protest against royal
absolutism prevailed, especially in Rajputana. Co-
lonel Tod may, indeed, in confirmation of a cherished
theory, and in his enthusiastic desire to enlist the
sympathies of Englishmen on behalf of his favourite
race, by extenuating the remoteness of their social
condition from our own,have drawn out too elaborately
the lineaments of a feudal constitution in Ajmir.
But, if so, he has done little more than repeat the
56 THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
error which was fashionable when lie wrote ; the error
of those, who by centuries have antedated the ex-
istence, have toned off most unhistorically the di-
versities, and have exaggerated or fixed far too rigidly
the features, of Western feudalism. And the fact
remains, so similar to what Guizot and others have
pointed out as characteristic of the great days of
aristocratic ascendancy in Europe, that the Rajput
Rajas not only gave their daughters in marriage
to the Emperor, and filled the highest offices in the
State; but continued throughout, though tributary
in money and men, otherwise virtually independent
local sovereigns, or haute noblesse of the first order,
and most unshackled condition ; and transmitting all
their patriarchal privileges from father to son, ac-
cording to their tribal institutions, were also, from
generation to generation, the proud^Bnd higly-prized
mainstays of the monarchy, and the hereditary pro-
tectors of the Hindoo interest in the Imperial Council
Chamber : and when, in an evil hour, Aurungzib
estranged them, the power of his house received a
mortal blow, and rapidly declined, to rise no more.
Directly, of course, the great body of the people
had little or no constitutional power in the State.
Their chief functions were to hear, to obey, to toil,
and to suffer. They might, indeed, appeal against
oppression ; and the voice, even of the lowliest, was
at times listened to and answered by the redress of
THE GOVERNMENT MILITARY. 57
evils inflicted by powerful officials or other great men,
and even of hardships emanating from the Emperoi
himself. But such a remedy was too difficult, toe
precarious, and too dangerous, to be considered s
practically effective privilege. Still the conventional
and old-established usages of the people, especially in
the matters of religious liberty, property, and the
village constitution, however much the Emperoi
might be inclined to regard them as in Stuart
phraseology " graces" rather than rights antecedent
to, and in limitation of the imperial power, imposed
considerable restraint on the exercise of that power.
And what was to be feared from the determination and
despair of those, whom European sciolism long after-
wards was fond of calling " the mild Hindoos," when
incited and combined by a man of genius, and organ-
ised under their*T)wn sympathising chieftain, will be
seen as we proceed, and might have been anticipated
by those capable of reading the profounder lessons of
human nature, and the signs of the times in which
Aurungzib and his predecessors flourished.
Though the general conduct of the Government
towards its subjects was mild, not the less was the
character of the Government itself primarily and
essentially military. The Emperor was, indeed, the
supreme civil magistrate and the source of all civil
authority. He was also in some sense throughout, in
a very real sense under such a prince as Acber, the
58 THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
Father of his people. But he was more especially,
conspicuously,, and on all occasions the Generalissimo
of the Empire. The sonorous titles which he assumed
as Conqueror of the World, &c. were mostly
military. The commander-in-chief of his armies was
the most exalted of his subjects. The provincial
governors were almost invariably, in better times,
chosen for their military ability j and their office, like
his own, was more directly conversant with military
administration ; resembling in this, not a little, that
of the rulers of Themes in the Byzantine Empire,
William the Norman's earls, Cromwell's major-
generals, and Buonaparte's upstart kings. The quasi-
aristocracy of the Empire, the body of Omralis and
Mansubdars contained, indeed, in the latter class
especially, not only men who had gained distinction
in war, but who, from services or m^its of a different
description, had been ennobled by being raised to the
grade of nominal commanders of a specified body of
soldiers. But the great passport to rank, power, and
wealth was military fame. The high political position
of the Rajput Rajas, the selection of their daughters
to mate with the Mogul Princes, was no doubt due
not only to their long descent and illustrious reputa-
tion throughout the Peninsula, but to the hereditary
fighting qualities of the whole Rajput race, and the
number of serviceable soldiers that were thus more
<} ft
securely bound to the imperial interests.
THE COURT AND CAMP. 59
The Mogul Court, again, when stationary at the
capital, whether at Agra or at Delhi, wore much the
semblance of a grand military council chamber. And
the very amusements of the Court savoured of war.
Throughout the week large musters of troops, inspec-
tions of their equipments, inquiries into the state and
deserts of -their officers, were conducted periodically
by the Emperor in person, or under his immediate eye.
A vast number of half- military attendants was retained
to fight publicly in the immediate precincts of the
palace as gladiators, or against wild beasts. Not only
did the pursuits of the chase keep up the combative
spirit of the Emperor and his courtiers and officers,
but the same animals made sport in the Durbar by
their encounters with each other in time of peace,
and were employed, during war, in serious field
operations. Full particulars on this subject, as to
the elephants and camels, are supplied in the Ayeen
Akbery.
The imperial progresses, too, were substantially
military promenades; so numerous and amply
equipped were the attendant levies (including both
heavy and light artillery), so elaborately organised
was the order of the march and of the encampment.
Except, indeed, in the number of regular troeps
employed 011 either occasion, there seems to have
been little difference between a peaceful migration to
Cashmir, or an equally peaceful inspection of the
Provinces, and a campaign, such as Aurungzib's in
63 THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT,
the Dekkan, undertaken for the suppression of a
formidable rebellion, or the prosecution of a grand
scheme of conquest and annexation.
The same essentially military character is disclosed
in the general conduct of the administration. The
judicial office is constantly exercised in the style of a
drum-head court martial rather than of a civil court.
And not only were soldiers habitually employed
where we should use policemen; but, as in India even
under our own rule, not to say in Ireland, the ugly
features of foreign occupation by the sword, and a too
prevalent disposition to lawlessness, were revealed in
the fact that the police themselves were at least half
soldiers.
Thus, again, the vast resources of the State were in
a great measure absorbed by military requirements ;
and when the disorders and loss of revenue entailed
by the interminable Maratha war made it impossible
for Acber's careful plan of punctually paying the
troops and their officers to be maintained, the doom
of the dynasty was sealed, and the fabric of govern-
ment fell rapidly to pieces. It may be added that in
the minute and comprehensive statistical survey of
the Empire which was compiled by Abul Fazil, the
most prominent and important point seems constantly
to be the number of regular or irregular soldiers
liable to be supplied by each district to the imperial
service.
Lastly, the history of the Empire during its most
THE EMPERORS WARLIKE. 61
flourishing period is in strict accordance with the
above view* Even the lazy and luxurious Jehangir
bore arms, though with little credit. But all the
other five Emperors were distinguished, indefatigable,
and more or less successful generals. Circumstances,
indeed, combined with grave personal errors, caused
Humayun to miscarry in his contest with Shir Khan,
and foiled all Aurungzib's attempts to subjugate the
Marathas. And Shah Jehan in his later years be-
came a man of peace, and suffered himself at last to
be deposed without striking a blow to sustain his
earlier reputation in war. But what royal dynasty
can exhibit a prouder or more remarkable muster-
roll of six consecutive fighting sovereigns, among
whom the first is Baber, the precocious, ubiquitous,
and irrepressible founder of the Empire; the third
Acber, who re-founded and extended it in wars that
may challenge comparison with those of Charles the
Great, and who thoroughly remodelled the military
system ; the sixth Alumgir, who, a warrior from his
youth upwards, wore out the last twenty-three years
of a long and agitated life in one continuous, and
laborious campaign; and died (so to speak) in har-
ness, and unsated with war, at the advanced age of
eighty-eight ?
So much for the general character and policy of
the Government. Its form was, as usually among
Orientals, extremely simple. The Emperor conducted
62 THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
tlie general administration through a variety of minis-
ters, the chief of whom were the Yizier, or Prime
Minister, the Amir-ul-omrah, or Commander-in-chief,
the Dewan, or Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the
Kotwal, or head of the police (or of the Home Office) ;
who also collectively formed his Cabinet Council, and
assisted him with their advice ; though the ultimate
decision of each matter rested, as I have said, abso-
lutely with himself. To throw greater light upon
important and intricate subjects, unofficial persons of
consequence, and others who possessed special know-
ledge, were at times summoned.
From lower courts, from oppressive ministers, and
from provincial governors, an appeal lay to the Em-
peror in person, sitting daily as Judge in the Amkas,
or Great Audience Hall of the capital, or in its counter-
part elsewhere.
I may mention, that he was also theoretically Caliph,
and as such Pontifex Maximus, not to say Pope, over
his Mussulman subjects; a function which justified,
or seemed to justify, Acber in his religious innova-
tions ; though it must be remembered, that to Indian
Mahometans of the Shia sect the Emperor, as a Sun-
nee, was in fact a heretic. This circumstance it is
important to bear in mind, both because it still
further illustrates what has been already said as to
the expediency of moderate counsels suggested by
the religious leanings of his subjects; and because
THE HOLY EASTERN EMPIRE. 63
it affords some semblance of extenuation for Au-
rungzib's rigorous and aggressive policy towards the
Mahometan kings of Bijapoor and Golconda. Nor
must the absence of organised ecclesiastical opposition
to the imperial will, analogous to that of Popes and
Prelates in the West, be forgotten, as due to the lofty
pretensions of the Emperor, and the lack, among Mus-
sulmans, of any regular religious hierarchy. From
time to time there were serious disturbances, even
rebellions, raised by fanatical devotees and their
followers. But continuous politico -ecclesiastical
rivalry with the Holy Eastern Emperor was in-
compatible with the constitution alike of the State
and of the Church.
Returning to purely secular matters, there were
at the capital other Judges, who sat as assessors with
the sovereign, or who separately pronounced judg-
ment, assisted by a cazi, or expounder of the law.
A variety of new and empty official titles was from
time to time, and especially in the decline of the
Empire, extemporised at Court ; either in obedience
to the same instinct that produced a similar invention
of grandiloquent appellations at the Byzantine capital
in the Middle Ages, or to provide for the pressing
claims to patronage and distinction of important indi-
viduals, or again to secure their resignation of some
definite office, which it was thought desirable to com-
mit to other hands.
64 THE MOQUL GOVERNMENT.
Such is an outline of the central government and
its functions.
The Empire was divided into Provinces, called su-
bahs, each ruled by an officer termed originally sipah-
sa/ar. Under Acber there were fifteen of these Pro-
vinces : twelve north of the Nerbudda, three in the
Dekkan. Aurungzib's conquests added three more
in the latter region. In later times the sipah-salars
became nawabs (or Nabobs as the English called
them) ; and several Provinces were consolidated under
one general Subahdar or Viceroy. Thus the whole
Dekkan became the subahdary, or as the English
again corruptly called it, the subah, of the virtually
independent Viceroy, Nizam-ul-Mulk, known to us,
once more improperly, as The Nizam. The Viceroy,
in Mr. Elphinstone's words, " had the complete con-
trol, civil and military, subject to the instructions of
the Emperor." He was removable at the pleasure pf
his august master ; but in later times, as in the case
just mentioned, he was apt, not only to retain his
post for life, but to convert it into an independent
principality. This happened not only in the Dekkan,
but in Bengal and Oude, the ruler of the last being
also, for some time, standing Vizier of the Empire.
Originally the Viceroys necessarily administered
the Provinces themselves. But after Aurungzib, the
corrupt and dangerous practice crept in of sending
thither a deputy; while the Subahdar continijecl at
PROVINCIAL MISGOVERNMENT. 65
Court, enjoying there a luxurious life, receiving the
liberal douceurs that he could always command for
the exercise of his influence, or intriguing on his own
behalf against the rivals and enemies who threatened
to supplant him in the Emperor's good graces, and
to procure his recall before he had actually set out for
his neglected but lucrative field of labour. An equally
objectionable custom arose about the same period, of
allowing or acquiescing in provincial pluralities, so
to speak. Thus again, as we shall see, Nizam-ul-
Mulk was at one period at once Viceroy of the Dek-
kan, and of Malwa, as well as Vizier of the Empire ;
and though he resigned the last post for another
high-sounding title, yet he clung afterwards, until the
course of events deprived him of it, to a third vice-
royalty, that of Guzerat, which he had acquired by
expelling, in the Emperor's name, its former rebel-
lious governor.
The imperial " edicts/' says Colonel Dow, " were
transmitted to every district; they were publicly
read, and registered in the courts of justice." But
how far were they observed at a safe distance from
" the master's eye ?" The Emperor, indeed, periodi-
cally dispatched emissaries, somewhat after the
fashion of Charlemagne's missi Dominici, as com-
missioners of enquiry, with the object of bringing to
light abuses and misgovernment, and maintaining
the uniformity and healthy action of the whole
6f) THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
imperial system. But Bernicr represents them
under Aurungzib as very venal, and as having
played habitually into the hands of those upon
whom they were intended to act as a check.
Under the Subahdars, as I have said, were the
*Nawabs, or rulers of single Provinces,, who in turn
presided over the Foujdars, or military commanders
of smaller districts, "whose authority/' again to
( quote Mr. Elphinstone, "extended over the local
soldiery or militia, and over all military establish-
ments and lands assigned to military purposes, as
well as over the regular troops within their juris-
diction ; and whose duty it was to suppress all dis-
orders that required force within the same limits/'
The Subahdar, the Nawab, and probably the Fouj-
dar, had each a Dewan, or finance minister, who, in
the first case at least, was, though subject to the
authority of the Viceroy, appointed by the Emperor;
and as such, and as being commonly a Hindoo, was
probably designed to serve as a spy upon his superior
officer. All functionaries, down to the lowest stage
in the official hierarchy, were supposed to be nomi-
nated by the Head of the State, or at least con-
firmed in their office, after being selected and
provisionally installed by their immediate superior.
But here again, as the personal vigour and vigilance
of the sovereigns diminished, the theory was habitu-
ally ignored; though it always supplied malcontents
DIVIDE ET IMPERA. 67
or provincial rebels with a pretext for disputing the
authority of the more or less irregularly-created
functionary, and his too assuming patron. This is
the gist of the long diplomatic controversy between
the French and the English in the days of Dupleix.
As in that case, forged firmans of appointment or
ratification from Delhi were constantly received with
mock solemnity from a mock envoy, and impudently
bandied about to deceive the unwary, to reassure the
hesitating, and to strengthen usurpation with a false
gloss of regularity.
With the limitations already mentioned, the abso-
lute power wielded by the Emperor was delegated, in
his more contracted sphere, to the Viceroy; and
when his tribute was paid, the Nawab was, on a still
smaller scale, almost equally unrestricted in the
general exercise of his authority. Hence, although
the ability, activity, and resolution of the earlier
sovereigns to a great extent obviated the danger,
there could not but be, in the very nature of such a
government, a strong tendency to insubordination
and ultimate dissolution. And it is interesting to
find, that a precaution very similar to William the
Conqueror's plan of scattering his great barons'
manors in different parts of the country, and in dis-
tricts over which others than the grantees of those
manors held sway as earls, was adopted by the
Mogul Emperors. Jayhires, or beneficiary holdings,
68 THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
were assigned within the area of one subahdary to
ministers, military commanders, or nobles, otherwise
unconnected with the region. Thus the interests of
the Viceroy and the powerful Jayhiredar were
divided; each would be, to a certain extent, a
restraint upon the other ; and Orrne goes so far as to
assert, that the Emperors deliberately counted upon
the discord thence ensuing, as a means of preserving
their own power. Perhaps this is an afterthought.
But certain it is that the later and more imbecile
sovereigns went even further; and in the hope of
retaining some fragment of an authority that was
passing rapidly out of their hands for ever, habitu-
ally played off one ruler and commander against
another; and secretly incited jealousies, rivalry, and
hostility, each stage of which hastened the destruc-
tion of the whole political system. To such despe-
rate palliatives for their enforced subservience to
their own delegates were these degenerate monarchs
reduced ! Nee vitia, nee remedia ferre potuenmt !
In the better days of the Empire, both the satraps
and their subordinates were carefully selected, and
often exhibited a copy of their master's virtues.
But even then, a bad choice must have been not
unfrequent; and the people in such a case suffered
cruelly. The remoteness of the seat of government
from so many parts of the Empire, the difficulty and
tardiness of communication, the practice of silencing
OFFICIAL JOBBERY. 69
the voice of the imperial itinerant commissioners by
bribes, the terrorising and repressive influence of
local power, and the eagerness of a ruler, whose
tenure of office was uncertain and might be very
short, to make the most of present opportunities, as
well as the expensive habits and love of a large and
costly following, combined to make the man, who
ought to have been the protector, the taskmaster and
plague of the unhappy provincials.
The evil grew at once more common and more
severe, as the sovereign's personal rule was ex-
changed for that of ambitious and unprincipled
ministers, successful military adventurers, and greedy
and irresponsible favourites. For then the local
governors came to be appointed under the same
influences, often by direct bribery; and too faith-
fully acted in the spirit of their patrons, and oi
their own antecedents. Bernier, indeed, asserts that
even in the earlier part of Aurungzib's reign the
subahdarys were habitually farmed, But such seems
not to be the view of Colonel Dow and other
authors ; and I suspect that the lively and thoughtful
Frenchman has generalised too hastily on this^, as on
some other subjects.
In a descending scale, the oppression and extor-
tion of the Subahdar were too often repeated by the
Nawab, the Foujdar, the Zemindar, and the Poligar;
though the constitution of the village communities,
70 THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
and the sentiments of their members, imposed a
considerable check on the conduct of their headmen.
The Rajput Principalities, being self-administered,
and in later times practically independent, were less
exposed to these evils.
Ministerial employment, provincial rule, and
military command, were the three great prizes of
ambition. Bnt though often prolonged or repeated,,
and often enjoyed, in one form or other, for life, they
were essentially what we should call occasional ap-
pointments, or posts. As such, they were dis-
tinguishable from what mutatis mutandis I have
ventured to term the permanent life peerages. These
were the Omrahships, and Manswbclarys.
The two ranks are sometimes confounded, some-
times spoken of as distinct. On the whole, perhaps,
it is pretty true to say, that Omrah was a general
term for an ennobled person ; while the JManstibdary
was a military decoration (adapted to the military
character of the Government), implying the nominal
command of a specified number of cavalry ; the actual
amount of the Mansuhdar's force, whether of horse-
men or including infantry also, being always con-
siderably below the estimate at which he was rated,
and for which he received pay from the State. I
shall return to this subject in connexion with the
army.
There was also another title, that of Bahadur, or
THE IMPERIAL REVENUE. 71
Commander, which has been compared to knighthood
among us.
Whether the Omrah and the Bahadur received pay
directly as such, I am uncertain ; but imagine that a
jaghire would generally, if not as a matter of course,
be assigned him, wherewith to keep up his dignity.
It needs hardly be said, that the same persons who
received any of these distinctions were also con-
stantly in office, of one kind or other ; and the Princes
of the Blood were regularly created Mansubdars of
the highest class. The military commanders rejoiced
also in the affix of Khan, or if Rajputs, were usually
termed Sing.
The chief sources of the proverbially ample revenue
of the sovereign were: (1). the crown lands, which
had not been either permanently alienated in Enam,
or assigned in usufruct to 'individuals in Jaghire
tenure; (2). the caducte hereditates of government
officers of various kinds, and according to some
authorities of wealthy subjects generally. But I
much doubt whether the latter class, that is those
who were not employed by Government, were even in
later times thus posthumously stripped of their mere
personalty, much less of their incomes accruing out
of the land as Zemindars ; though doubtless a heavy
fine was imposed on the hercditas jacens. And,
directly or indirectly, even government officials pro-
bably contrived to transmit a good deal of their
72 THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
property unchallenged to their posterity. What we
may call the allodial lands of the villagers in the
Regulation Provinces (to use an English equivalent
expression), however strictly subject to taxation, were
certainly not actually liable to appropriation by the
sovereign; still less were those in Ilajputana, arid
other tributary States of the same kind exposed to
such a risk.
But to continue. (3). A third source of the impe-
rial revenue was the proceeds of confiscation, which
was at times inflicted in a very arbitrary manner.
Jehangir, in his Memoirs, tells a grotesque hut tragic
story of the way in which he punished an over zealous
and griping speculator who, to enrich himself by
obtaining the farm of the tax, recommended the
re-imposition of the jezia, or poll-tax on unbelievers.
The Emperor, more mindful of Acber's policy than of
Mahomet's precepts, closed with the proposition,
farmed out the impost to the projector, exacted the
money on the spot, and then cut off the unlucky
fellow's head, for having had the shameless wicked-
ness, to tempt his sovereign to commit so criminal an
act of intolerance ! But he adds, sententiousiy, that
he did not think it right to deprive the family of the
rest of the victim's property. (4). Trade and com-
merce, both external and internal, yielded a large
revenue in the way of regular taxes, and occasional
presents of great amount, for the concession or rati-
THE IMPERIAL REVENUE. 73
fication of commercial privileges and (I believe) of
manufacturing monopolies, (5). The last item is
connected with a fifth and extremely productive
means of replenishing the royal coffers. The primi-
tive habit of not approaching a great man empty-
handed, especially when anything was to be sought
or hoped from him, flourished in full vigour at the
Mogul Court, though Acber is said to have received
comparatively few gifts. Perhaps the fact was, that
he took care to requite, or more than requite, what
he received by counter presents. His benevolent and
beneficent liberality to the deserving and the needy ;
his loans to those who were in temporary difficulties ;
his private and delicately ministered subsidies to those
who were too proud to beg, and too poor to meet the
claims of their position, are fully chronicled by Abul
Fazil. Bat, in general, the Emperors seem to have
been greatly the gainers on the balance between the
gifts which they conferred and those which they
received. A perennial stream of nuzzurs, or votive
offerings, was lavished at the shrine of majesty ; and,
on great occasions, a plentiful shower of such gifts
poured in, of the most miscellaneous character and
profuse amount. The magnificent jewel collection in
the imperial treasury and the brilliants which adorned
the famous Peacock Throne are said to have been
amassed in this manner.
(6). But the principal standing revenue of the
State was derived from the land tax. This, estimated
THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
at a third of the produce, had been settled by Acber
011 very equitable and enlightened principles. It may
be enough now to say that by his plan it was re-settled
every decade, on a carefully calculated average of the
previous ten years' annual amounts, that deductions
were made for unfavourable circumstances, poverty
of soil, backwardness of cultivation, fallow years,
natural catastrophes, &c. ; and that the estimated
amount might, if the peasant preferred it (thus it
was what we should call a ryotwar settlement), be
paid in kind. Acber's system was retained by his
successors and extended to the Dekkan ; though local
tyranny, as I have already implied, frequently pre-
vented the enjoyment of its full advantages by the
cultivator, even before the Marathas began to swarm
over the country, and absorb its revenues.
v *
Some account of the military force must conclude
this sketch of the imposing political structure, which
those originally despised freebooters eventually sub-
verted.
The army was differently constituted at different
times, and consisted of a great many classes and
qualities both of officers and soldiers. The character
of the sovereign, the consequent spirit of the govern-
ment, and the geographical area and social condition
of the Empire at various periods, were faithfully re-
flected in the successive modifications of the military
system.
Baber's invading armv was a comnact. well an-
CONSTITUTION OF THE ARMY. 75
pointed, and well handled force of some 12,000 men,,
mostly cavalry, match-lock men arid archers, but
provided with heavy guns, which in action he chained
together, to give material solidity to his perilously
small base. Thus he twice gained decisive victories
by deploying a smart body of horsemen on both
flanks of his opponents, and driving their vast masses
inwards till they became an unmanageable and panic-
stricken rabble ; when he completed their discomfiture
by assailing them in front with troops who passed
through the intervals of the batteries, the chains being
at the critical moment unlinked for the purpose.
Thus, in several capital points, Baber's tactics
singularly resemble Henry the Fifth's successful de-
vices, under very similar circumstances,, at Agincourt.
Saber's army was, of course, entirely composed at
first of extra-Indian ingredients. But this soon
ceased to be the case.
Humayim, too, returned, and reconquered a por-
tion of the northern Provinces chiefly with a foreign
force, a Persian army, lent him by the Shah.
And throughout the whole period of Mogul domi-
nation, both orenerals, officers, and soldiers from Upper
Asia, as well as from Afghanistan, which was mostly
a Mogul Province, were employed in great numbers,
formed the most efficient part of the regular army,
and received higher pay than the natives of the coun-
try.
76 THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
Acbcr's conquests and organising tendencies opened
an entirely new era in the history and character of
the army, as in those of other institutions. Hence-
forth Hindoo especially Rajput officers appear in
high and independent commands ; and the patriarchal
chiefs of the same tribe mustered their clannish levies
under the imperial standard; though they seem to
have preferred, and generally to have obtained, service
in the open field, rather than garrison duty, for which
they were less adapted than otherwise inferior forces.
The extended limits of his territory now supplied
the Emperor with a much greater choice of native
soldiers than of old. And he introduced strict regula-
tions, both to enforce discipline, to prevent oppression
by the levying of pay on the jay hi re system (prefer-
ring as far as possible the method of payment in ca.>h
direct from the treasury), and to obviate the collusive
musters, which had too often enriched the generals
at the Emperor's expense, and crippled the efficiency
of the army in the field.
He also, with the insight that, in so many depart-
ments, marked his extraordinary advance upon the
ideas and practices of his age and place, discerned
the importance of infantry; and provided that each
Mansubdar should maintain an equal number of foot-
men and of horsemen; and that, of the former,
a fourth were to be matchlock-men; the rest might
be archers. Yet he did not neglect to entertain a
ACBER'S MILITARY SYSTEM. 77
numerous body of the same description of high-class
cavalry, that we have found so useful at the present
day.
*/
The Sinde horse, composed of Mahometan gentle-
men, each taking service on his own account, re-
quiring to be himself ridden (so to speak) with a
somewhat loose rein, and therefore demanding, or
rather admitting, few officers; but dashing, high-
spirited, and susceptible of enthusiastic devotion, even
to Fcrinyhee leaders whom he respects, and who treat
him properly : a body of irregular cavalry so com-
posed, which the genius of Napier extemporised, and
the moral ascendancy of Jacob brought to perfection,
is no inadequate reproduction of Acber^s enterprising
Ahdis, or, as they would have been called in later
times, Sillldars.
Meanwhile the bulk of the regular army was
mustered, in a rather loose and inexpert fashion,
under the Mansubdars, who, like dukes in Europe in
earlier times, at this period were essentially, and, it
may be almost said, exclusively, military officers,
rather than titular dignitaries.
The nominal number under the Mansubdar's com-
mand indeed now, as later, exceeded his actual con-
tingent, except in the very lowest ranks. But serve
he did in fact, and at the head of his appointed quota,
though he might also be destined to one of the chief
commands.
78 THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT.
The great defect of the arrangement was, that
there was no proper ramification of the vast host.
There were generals and their deputies, nominated
by the Emperor. And there were levies of men,
each under his Mansubdar. But, according to the
view of Mr. Elphinstone, " below the chief officers
there was probably no chain of subordination, except
what arose from each man's authority over his own
quota/'' This view seems confirmed by native and
contemporary accounts of battles; and combined with
the imperfect organization of the men in each quota,
goes far to explain the constant fact, that on the
death of a general, an Indian army was in the habit
of melting away like a snow-wreath.
Acber's artillery, transport corps, materiel, assort-
ment of weapons, and other military appliances, arc
all worth attention, but must here be passed over in
silence. Lastly, however, it may be mentioned that
he devoted much labour and skill to fortification,
his capital, Agra, presenting what were then con-
sidered model works of this kind; and that his
provincial militia, according to the Ay ten Akbery,
exceeded in number four millions of men. This vast
estimate, however, probably refers to those who were
liable to occasional service of a semi-military cha-
racter, rather than to those who were actually, much
less contemporaneously, called out to fight.
Such is an outline of this great sovereign's rnili-
IMPAIRED UNDER AURUNGZIB. 79
tary arrangements, in the maturity of his system.
However defective, judged by our present European
standard, they produced, under the eye 'and through
the inspiring influence of the first master of war at
that time in the East, the most formidable and resist-
less machinery of conquest that India had seen since
the days of his terrible ancestor, Timour. In this,
as in other respects, it will be seen below that
matters were much changed for the worse under the
more sumptuous and pretentious, but less en-
lightened and practical Aurungzib*
CHAPTER IV.
AURUNGZIB IN HIiVDOSTAN.
THE memorable and complicated civil war which
resulted in the deposition and imprisonment of Shall
Jehan, the judicial mnrdcr of Dara and Morad, the
private assassination of their sons, the defeat and
flight of Shuja, and his obscure death in a foreign
land, and thus in the complete triumph and lonely
pre-eminence of Aurungzib, forms one of the most
typical passages of Eastern story. It has accordingly
engaged the pens of many writers, from Bernier,
who related it to his contemporaries in Europe with
Herodotean picturesqueness, grace, and imaginative
colouring, to Sif William Sleemaii, who diversifies
the multifarious interest of his charming Rambles, by
dwelling upon it at considerable length.
But a very short summary must here suffice of a
struggle, equally notable for the sudden and final
WAR OP SUCCESSION. 81
degradation of the most powerful sovereign who had
occupied the Mogul throne, the violence of the fratri-
cidal rivalry, the religious character imparted to the
contest by the fanaticism of Aurungzib, the series of
catastrophes arid crimes that followed thick upon
each other, and by which alone the victor secured his
prize, the dark memory of these events in the minds
both of the sovereign and his subjects, and the com-
plete and fatal change in the imperial policy attend-
ing the elevation of Aurungzib. Thus this remark-
able crisis was, in fact, the beginning of the end, and
contributed by no means remotely to the ruin of the
House of Timour.
The scene opens with the sudden illness of the
Emperor, which Dara, who has Shah Jehan's full
confidence, and is conducting the central government
in his name, in vain endeavours to conceal from his
brothers in the Provinces (1657), Shuja in Bengal,
and Morad in Guzerat, at once exchange the title of
Viceroy for that of Emperor, and prepare to maintain
their respective pretensions with the sword. Aurung-
zib, in the Dekkan, more cunningly dissembles his
ambition; musters his forces; and professing the
desire of devoting himself eventually to a life of
religious seclusion, tenders his immediate services to
the simple Morad ostensibly for the purpose of
securing his succession, and the righteous repression
of the ungodly Dara. Thus he disarms the rivalry,
82 AURUNGZIB IN IIIXDOSTAN.
and procures the co-operation, of one brother;
while in the North the two others are left to waste
their strength in mutual hostilities.
Shuja is presently defeated by the young Prince
Soliman, Para's son, and returns to Bengal.
Aurungzib's intentions towards the Emperor, who
is now convalescent, but entirely in the hands of
Dara, are still ambiguous. But having joined Morad
in Malwa, he hastens to flatter the vanity, and confirm
the delusion,, of his credulous brother by every token
of subservience ; and the joint armies achieve a first
success against the Kajput Jeswunt Sing, who has
been commissioned by Dara to arrest their course,
and whom Aurungzib fails not to brand as "an
infidel" (1658j. The Chumbul is soon passed; and
the enfeebled and dit/actcd Emperor in vain con-
templates mediation, at the head of his forces.
He fails to restrain the reckless impetuosity of
Dara, who without waiting for the succours which
his son is bringing up, engages the allied brothers,
and sustains a disastrous defeat. On this occasion,
the energy, gallantry, and perseverance of all the
Princes are equally conspicuous ; and the fate of the
day is decided by Dara's being compelled to dis-
mount from his elephant, when he has almost suc-
ceeded in attracting victory to his banners. But the
most significant circumstance is Aurungzib's real or
affected piety, and steadfast confidence in the pro-
AURUNGZIB BECOMES EMPEROR. 83
tection of Heaven, both during and after the battle.
Throughout he assumes, it must be observed, the
tone of a champion of the Crescent, and an avenger
of unbelief.
While the hapless Dara, fallen from his high
estate, pursues his forlorn flight with a few thousand
followers towards Delhi; the victors occupy Agra;
and Aurungzib fruitlessly endeavours to propitiate
the Emperor, and by plausible representations to
acquire the place in his affections, so lately occupied
by Shah Jehan's firstborn. Finding this hopeless,
he proceeds to blockade the old man in his own
palace; and soon after deposes him, and himself
assumes the imperial title. But he does not blind
or put his father to death.
Meanwhile Morad, having now served the turn of
the wily and selfish politician, has been rudely dis-
abused of his high hopes; imprisoned; and finally
murdered with a hypocritical affectation of justice,
and a mock condemnation for former cruelty in the
exercise of his viceregal office in Guzerat.
Hitherto, with the cold and subtle schemer, lowli-
ness has been young ambition's ladder. But Morad's
pretensions being thus disposed of; their father
deposed and a prisoner ; their eldest brother a de-
feated and homeless fugitive ; Shuja's rash attempt
npon the throne having ended in his constrained
return to Bengal ; and Aurungzib's more deliberate
84 AUHUNfiZIB IN HINDOSTAN.
claim being confirmed by his military success, and
his possession of both the Mogul capitals, Agra and
l)elhi ; he is able to assume the commanding tone of
a recognised Potentate; and the waiters on Provi-
dence hasten to desert the setting for the rising sun.
Prince Soliman, at the head of a large army, still
menaces Aurungzib. But, after a time, two Rajput
Rajas go over to the new Emperor ; Soliman's army
melts away rapidly ; he moves northward, with ever
lessening numbers, to join his father at Lahore, but
is out-manoeuvred by Aurungzib : he then seeks
refuge with the petty chief of Sirinagur, who after a
decent interval of suspense, a prudent observation of
the signs of the times, and a formal negotiation, sur-
renders the hapless Prince to the tender mercies of
his uncle. Aurungzib exhibits the prisoner to the
commiseration of the Court, in gilded fetters ;
promises to treat him well; and immures him,
together with his brother Sepehr, who has also been
captured, and a son of Morad, in Gwalior, the Vin-
oennes of the Mogul Emperors ; where all three soon
after perish mysteriously.
Meanwhile the Emperor in person has pursued
Dara, but has been recalled from the Punjab to the
defence of his capital and throne against Shuja, who
has again advanced with the army of Bengal. In the
neighbourhood of Allahabad, AurungziVs fate again
trembles in the balance, through the defection of his
RUIX OF SHUJA. 85
formerly defeated antagonist, and recently reconciled
ally rather than subject, the powerful Jeswunt Sing,
llaja of Joudpoor. This chief has submitted too late
to experience the attention that he conceives to be
his due; he is also antipathetic to the orthodox
Aurungzib, as a former friend of the licrcsiarch
Dara; and his cold reception determines him again
to change sides. In the darkness of the night he
vehemently assails the Emperor's rear, while Shuja
is to attack in front. But Shuja's dilatory move-
ments, and the presence of mind, firmness, and skilful
dispositions of Aurungzib bafile the plan ; and in the
general action which ensues, Shuja is decisively de-
feated, and once more retreats eastward (January,
1659). He still, however, protracts the contest
against the imperial lieutenant Mir Jumla, and is
even joined for awhile by the eldest son of the
Emperor; but is eventually expelled from India, and
retires with his family to Aracan : Avhere they arc*
* * *
all put to death as accomplices in some design of
rebellion against the local government.
While Shuja retires discomfited to Bengal, Jes-
wunt, not caring further to share his fallen fortunes,
or to cut himself off from his own strong country,
marches homewards ; and as he approaches Agra, is
strongly suspected of an intention to restore Shah
Jehan, A brief success, at least, would probably
have attended such a move. But Aurungzib allows
8(5 AVKUXGZIB IN IIINDOSTAX.
him no time to mature his schemes, or to brood over
his personal wrongs. With his usual adroitness he
detaches the Rajput from Dara's cause, by delicate
attentions and liberal concessions. Nor is this done
too soon.
Dara lias rallied ; raised another army ; gained
over the Viceroy of Guzerat, Shah Nawaz Khan
(though the latter is Aurungyjl/s father-in-law) ; and
is in command of that Province and all its resources.
But the indefatigable Emperor again defeats his
brother, and puts him to flight; Shah Nawaz is
killed in the battle ; and Dara's prospects henceforth
are desperate?, and his followers dwindle away; until,
after a scries of fitful and abortive efforts and
melancholy wanderings, he too is betrayed and
delivered up to his remorseless brother. Much feel-
ing is testified for him in his misfortunes by the
populace ; but no movement for his deliverance,
much less for his restoration to power, is attempted.
And Aurungzib, maintaining to the last the character
of an avenger of the orthodox faith, causes Dara to
be tried arid condemned as an apostate, and executed
in prison (July, 1059), lie has his brother's head
served up to him "in a charger ;" takes due care to
ascertain that there is no mistake or collusion as to
the identity of his political victim ; and then
" Some natural tears he shed, but wiped them soon ,"
if, indeed, they were natural at ail !
AUKUXGZIB'S INTOLERANCE. 87
It now remained to be seen how such a man, with
such antecedents would thrive, as successor of Baber,
of Acber, and of Shah Jehan.
It is not necessary here to enter upon the general
merits of Aurungzib's civil government. These were,
as mav be inferred from what has been said of his
*
character, in many respects unquestionably great and
conspicuous, and have, in spite of his faults, justly
entitled him to the admiration both of his own sub-
jects and of foreigners. My present object is rather
to trace the fatal influence; of his intolerance in
hastening the disruption of the imperial system.
His earlier measures in this direction were of a
vexatious rather than a distinctly oppressive cha-
racter. In Mr. Elphinstone's words : " they
tended to stir up a scrupulous and captious spirit,
and to mark the line between the followers of the
two religions which it had been the policy of former
monarchs to efface."
Such were the appointment of a mullah (a sort of
Mahomedan scribe) with a body of cavalry to restrain
the licentious exhibition of the abominations of idol-
worship ; and the prohibition of fairs on Hindoo festi-
vals, as well as of the music, dancing, and miming,
that form such essential and marked features of the
social life of the people. Again, in forbidding astro-
logy, he approached very closely, if he did not
actually enter, the region of positive religious perse-
88 AURUNGZIB IN HINDOSTAN.
cation. He subsequently established a distinction
very invidious and galling to the Hindoos by remitting
half the customs duties due from, Mussulmans.
While the pride of the native race was thus hurt,
their pleasures were curtailed, and their religious rites
subjected to the obnoxious inspection and control
of the official expounders of a hostile religion \ the
Court gradually assumed, in conformity with some of
the above regulations, a puritanical aspect, most un-
like its old genial character, and ill calculated to pro-
pitiate a people so much devoted to the splendid and
turbulent entertainments hitherto exhibited by the
Emperors for the public enjoyment.
Other and severer enactments followed. A most
ill-advised though ineffectual attempt was made to
exclude Hindoos from public employment. Thus
the fundamental though implied compact between the
House of liaber and the majority of its subjects was
broken by the sovereign; and it remained to be
proved how far such a breach was compatible with
the security of the dynasty. The Great Mogul had
openly renounced his noblest function the Father-
hood of all the many "peoples, nations, and lan-
guages," that had hitherto co-existed and flourished
harmoniously under the common shelter of a rule,
absolute indeed, but free from partisanship in the
exercise of powers availing for the general protection,
and delegated alike to representatives of every race
EFFECT ON THE HINDOO MIND. 83
and creed. /The Tartar Conqueror mistrusting and
repudiating the services of his indigenous but well-
affected subjects ; the foreigner proscribing the tra-
ditional institutions, the popular recreations, the
characteristic arts of the country with which his
ancestors had done so much to identify themselves ;
the Mussulman inquisitor spitefully repressing, by
police regulations, and by the agency of the hated
interpreter of his own bald faith, the gladsome or
awful pomp of the venerable Hindoo ritual, and the
exuberant fervour of worshippers equally inveterate
and demonstrative in their religious instincts; the
arrogant head of a party, or in the native way of
thinking and speaking of a caste, cruelly and per-
fidiously abusing his power, by inflicting a financial
stigma on the dissidents from his comparatively up-
start society, and filling his coffers with the proceeds
of his unkingly sectarianism; the insidious prosely-
tiser scheming to cheat out of their religion the needy
and the wavering by the help of the tax-gatherer :
such were some of the altered aspects in which
the Emperor now stood revealed to the susceptible
imagination and profound prejudices of his Hindoo
subjects.
V V!
The smouldering discontent waxed deeper and
more dangerous, and at length amounted to positive
disaffection. On the re-iniposition of tliejezia (1677)
the cup of bitterness overflowed ; and an ominous and
90 AUKUNGZIB IN HINDOSTAN.
many-voiced note of warning a clamorous concert
rather of murmuring; and protest was heard at the
capital, and sounded into the ears of the Emperor
himself.
The palace was beset with unavailing suppliants.
The "hard task-master/' who had succeeded the
milder Pharaohs, insulted the abject complainants by
forcing his unheeding way through the eager and
obstinate crowd; and the constitutional practice of
petitioning the sovereign in person for redress of
grievances died away in unavailing groans and low*
muttered execrations. The tax was levied in and
around Delhi without further resistance.
This remarkable scene however was but the prelude
to the real drama of popular opposition, which (as in
mediaeval England) could hardly be enacted without
the aid of leaders of note and station.
Such were the Kajput chieftains, of whom not the
least famous was Jeswunt Sing of Marwar or Joud-
poor. He had, it will be remembered, alternately
opposed and served the Emperor. But Aurungzib
probably had never forgiven him ; and on his death,
soon after the exaction of the obnoxious poll-tax, his
family were treated with a mixture of perfidy and
severity well calculated to bring on a dangerous
crisis. Ajit Sing, the young son of Jeswunt, through
the devotion and valour of his servants, headed by
Durga Das, escaped and lived to wage constant war
RAJPUT REVOLT. 91
against the wily Mogul, who had endeavoured to
entrap him into his power.
But the outrage ottered to the noblest House in
India, the general character of the Emperor's policy,
and the demand of t\\vjezia from the Rajput States,
produced the explosion that had been long impending.
The chief of Jeipur was too closely connected, both
locally and socially, with the Emperor to resist
openly. But the liana of Oudipur or Mewar, Raj
Sing, combining with Jeswunt's children, hastened
to repudiate the hateful and insulting tax, to throw
off his allegiance, and to plunge into war.
Aurungzib took theficld in person (1079) ; but, after
some months spent in hostilities, concluded a peace
with Raj Sing, which, though it bound the latter to
abandon his allies in Marwar, virtually acknowledged
an imperial failure as to the deeper and more per-
manent cause of quarrel. The jezia was remitted,
or, in the language of the Government, commuted
for a small district, which the liana gave up, as a
petty though noble Prince, who had confronted the
Great Mogul, might well do without loss of honour.
Even this qualified success on Aurungzib's part
was, however, only momentary. The people of Mar-
war were still in arms; and Ajit Sing seems to have
lost no time in again assisting them.
Once more the Emperor in person approached the
scene of action, and concentrated several armies
92 AURUNGZin IN IIINDOSTAN.
under his sons and the Viceroy of Guzerat, to stamp
out the audacious insurrection. An obstinate, cruel,
and protracted contest ensued. Raj Sing, assailed
on all sides, fled into the Aravulli, whither Prince
Azim hastened to pursue him. The open country
was, by the Emperor's express orders, devastated in
a remorseless manner; villages were burnt, fruit-
trees cut down, women and children carried off; ter-
rorism, in its harshest form, was the order of the
day. On the other hand, the Rajputs kept a large
expeditionary force of cavalry in the low country ;
the refugees from the hills co-operated with their
usual ardour ; and, in reading such a summary ac-
count of their joint proceedings as the following, we
seem to be already engaged in studying the course
of Aurungzib's final discomfiture in Southern India.
"They cut off convoys/* Bays Mr. Elphinstom*,
" attacked detachments, defended favourable posi-
tions, and sometimes gamed important advantages
by surprises and night attacks/*
Proud, fanatical, and reckless of human suffering,
Aurungzib might close his eyes to the obvious
lessons of the war hitherto; but the next move on
the part of his able antagonist, Durga Das, could
not be lightly ignored, and revealed urmiistakeably
the tendency of the Emperor's intolerance to plunge
himself, if not his kingdom, into the pit of de-
struction.
RAJPUT WAR.
That a Hindoo partisan leader, however distin-
guished, should have meditated deposing the Em-
peror, and such an Emperor, seems a bold and strange
undertaking indeed. That Durga Das should have
partially shaken the fidelity of Prince Moazzim, the
heir to the throne ; should afterwards have brought
over Prince Acbcr to his plan ; and that the latter,
under Hindoo influence, should have assumed royal
state, have found Aurungzib's Mussulman nobles
readv to abet and take office under him : and the
'
army passive in their hands, or rather ready to join
in the treasonable design, is stranger still. Such,
however, was the case. And when the Prince, with
his Rajput allies, advanced at the head of 70,000 men
against his father, the Emperor, taken by surprise,
and with but a handful of soldiers at his side, was in
the utmost peril. Such an emergency, however, was
well calculated to exhibit his unrivalled skill in baffling
combinations against himself. A single staunch ad-
herent availed to tamper with and sow distrust and
division among the rebellious Moguls. One chief
went back with his brother, Aurungzib's emissary.
Another was killed in the act of rejoining the Em-
peror. The soldiers followed, as before, the ex-
ample of their leaders; and the Prince was soon
left alone with Durga Das and his Rajputs. He
escaped, faithfully escorted by a body of his Hindoo
friends (1681) ; and we shall hear of him again at the
Court of Sambaji, the Maratha Raja.
94 Aunuxr.zin IN HINDUSTAN.
Thus, already, imperial bigotry had estranged the
noblest and most devoted Hindoo supporters of the
throne; involved the Empire in a difficult, inglorious,
and protracted war ; promoted rebellion among the
Moguls themselves; and occasioning treason in the
Royal House, had linked a Prince of the IHood in
close league with the exasperated champions of per-
secuted Hindooism.
Meanwhile the war continued and became more
and more envenomed. The devastations of the Mo-
guls provoked the Rajputs to acts of ferocity and
responsive bigotry, contrary to their generally mild,
tolerant, and chivalrous disposition.
Like the Sikhs, not long afterwards, when exposed
to a similar visitation, " they plundered the mosques,
burnt the Koran, and insulted the mullahs."
Wearied out with the tedious and disreputable
strife, and anxious to prosecute his grander schemes
of aggrandisement in the Dekkan, the Emperor again
consented to make peace with Raj Sing, on terms far
more favourable than before, and which, in fact,
amounted to a distinct confession of failure in both
the original objects of the war. The jezia was ex-
plicitly abandoned ; at least the cession in lieu of it
was now formally demanded in expiation of the aid
given to Prince Acber in his rebellion; and the
haughty Mogul was fain to guarantee the restora-
tion of his dominions to the son of Jeswunt, when
the young Prince should attain his majority.
ITS DISASTROUS RESULTS. 95
Even then, however, a momentary respite only
was secured ; the war recommenced ; lingered on
throughout Aurungzib's reign ; increased his difficul-
ties in the Dekkan ; and, in the end, powerfully con-
tributed both to lower his reputation, to exhaust his
resources, and to undermine his power.
CHAPTER V.
SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA POWER.
THE scene of the events related in this Chapter lies
entirely in the southern, or more properly peninsular,
portion of India, that is, south of the rivers Ner-
hu3da and Mahanuddy ; or what is called, using the
word in its widest sense, the Dekkan, as opposed to
India north of those rivers, or Hindostan.
The Dekkan itself is loosely divided by Hindoos
into five great regions, Dravida, Carnata, Telingana,
Gondwaneh, and Maharashtra. With the wild
region and primitive tribes of Gondwaneh, east of
the Wyne Gunga river, we have now no concern.
Dravida extends from Cape Comorin to the Lake of
Pulicat, north and south, and westward to the
Eastern Ghats. Telingana lies north, Carnata
north-west of Dravida, and both abut on Maha-
rashtra. This last country, the home of the Maratha
GEOGRAPHY OF MAHARASHTRA. 97
people, and chiefly the theatre of Sivaji's exploits, is
bounded as follows : to the west, it has the Indian
Ocean ; on the north, it extends along the Sautpoora
Range from Naumdode to the Wyne Gunga. This
river limits it on the east, until the Wurda becomes
the boundary as far as Manikdroog and Mahoor.
Then the rambling Manjera separates it from Tclin-
gana; and speaking roughly, the Kistna and Mal-
purda are its southern confines.
Maharashtra is estimated to extend over upwards
of 1()(),()0() square miles. Its great determining
physical feature is the steep and lofty range of the
AVestern Ghats, or Syliadrcc mountains, which
extend far beyond its southern limits, and give
occasion to a threefold geographical division into the
Concan, or the country between the mountains and
the sea; the Ghat Mahta, or the mountain region
itself, often very wide; and the Desli, or table-land
eastward of the Syliadrcc chain, The whole of
Maharashtra is more or less hilly, and four trans-
verse ranges of considerable height intersperse the
table-hind; namely, the Chandore, now often called
the Northern Ghats ; the Ahmcdnuggur chain ; that
just below Poona; and still further to the south the
Mahadeo hills, near Satara. The Ghats Proper rise
far above the table-land, and arc surmounted by
majestic and precipitous masses of rock, which form
natural fortresses of imposing appearance, vast siae
7
98 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDKR OF THE MAHATHA POWKR.
and very difficult access, especially when these ori-
ginal advantages are improved by the appliances
even of rude native art. Long lateral spurs, and
detached blocks of similar dimensions, penetrate far
into the eastern upland, and enclosing deep and
well-watered valleys, give an average of more than
twentv miles in breadth to the Ghat Mahta.
These spurs and islands (as they would be called
in Somersetshire), as well as the four principal trans-
verse ranges already mentioned, were also crowned
with a multitude of forts. The Concan varied in
character; but especially below Bombay was mostly
a rugged, broken, and impracticable country, the
basement and buttress system (so to speak) of the
soaring Syliadree Range, which sinking sometimes
suddenly, sometimes more gradually towards the sea,
poured down streams that in the monsoon became
terrific torrents, and that have in all directions
scarred and diversified the surface of the land,
and increased the diiliculty of road -making in such a
region. Both the Concan and the Ghat Mahta were
thickly wooded, particularly, in each case, the
valleys and glens; and the prodigious and con-
tinuous rainfall, the steepness of the passes, the
dense and pestilential atmosphere of the jungles, and
the frequency of sublime and terrible thunderstorms,
made all warfare in such a district, during several
months in each year, almost impossible. The his-
POPULATION OF MAHARASHTRA. 99
torian of the Marathas, himself a soldier, pronounces
that "in a military point of view there is probably
no stronger country in the world."
Besides the Nerbmlda and the Tapty, which rising
far to the east flow westward into the Gulf of Cam-
bay, three of the chief Dekkan rivers, the Godavery,
the Kistna, and the Bhima, descend from the Syha-
dree Range, and with their innumerable tributaries
spread fertility in every direction over the table-land;
though their deep-out channels, and the comparative
scantiness of their constant stream, prevent all com-
parison with the exuberant fecundity of Bengal, and
other lower regions on the eastern coast. On the
banks of the Godavery and its feeders, the Neera
and the Maun, was reared a breed of horses un-
surpassed for speed and vigour in any part of India.
The bulk of the population of Maharashtra was
Hindoo, though Mahometan rulers had imported a
considerable proportion of strangers in race as well
as faith ; and in the mountains, particularly towards
the north, Wheels, Coolees, Ramoosees, and other
primitive tribes abounded. Among the Hindoos, the
sharply-defined fourfold caste classification of Menu
had, as elsewhere, been replaced by a multitudinous
subdivision on no intelligible principle, though not
on that account necessarily the less rigid. The
Brahmin, indeed, still retained both his name, his
purity of blood, and his intellectual ascendancy; and
100 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MAUATIIA POWER.
in the person of the Peishwa was ere long to become
virtually a secular sovereign. But he had for ages
compromised in most cases his sacred character, and
forfeited popular reverence by engaging in mundane
affairs; and the spiritual director of the Maratha
was often a low caste man, sometimes (oddly enough)
even a Mussulman,
So, too, the saints held in honour throughout the
Maratha country belonged to all classes and creeds.
Tae votary of Islam, and of the Jain worship, the
/juriuh, and the primitive barbarian, alike attracted
the respectful homage of the tolerant and funda-
mentally pantheistic Hindoo. Again, as among
Hindoos generally, the undoubted Rajputs still
claimed to be the surviving or re-created military
caste; so the higher martial class among the Mara-
thas made apparently reasonable pretensions to
Kajput descent, and justified on this ground the
practice of secluding their women in the Mussulman
fashion, unless where a lady had to undertake active
public duties, Sivaji, it will be seen, boasted royal
blood on the mother's side.
Learning was almost confined to the Brahmins,
many of whom, however, were extremely ignorant.
Sivaji, like Hyder Ally, could neither read nor write.
The prevalent religious worship was that of Mahadeo
or Siva, as denoted in the famous Maratha battle
cry, Hur ! Har ! Mahadeo I
POLITICAL STATE OF THE DEKKAX.
101
At the time when our narrative opens, the Dekkau
was in a more than usually disturbed and critical
condition. On the dissolution of the older Delhi
Empire at the end of the fourteenth century, a power-
ful Mahometan monarchy, called the Bahminy, had
f ' V '
been formed in Maharashtra; while further south
a rival Hindoo State took its name from Bijanuggur,
its capital. The Bahminy monarchy had been sub-
sequently resolved into five separate kingdoms, two
of which had been soon merged in the three larger
Mussulman sovereignties of Ahmednuggur, Bijapoor,
and (iolconda: and .the Hindoo dynasty of Bija-
nuggur had fallen a prey to its own corruption, aftd
the attacks of its neighbours. Still later, Ahmed -
nuggnr had tempted the annexing disposition of tho
great Mogul Emperor Acbcr : he had begun, and his
successors had completed, the absorption of that
kingdom. In the last days of the falling State,
Shahji, originally a Maratha soldier of fortune, of
humble birth, rose into importance in the public
service ; and contributed for a while to arrest the pro-
gress of the imperial arms. He afterwards made his
peace with the conqueror (163G) ; transferred his
allegiance to Bijapoor j and -while the Emperor Shah
Jehan's son, Prince Aurungzib, was meditating the
reduction of the two surviving Mahometan Powers of
the Dekkan, Shahji assisted his new sovereign in
waging war in Carnata, and making precarious ad-
102 S1VAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATIIA POWER.
ditions to a dominion, whose limits should rather
have been restricted, and its resources husbanded,
against the imminent hostilities of the artful, power-
ful, and encroaching Mogul.
Shahji was the father of the extraordinary man
whose career it is now proposed to sketch.
Though the spirit of the hero is an original
particle, an incalculable element in his composition^
yet, as with common natures, his character is in a
great degree formed, and the direction of his activity
determined, by his circumstances.
"The child is father of the man/'
So it was with Sivaji. Born in the hill fort of Sew-
neree (1627), in an age when old political arrangements
were being fast dissolved, and thrones were tottering
in every direction around him; of a father who, after
submitting alternately to three different sovereign-
ties, helped to make war on a fourth; entrusted to the
separate care of a doating mother, who proudly traced
back her lineage to the former Rajput monarchs of
Maharashtra, the victims of the older tide of Mussul-
man conquest; again and again, from his earliest
infancy, the companion of that mother's flight from
the Mogul arms; hidden away in the hills by some
unknown but friendly hand, when his mother was at
last captured by her pursuers ; entrusted later to the
charge of a wise, faithful, patriotic, and pious
Brahmin, Dadaji Konedeo (the manager of his
SIVAJl's TRAINING. 103
father's Poona jayhire), under whom he learned to
excel in horsemanship, and in warlike exercises, to
observe strictly the rites of his religion, and to glow
with admiring and sympathetic enthusiasm at the
recital of the exploits of Gods and deified heroes ;
climbing the steep crag, leaping the foaming torrent,
and tracking the fierce tiger to his lair, in company
with the hardy and daring mountaineers, arid win-
ning golden opinions from these simple people by
his audacity, skill, familiarity, humour, and instinc-
tive air of authority; gaining in his excursions a
thorough knowledge of the country, of its paths, its
strongholds, and their condition, and of its assailable
and defensible points; venturing presently with his
lax companions on Gadshill enterprises of a more
than questionable character ; warned back to more
sedate and respectable avocations by his faithful
mentor, and entrusted by him with civil functions,
which enabled him by his engaging manners and
conciliatory conduct to steal the hearts of the higher
classes in the open country, as lie had before capti-
vated the rude hill-meii: such were the original
circumstances and pursuits of Sivaji, which formed
at once a natural opening and an admirable training
for his after career.
The precocity of Oriental heroes is often remark-
able. Sivaji was but sixteen when he began tc
aspire to independent rule* Quick to discern his
104 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MAHATHA POWER.
opportunity, he observed that the Bijapoor State,
intent on conquest in the south, had neglected to
garrison the majority of the unhealthy forts with
Government troops, and had left them in the hands of
local and hereditary feudatories. AVith the aid of his
three earliest adherents, he induced the governor of
Torna, a strongly situated castle south of Poono, to
put him in possession of it (1G16). He then sent
agents to the king, with plausible tenders of zealous
service, and a higher rent than the late ruler had paid ;
which, backed by bribes to influential persons, post-
poned strict inquiry into his proceedings. Mean-
while he put Torna into a better posture of defence ;
and finding there a considerable treasure, he piously
or prudently ascribed the godsend to the favour of
Bhowanee, and employed it in arming his followers,
and rearing another strong fort, which he called
Rajgurh.
On his father's behalf, his guardian remonstrated,
but in vain; and the Brahmin becoming a convert to
his designs, or anxious to turn them to account in
favour of his countrymen and co-religionists, sanc-
tioned them with his dying breath, charging the
young adventurer "to protect Brahmins, kinc, and
cultivators ; to preserve the temples of the Hindoos
from violation ; and to follow the fortune which lay
before him." Sivaji did not forget the injunction ;
and the last words of his venerable preceptor con-
SIVAJI^S EARLY EXPLOITS. 105
tributed powerfully to raise him, both in his own
estimation and in that of others, from a leader of
bandits into a champion of Hindoo freedom,
nationality, and religion.
He assumed the management of his father's dis-
trict, and contrived to evade paying over the revenue,
on the plausible ground of heavy current expenses.
lie next gained quiet possession of Chakun, an
important fort north of Poona, and retained its com-
mander in his own service, or nominally in that of his
father, taking care ^hat the people in the district
should be well treated. Still more important was the
acquisition of Kondaneh, where he bribed the com-
mander, and which he now called Singurh or the
lion's den. His mother-in-law's brother, Baji Mo-
hitey, was in ofHcc under Shahji at Sopa, and was little
inclined to admit Sivaji's pretensions. In a night
attack he was overpowered and taken prisoner with all
his people : some of them entered their captor's ser-
vice, the rest, with Mohitey himself, were sent off to
join Shahji in the Carnatic. Poorundhur, another con-
siderable fort, was suddenly deprived by death of its
commander. Three sons contested the situation*
Sivaji undertook to mediate between them ; on spe-
cious grounds effected an entrance with some of his
followers, and made prisoners of all the brothers.
Then his persuasive tongue won them over to his
cause; and they served him faithfully . 4
106 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATIIV POWER.
Not a drop of blood had been shed, in the course
of these daring and crafty enterprises. The Maratha
habitually prefers management to what he considers
inartistic violence. Besides his civil jurisdiction, and
the revenues which he drew on his father's account,
he had HOW gained the military command of a large
and strong district from Chakun to the Neera ; and
secure of a sound base of operations, and of an
almost impregnable repository for his spoil, he pre-
pared to^descend into the plain, and try direct con-
clusions with the Bijapoor Government.
Having increased the number of his Mawitlees, or
foot soldiers, from the Mawuh or valleys of the Ghat
Mahta, and formed a body of 300 troopers, whom he
mounted on horses captured at Sopa, he fell upon a
royal convoy escorting treasure ; carried off the spoil to
Rajgurh (164-8) and seized in rapid succession no
less than six forts on the Ghats, just north-west of
Poona. Tala, Gossala, and the steep natural fast-
ness of Rairee surrendered soon after ; the Concan
was invaded, and several wealthy places were sacked ;
lastly, one of his Brahmin followers took Kallian
itself, and a number of forts dependent on it. Sivaji
was in ecstacies. He gave the command of the dis-
trict to the captor; established mild and popular
regulations; and politely releasing the Governor of
Kallian, allowed him to carry to Court the tidings of
the now avowed revolution. Against the Seedee,
SIVAJl's EARLY EXPLOITS. 107
the Abyssinian admiral of Bijapoor, who held the
southern coast, he strengthened himself by erecting
two new forts.
* The king was violently incensed, and caused
Shahji to be treacherously seized in the Carnatic by
one of his own countrymen, Baji Ghorepuray, and
sent to Hijapoor ; where he was threatened with death
if Sivaji should not submit (1619). But the son
rescued the father, through the powerful mediation
of the Emperor, whom as yet he had scrupulously
refrained from provoking. For four years, however,
Shahji was detained at Bijapoor, until the troubles in
the Carnatic and Sivaji's quiet attitude induced the
king to release him. He was bound over by oath to
keep the peace towards his ensnarer; but entrusted
the task of vengeance to his son, who at a later
time repaid the debt with heavy interest. An
attempt was made to entrap Sivaji himself. But,
always well informed, he turned the tables on his
assailants, and hunted them into the jungles.
Shahji's liberation was the signal for renewed
aggression on the part of his son. The Raja of
Jowlee administered a large tract of country between
the Warna and the Kistna. Like Sivaji he was a
Maratha, and disposed to keep on friendly terms
with the rebel, but neither to submit to him, nor
himself to rise against Bijapoor. And he was
powerful^ valiant, the head of a warlike house, and
108 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA POWER.
well provided witli soldiers. Sivaji had a grievance
against him for having given passage to his pursuers.
But he preferred to act covertly. Two of his influ-
ential envoys appeared at Chunder Rao's Court, and
sought his daughter's hand for their master. Pend-
ing the negotiation, they proposed to assassinate the
Raja. Sivaji approved the dark design, and moved
stealthily up with his troops to take advantage of the
consequent confusion. The Raja and his brother
were slain ; the assassins escaped ; and the place,
after an obstinate defence, was taken. Its depend-
encies were also occupied; but popular Hindoo
sentiment strongly disapproved of this treacherous
and cruel treatment of a Hindoo Princelct. liohira,
the chief place of a large district between the Nccra,
and the Kistna was soon after scaled in the night,
and its commander slain. The completion of this
second great stage in his progress to dominion was
commemorated by the erection of Pertabgurh, and
the appointment of the first Peishwa Shamraje
Punt.
Sivaji had hitherto invariably respected the Mogul
boundary. He had even made overtures to enter
the imperial service. And Aururigzib, who at this
time represented Shah Jehan in the Dekkan, was
very anxious to form a friendly league with one, who
could lend him valuable assistance in his scheme of
reducing both Bijapoor and Golconda. But Sivaji,
FIRST ATTACKS THE MOGULS. 109
coolly calculating the odds, though he gave fair
words, concluded that more was to be gained at pre-
sent by a rapid raid into the imperial territory, while
the Prince with the bulk of his army was making
war upon Bijapoor. lie accordingly fell upon the
large town of Jooncre by night ; carried off much
money and other foot, including 200 horses : and
followed up this bold step by the still bolder surprise
of Ahmed nuggur, whence he drove away 700 horses
and four elephants (1657). Henceforth his warfare
changed considerably. Though his Mauwlees and
other Murutha foot-soldiers continued as active and
useful as over, he organized a large body of cavalry ;
* O f-J * * t
and shortly after, with much hesitation, consented to
admit a proportion of Afghan or Pathan infantry,
who, though less adapted to his earlier circumstances,
were of importance as' he advanced towards normal
sovereignty, and began to make occasional stands
against regular armies in the field.
For the moment, however, he had miscalculated.
Auruugzib's arms and arts were so rapidly successful
that Bijapoor was besieged, and seemed on the point
of falling : and Sivaji began, in anticipation of the
exasperated conqueror's vengeance, to humble him-
self abjectly, when the announcement that Shah
Jehan was seriously ill, produced a sudden find
momentous revolution in Indian politics, Aurung-
zib patched up a peace with Bijapoor ; marched off
110 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARAT U A POWER.
to the north; by a remarkable combination of
energy, bravery, duplicity, and cruelty, circumvented
and ruined in turn all his brothers; deposed the
aged Emperor; and seated himself upon the throne
of the great Mogul. Meanwhile Sivaji had renewed
his submission, promised fidelity, and plausibly repre-
sented that his increased numbers were designed to
serve Aurungzib's purpose. In return he demanded
the concession of certain beneficiary and revenue rights
* -
within the imperial territory, which he represented
as traditional in his family; and hinted that he could
govern the Concan much better than the Royal
official stationed there. Aurungzib in the crisis of
his own fate temporised; pardoned Sivaji; allowed
him to wage war in the Concan ; but stipulated for
500 cavalry which were not sent, and promised to
consider Sivaji's claims which were not now pressed.
Each of these consummate dissemblers was in fact
playing with the other : they were well matched at
such a game; but the serious contest between them
was postponed.
Sivaji promptly sent the Peishwa with a large body
of troops into the Concan, But the Seedee gained
a bloody victory over them. Shamraje was recalled
and deprived of his office; and this first check
heralded a more serious crisis. Humbled by
Aurungzib, torn by faction, and their king a mere
boy, the Bijapoor Court yet felt the necessity of
MURDERS AFZOOL KHAN. Ill
attempting to crush its aspiring rebel, before he
should again be able to co-operate seriously with the
Mogul. A select and finely-appointed army of
12,000 men was collected under an eminent noble,
Afzool Khan, who, with Ney-like vaunting, promised
soon to present Sivaji in chains before his sovereign's
footstool. The Maratha saw that open resistance
was out of the question, and fell back upon his
favourite arts. He shut himself up in Pertabgurh,
affected extreme terror, and professed his readiness to
abandon all his possessions, could he but be assured
of the powerful intercession of the renowned Afzool
Klian. The vanity of the haughty Mussulman was
touched; and he sent a Brahmin agent, Puutoji
Gopinat, to negociate. After a formal public inter-
view, Sivaji in the dead of night appeared alone
before Puutojij appealed expressly to his own divine
mission from Bhowanee, and to the more unquestion-
able selfishness of his hearer, and gained him over
completely to his own interest. For the good of tiie
great cause it was resolved, that Afzool Khan should
be made a memorable victim. He was by Puntoji's
help lured to a private colloquy ; a single attendant
only stood near him; his troops were at a distance;
the Marathas were secretly posted on all sides in the
thick jungle. Sivaji meanwhile " having performed,"
says his historian, " his ablutions with much earnest-
ness, laid his head at his mother's feet, and besought
112 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA POWER.
her blessing." Then he secreted under his clothes a
coat of mail and a dagger ; and his left hand con-
cealed a ivagnuck, a deadly instrument called from,
and somewhat resembling, the claws of the tiger.
Thus prepared, and crouching as in fear, he slowly
approaches the unsuspecting and linen-clad general ;
and folding him in a ceremonious embrace, buries
the waynuck in his body, following up the blow by
another with his dagger. His armour saves him
from a sword-cut aimed at him bv the dying man,
v < O f
whose head is carried off to Pertabgurh, and whose fall
is the signal for a general onset on his troops, who
are quickly destroyed, captured, or dispersed (1659).
Afzool Khan's son and family were saved by a
Maratha whom they had bribed. But Sivaji
beheaded his follower for this venial act of insub-
ordination ; though he spared and treated well most
of his prisoners, and released a fellow-tribesman of
importance, who declined to desert Bijapoor and
share his fortunes. Many Marathas, however, took
service with him.
This perfidious and bloody deed was highly ap-
plauded in Maharashtra; and Sivaji at once gained
by it 4,000 horses, besides elephants, camels, a well-
filled military chest, guns, and stores. In the first
shock of the tragic occurrence, moreover, the very
important fortress o Panalla was also surrendered to
him; Powan Gurh experienced the same fate; and
BLOCKADED IN PANALLA* 113
Sivaji lost no time in reducing Wussuntgurh and a
number of other forts, and levying black mail
along the Kistna. Next he routed another officer
who had been sent against him, and dashing across
the country almost to the gates of Bijapoor, spread
general havoc and dismay ; under cover of which he
rushed down the Ghats, and while he was believed to
be still on the table-land, Dabul and other place*
were seized, liajapoor put to heavy ransom, and
Rajgurh was enriched almost at once with the mis-
cellaneous plunder of the upper and the lower
country.
Indignant and terror-stricken at this most un-
expected issue of the first serious attempt to subdue
Sivaji in regular warfare, the distracted Government
for a while suspended its disputes; and a second
army, twice as numerous as Afzool Khan's, marched
under a distinguished officer, Salabat Khan, to co-
operate with the Seedee and the Sawunts of Waree,
who were to conduct a joint attack from the Concan.
Sivaji made prompt and careful dispositions to resist
his enemies in each quarter. But he found too late
that he had committed a great mistake, in under-
taking to defend Panalla in person. Here he was
blocked up for four mouths, unable to exert his usual
vigilance and control over the operations of his
troops. Tq hold out, and to escape, seemed equally
impossible. He proposed to surrender ; in a per-
8
114 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA POWER.
sonal interview with Salabat arranged all matters of
importance ; and the next day was to open his gates.
The besiegers, so near the term of their labours,
slept securely ; and woke to find that in the darkness
Sivaji, with a picked band, had passed through the
midst of them, and was far on his way to llangna.
A hot pursuit took place; and the fugitives were
overtaken within six miles of their destination.
Confiding the defence of a narrow pass to Baji
Purvoe, once an enemy, now a devoted follower,
Sivaji pushed on. Thrice the pursuers were gal-
lantly repulsed by the little band in the pass; a
fourth time they advanced under the avenger of
blood, Fazil, the son of the murdered Afzool Khan.
A desperate contest ensued. Half of the covering
party, including their brave leader, fell; and the
post was forced. But as the mist of death was
gathering over the eyes of Sivaji's lieutenant, he
learnt by a signal gun from Panalla^that his beloved
^^^**^* 1 "'*"" 111 " * ^_
master was safe ; apd the survivors made good their
retreat, carrying off in the teeth of the enemy Baji
Purvoe's body (1660).
The king, taking the field in person, re-captured
Panalla, Powangurh, and many other of Sivaji's
recent acquisitions; while he again assailed and
plundered Rajapoor, and reduced Sringarpoor, the
capital of a Mar at ha chieftain, who fell in the con-
test. This act also was condemned by Hindoo senti-
HIS GROWING POWER. 113
ment; and Sivaji, half by way of atonement, half
apparently from deepening superstition, henceforth
became more devoted than ever to religious rites, and
built a temple to Bhovvanee at Pertabgurh. Mean-
while he pressed his operations against the Seedee
with various success. But he swooped presently
upon a more tempting prey. Baji Ghorepuray, who
had entrapped Shahji, and had been commended by
him to Sivaji's vengeance, was now preparing to
march against the irrepressible outlaw. Sivaji came
upon him unawares in the bosom of his family,
killed him and the bulk of his household, fired their
place, and retired unopposed^
Disturbances in the Carnatic compelled the Govern-
ment to recall the army destined to act against Sivaji,
and thus he was enabled to conquer the Sawunts of
Waree, and to retrieve most of his recent losses
above the Ghats. He now occupied various ports,
began to construct a navy, and procured artillery
from Goa. At length Shahji seems to have brought
about a reconciliation with Bijapoor (1G62\ The
old man was enchanted at his son's punishment of
Ghorepuray, and paid Sivaji a visit, who received
him with graceful reverence.
" Sivaji/' says the historian of the Marathas,
" now possessed the whole of the continent of the
Concan, from Kallian to Goa, a length of coast about
four degrees of latitude] and the Concan Ghaut
116 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA POWER.
Mahta, from the Beema to the Warna, a distance of
about 160 English miles." He is said to have had
at this time an army of 50,000 foot and 7,000 horse.
And he now removed the seat of his government to
Rairee, the name of which he changed to Raigurh,
and which he fortified in a very elaborate manner.
He then resumed operations against the Moguls.
While one of his officers captured forts far to the
north, another made a rapid excursion to the im-
mediate neighbourhood of Aurungabad, laying the
whole country under contribution, and exciting
general dismay.
The Emperor ordered his lieutenant, Shaisteh
Khan, to reduce the insolent rebels. Chakun was
besieged, but held out for two months ; and its brave
defender, when compelled to surrender, declined to
abandon Sivaji's service for that of the Emperor.
Shaisteh Khan occupied Poona, and took up his
own quarters in a house formerly inhabited by Sivaji
and his mother. The towering steep of Singurh
overlooked the city, which was unwalled. Sivaji
betook himself to his eerie fastness ; descended with
a numerous party, most of whom he disposed along
the road to Poona; stole with a chosen band into the
town, and joining in a marriage procession, made his
way w to the familiar house in the dark ; effected an
entrance; dispatched most of the inmates; lopped
off the Khan's finger as he was letting himself down,
PLUNDERS SURAT. 117
in undignified haste, through a window; retired
safely with his companions : and the Moguls could,
by the light of his mocking torches, trace his trium-
phant re-ascent to his rocky den (1G63).
Next morning, for the first time, the Maratha
horsemen pursued and routed a prancing squadron of
Mogul cavalry, which had advanced in bravado to
the foot of the hill.
Shaisteh Khan was disheartened, and recalled.
And before his successor could accomplish anything,
Sivaji, extending the sphere of his evolutions, darted
off with 4,000 cavalry to Surat; plundered it for six
days of immense wealth (though the English resisted
him), and returned to hear that Shahji was dead
(1664). He now took the title of Raja, and coined
money in his own name* While his vessels swept the
sea, and seized and put to ransom the holy pilgrims
bound to Arabia, he renewed his own depredations
on land, penetrating close to Aurungabad itself, and
plundering the town of Ahmednuggur.
Meanwhile, two Bijapoor generals had thought
the occasion favourable for reconquering the Concan ;
but Sivaji overtook them, and defeated them with
terrible slaughter. Then he returned to face the
Moguls; and again, while he was still believed to be
on the point of attacking their camp, he rna^e his
way to the coast, embarked, plundered Barcelore, one
hundred and thirty miles south of Goa, and many
118 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA POWER.
other places; sent his troops back by land, and re-
embarking, suffered much from storms and sea sick-
ness, before with unwonted tardiness he could regain
his capital. His superstitious countrymen discerned
in this bad passage the displeasure of Bhowanee, at
her protege's adventuring on the forbidden waters.
Nor did he repeat the unpropitious and uncomfort-
able experiment.
Aurungzib was too suspicious of his subordinates,
too contemptuous of the mountain rat, as he called
Sivaji, and too anxious to effect the reduction of the
Dekkan in person, when his affairs in the North
should admit of it, to take such steps as would have
finished the war at a stroke. He had, however, now
entrusted the command of a powerful army to two
generals whom he disliked, but who 'might act as a
check, both on Sivaji and on each other. One was
i
the renowned Rajput chief, Raja Jey Sing; the
other an Afghan. Dilere Khan* Possibly Sivaii and
*_/ ' V t/
his people had scruples at contending against an
unquestionable representative of the oldest and
proudest race of whilom Hindoo sovereigns; while
he was but an upstart Raja, and, at the most, but a
partial scion of that sacred stock. Certain it seems
to be that both he and his chiefs lost heart, though
his soldiers gallantly defended Poorundhur against
Jey Sing in person. While the place still held out,
Sivaji having prepared the way by negotiation, and
MAKES TERMS WITH THE EMPEROR. 119
obtained Jey Sing's plighted word which he knew
he could trust forJiis safety, pardon, and entertain-
ment by the Emperor, made his way to the Rajput's
camp, tendered his submission, and was kindly
received. Dilere Khan was more implacable, but
was propitiated by Sivaji's personally offering him
the keys of Poorundhur. Terms were arranged, and
the Maratha abandoned all his conquests from the
Moguls, and consented to hold his remaining terri-
tory as a fief under the Emperor, His son was to
receive an honorary military command; and Sivaji
requested to be allowed to prosecute certain claims
on Bijapoor. Aurungzib ratified the conditions,
though without specifically sanctioning the claims in
question, which were no less than the famous chout
and surdeshmookhee, or a fourth and a tenth of the
revenue ; on the pica of exacting which, not only the
Bijapoor territory, but all India, was afterwards con-
vulsed and periodically plundered. Thus reconciled,
and recognised as a legitimate ruler, though with
curtailed dominion, Sivaji served with distinction in
the imperial army against Bijapoor; and shortly after
accepted the Emperor's invitation to visit Delhi, still
under the safeguard of Jey Sing's plighted word.
He took strict precautions for the guidance of his
own conduct at the Mogul Court, and for the safety
and regulation of his own community during his
Then with 500 nhnsen horsemen. 1.000
120 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA POWER.
Mawulees, and his young son Sambaji, he departed
to seek his fortunes in a sphere altogether different
from that in which he had hitherto distinguished
himself. AurungziVs reception was cold and dis-
paraging. The hitherto successful adventurer was
galled to the quick, probably all the more so, from
being involuntarily dazzled by the unwonted display
of imperial magnificence, and somewhat nonplussed
by the suave and silky manners of the courtiers
around him. He bluntly expressed his disgust ; and
received a polite hint, that the sight of him did not
refresh the Great Mogul's eyes. A written petition,
recapitulating the circumstances which had caused
his appearance at Delhi, and intended to test
AurungziVs disposition towards him, rather widened
the opening breach; and Sivaji soon found himself
almost a prisoner, though at large. How should he
quit this uncongenial scene, and at the head of his
army hurl renewed defiance at the haughty and
capricious tyrant? First he obtained ready per-
mission for his soldiers to retire from what he repre-
sented as a climate unhealthy to them. But his
durance became stricter. Still, relying on the con*
nivance of Jey Sing's son (who respected his father's
pledge), and free to consort with the nobles of the
Court, he cultivated them, and made them frequent
presents. Then, finding himself almost a close pri-
soner, he professed to fair ill; took medicine; and
ESCAPES FROM DELHI. 121
seemed reduced to ft very weak state. But from his
sick bed he still sent ample gifts of sweetmeats to his
new friends, and to devotees at the mosques both
inside and without the city. These were carried
forth from his quarters at all hours in huge baskets.
Late one day it was ascertained that the recumbent
invalid was a changeling. A servant had occupied
his master's place; while Sivaji and his son had
vanished, each under his separate bonbon cover, and
were already safe out of the Emperor's reach.
Leaving Sambaji to the care of a Maratha Brahmin
at Muttra, the fugitive rode for his life, and after an
absence of nine months reappeared at Eaigurh, un-
hurt, and with an important store of information as
to the characters and views of Mogul politicians
(1666). He immediately recommenced a war of
aggression ; and his " safe arrival in the Concan was
announced by the recapture of a great portion of the
province of Kallian."*
Mortified at Sivaji's escape and continued success,
Aurungzib replaced Jey Sing and Dilere Khan by
his son Prince Mauzum and Jeswunt Sing, another
distinguished Rajput chief, whom Sivaji had courted
at Delhi, and ascertained to be open to bribery, as
well as tenderly disposed towards the asserter of
Hindooism. And the Prince was much guided by
the Eajput. How far from their friendly disposition
* Grant Duff.
122 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA POWER.
aided by bribes, how far from Aurungzib's desire to
lull his wily adversary into a treacherous security,
and entrap him anew, is not very clear ; but certain
it is that amicable relations were restored (1667) :
the Emperor acknowledged the Rajaship of the Ma-
ratha, gnve him a jayhire or fief in Berar; and
raised the young Sambaji to the promised military
post. The Poona, Chakun, and Sopa districts were
also restored; but Singurh and Poorundhur were still
garrisoned by imperial troops, as a check on the
slippery tendencies of so uncertain a feudatory.
Thus matters continued for two years ; but at the
end of that time a mandate arrived from Delhi to
apprehend Sivaji and some of his chief officers.
Again, however, Aurungzib counted without his
host, who, duly informed, at once took his measures.
Singurh was cscaladed in the most gallant style at
night; its terrible precipices were surmounted with
the help of rope ladders; a terrific and doubtful
combat ensued between the valiant Rajput garrison
and the desperate Mawulee assailants; Tannaji
Maloosray, Sivaji's oldest and staun chest companion,
was slain in leading the attack, and his soldiers,
appalled at his loss, were forced back to the edge of
the declivity ; but they were rallied and led on again
by his brother; and after losing a third of their
force, and slaying or driving over the precipice twice
that number of their antagonists, they made them-
AGAIN PLUNDERS SURAT. 123
selves masters of the place ; and a month later
Poorundhur also was recovered (1670). Thus Sivaji's
communications between his northern and southern
territories above the Ghats were again open; and
fresh successes crowned his efforts in all directions,
though he failed to take Jinjeera, which was trans-
ferred to the Mogul.
Again, with 15 ; 000 men he attacked and plun-
dered Surat; and on quitting it left a formal demand
of twelve laks annually, to avert a repetition of the
visit. On his return he was intercepted by two
Mogul armies near the Nassuck Pass. Dividing his
men, he fell upon and kept in play the larger body,
while a select band carried off' his plunder. Then
he routed the enemy in his rear, and promptly
wheeled and defeated the main host, capturing and
afterwards releasing and sending home a valiant
Maratha lady, who had commanded a party of her
countrymen in the Emperor's service.
The chout was shortly after levied for the first time
in an imperial Province, that 01 Candeish (December,
1670). And the Moguls sustained the most severe
defeat ever inflicted on them during Sivaji's lifetime ;
while an attempt to block up the passes, and confine
the Marathas to their mountains, ended in more
daring and systematic incursions than before.
At this time the King of Bijapoor died, and Sivaji
at once took up arms agaiust his successor. An
124 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA PO\VER.
unprecedented amount of plunder was realised ; the
imperial officers were apparently bribed into qui-
escence; and Satara, and many other places of
consequence, annexed to his dominions. He now
formally ascended the throne, and assumed the state
for which his deeds, his actual power, and popular
acclamation, had long proclaimed his fitness. But
he never deviated, in personal conduct, from the
energetic simplicity of his earlier years.
How he at length made peace both with the
Imperialists and with Bijapoor; strengthened his
frontier with a continuous line of forts; how, his
hands thus free, and his territory better guarded than
before, he marched with 70,000 men eastward (1677) ;
duped the King of Golconda; made conquests at his
expense ; compelled his half-brother Vcncaji to yield
the legal portion of their father's inheritance in
Carnata; made further conquests on his return
march; interposed in favour of his old and now
expiring enemy Bijapoor against the gathering hosts
of the beleaguering Moguls; how he once more
displayed, in assailing their rear, cutting off their
supplies, evading their pursuit, matchless skill in
his characteristic mode of warfare; how he died
suddenly of fever (April, 1680) at the age of fifty-
three, and left his throne to a degenerate successor,
who soon fell a victim to Aurungzib's vengeance :
I have not space to do more than mention.
STILL A JfATION&L HERO/ 125
Such then was Sivaji : a m^n d^H^^^|^ ) %
except by his actions, (whil(v^^^^^pPl@ v 'iny best
to represent faithfully) ; MJIH^P^ institutions,
which deserve more atteJj^BHmin they are apt to
receive. His goodg|jp|H the causes of
his success, and the sf^tsbf his progress, I have tried
to indicate in the couree of the preceding sketch, and
may forbear to recapitulate them.
The romantic character of his adventures, the
momentous results of his career, and the fact that
he is still the cherished idol and half-deified hero of
Maharashtra, alike appear to justify an endeavour to
interest Englishmen in his fortunes.
The recurrence in India at present of such a
career as his, is, thank God! impossible, almost
inconceivable. But is it not a little ominous that,
while few Englishmen care to hear of him, or of so
many other famous men who have left their mark
indelibly upon the greatest and most critical depen-
dency of the British Crown, he still occupies so
prominent a place in the imagination and affections
of his people?
The ghastly tragedy of Cawnpore, the vindictive
work of one whom our Government had declined to
recognise as the adopted son of the deposed Peishwa,
has too recently attested the patient vitality of
Maratha hatred.
While Russia is close on our Punjab borders,
America not too friendly, our Indian Exchequer
126 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OP THE MARAT II A POWER.
not too flourishing, and the sovereignty of England
has been suddenly struck down in the person of her
Viceroy, may no self-complacent ignorance, on our
part, of the feelings of our fellow-subjects, no con-
temptuous disregard of their deep-rooted prejudices,
no supine indifference to their fair claims, henceforth
tempt them to brood more than is good either for
them or for us over the olden tale, how Marathas
threw off the yoke of Bijapoor, destroyed the mighty
Mogul Empire, and rose to ascendancy on its ruins !
The general causes of Sivaji's success have been
implicitly indicated. But the peculiarity of his
genius, and his careful adaptation of means to the
great ends of his policy, will be better understood
from a short account of his military institutions.
Never did a historical community more strictly
owe both its separate existence, and its permanent
character, to the creative and moulding force of a
master mind. With far more propriety than his
contemporary Louis XIV. might Sivaji have ex-
claimed, " L'Etat, de$t moif" The original con-
ception, the later^inodifications, and the prolonged
vitality of the" Maratha polity are equally remark-
able. But through all vicissitudes, the primary
type was never lost. And as it scerned to involve,
to a certain extent, a contradiction in terms,
it is the more necessary to elucidate the apparent
anomaly*
To reduce chaos to order in a turbulent age, has
ANOMALY OF HIS CAREER.
127
been pronounced the great statesman's proper func-
tion. But Sivaji, at first sight, appears to have done
more than this. He compelled chaotic and explosive
forces to do prescribed task work ; to operate with
full intensity, but only in obedience to his will, and
in the direction that suited his purpose. He opened
the flood-gates of anarchy, and let in the full tide of
cupidity and military license. Yet he was not over-
whelmed, or even embarrassed by it; but calmly
devoted this self-seeking and devouring force to the
evolution of a new political order, and the secure
vindication of regulated liberty. He fanned the
glowing flame of ambition, alike in his soldiers and
in their leaders : yet he seemed never even in dangj;
of being consumed by it, or of forfeiting
dancy which he had grasped so
. y was his
,1 , / /y^H^Kysr ^^^ . .
thai/ of ^rcommuiiHty : yet
/( ^P*V. -^ j
he was a^tP44^isj^fei^^nd his la^were
infringed, and neveN^^lynHjmnity. In%hort,
was at cmee theXLord p^vMis^Hle. involvmg the
Z*~ "y ^^Y^*7***<- ' /SL A.
coujvferTes whipn hq> overran in a>i4nrlwiiid of disbqrd
ttnd confoston; and the mighty Spirit which could
" Hide iii the whirlwind and direct the Storm."
Such is the paradoxical impression which the mere
story of Sivaji leaves on the mind of the English
student. But a survey of his institutions will
* *__
128 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA POWER,
remove the apparent contradiction; and will ex-
plain^ not only how a robber chieftain rose to be the
founder of what was, for a century, the most for-
midable and wide-spread Power in India, but how,
whatever his moral laxity in such an age and state of
society, he deserved to succeed in his great and by
no means simply selfish enterprise.
Some general observations will perhaps here be
not out of place,
(1). The predatory occupation, and the trea-
cherous, even murderous, practices of Sivaji and his
followers were quite compatible with the co-existence
of many virtues in the same men. Macaulay has
argued, that a vice not condemned by public opinion
does not sink the average man, at least, in his own
estimatl3ftf l %nti therefore does not o thoroughly
corrupt and debase him, as one which the society in
which he lives has distinctly and strongly reprobated.
And those who remember that even the Great Duke,
the incarnation of independently realised and manly
duty, thought himself bound to fight a duel when
Prime Minister of England, may be inclined to
admit that there is much truth in Maeaulay's dis-
tinction. Now, so completely did the point of
honour with the Marathas consist in plundering
successfully, that their standard expression for gain-
ing a victory was " to spoil the enemy "
Treachery, too, has always been esteemed among
A NATIONAL AND RELIGIOUS CHAMPION. 129
tliem legitimate, and speaking generally laudable,, in
public affairs; though in private life I have found
them conspicuously faithful and straightforward.
How far assassination was considered venial, de-
pended on circumstances. The murder of the
Mussulman General, Afzool Khan, by Sivaji him-
self, was highly approved; that of a Hindoo Raja,
at which he connived, was strongly condemned.
But tliis leads to another remark.
(2). Sivaji and his people (as I have already said),
even in their warfare, were by no means mere
bandits. A halo of heroism, patriotism, and reli-
gious zeal invested their proceedings, and induced
them to regard the son of Shahji as a predestined,
divinely-favoured, indeed as an inspired deliverer.
Race, religion, and to a considerahle^&xleht geo-
graphy, discriminated them from the Mahometans
of Bijnpur and Goleonda. With such aliens, and
still more with the invading Moguls and the perse-
cuting Aurungzib, they had a complicated, irrecon-
cilable, and righteous quarrel. The Gods of the
mountains were not the Gods of the plain : the
Maratha citizen, whether Rajput, Brahmin, Sudra,
or of aboriginal lineage, justly apprehended himself
to have been defrauded and displaced by the progress
of Mahometan conquest in old time ; and to be yet
more seriously and grievously threatened by the
advance of the Mogul arms and administrative
130 SIVAJI, TlIE FOUNDER OF THE MA RATH A POWER*
system. And the pent-up mountaineer lias con-
stantly^ in similar circumstances, made a sort of
conscience of pressing upon the prosperous and
luxurious denizens of the open country at his feet.
On the whole, both Sivaji and his original followers
might well hold, and did hold, that in waging war
after their own fashion with the Mussulman, they
were doing both God and man good service, covering
themselves with glory, and gaining not only wel-
come, but creditably retributive spoils.
(3). Gibbon has, in the case of Timour, pointed
out' an apparent contradiction, very similar to that
which we are now considering. The general spoiler
and devastator of Asia was, at home in the heart of
Tartary, and in relation to his own people, a bene-
ficent legislator. So it was with Sivaji. Stern,
grasping, vindictive, and treacherous towards the
hostile Mussulman, he was, as far as the grim exi-
gencies of his military system allowed, mild, just,
forbearing, and faithful, in his dealings with his
tribesmen, his followers generally, and with the
inhabitants of districts which submitted to his rule.
Not only was
"Parcere aubjectie, et debellare auperbos"
his maxim, but he shewed habitual and systematic
consideration for vested interests, religious pre-
judices, traditional sentiments, stereotyped habits.
Thus, destructive of Mahometan sway, he was con-
jservative of Hindoo nationality; creative of a new,
VIGILANCE OF HIS RULE. 131
or (as Ins followers thought) restorative of a purer
and more primeval form of native society than had
been compatible with the political ascendancy even
of their more tolerant Mahometan rulers. Hence
he secured the willing obedience and enthusiastic
attachment of all classes throughout his native
glens; and from his post of vantage could without
misgiving pour his forces upon the central plain, or
even extend his ravages to the seaboard beyond.
(4) . Still, it may be objected, a lawless life begets
a general temper of lawlessness. And the sanction
aud practice of habitual treachery are apt to recoil
upon the patron and perpetrator of such practices.
Sivaji was not unaw r are of these dangers; and the
history of his descendants soon illustrated the
*
reasonableness of such fears. But he secured him-
self for the time by what I may call the directness
and centralising spirit of his rule* He had
ministers,, officers, and agents in abundance and of
every description ; but they were not such by original
status, but by his own appointment : and it was part
of his plan that their continuance in office should
invariably depend on proved personal fitness and
fidelity. He disapproved of jag hires, as tending to
root their holders in the soil, and limit the spon-
taneous action of the Raja. Hereditary village and
district authorities he did not deprive of their dues ;
but he levied those dues through officers of his own
132 SIVAJI, THE FOVXDEIl OF THE MAKATHA POWER.
selection, and allowed no fenced villages or other
strongholds in his country, except the forts gar-
risoned by his own trusty instruments and special
bands.
And while, in earlier days, lie was as careful in
picking and inspecting his soldiers as Cromwell in
enrolling his Ironsides; throughout his career he
insisted on no man being admitted without the pre-
caution of securing, from those already in the service,
a kind of bail for the fidelity and good conduct of
the recruit.
Thus he held himself the reins in the conduct of
every department. And while, as regarded trea-
chery, his own consummate cunning was more than
a match for most plotters, his vigilance was equal to
his sagacity. His eye was everywhere : and besides
the service of recognised spies, hfc controlled every
thing and every body by playing off one class, one
race, and one profession against another; by checks
and counterchecks ; and by secret agency and latent
and minute espionage, not less complicated or subtle
than the famous and intricate machinery of Loyola
and his successors,
I proceed to give an outline of his military
arrangements in each department.
The student of military history would do well to
notice the successive phases of Maratha warfare,
from the days of Sivaji to tjiose pf Jjprd Lake,
MILITARY ARRANGEMENTS. 133
Colonel Wellesley, and Dowlut Rao Sindia. From
the few half-naked, undisciplined, and ilUarmed
mountain rovers, whose unsophisticated gallantry,
agility in climbing, and devotion to their hardy and
skilful companion in the chace, helped him to seize
fortress after fortress on the borders of the Ghats,
and to pounce upon and hide away the spoil of the
Dekkan : to the eighty artistically- drilled and well-
appointed battalions of Dowlut Rao, officered by
Frenchmen, supported by a magnificent park of
artillery, and acting in concert with a vast host of
showy, dashing, and terrible horsemen, who, in
"wild Mahratta battle/' threatened to overwhelm
the hero of Assye, and to change the history of the
world : between these two extremes of military
array the whole orbit of the tactical system seems
f *
to have J>ecn traversed,
But I confine myself, at present, to Sivaji's own
ultimate arrangements. He naturally began with
infantry alone, and those exclusively Hindoos, or of
the earlier mountain refugee races. Later, after
much hesitation, he enlisted Mussulmans especi-
ally Afghans. Cavalry he adopted as soon as his
operations in the Dekkan required them. Artillery
he never used, except on his last great expedition
into the Carnatic Plain, when he persuaded the King
of Golconda to lend him a siege train.
Both infantry and cavalry were lightly clad.
134 SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA POWER.
Both used shields ; but I believe that, at this period,
neither ever had any other defensive armour. The
infantry were divided into Mawulees and Hetkurees ;
the cavalry into Baryeers and Sillidars. The former
terms were geographical, denoting the foot soldiers
levied in the Ghats and in the Concan respectively.
The Baryeers were horsemen mounted at Sivaji's
expense, and in fact his soldiers, strictly so called,
forming collectively the Payah, or household troops.
The Sillidars, like the Mogul Ahdis, were of a higher
class socially ; and were troopers, mounted at their
own cost, and more nearly resembling our irregular
native cavalry in modern times in India,
*
The foot were armed with swords and matchlocks,
or in some cases, with the newly-invented firelock.
But for stealthy service, as in night attacks and the
capture of forts, each tenth man carried a bow and
arrows. The Hetkurees were the better marksmen;
the Mawulees the stouter in hand-to-hand combats
with the sword. The horsemen carried swords, and
some had matchlocks. But their characteristic and
most efficient weapon, as in the case of the Cossacks
whom they so much resembled, and whose name they
adopted through the Moguls, was a long spear. The
readers of Erckman-Chatrian's romances will be at
no loss to conceive their celerity of movement, their
dexterity, or the terror which their sudden apparition
was wont to inspire.
MILITARY ARRANGEMENTS. 135
On the fidelity of the infantry, Sivaji could con-
fidently depend. The Baryeers, too, he could trust
better than the Sillidars. To check the erratic
tendencies of the irregular and too independent
horsemen, he therefore, with characteristic prudence,
habitually interspersed among them parties of the
household cavalry.
Tn the infantry he had officers of ten, fifty, a
hundred, a thousand, five thousand; the last being
immediately subordinate to the Surnobut, or Com-
mander-in-Chief. The organisation and supervision
of the cavalry were more complicated. The smallest
division, consisting of twenty- five, was commanded
bv a Huvildar. Five such divisions formed a Jooma,
/ *
with its corresponding military officer. Five of these
again were massed under a Soobedar. Lastly, ten
SoobeliSj really mustering 6250 horsemen, but for-
mallv rated at 5000, were united under an officer,
> * ^
whose harsh name I am afraid to mention ; and who
was immediately subordinate to the Commander-in-
Chief, or Surnobut. This last was distinct From the
chief general of infantry.
But the accounts of the Soobeh were managed and
audited by separate agents, civilians and cither Brah-
mins or Purvoes, appointed by Sivaji, responsible
directly to him, and designed doubtless to act as a
check on the military chief. This was also the case
with the commander of 5000. Each division also,
13G SIVAJI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MAKATHA POWER*
except the smallest, had its staff of news-writers and
professed spies; while secret emissaries (as I have
said) pervaded every part of the army. The foot-
soldiers' pay averaged monthly (?) from seven or eight
shillings of our money to thrice that sum. That of
the Ear (jeer was about double the foot-soldiers' :
while the Sillular had from two to four guineas.
Before the army took the field, a strict scrutiny of
each soldier was instituted, and for a double purpose.
His losses in the field were, if duly proved to have
occurred in the public service, replaced. And what-
ever he brought back in addition to what he took
with him, he was bound to produce; otherwise it
was liable to forfeiture. For all spoil was, in the
first instance, Sivaji's property. The captor on pre-
senting it was partly rewarded on the spot, partly
recorded for favourable treatment or promotion later.
And if he preferred to redeem it, he was usually
allowed to do so. Government settled annually all
out-standing claims of the soldiers, either in ready
money or by bills on the Raja's revenue collectors.
Both to prevent the villagers being oppressed, and to
guard against the growth of any power over which he
had not complete control, Sivaji $id wot permit any
charges in favour of individuals to be imposed on the
revenues of villages. Nor did he suffer cows, women,
or peasants to be carried oft' or ill-treated. The only
prisoners he sanctioned were wealthy Mussulmans,
TORT SYSTEM, 137
or Hindoos in their service, who could afford to re-
purchase their liberty at a high price. He was fond
however of ostentatiously liberating distinguished
prisoners, and in this proceeding had no doubt a
secret eye to diplomatic business, as well as to ac-
quiring a reputation for generosity. The strictness
of his discipline may be inferred, from his visiting
with death the offence of taking the field accom-
panied by a c/icre amie. He was equally exact in
reward and punishment.
Rent-free lands in perpetuity he granted to
deserving soldiers, to temples, and to the guardians
of his forts, lie never confiscated sacred revenues,
even if devoted to Mussulman' rites, or to the
memory of Mussulman saints.
His most peculiar military institution, and the
nursery of his power, was his fort system. Each
stronghold, besides any occasional Maratha force
stationed there, had a large and permanent staff of
inhabitants and defenders, minutely organised, care-
fully trained, and warmly interested in its main-
tenance. Of these, the Marathas proper were
destined to fight; the BrahminstVere charged with'
the victualling and other civil cares of the place j
the Ramoosees and other primitive tribesmen were
appointed to note and baffle the approach of an
enemy, ad stealthily impede his operations, when
he could 116 longer be diverted from an attack. All
138 SIVA JI, THE FOUNDER OF THE MARATHA POWER.
these classes were paid by rent-free lands, which
descended to their posterity. Sivaji, when cam-
paigning, of conrse made war support war and
more. But while his cavalry were browsing in the
enemy's country, his Brahmin storekeepers were
carefully collecting, in the immediate neighbourhood
of each fort, the crop of hay and grain, against the
approach of the rainy season; when the horsemen
and their beasts regularly returned to secure quarters
in the hills. Each fort had its Commander-in-Chief,
or Havildar ; and his subordinates were multiplied
according to the size and importance of the place.
(t Orders," says Grant Duff, "in respect to ingress
and egress, rounds^ watches, .ami ~" patrols, care of
wrrtei 1 "; grain, stores, and ammunition, were most
minute; and the officer of each department was
furnished with distinct rules for his guidance, from
which no deviation was permitted. A rigid economy
characterised all Sivaji's institutions regarding ex-
penditure."
It may be remarked in conclusion, as to his military
arrangements, that there was little of barbarism in
this barbarian's dispositions.
CHAPTER VI.
THE MA RATH A WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
THE sudden death of Sivaji was an event most
critical to the Maratha community, of which his in-
fluence had been both the bond of union, and the
animating principle. He had, indeed, not only ex-
cited the strongest passions, and appealed to the
deepest and most abiding sentiments of his people ;
but he had founded institutions well calculated, in
some respects, to endure both the lapse of time, and
the stress even of imperial antagonism. But what is
apt to become of .newly-created institutions among a
rude people, even in the West, without the presiding
spirit of their founder ? His territory, indeed, was
ample ; the original district which formed his mili-
tary base was naturally almost impregnable, and had
been carefully strengthened by a complicated chain*
work of forts; his army was numerous and in fine
110 THE MARATHA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
condition; his revenue was elastic, and he had ac-
cumulated an immense treasure; the terror of his
name was widely diffused, and he had formed a school
of officers whose talents had been developed under the
stimulus of his suggestive example, keen criticism, and
stern discipline. Yet, to keep in order the formidable
warlike engine which he had constructed, and worked
with such remarkable success, was a task ulrich had
taxed to the utmost the activity of his master-mind.
*>
To sustain the strange paradox of a State stable and
harmonious within, yet forming in fact but a vast
entrenched camp of marauders, and seeking its very
principle of existence in the continuous practice of
military license, might well exceed the powers of any
but one,, whom a unique genius and a singular variety
of favourable circumstances had combined to befriend
in an undertaking essentially transitory.
In the East the death of the leader is the constant
signal for the dissolution of the army. AYould it now
be otherwise with the Marathas? Would not in-
ternal dissension, the ambition of chiefs, the cupidity
of followers, fatally interfere with Sivaji's AVISC ar-
rangements, and leave the community (in Gibbon's
phrase "at once in a state of childhood and
caducity/') a prey to the implacable vengeance of
the mighty Monarch whose authority it had so long
disputed ?
Such misgivings could not in any case fail to
SAMBAJl's ACCESSION. 141
occur to a thoughtful and patriotic Maratha. Arid
Sivaji's family circumstances gave additional weight
to them.
His oldest son was Sambaji, whose mother was
dead, and whose own insubordinate and licentious
conduct had caused his strict father to place him in
easy confinement within the fortress of Panalla.
But the deceased hero had left also a younger son,
Raja liam, at this time ten years old. To him an
t* (Ntr,!-, ,
ambitious mother attempted, by a coup d'tat, to
transfer the Rajaship; and with the connivance of
some of the Maratha leaders the boy was actually
installed. But Sambaji made his escape from
Panalla, and acting with much energy, soon re-
covered his ground, gained over some of the con-
spirators, imprisoned others, and obtained quiet pos-
session of the throne (June, IG80). On this occasion
he showed much address; he had inherited all his
father's courage, and his natural capacity seems to
have been by no means despicable. In spite of the
late plot many of the chiefs w r cre disposed to give
him cordial support; and the eldest son of Sivaji
could not appeal in vain to the Maratha people for
co-operation in his great father's work. Some ad-
vantages were in fact gained ; and the partial incur-
sions of the Moguls were more than once repelled
with loss and ignominy to the invaders.
But from the first it was too clear that Sambaji
was quite unequal to the task of replacing his heroic
142 THE MARATHA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
parent, and that the interests of the new common-
wealth must incur much peril from his mismanage-
ment and vices. * He was sluggish, sensual, extra-
vagant, vindictive, and reckless both of the feelings
and the welfare of his subjects. The unusual and
brutal severity with which he punished the conspi-
rators whom he had baffled, produced a most unfa-
vourable impression; encouraged the announcement
of evil omens on his installation ; sowed the seeds of
further sedition ; led some chiefs to desert his service
for that of his enemies; and thus weakened his
authority and impaired his resources. A new plot to
liberate one of his victims resulted in the execution,
on mere suspicion, of one of Sivaji's oldest and most
distinguished companions, who was also a Brahmin.
What was to be expected from one who thus lightly
severed the connexion both with the military glories
of Maharashtra, and with the religious scruples which
Sivajihad so profitably cherished? The administra-
tion was relaxed; the close and minute attention
which the father had bestowed on his singular insti-
tutions was abandoned; the best and most tried
officers were slighted, if not discarded ; and an in-
competent favourite, Kuloosha, a stranger from
Northern India, a man of cultivation, indeed, and
learning, but of no practical ability either civil or
military/ became the all-powerful Sejanus of the
secluded and infatuated Raja.
In vain did Sivaji's spiritual teacher, on his death-
INEFFICIENCY OF HIS RULE. 143
*
bed, endeavour to arouse Sarabaji by earnestly de-
lineating the views, the character, the deeds of his
renowned father. Only a momentary reformation
resulted from the still more outspoken protest of a
powerful and venerable Maratha statesman, who
travelled from the eastern coast expressly to urge
upon his degenerate sovereign the obligations of his
position. The influence of the favourite seemed ir-
resistible, and was popularly ascribed to magic.
Under such auspices it may well be believed that the
public interest did not prosper. The internal decay
which hence threatened the Maratha Power is de-
scribed by Colonel Grant Duff in the subjoined
passage :"*
* "The system, which Sivajee introduced, soon fell into decay,
wherever the efficiency of the establishments depended upon the
vigilance or care of the executive authority. This was first per-
ceivable in the army where the discipline and strict orders of Sivajee
were neglected. When the horse took the field, stragglers were
allowed to join, plunder was secreted, women followers, who had
been prohibited on pain of death, were not only permitted, but
women were brought off from the enemy's country as an established
article of plunder, and either retained as concubines, or sold as
slaves.
"The small returns brought back by the commanders of the
horse, were insufficient for the pay of the troops ; they took the
field in arrears, and permission to keep a portion of their plunder
was an ample and desirable compensation for the regular pay
allowed by Sivajee.
"Sumbhajee was prodigal in his expenses, and as he considered
his father's treasure inexhaustible, even the favourite minister was
unwilling to rouse his dangerous temper by touching on that theme.
144 THE HARATHA WAR OF IXDEPENDEXCE.
But the freebooting commonwealth so ingeni-
ously organized by its founder, so recklessly dis-
ordered by his successor, was not to be allowed the
option of internal dissolution. It had several enemies.
Above all, the crafty and powerful Aurungzib was on
the watch, and was preparing to make a mighty
effort for the general conquest and pacification of the
Dekkan. The impolicy of Sambaji was in this
respect remarkable, almost incredible. He was war-
like and ambitious, but he had the soul of a Sudra;
and in local efforts against his piratical neighbours,
the Abyssinians of Jinjeera, and against the Portu-
guese, he forgot or disregarded the Continental and
anti-imperial warfare, to which his station and the
antecedents of his people pledged him. He had not
even the prudence to follow his father's example, and
ally himself with Bijapoor and Golconda against the
K"o revenue was received from the Carnatio after the death of
Rugonath Punt; the districts in that quarter maintained them-
selves, but as loss rather than advantage was now the result of most
of the expeditions, by which, in the time of Sivajce, so much was
amas&ed, Kuloosha conceived he had discovered an easy mode of
replenishing the treasury, by raising the land-rent, through the
addition of various assessments ; but when he came to collect the
revenue, he found that the receipts wore as much diminished from
what they had been in the time of Sivajee, as the assessments were
nominally increased.
"The managers of districts were in consequence removed, for
what appeared to him, evident peculation. The revenue was
farmed, many of the ryots fled from their village*, and speedy ruin
threatened the territory of Sumbhaiee.* 1
SAMBAJl'S IMPOLICY. 145
common enemy. Much less had he the wisdom
to co-operate with the warlike Rajputs, whose
religious and political sympathies were with him;
whose chiefs had befriended his father; who were
now in rebellion against the Emperor ; and who had
instigated Prince Acber also to rebel. That Prince's
movement was indeed foiled by his father's astute-
ness, but he had escaped and joined Sambaji ; and
the latter, had he inherited any share of his father's
political genius, would have turned such an oppor-
tunity to good account, and effected a powerful tri-
partite union between himself, the insurgent Raj-
puts, and the disaffected subjects of the Emperor
elsewhere, represented and headed by the young
Prince. "
Thus, even before Aurungzib commenced the long
war in which he was destined to wear out the re-
mainder of his strenuous life, the Maratha prospects
were most gloomy, and the disastrous fate of the
Raja is said to have been anticipated and openly
predicted.
Before the Emperor himself appeared on the scene,
he sent forward two of his sons, each at the head of
a considerable army, to hem in the Marathas and give
them occupation at home, by reducing the Concan
and the country around the Northern Ghats (1684).
But the difficulty of such an undertaking at once
became apparent. The strong fortress of Salheir
10
- THE MARATH.i WAR OK INDEPENDENCE,
was indeed betrayed to Sultan Azim; but here his
success ended, and he soon threw up the command
in disgust; while two other generals were succes-
sively foiled in repeated efforts to reduce Kamseje,
The former of these officers was Shabodcen Khan,
afterwards styled Ghazi-ud-dccn, the father of the
famous Nizam-ul-Mulk. Meanwhile Sultan Mauzuin
had penetrated into the Concan. But here his troops
were beset in the usual Maratha fashion ; Samba ji
issued orders to " stop the roads, cut oft' supplies,
harrass them by desultory attacks, and destroy the
foragers and stragglers," Thus they were reduced to
great extremities ; and an attempt to relieve them by
sea ended in the capture of the ships by the inde-
fatigable enemy, who had now quite overcome the
Hindoo prejudice against sailing on the Ocean. Gha-
zi-nd-deen at length defeated the Raja in person, and
extricated the Prince from his perilous position ; but
the misfortunes of the Concan army did not end here.
After capturing some places in the Bala Ghat, it was
go much -reduced by famine, pestilence, and the arts of
Jts vigilant opponents, that it is described on its re-
turn to Ahmednujjfgur as a mere " wreck," Nor was
this all. The Marathas, not content to stand on the
defensive, or rather rightly judging that aggressive
measures were their best mode of defence, prosecuted
their ravages far to the north, plundering successively
Burhanpoor, wbich the Kinperor had only recently
AUJtUXGZIli's ARMY AND CAMP. 117
quitted, and Baroach, on the confines of Hindostan
Proper, and firing the whole country as they went.
In vain the imperial general toiled after them : their
Parthian flight always mocked his efforts, and left
him far behind.
Aurunjrzib however had now advanced in person
with the grand army, and took up his station at Sho-
hipoor. The amount of his force docs not seem to
he well ascertained, though it must have been very
great. Hut the proverbial magnificence of the
Mogul Court, a magnificence then at its acme, was
exhibited in the imperial appointments, and reflected
in those of the Omrahs and other officers in the field,
in conspicuous and instructive contrast to the homely
and business-like arrangements of the Marathas,
The subjoined fine passage, though long, is not only
so picturesque, but so illustrative of the fortunes of
the impending strife, that I make no apology for
reproducing it entire,*
* "Besides foreigners, his cavalry, assembled from Cabul, Can-
dahar, Mooltan, Lahore, Rajpootana, and the extended Frounces
of hid vast Kmpire, was the llqwcr of his army, and presented an
array of gigantic men and horses completely armed and accoutred,
whom it might bo imagined, the more slender and lighter-armed
natives of the Deccan could hardly venture to oppose. His in-
fantry was also numerous, and was composed of musketeers, match-
lockmen, and archery well equipped ; bobidcs bodies of hardy Boon-
dohis and Mewattees accustomed to predatory contests among tho
mountains, and the better able to cope with the Mahratta Mawulees,
To these were afterwards added many thousands of infantry, raised
148 THE MARATIIA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
It was not, however, against the Marathas that
the Emperor's first operations were directed. After
Sultan Azim had been sent forward to attack Bija-
poor; had been involved in difficulties similar to those
experienced by his brother in the Concan ; and had
been similarly relieved by Ghazi-ud-deen; Aurungzib
closely invested the capital, breached the walls,, then
allowed famine to do its work, and at last compelled
a surrender (1686). The territory was reduced to a
in the Carnatic. Besides a number of field-pieces, which accom-
panied the royal tents, there were several hundred pieces of cannon
manned by natives of ilindoostan, and directed by European gun-
ners ^ and a great number of miners were attached to the park of
artillery, with artisans of every description. A long train of war-
elephants was followed by a number of the same animals as the
Emperor's private establishment, employed to carry the ladies of
his seraglio, or to convey such of his tents as were too large to be
borne on camels. Numerous led horses, magnificently caparisoned,
formed a stud for the Emperor's riding ; a menagerie accompanied
the camp, from which the rarest animals in the world were fre-
quently brought forth, and exhibited by their keepers before the
Emperor and his Court ; while hawks, hounds, hunting-tigers,
trained elephants, and every accompaniment used for field sport,
swelled the pomp of this prodigious retinue. The canvas-walls,
which encompassed the royal tents, formed a circumference of 1,200
yards, and contained every description of apartment to be found in
the most spacious palace* Halls of audience for public assemblies
and privy councils, with all the courts and cabinets attached to
them, each hall magnificently adorned, and having within it a
laised seat or throne for the Emperor, surrounded by gilded pillars
with canopies of velvet, richly fringed, and superbly embroidered ;
separate tents, as mosques and oratories; baths and galleries for
archery and gymnastic exercises; a seraglio as remarkable for
luxury and privacy as that of Delhi; Persian carpets, damasks,
FALL OP BFJAPOOR AND GOLCONDA. 1 19
subeh, or Province; the King was imprisoned, and
most probably poisoned ; the chief men were admitted
into the imperial service ; and the capital, still retain-
ing monumental vestiges of its former greatness,, sank
first into a provincial town, and then became almost
a city of the dead. Golconda shortly after shared
the same fate (1687) ; its sovereign, though intrigued
against and deceived by the cunning Emperor, and
deserted by the bulk of his own followers, resisting
and tapestries ; European velvets, satins and broad-cloths ; Chinese
silks of every description ; and Indian muslins and cloth of gold,
VVPTO employed in all the tents with the utmost profusion and effect.
Gilded balls and cupolas surmounted the tops of the royal tents ;
the outside of which, and the canvas walls, were of a variety of
lively colours, disposed in a manner winch heightened tho general
splendour. The entrance into the royal enclosure was through a
spacious portal, flanked by two elegant pavilions, from which ex-
tended, on each side, rows of cannon, forming an avenue, at the
extremity of which was an immense tent containing the great State
drums, and imperial band ; a little farther in front was the post of
the grand guard on duty, commanded by a nobleman, who mounted
with it daily. On the other sides, surrounding the great enclosure
just mentioned,' were separate tents, for the Emperor's armoury,
harness, &c. ; a tent for water, kept cool with saltpetre, another for
fruit, a third for sweetmeats, a fourth for betel, and so on, with
numerous kitchens, stables, &c., &c. Such luxury in a camp is
scarcely to be conceived ; but besides what has been described,
every tent had its exact duplicate, which was sent on in advance to
be prepared against the Emperor's arrival. His march was a pro*
cession, and when he entered his pavilions, a salvo from fifty or
sixty pieces of ordnance announced the event ; and he assumed and
maintained every form and ceremony observed at the established
residences of the Imperial Court/'
150 THE MARATHA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
bravely, until treason consigned him to the same
gloomy and inaccessible stronghold,, whither his
former rival, the King of Bijapoor, had preceded
him. Hyderabad, however, as the capital of Gliazi-
ud-deen's descendants, has revived to a certain extent
the traditional glories of the city, whose fort for-
merly gave name to the kingdom. The territory
was made a sixth imperial Dekkan Province.
Sultan Mauzum, for the benevolent offence of in-
terceding to mitigate the lot of the unfortunate
king, was imprisoned for six years by his imperious
and jealous father.
Meanwhile the degenerate son of Sivaji had done
little to arrest the progress of the invader, and the
fate g which with sure and swift steps was advancing
against himself* Distracted by local jealousies, petty
disputes, and feeble intrigues among the western
coast Powers, enervated by vicious indulgence, and
neutralising, through the paramount influence con-
ceded to the arrogant and imbecile Kuloosha, the
spontaneous activity of his abler and more energetic
followers, he threw away more than one grand
opportunity for bringing the united power of
Southern India to bear against the Moguls. Had
Sivaji been at the head of affairs, there seems little
doubt that he would have succeeded in effecting at
the eleventh hour at least a temporary league be-
tween his own people, the threatened Afghan Monaiv
PRINCE ACBER LEAVES SAMBAJI, 151
slues, the English, and . Portuguese, who already
began not only to dread, but to experience the in-
solence and tyranny of the Emperor, the Seedee,
whose interests lay in the same direction, the enter-
prising Hindoo Raja of Mysore, Chick Deo, who
was now rising into importance, and even the primU
tive and almost independent Poligars, in the wilder
parts of the country, one of whom many years after-
wards long baffled all the assaults of the imperial
army, headed by the Emperor in person*
It may be objected, that at this period the English
were mere timid traders, and would not have ven-
tured on war with Aurungzib. But this point seems
to me by no means so certain as it is generally as^
sumed to be. In fact, they did actually, on more
than one occasion, and on both sides of India^ con-
tend single handed on the sea with the Emperor's
servants*
But Sambaji was obviously unequal to either the
conception or the development of such an extensive
and intricate combination. And though hp attempted
a feeble diversion on the Carnatic seaboard, it ended
in failure and disgrace. Even the trump card that
was already in his hand he threw away. Prince
Acber, who had exerted himself energetically against
his father's and brother's armies, and had on many
occasions given useful advice, and whose presence lent
a certain amount of moral support to the Marathia
152 THE MARATHA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
cause, was wearied out by Sambaji's inactivity, and
obtained leave to retire from his Court (1688),
*
whence he proceeded to Persia, and died there
shortly before his father.
Sivaji's political and military machinery became
more and more disorganised, until, except in the re-
tention of the forts, it could hardly be said to exist.
The Maratha open country was reduced, and at
length the forts themselves were ^threatened, and
some of them actually occupied; and in their fall
the doom of the depressed and fast dissolving com-
munity would be sealed.
It may seem strange that a high-spirited and law-
less people did not take the remedy into their own
bands, and act on the principle- " It is expedient
lhat one man should die for the people/' But no
design of the kind is hinted at. To slay, or even to
depose, the Raja, who was at the same time a son
of Sivaji, would have cruelly shocked the feelings
and prejudices of his Hindoo clansmen. But the
Mogul at Jpngth effected precisely what was wanted
to liberate the spirit of his dangerous enemies, and
launch them on a career of desperate enterprise,
steady progress, and final triumph.
Yeatikad Khan, an active officer employed in the
V ' , f *
Western Bala Gh^at, having ascertained the place
where Sambaji, like Tiberius at Capreae, was groveL*
[ing in a constant round of low pleasures, explored
EXECUTION OF SAMBAJI. 153
the mountain tracks that led thither ; and making a
rapid dash across the hills with a select body of
troops, he came unexpectedly upon the Raja's re-
treat ; captured both him and his favourite ; escorted
them to the imperial camp bound on the backs of
camels, amidst insult, mockery, and the exulting cries
of a huge multitude of their enemies. Aurungzib
seemed at first disposed to spare the life of the
degraded Prince, on condition of the immediate sur-
render of the forts. But the extremity of his
position, and the aspect of his hereditary foe, aroused
in the unhappy man the spirit of his father, and he
concentrated into one short sentence the expression
of his despair, his hatred, alid his determination
to provoke an immediate deliverance from a plight
worse than death. "Jell the Emperor that if he*
will give me his daughter, I will become a Mussul-
man." And then he cursed Mahomet.
He was not disappointed. The bolt had struck
home. The pride, the bigotry, and the vindictive
wrath of the Emperor led him to forget all ideas of
policy ; and found vent in an instant order for the
execution of the prisoner with circumstances of pecu- *
liar barbarity. He was blinded ; his tongue .was cut
out ; and he was then beheaded (1689).
Such "was the end of Sambaji,^ an end, however
tragical, perhaps indispensable for the timely recovery
of his people from the fatal lethargy in which he had
154 THE MARATHA WAR OP INDEPENDENCE.
steeped both himself and them. Kuloosha perished
with him.
Sambaji's death, in fact, gave new life to his
community. That fate which his own people would
have shuddered to inflict upon him, they bitterly
resented at the hands of the Moguls, and it
quickened their resolve to resist a Voutrance. A
council of chiefs was held, presided over by Jessoo
Bhye, his widow, and attended by Raja Ram, the
brother whom it had formerly been attempted to set
up against him, and who had since spent his life in
prison: and it was unanimously determined that Sivaji,
the son of the late Raja, being too young to under-
take the government at such a crisis, his uncle Ram
Raja should be made Regent, and the whole energies
of the public should be devoted to avenge the insult
which it had suffered in the cruel execution of the
sovereign, and to recover what had been lost during
his fatuous reign. The measures now concerted were
admirably calculated to secure these objects. The
desperate condition of affairs was calmly surveyed,
and appropriate remedies were devised. The treasury
watf empty : the military system had degenerated
into mere predatory license ; the remaining fortresses
were ill-appointed and ill-supplied : the open territory
was occupied by the enemy ; the original subjects of
the Raja had lost the prestige of success; and
neither the Maratha chiefs who had lately served
.MARATHA PLAN OF DEFENCE. 155
Bijapoor, and might be expected to sympathise with
men of their own religion and race, nor the mere
soldiers of fortune to whom all sides that paid were
alike, were inclined to throw in their lot with a
beaten and decaying mass of disorderly bandits.
But the judicious, comprehensive, and far-sighted
arrangements now adopted met all the requirements
of the situation, and rapidly turned the ever wavering
scale of fortune.
To garrison and provision the forts, and to collect
and store up in them grain and hay, was the first
care of the Government. To restore the strictness
of Sivajr's discipline, and to replace illicit and self-
maintained plunderers by salaried soldiers, was, in
the exhausted state of the exchequer, a slower and
more difficult task ; which, however ,, the exertions of
a capable finance minister, and the assistance of
public spirited individuals facilitated. Another
minister, whose influence with the roving Sillidars
was great, undertook to engage them, and dispersing
them quietly over the face of the country, to keep
them well informed, and available for sudden emer-
gencies. The enthusiasm and gallantry of other
leaders, which had been repressed under the late
disastrous reign, now burst forth anew, and proved
infectious with their followers.
The Marathas in the imperial service were tampered,
with, and when not prepared to commit themselves
156 THE MAHATIIA WAB OF INDEPENDENCE,
openly, already began to meditate a patriotic deser-
tion* The Regent, like a more modern military
dictator in a natipnal uprising against invasion, flew
about the country, organising the defence, inspecting
each focus of resistance, and communicating to his
people his own indomitable spirit,
His brother's widow, Avith her young son, took
refuge in the strong fortress of Raigurh, formerly the
nucleus of Sivaji's military power, and the receptacle
of his spoil. To be prepared for all contingencies,
it was resolved from the first, that if Ram Raja
should be unable to hold his own in the upper
country, he should transfer the seat of government
to the Carnatic plain land, with which his family had
a hereditary connexion, much of which his father
had reduced, and where the Regent had secured the
possession of the stupendous treble-crested and forti-
fied rock of Gingee, in later days the advanced base of
the Frejich throughout their wars with the English.
^The monsoon had afforded the Marathas some
respite, and leisure to prepare their plan of defence.
But on the return of the dry season the content
began in earnest. The exterior cordon of forts, the
construction of which had been one of Sivaji's latest
cares, had already been pierced Raigurh, around
which clustered so many associations of successful
raids and hair breadth escapes, achieved by the
adventurer whose genius and energy had created a
RAJA RAM QUITS THE DEKKAtf. 157
nation, and where his grandson and namesake was
*
deposited under the care of Jessoo Bhye, was first
assailed, and fell through treachery (1690),
The capture of the young Sivajf and his mother
seems in no way to have discouraged either the
leaders or their followers. But it did not fail to
affect materially, in the sequel, both the fortunes of
the Marathas, and the character of their government*
The Emperor's daughter took a warm interest in the
prisoners, who were well treated in the courtly camp,
though strictly secluded from intercourse with those
even of their countrymen who still followed Aurung-
zih's standard.
Under the same officer who had seized Sambaji
and gained Buigurh, Yeatikad, henceforth called
Zoolfikar Khan, the Moguls pushed on and took
Mcrich and Panalla:
Raja Ram now thought it time to secure the free
action of his government and armies, and to cause at
the same time an important diversion, by betaking
himself to the Carnatic Payen Ghat. After carefully
assigning their respective functions to the officers
who were to represent him in Maharashtra, and
making a final tour of inspection and encouragement
throughout the fortified district that still held out ;
and after an adventurous flight to the coast, closely
pursued, and narrowly escaping capture by the im-
perial officers, the Regent and a party of the ablest
158 THE MARATHA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
and most enterprising chiefs entered Gingee safely.
Here the formal installation of the Raja, or (as his
nephew's party afterwards maintained) of the pro-
visional Raja took place: a Court was established;
official titles were conferred ; honorary dresses and
other decorations were issued ; and grants were made
even of lands not only in the hands of the Moguls
at the time, but which had never yet belonged to the
Marathas. By these and other means the vitality
of the Government, and its confidence in the reality
and permanence of its mission, were signified j and
confidence was diffused among those who might have
augured ill from the disappearance of the head of the
administration. Sympathisers continued to flock to
the national banner in the upland, and to seek at
Gingee employment in a sendee, which appealed at
ouce to many of the higher and lower impulses of
human nature.
But the Emperor, while diligently tracking the
robbers in their native mountains, had no intention
of allowing them to gather to a head elsewhere.
Again Zoolfikar Khan was called to take the
command; and while detached bodies of Marathas
boldly overspread the Dekkan,and alternately alarmed
various places that were supposed to have been de-
livered for ever from their ravages, that active
general marched eastward, and prepared to besiege
Gingee (1691)* $ut the strength of the place dis-
PROGRESS OF THE MARATHAS. 159
concerted him : he found or conceived his force in-
adequate to its complete investment j and he pre-
ferred, for the present, to levy requisitions in the rich
districts of Tanjore and Trichmopoly, and to apply
for a reinforcement from the Drkkan.
This, however, in spite of the immense resources
of the Emperor, was more easily asked than given.
The tide of resistance was rising higher daily; and
the new system worked wonders, such as Sivaji him-
self had hardly achieved. The primitive Poligars
now engaged in a contest so congenial to their tastes
and circumstances ; and the imperial forces were suc-
cessfully opposed by the Beder chieftain already re-
ferred to, and who ultimately occupied the final
efforts of Aurungzib himself. The Mogul Foujdar
of Waee was taken, with his whole force, and replaced
by a Maratha governor (1GD2) . Raigurh and Panalla
were recovered; and the imperial commander of
Merich shared the fate of the Foujdar of Waee.
The Maratha ehout again began to be regularly and
deliberately levied, and other exactions, such as ghas*
dana, or forage allowance, were added, to encourage
and reward the enterprise of the leaders. Their
services were cordially acknowledged by the Raja;
and honorary presents were secretly transmitted from
Gingee, to stimulate them to renewed exertions. Em-
boldened by success, they now began to attack the
Mogul convoys from Hindostan ; cut off several oi
160 THE MARATHA WAR O* INDEPENDENCE,
them; and thrice defeated and captured the com-
manders sent to avert this formidable danger.
At length a large force was despatched to the
assistance of Zoolfikar Khan. But jealousy and dis-
sension broke out in the Mogul camp ; it contained
also many Marathas, the old servants of the Bija-
poor State ; and both these circumstances were care-
fully improved by the crafty Brahmins who sur-
rounded Ram Raja. Zoolfikar was indignant that
the Prince Kara Buksh should have been sent to
supersede him in the c^ief command. He, there-
fore, began to play into the hands of Ram Raja, and
paralysed the energies of the attack (1694).
Five years had elapsed, and Gingee remained un-
taken. But a more degrading reverse before its walls
was reserved for the imperial arms, Santaji Ghore-
puray, the most distinguished and enterprising
Maratha commander in the Dekkan, approached to
raise the siege (1696). He was preceded by a flying
force under Dhunnaji, another daring and accom-
plished officer, who came upon the scattered be-
siegers unawares, and inflicted heavy loss upon them
before they could offer any effectual resistance.
Santaji followed up this success by another greater
md more complete victory.
At Covrepauk, a place since memorable as the
scene of one of Olive's brilliant engagements, he en*
Ali Mujdan, the imperial Governor of the
THEIR SUCCESSES IN THE CARNATIC PLAIN. 161
.Province ; defeated his army ; took his baggage, his
camp, and eventually the flying Governor himself.
He then proceeded to hem in the besiegers in the
way so well known to Marathas; spread a report
that Aurungzib was no more; and offered to sup-
port the claims of Prince Kam Buksh to the vacant
throne. This was a cunning and telling stroke.
Zoollikar and his father, the Prime Minister, who
was also in camp, on the true or alleged ground that
the Prince had listened to these overtures, placed
him in arrest. His troops thereupon became mu-
tinous: Santaji seized the opportunity which he had
prepared ; redoubled his attacks on the disunited foe ;
compelled them to raise the siege; and blockaded
them in turn. From this predicament they were
extricated by an ignoble. truce, which allowed them
to retire, Aurtmgzib recalled the Prince and the
Minister, and left the undivided command to Zool-
iikar.
But instead of resuming the siege, he again marched
southward, and allowed his opponent, with whom he
was probably in collusion, to gain another important
advantage. Kasim Khan, a distinguished officer, and
the Governor of a neighbouring Province, advanced
with a large army to check Santaji's depredations.
But he was intercepted ; harrassed incessantly; beaten
in detail; compelled to seek refuge outside a town
into which the inhabitants refused to admit Mm;
162 THE MARATHA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
starved out; and forced to surrender with all his
army. So deep was the humiliation that the cir-
cumvented General took poison; and the Emperor
publicly disgraced his subordinate officers. Shortly
afterwards Santaji enticed another army into an am-
buscade; routed it, and took its baggage. The Em-
peror insisting on the reduction of Gingee, Zoolfikar
at last took it by assault (1698). But Ham Raja
and his family were allowed to escape, and returned
to Maharashtra.
Besides the loss of this great fortress, two other
circumstances threatened the rising fortunes of the
Marathas. Jealousy had sprung up between Santaji
and his lieutenant Dhunuaji, who had led his advanced
guard to victory on the march to Gingee. The former,
who had achieved so much for the cause, and had
been for seven years the terror of the Moguls, was
basely murdered, not (it was thought) without the
connivance of the Raja. His family withdrew from
the service of their ungrateful sovereign. But they
continued to fight against the common enemy on
their own account*
On the other hand, the Emperor, convinced by
long and bitter experience that he had to deal with a
far more formidable and complicated problem than
he had at first imagined, and that he was making
little way towards the complete conquest of the
Marathas, devised a new plan of operations. A
CHAXGE IN THE MOGUL STRATEGY. 163
systematic division of labour was adopted. The
armies were distributed into a flying field force
under Zoolfikar's direction, and a besieging force,
which was to be commanded by the Emperor in
person, and devoted to the exclusive task of reducing
the forts. Great exertions were made to stimulate
the flagging energies of the imperialists; and the
aged Emperor was indefatigable and constant as ever
in a design of which all around him were heartily
tired. To the disgust of his luxurious officers he
broke up the great camp, and prepared to encounter
the hardships and perils of a campaign in the wild
hill country.
Meanwhile the Raja had celebrated his return to
the Dckkan by the largest military muster, and the
most systematic and wide ranging exaction of tribute,
that had hitherto taken place. As with Sivaji,
" Parccre subjectis, et debeilare supcrbos "
was his literal plan of action; and where he could
not raise ready money, reversing the late Prussian
system of requisition, he took promissory notes for
future payment, thus establishing a precedent which,
in Maratha interpretation, laid the sure foundation of
a right. But on his return from the neighbourhood
of the Nerbudda, he was vigorously attacked and
pursued by Zooifikar with his new-modelled army;
and suffered so much from his exertions during the
161 THE MARATHA WAR OF IXDEPKNDKXCE.
long and harrassing retreat, that lie fell ill, and at
the end of a month died (1700),
He had done much to retrieve the fame- of his
father's house. His one crime had beet! his alleged
privity to the murder of Santaji. But this is hardly
proved. The Moguls rejoiced at his death. But, at
the time, they gained little by it; though later the
disputed succession, \\ hich his removal perhaps tended
to promote, Mas of some advantage to them.
Tara Bhye, Ham Raja's widow, became Kegent, in
the minority of her son, another Sivajij and being a
woman of ability, ambition, and masculine vigour,
moved from place to place, distracting the pursuit of
her enemies, and animating the exertions of her
friends.
Besides some smaller successes, gained by the
imperialists, they reduced what may be called the
royal fortress of Satara, after a long and obstinate
defence. But a reverse soon followed. As in the
cane of Owen Glendower, the elements were said to
fight on the side of the Marathas in their native
o
glens. As in that case, the invaders really suffered
heavily from want of experience and preparation for
the peculiar dangers of mountain warfare in a tem-
pestuous season.
Year after year the weary war dragged on. Au-
rungzib continued to take fort after fort. But again
and again these were recovered. On the other hand,
FUTILITY OP THE EM?EKOR's EFFORTS. 1Q5
the open country was everywhere exposed to the in-
cursions and requisitions of the insurgents. The im-
perialists were again and again defeated, until they
dreaded to meet the enemy, and fled before those
whom they had formerly held in supreme contempt.
Treachery was added to discouragement, cowardice,
and military demoralization. The Mogul generals
and local officers compounded for exemption from
hostilities with their irrepressible opponents; and
even began privately to share the spoil, and thus
find their account in the continuance of the war.
The Marathas in the imperial service deserted to
their tribesmen, or gave them secret assistance.
The Emperor could not realise the resources of the
country which he had nominally conquered, nor pro-
vide for the safe arrival of the convoys from Hin-
dostan, which, while they exhausted his original
territories, had become more and more indispensable
in his present position. The whole imperial system
was out of gear; and the end was as disastrous and
ignominious, as the effort to accomplish impossibili-
ties had been stubborn and prolonged,
Anrungzib humbled himself, and proposed to make
peace, release Sambaji's son, and formally concede
a portion of the Maratha claims to tribute from the
imperial Provinces (1705). But this treaty was
broken off, only to be succeeded by an equally im-
potent attempt to work upon the feelings of the
166 THE MAKATHA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
Hindoos by issuing a proclamation in the name of
their imprisoned Raja, calling upon them to lay
down their arms. The Beder chiefs petty fortified
town of Wakinkerah long detained and baffled the
Great Mogul. And, finally, he was pursued, and
very nearly taken prisoner, by his indefatigable and
emboldened enemies.
This last trial was too much alike for the mind
and the body of the proud and aged Emperor. A
generation ago he had pronounced Sivaji a " moun-
tain rat/* And after devoting the whole interval,
and the whole resources of the Empire to the ex-
termination of this political vermin, the thronging
followers of the mountain rat had hunted him in
the plain, and tracked him to his doom ! Twenty-
one years before he had left Ahmednuggur in the
magnificent array which has been described. Thither
he now returned, and confessed himself unequal to
the prosecution of the task in which he had then
engaged so confidently. He seems to have felt that
his life had been, after all his subtlety, activity, glory,
and power, on the whole, a carriere manquee ; and
with an expression of fatalistic resignation to the
results of the irrevocable past, he breathed out his
soul at the age of eighty-eight (1707) ; and with him
may be said to have departed the integrity and
greatness of the Mogul Empire, for which he had so
long striven, " not wisely, but too well."
CAUSES OP AURUNGZIB'S FAILURE. 167
The causes of the signal and momentous failure
which I have endeavoured to sketch faithfully in
each of its stages, are not far to seek. AurungziVs
renowned kingcraft was altogether at fault on occa-
sion of a crisis so peculiar. His love of annexation
betrayed him into a fatal error. While the ele-
ments of disorder were rife among the Marathas,
and while it remained to be seen how far the
imperial armies, which had failed to crush the power
of Sivaji in its earlier forms, would be able to
exterminate a people mature in the art of ravaging,
enriched by long- continued and distant expeditions,
inflamed with national animosity, religious zeal, and
the memory of great achievements, and capable of
rapid concentration in a most difficult country,
studded and begirt with innumerable fortresses;
Aurungzib had decreed the simultaneous destruction
of the kingdoms of Bijapoor and TJolconda, or in
other words, the annihilation of the only institutions,
which at that time maintained in the South Maho-
metan ascendancy, and the cause of regular govern-
ment. To destroy is in India, even more than else-
where, much easier than to re-create. And the old
order of political society once dissolved, it by no
means followed that either the Hindoo subjects,
especially the Maratha mansubdars of those States,
or the lawless classes generally, who had been
hitherto restrained or employed by the waning, but
168 THE MARATHA WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
still respectable Afghan monarchies, would not gravi-
tate with fatal force towards the humble but resolute
jungle wallahs, the Hindoo representatives of inde-
pendence and license. This, in the end, was pre-
cisely what happened; as in similar circumstances a
similar phenomenon has been so often exhibited in
Europe.
Nor wa& this the only way in which, in spite of his
cunning, local knowledge, activity, and perseverance,
the Emperor's faults of temper and policy embarrassed
his proceedings, and contributed ultimately to defeat
his designs. As with his contemporary, Louis XIV, ,
whom to a certain extent he strikingly resembled, both
in character and in historical position, his pride, his
bigotry, his love of pomp, and his fathlessness, gave
his enemies a great advantage against him, and com-
bined to sap the immense power by which, at the
outset, he overawed the Eastern World. His pride
led him to underrate his irregular and rustic oppo-
nents, and to neglect the problem of adapting his
warfare to their special character and circumstances.
Again, studious to appear as the rigid, champion of
the faith, to reproach the Gallio spirit of th$ Afghan
kings of the Dekkan, and perhaps to promote con-
version by the alternative infliction of a mulct oij
infidels, he was impihident enough to commence
operations by decreeing in 5 anticipation the jezia
throughout the whole region south of the Nerbudda*
CAUSES OF AURUNGZIB'S FAILURE. 169
Moreover, the magnificent array in which he moved
onward to encounter the wild Cossacks of the far
East, might dazzle the imagination, and tempt the
treacherous instincts of the effeminate courtier oi
Bijapoor or Golconda; but while its maintenance
exhausted the ample but finite resources of the
Empire, it simply stimulated the cupidity and th(
overreaching invention of the matter-of-fact and
nrrcriyi' Mflrnttn Thus, however ill-commandeq
for a time, however often defeated in pitched
battles, and deprived of particular strongholds, the
" rebels " not only continued unsubdued, not only
repeatedly enriched themselves with the intercepted
stores, treasures, and luxurious appliances of the im-
perial armies; but at length, in concert with their
countrymen still actually in those armies, they mock-
ingly drank long life to the glorious Alumgeer the
purveyor of so much wealth to themselves ! Lastly,
though treachery towards enemies might be con-
doned, if not esteemed a virtue, especially when, as in
Sivaji's case, it was accompanied by strict fidelity to
friends, and a temper though severe yet genial ; the
cold haughty cynicism and universal suspicion of
Aurungzib, while it multiplied his precautions against
perfidy towards himself, repelled all attachment, de-
moralized his servants, and as his fortunes declined,
resulted in general jobbery, and treasonabl
mise with the ejiemy.
CHAPTER VII.
THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PEISIIWA.
THE death of Aurungzib not only changed the whole
aspect of affairs all over India, but entirely and per-
manently altered the relations of the Marathas with
the Empire. At first allies of the Mogul in a com-
mon attack upon the kingdom of Bijapoor; then
restless and troublesome neighbours to the imperial
Provinces; at a later time desperate and successful
maintainers of their national and religious independ-
ence against the ever advancing 'tide of Mussulman
domination ; finally, exultingly triumphant over an
expiring but still haughty foe : they now enjoyed
the spectacle of a fierce contest between the sons of
their persevering enemy ; they were brought thence-*
forth into more or less friendly connexion with onfc
or other of the pretenders to empire; they > were
never again exposed to the danger, or even the design,
CHANGES IN POSITION OF THE MARATHAS. 171
of a general subjection ; and they seemed to have a
fair opportunity for consolidating their own power,
and reaping the fruits of their protracted and gallant
exertions against the collective force of the Empire.
However abnormal and rapacious their system of
warfare, and however strongly inclined they might
be, from the mere force of habit, to continue the
practice when the necessity for its exercise had
ceased, they had certainly been hitherto making an
honest and gallant stand for rights which, equally
prized but not always so strenuously maintained by
more scrupulous men, may well command our sym-
pathy, and lead us to approve the successful conclusion
of the war of independence. Henceforth, though the
predatory disposition is unchecked, and its range, in
fact, gradually extended, until the whole of India is
pervaded by its action; yet in other respects the
political position, character, and relations of the
community are entirely changed.
1. For his own purposes, Azim Shah, on his way
northward to contest the throne with his brother,
releases the long imprisoned son of Sambaji, the
Raja Shao, in whose name Raja Ram had at first at
leat professed to* govern. Shao, the proteg of
AunmgziVs daughter, and a favourite of the Emperor
hhnself, had become to a great extent imperialised.
The ailken cords of courtly luxury had encircled the
yOung heart of Sivaji's grandson ; and the meinory^of
172 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
a secure, peaceful, and kindly life in the Zenana had
disposed him both to acquiesce when liberated in the
condition of a Prince dependent on the Emperor, and
more Orientali to leave the administration to others,
rather than resume his ancestor's personal vigilance
and activity ; in a word, to reign as a Mogul feuda-
tory, rather than rule as an independent military
chieftain.
2. Hence, while his power is established, his
authority extended, and his revenue realised, not in
antagonism as hitherto to the Mogul sovereignty,
but under imperial auspices; he sinks gradually
towards, though he hardly, like his successor, quite
reaches the level of a Roi Faineant ; and, as usual, the
reins of empire which his faltering grasp tends to let
drop are promptly seized and skilfully handled by his
energetic, ambitious, and far- sighted ministers. Thus
it is that the Raja becomes, after a short interval, a
figure more or less shadowy, and subordinate to that
most peculiar incarnation of the later Maratha spirit,
the Peishwa.
3. But the release of Shao produced two other
.< *.....*,^, , ^i,-"**-*****-*-**.
important changes among the Marathas. This step
had been recommended to Aurungzib for the purpose
of sowing dissension among " the rebels/' and facili-
tating the progress of intrigues against their leaders.
This effect it actually produced. Tara Bhye, -the
widow of Eaja Ram, and Eegent on behalf of her
ANARCHY IN MAHAKASHTRA. 173
son, refused to acknowledge Shao's authority,, affected
even to doubt his being the genuine son of Sambaji,
and a schism took place, many important men ad-
hering to her cause. Satara, which Shao had re-
covered (1 708) , became his capital. But the anti- Raja
ruled at Kolapoor. Nor did the evil end here. As
in feudal Europe in similar circumstances, and notably
under Stephen in England,, the disputed succession
not only made each claimant more dependent on his
supporters, and compelled him to allow them a
licence which was most injurious both to his own
and to the public interests; but under pretext of
partisanship with one or other of the soi-disant true
representatives of Sivaji, many turbulent, fierce, and
rapacious chieftains waged a cruel and indiscriminate
warfare on their own account, inflicted endless misery
on the people, and reduced the country to a state of
anarchy and destitution which, but for the village
system, must have been almost hopeless. Meanwhile
the Moguls looked on, not displeased, no doubt, to
see their old enemies thus turning their weapons
against each other, and leaving the imperial Provinces
beyond the scene of the strife comparatively free
from incursion.
4. Another circumstance must be mentioned in
connexion with Shao's release, and the new aspect
of Maratha affairs, which, while it was characteristic
of the change that had come over the relations of
174 THE RAJA, THE XIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
the rival nationalities and political systems of the
Dekkan, was not without its influence on the later
arrangements of the same district. It has been
mentioned that Shao became virtually a dependent
Prince. But he did not acknowledge the imperial
supremacy without an equivalent. He may almost
be said to have been bribed into a vassal relation, or
rather, a sort of concordat established the point, that
the Raja should enjoy the chottt, or fourth of the
revenue from the six imperial Provinces in the Dek-
kan, with the important condition, that the Subahdar,
or general Viceroy of those provinces, should levy and
pay it over to the Maratha (1 709) . Thus the pretext
for invasion and spoliation was removed ; the Raja
acquired a fixed revenue of considerable amount; he
entered regularly, go to speak, into the im|ierial
system ; but, at the same time, the way being closed
against the pursuit of the irregular and illicit plunder
which had been wont to support the hosts of the in-
surgent people and their miscellaneous following, the
internal anarchy and devastation of what may be called
their home district, were indefinitely aggravated.
The anomalous, confused, and anarchic state of
the Dekkan was characteristic of the times, and in
keeping with the general condition of India. Every-
where the Empire had been shaken to its founda-
tions, and was breaking up. The administrative
system had been disarranged; revolutions at Court,
DECLINE OF THE EMP1RJE* 170
and wars of succession followed each other with ac-
celerated rapidity ; the Emperor had become a pup-
pet in the hands of his ministers, and feebly en-
deavoured to buy off hostility by concession, and to
guard against rebellion by promoting divisions among
his nominal servants. Wild tribes and adventurous
chieftains were preying on the vitals of the State,
and draining its resources by their depredations.
Soon it was to become a question with each am-
bitious Satrap, whether lie should not withdraw alto-
gether his allegiance to so etfete an authority, and
constitute himself an avowedly independent potentate
Thus, to recapitulate the political aspect of the
South in the early days of Shao's reign, there was
an imperial Viceroy, the valiant Zoolfikar Khan, but
he was non-resident, and left the conduct of affairs
to Daood Khan, his deputy, who concluded the
formal grant of i\\v chout already mentioned* Shao
called himself at once King of the Hindoos, and
Zumeeudar or Arch -Collector of the Emperor. The
Anti-Raja was now {mother Sambaji, the son of a
second wife of Raja Ram; and his fortunes were
sustained by Ramchunder Punt, a vigorous minister,
who had, on the death of her son, imprisoned Tara
Bhye. The leading chieftains were apt to transfer
thir adhesion from one to the other on trivial
grounds, and especially on supposed slights and per-
sonal quarrels, though Shao had the ablest and more
176 THE RAJA, TOE NIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA,
nuin erous followers. Many partisans meanwhile hung
loosfe on society, and made the prospect of a settled
and strong government each day less hopeful. The
engagement, too, between Shao and Daood Khan
was a personal one ; and the removal of the latter
might at any moment render the confusion worse
confounded.
But another great change was at hand, This
political and social medley was destined ere long to
give place to the prominent and well-defined anta-
gonism of two remarkable men, whose disputes
hushed, or gathered up into themselves, all other dis-
turbances ; whose conspicuous and contrasted figures
dominated, if they did not occupy the whole scene ;
and who represented in themselves the several prin-
ciples, powers, and methods, that had so long and so
hotly contended for existence or supremacy in the
Dekkan.
*
It is not necessary here to dwell in detail either
on the domestic conflicts of the Marathas, or on
the vicissitudes of the imperial dynasty ; but it is
desirable to mention briefly the circumstances and
events which brought Baji-Rao and Nizam-ul-Mulk
face to face in the Dekkan, and involved them in
inevitable conflict.
The office of Peiahwa waa, it will be remembered,
as old as the time of Sivaji, It had been held by
several distinguished men. But the founder of the
BALAJI WI8HWANATH. 177
hereditary Peishwaship, or Mayoralty of the Palace
to the Satara Raja, was Balaji Wishwanath, the
father of Nizam-ul-Mulk's great rival. This man, a
Brahmin from the Concan, combined all the sub-
tlety and insinuating waya of his caste with an
amount of enterprise and vigour in action, that more
rarely distinguish the members of his order; but
that were possessed in an equal or even greater
degree by his posterity. To the influence of his
early home among the rough and almost trackless
spurs of the Ghats we must, perhaps, ascribe the
fact that, unlike most Maratha leaders, he was a
bad indw^a.ji^^i^iwy horseman. Contem-
porary MS. attest this point, and even add, that
when compelled to flee hastily from his enemies, he
required a man on each side to hold him on his
horse ! But mountaineers, like sailors, may be ex-
cused a defect which is due to their training, and
which is not incompatible with good service in the
field, as well as in the Cabinet.
^UCiu^ivaUUCli's talents and exertions gradually
raised him above the jealous competition of his
rivals, and gained the complete confidence of the
Raja, who appointed him Peishwa, and rather im-
prudently made over to him the strong fortress of
Poorundhur, and the country around j and eventually
entrusted Him with the task of re-arranging the
Maratha revenue system. This was effected on an
178 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AXD THE PEISHWA.
altogether new plan, which bore the impress of the
contriver's extraordinary ingenuity, and contributed
essentially to promote the collective power of his
people, and more indirectly the ultimate ascendancy
of the Peishwa.
He first exerted himself to put an end to the con-
fusion in Maharashtra and on the Western Coast,
and in this he succeeded. He studied meanwhile to
improve his own districts round PoorumHiur, and the
city of Poona, the capital of his successors. "He
immediately suppressed a banditti which infested it ;
gave his attention to restoring order in the villages ;
discontinued all farming of revenue ; and encouraged
cultivation, by the usual means of very low and
gradually increasing assessments." *
His revenue scheme was the result of a new com-
pact with the Moguls, in the person of Hoosein-Ally-
Khan (1717), who visited the Dekkan as Subahdar,
under circumstances which will be mentioned below.
The details, both of the concession and of the mode
of realising and extending it, are far too complicated
to be here given ; but their general character and
object must be mentioned as intimately connected,
both with the history of this strange people through-
out, arid with the career of the Peishwa's son.
A large part of the territory, possessed at the time
of his death by Sivaji, was ceded outright to his sue-
* Grant Duff.
HIS REVENUE SYSTEM. 179
cessor. Moreover, the chout, or one-fourth of the
revenue; and the aurdeshniookhee, or an additional
tenth of the six Mogul Regulation Provinces (as we
should call them) ; and of the tributary States of
Tanjore, Trichinopoly, and Mysore, were alienated
for an equivalent, which may he summed up in the
obligation to pay a fixed annual cess to the Imperial
Treasury, to maintain order in the country, and to
provide a specified force nominally for the Em-
peror's, really for Hoosein Ally's service,
The Marathas were now again free to collect their
own dues. And they were not the men to neglect
the opportunity of levying them stringently, and
gradually increasing them,
was one of Balaji Wishwanath's aims. He took care
"
to assess the chout on an estimate of the revenue
which, in the impoverished state of the country, was
altogether ideal in amount. Thus, taking what they
could get on account, the unscrupulous yet pedantic
claimants always contrived to exact a variety of
indefinite contributions, under the plausible pretext
of arrears. To give the greater chiefs a keener
interest in pushing the virtual conquest in particular
districts, their respective rights were to a certain
extent localized. But to check the tendency to
isolation and consequent dismemberment, and to
promote unity of action through a general sense of
community of .interest, the original assessments were
180 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
ingeniously and minutely divided and sub-divided,
and the fractions assigned to particular leaders ; so
that the same district engaged the attention of several
chiefs and their respective followers. Moreover, with
a similar object, and to gratify the family feeling of
the Raja's clannish supporters, single villages or par-
ticular districts within the limits of one leader's
general area were granted, either in jaghire or in
enam, or as we should say, either as benefices or
aliodially, to other favoured persons. Thus ample
and artful provision was made for the general and
constant advance of the Maratha fiscal pretensions ;
Awhile the illiterate character of the people, and even
of the chiefs, would render so complex a system more
and more a means of strengthening the influence of
the wily Brahmin accountant of each chief, and ulti-
mately that of the political head of the order, the
Brahmin Peishwa himself.
Such appears to have been the main drift of these
intricate arrangements, which are said by Mr. Grant
Duff to have exhibited the greatest effort of Brahmin
subtlety, unconnected with religion.
While Balaji was maturing this cunning plan for
appropriating the revenues of the Dekkan among his
tribesmen, Nizam-uUMulk was preparing to enter a
counter claim to the same rich inheritance. He was
the son of that GhaziudUdeen who had twice entitled
himself to Auriingzib's gratitude, by rescuing the
NIZAM-UL-MULK. 181
Emperor's sons from their perilous position in the
Cancan and before Bijapoor. After the fall of that
monarchy, the young Chin-Kilich-Khan (as he was
at that jxjriod eailed) served well in the Maratha
war; and became Foujdar, or Governor of the Bija-
poor Province. In the civil war that followed the
death of AurungKib, Sultan Mauzum triumphed over
the other sons of that Emperor (1707), and ap-
pointed the gallant Zoolfikar Khan Subahdar of the
Dckkan. But Daood Khan (as already stated) ruled
there as Zoolfikar's deputy, and continued to do so
until, on the death of Sultan Mauzum (or Shah
Alum the First) a new dynastic struggle placed on
the throne Fcrokshere, a grandson of the late Em-
peror, and led to the judicial murder of Zoolfikar
(1712-13). The leading spirits of this enterprise
were two Syuds, or reputed descendants of the Pro-
phet, Abdullah and Hooseiu, with whom for the
present Chiri-Kilich-Khan acted, and who rewarded
him with the splendid appointment of his old rival,
and removed Daood Khan, the deputy, to Guzerat.
During a short administration, the Subahdar felt
his way in the labyrinth of Dekkan politics, and
anticipated his later course by coquetting with the
Kolapoor Kaja, and endeavouring to undermine
Shao's authority. He entertained malcontents from
the Satara Court, sent ai> army to interfere with
the exactions of &liao's officers, defeated them, and
182 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
occupied some of their districts. But terms were
after a time arranged ; the Raja was honoured by
the new Emperor with the nominal rank of com-
mander of 10,000 horse; and the Snhahdar was still
busily engaged in watching over and pacifying the
country, when he was suddenly supplanted by the
overbearing Hooscin Ally, who, leaving his brother to
manage the weak Emperor, assumed the southern
Vice Rovaltv, and concluded after a time the ar-
* *. *
rangement with Balaji that lias been already de-
scribed. His predecessor retired sulkily to the
government of Malwa, and henceforth bore bis
former allies, the Syuds, a heavy grudge. The
Emperor, equally fickle, cowardly, and treacherous,
sought to deliver himself from the bondage of the
brothers, by inciting Daoocl Khan to attack Hooscin
Ally. Hoosein however prevailed, and his opponent
fell (1716). But the danger that he had sustained
from this royal plot, the consciousness that the power-
ful and subtle Chin-Kilich-Khan was his enemy, and
V *
the experience of more than one defeat at the hands of
the Marathas, disposed him to secure their friendship
and their co-operation in an attempt which he medi-
tated against his sovereign. With Balaji Wish-
wanath and a large Maratha contingent in his army,
he marched to^ Delhi; deposed, imprisoned, and
murdered the miserable Ferokshere (1718) ; and three
phantom Emperors were set up in succession within
ACCESSION OF MAHOMED SHAH, 183
a few months, under tlie jealous auspices of the
imperious Syuds; the last being Mahomed Shah
(1719), destined to a prolonged though most in-
glorious and unhappy reign.
At this crisis two other memorable events occurred.
The Peishwawhohad done so much for his sovereign,
his own family, and his people generally, died on his
return southwards, and left his place to be occupied,
and his policy developed, by a yet more remarkable
man, his son Baji Rao. "While Chin Kilich-Khan,
smarting under both personal and public wrongs sus-
tained from the Syuds, crossed the Nerbudda, deter-
mined to make the Dekkan a vantage ground for a
decisive contest with the obnoxious usurpers of
supreme power.
The convulsed and semi-chaotic condition of the
moribund Empire, and the nature of the Maratha
Power, combine to impart a bewildering complexity
to the events of the period on which we are entering.
But while much of the detail may be safely, and
indeed profitably, neglected by those who would rise
to a comprehensive view of the general tendencies
and permanent lessons of the time; a considerable
approach to unity, and even dramatic interest, is
afforded by following the fortunes of the two singular
men, who are at once the most prominent and
^
influential characters at the moment, and the founders
of two of the greatest Houses that flourished in India
lonir after their own careers had been run.
184 THE KAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
In many respects the circumstances and characters
of Nizam-ul-Mulk and Baji Rao were very similar.
Alike the sons of fathers who were, comparatively
if not strictly speaking, novi homines, but who
securely prepared the way for their sons* exaltation ;
alike familiar in early life with the localities and the
intricate politics of the Dekkaii, with the mysteries
of the corrupt and tricky Imperial Court, and with
the peculiarities of Mar ath a warfare; alike accustomed
to* regard the Southern Provinces, not -to say the
whole Empire, as a vast dehateable land, and its
revenues as the natural prey of daring or insidious
aggression, and legalised spoilation ; alike trained to
consider their respective Sovereigns as august in pre-
tension, venerable iii popular estimation, useful as
fountains of honour, and ratifiers of bad titles, but as
equally inevitable puppets in the hands of skilful and
determined ministers ; alike conscious of being con-
stantly exposed to hereditary enmities, and official
and personal jealousies, which made wary walking at
all times absolutely necessary : they resembled each
other also in unbounded ambition, farsightedness,
tenacity of purpose, resolution in the battle-field, and
freedom from the darker shades of cruelty which
stained the characters of sa many of their eminent
contemporaries. Both seem to have been simple in
personal tastes and habits, though both knew well the
ralue of pompous titles and conventional display.
Each had learned to desiderate and embrace much
BAJI RAO AND NIZAM-UL-MULK* 185
that belonged properly to the other's sphere. Nizam-
ul-Mulk resorted very successfully ,QIL many pccasions
to the Maratha tactics, and made a great point of
securing Maratha alliances and contingents: Baji
Rao coveted and obtained imperial grants and offices,
and even in adjusting the relations of his tribesmen
among themselves adopted Mussulman designations.
Yet there was a great contrast between the two
men j arid singularly enough the national temper of
the Brahmin and the Tooranee Mogul seemed re-
versed. Baji Rao, though a skilful politician and a
profound statesman, was at the same^time a compara-
tively straightforward, plain-spoken soldier, prompt
to^aet a man for a word aud a blow. Nizam-ul-
Mulk, though especially in early life bold as a lion
when his passions were roused, and swift and terrible
as fate when he deemed the time for action come,
was habitually cautious, calculating, given to a variety
of expedients, ffcmd'^of entatiglitig his adversaries in a
network of dipkHfnntr^'and of reducing their strength
by cunningly fqmenting dissensions among their
followers. This lesson^he had no doubt learned in
the bad school of Aurungzib. As usual, the tendency
grew upon him; and, in the end, the practice of
deferring too long the decisive effort cost him dear,
as we shall see.
The original contrast of disposition in these two
remarkable men was increased by the circumstances
186 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PE1SITWA.
.5
in which they found themselves placed, or into which
they naturally drifted. Though (as I have said) Baji
Rao had jealous rivals, his father had bequeathed to
him ^decided pre-eminence in the Court and counsels
oS*tara, which the son's abilities were quite adequate
to sustain and confirm. Nizam-ul-Mulk, on the
other hand, though introduced and promoted under
Ghazi-ud-deen*s auspices, was but one of a crowd
of ambitious and able public men, many of whom had
originally much higher claims than himself to the
Emperor's favour. He was, in fact, far more than
his rival, the architect of his own fortunes. And
consummate art was requisite to construct, out of tli
slippery and crumbling materials within his reach, an
edifice that should bear the formidable assaults sure
to be directed against it.
Again; the Raja was a mild, trustful, and acquies-
cent master : while the Emperor was fickle, jealous,
and equally incapable of firmly asserting his own au-
thority, and of steadily supporting that of a minister.
The perpetual slave of volatile courtiers and low
favourites, he was ever, at their instigation, intriguing
to undermine the power of those, who might other-
wise have .served him faithfully, but who were thus
reduced, almost in self-defence, to a distrustful, tor-
tuous and antagonistic line. Baji Raofs attitude was
simple, loyal, and at the same time poplar: in
extending his own conquests he deferred habitually
NIZAM-UL-MULK IN T THE BEKKAN. 187
*
to the Raja's authority, and, through his father's
wise arrangements, promoted the interest of the
whole community. That, in so doing, he should
gradually supplant his master in effective influence,
and establish, on behalf of his own family, what
amounted to a federal hegemony if not a sovereignty,
was natural, but did not involve a daily practice of
crafty devices, or the studious many-sidedness in-
evitable from Nizam-ul-Mulk's ambiguous position*
Lastly, the latter depended mostly on himself. The
former, besides the sympathy arid occasional assistance
of a Rajput Prince, was throughout zealously aided
both in the field and in the Cabinet by a like-minded
brother, Chimnaji Appa.
Nizam-ul-Mulk's measures, when once he had
resolved to try the fortune of war against the Syuds,
were equally prompt, skilful, and decisive. He
passed the Nerbudda with 12,000 men; effected a
junction with a Maratha force, partly headed by
malcontents from Satara, partly consisting of Sam-
baji's adherents, and soon made himself master of
Candeish. He was in much danger of being taken be-
tween a cross fire. For while Alum Ally, the deputy and
nephew of Hoosein, lay with one large army at Aurung-
abadj Dilawar Ally with another pushed on rapidly
from Malwa against the invader. But taking advan-
tage of Dilawar's impetuosity, and of his own ex-
pedience in Maratha tactics, Nizam-ul-Mulk broke
188 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
the force of the first attack with a part of his army ;
enticed his enemy into an ambuscade, defeated, and
slew him. He then advanced against the deputy,
who w v as supported by a large contingent of Shao's
troops. Thus Marathas encountered each other, and
skirmished in their peculiar fashion. But after a
time Alum Ally, unwarned by the fate of l)ilawar,
was involved in a similar catastrophe, utterly routed,
and killed (1720).
The Emperor was overjoyed at this successful stand
against the power of his domineering ministers.
They, too, deemed the crisis so serious, that Hooscin
prepared to march in person against the victorious
rebel, taking the Emperor with him. But on the
eve of his departure, he fell a victim to a con-
spiracy, in which many interests were united against
him and his brother. Sadut Khan, the ancestor of
the future rulers of Oude, emerges into notice as one
of these conspirators. Abdullah, the surviving Syud,
made a determined effort to retain his ascendancy, but
was defeated and imprisoned. The Emperor, the
Court, and the city were in ecstacies; and magni-
ficent festivities celebrated the release of the
degenerate Mogul from a bondage, which he had
lacked the fortitude himself to discard. Nizam-ul-
Mulk, as the indirect cause of this revolution, was in
high favour with His Majesty, who, among other
appointments, ratified his tenure of the Dekkan
CONCESSIONS TO THE RAJA OF SATARA. 189
Viceroyalty ; allowed him to retain Malwa in addi-
tion ; and created him Vizier of tFe Empire.
But, through the weakness and mismanagement of
the Sovereign, the political horizon was soon again
overclouded. Ajit Sing, the Raja of Joudpoor,
rebelled, and was privately pardoned, to the disgust
of one friendly and zealous minister, who had been
sent to reduce him ; and of another, who was deprived
of Agra, which was given to the reconciled rebel.
Nizam-ul-Mulk, meanwhile, continued in the
Dekkan, busily engaged with the Marathas. As
during his former administration there, he showed a
strong disposition to play off the rival Rajas against
each other; and by favouring the weaker, to evade
the claims of the stronger. But already Wish*
^wtmfttli's policy had given such unity and force to
the party of Shao, that the Subahdar found himself,
for the present, compelled to retire with a good grace
from the attempt, arid sheltered his retreat under the
pretext of an imperial ratification of the Satara
claims. Shao and his people were gratified by the
peaceable concession of half the revenues of the
Dekkan; and the Emperor had the treble satis-
faction of reflecting, that his too powerful subject
had thus crippled his own resources, set an edifying
example of prompt obedience, and promoted such a
balance of power in the South, as was most favour-
able to the tranquillity of the imperial rule*
190 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
The anomalous position and the tortuous policy of
the Nizam are thus described by the historian of the
Marathas :
" On a general view, his plans were calculated to
preserve his rank at court, and his power in the
Deccan; to keep alive the olci, and to create new
dissensions among the Mahrattas ; to preserve a con-
nection with that nation, in case it should ultimately
be useful to direct their attacks from his own to the
imperial territories j and, however inconsistent some
of those designs may seem, in this system of political
artifice, through the remainder of a long life, Nizam-
Ool-Mulk, not only persevered, but generally
prospered."*
Soon after this period, he made his appearance as
Vizier at Delhi (1722). But he found himself as
much out of his element at Mahomed Shah's Court,
as the old-fashioned and testy Clarendon at that of
Charles the Second. Not less stern, haughty, and
archaic in his general demeanour in society, than he
was, when he thought fit, pliant and insinuating in
his political course, the grim and sober veteran was
equally hateful to the perfumed courtiers whom he
snubbed, and to the volatile and licentious Emperor,
whom he endeavoured to reclaim.
Between them they cast about for an expedient to
get rid of him; and devised one worthy of its
* Grant Duff.
THE NIZAM RETIRES FROM COURT. 191
authors. The Governor of Guzcrat had been in-
subordinate ; he was now goaded into rebellion by
threats of severe punishment at the hands of the
Vizier, who on the other hand was, by similar arts,
exasperated against the rebel, and sent in this mood
to chastise him, in the hope that Hyder-Kooli-
Khan, being a stout soldier at the head of a fine
army, would give long occupation if not a per-
manent quietus to the formidable Minister.
But llydcr Vas soon worsted, more by the arts
thai! the arms of his opponent ; and, on his flight,
Nizam-ul-Mulk assumed the governorship of the
Province, assigned to himself certain jayhire dis-
tricts within it, appointed his uncle, Hamed Khan,
his deputy; made an alliance with a Maratha chief
there, the ancestor of the Guikwar, and returned in
triumph to Delhi.
His reappearance under such circumstances was so
unwelcome, that a new coolness, and a more serious
alienation than before, ensued between him and his
Sovereign, which ended in a compromise. He
abandoned all idea of life at Court; resigned the
Viziership; received instead the high-sounding, but
empty title of " Supreme Deputy in the Empire;"
and, his plans thus simplified, returned for the third
time to the Dekkan, with a full determination to
establish there a practically independent power
(1723). In terms he continued a subject of the
192 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
Emperor : in reality, he was the rival of the Peishwa
for the sovereignty of the South.
His first contest, however, was not with the Ma-
rathas. From what has been already said of Ma-
homed Shah's character and habitual policy, it might
be inferred, that however much he might be relieved
for the moment by the departure of the ex-Vizier
from his Court, he would be little disposed to acqui-
esce quietly in the too obvious designs of one whom
he at once feared and hated. Nor could any sove-
reign, in such a case, have contemplated with com-
placency the prospect of such an extension of com-
mand and consolidation of territory in the hands of
an ambitious, not to say a domineering subject. If
to Malwa and Guzerat, which already obeyed him,
Nizam-ul-Mulk was now to add the resources of the
Dekkan, the Empire would be dismembered, and the
aspiring Deputy would be virtually the supreme
master of nearly a third of the Mogul dominions.
It was resolved to stir up a distinct competitor
against him, and if possible to supplant him, in each
quarter. Thus one firman, or
him of th^gsvernment of Malwft, which he had long
held by imperial authority, and of Guzerat, which he
had recently assumed by right of conquest, on the
flight of the late rebellious Governor ; and author-
ised Eaja Geerdhur Bahadur to reduce and rule the
former, and Surbulund-Khan the latter Province.
IMPERIAL PLAN TO CRUSH HIM. 193
A second and more secret commission enjoined
Mubariz Khan, the Subahdar of Hyderabad, to
oppose and dethrone the self-constituted Viceroy of
the Dekkan, and, in the event of success, transferred
to Mubariz himself the splendid prize.
The plan was well laid; Malwa was already drained
of troops for the prosecution of the southern enter-
prise; and Raja Geerdhur entered quietly into pos-
session. Greater difficulty was experienced in Guze-
rat. For there Hamed Khan, the Nizam's uncle,
made an obstinate resistance to Surbulund's deputy,
Shujaet, whom he defeated and slew, and followed up
this success by inflicting a similar fate on a brother
of the deputy, who had endeavoured to avenge him
and reassert the imperial authority.
In these operations Hamed was assisted by two
Maratha chiefs, Peclaji and Kantaji, ancestors of
the Guikwar, whose power was now creeping into
existence in those parts, partly through regular de-
legation from Satara, the reward of spirited services
in partisan warfare; partly through a good under-
standing, and, indeed, a close league with the robber
tribes of the hills, the Bheels and Coolies, who were
then and long afterwards the terror of the country
around, and who have been reclaimed to civilised life
and useful occupations by Outram and others in our
own day. The jealousy of the two Maratha leaders
gave Hamed much trouble, and their quarrels weak-
13
194 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PETSHWA,
ened the common cause. Still, when Surbulund
himself, at the Emperor's urgent request, appeared
with a powerful force, he was so far disconcerted by
the imposing attitude of his enemies that he began to
entrench himself. Then the Maratha spirit, prompt
to rise on any symptom of fear on the part of its
antagonists, hastened an engagement, in which Sur-
bulund was defeated. But their heavy loss dis-
inclined the Marathas to continue the contest; and
henceforth Hamed's power melted away/ and he be-
came himself a mere partisan and plunderer. Even
irregular warfare was suspended during the mon-
soon; Surbulund ruled undisputed; and the second
part of the imperial programme seerrfed accomplished.
It was, however, only a lull in Guzerat ; while very
different had been the fortune of the strife on the
principal theatre of the war.
There Nizam- ui-Muik had put forth ail his strength,
both as a diplomatist and as a general. After spend-
ing months in sowing sedition among his antagonist's
troops, and fooling Mubariz with fallacious schemes
of pacification, he at length brought him to action ;
in a desperate battle defeated and slew him ; and with
cruel and insulting irony sent his head to the Em-
peror, congratulating the baffled sovereign, in the
tone of a devoted subject, on the happy suppression
of a dangerous and wicked rebellion (1724).
Mahomed Shah was caught in his own saare.
BAJI RAO'S POLICY. 195
And the furtive attempt to confound the Nizam, by
raising a storm in the Dekkan, ended only in clear-
ing the political atmosphere there, strengthening
Nizam-ul-Mullk's position, and leaving him free to
consider and adjust his relations with the formidable
and encroaching Maratlms. His knowledge of their
character and circumstances was intimate; he was
on friendly terms with many of their leading men;
he relied much, not only on his own skill, but on the
jealousies which, as he was well aware, prevailed
among them; and his first plans were favoured by
the absence of the young Peishwa, who, in the pur-
suance of a bold and ambitious policy, was pushing
his own and his people's fortunes in the North,
Baji Rao's principal rival at the Court of Satara was
Sreeput Rao, a Brahmin from the upper country;
while the Peishwa, as I have said, came from the
Concan. Sreeput had strongly advocated the policy
of at once consolidating the Raja's dominion in Ma-
harashtra, of reducing the Anti-Raja of Kolapoor,
and of recovering the territory in the Carnatic Plain,
of which Sivaji had, in his later days, made himself
master; but which had since fallen away, partly to
the Moguls, partly to the family of Sivaji's brother.
But the Peishwa well understood that such a force
as his master's was ill adapted to thrive quietly, or
even to hold together at all in a settled condition of
the country ; that to keep it constantly employed in
196 THE RAJA, THE MZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
exploring new regions, and levying contributions
from the hitherto untouched provinces of the Empire,
would both best meet the wishes of the community,
and best enhance the* power of the successful leader
who should conduct these extended incursions. He
therefore advocated a continuous scheme of distant
operations, whereby the sovereignty of the Raja was
to be nominally promoted, the public exchequer was
to be replenished by regular levies of tribute from
Province after Province, the troops .were to be kept
in good humour, and thus tranquillity at home was
to be secured, and the great plan of vengeance
against their former oppressors was to be developed,
until the Empire itself should lie prostrate, and
drained of its life's blood, at the feet of the robber
horsemen whom it had so long endeavoured to
exterminate.
He concluded an eloquent speech with the en-
thusiastic appeal to his master : " Now is our time
to drive strangers from the land of Hindoos, and to
acquire immortal rejio^. By directing our efforts
to Hindostan the Mahratta flag in your reign shall
fly from the Kistna to the Attok." "You shall
plant it on the Himalaya/' exclaimed the Raja;
i You are, indeed, a noble son of a worthy father/'*
Thus Baji Rao carried *the day in the council
chamber. His progress in the field will be de-
* Grant Duff.
THE NJZAM BECOMES AGGRESSIVE. 197
scribed below. Meanwhile his absence left the coast
clear for the manoeuvres of the wily Nizam.
The latter's first move was important, and com-
pletely successful, at least for the time. He had
already been compelled (as has been said) to ac-
quiesce in the Maratha pretension to a substantive
half of the Dekkan revenues, and this pretension had
also the imperial sanction. His immediate object
was to commute these claims over a considerable
district around Hyderabad, his intended capital, and
thus to relieve himself from the perpetual presence
and domiciliary visits of the Marathas, and to esta-
blish a compact and independent nucleus for his
future dominions. This, by a system of exchanges,
and by personal gratifications, both to the Raja and
to'Sreeput, he effected. The Peishwa, on his return,
condemned the arrangement; and while it was still
under eager and angry discussion at Satara, learned
that the veteran intriguer had gone a step further,
and repeated a device which he had formerly prac-
tised with good effect. Encouraged by his late suc-
cess, by the disputes and heart-burnings to which it
had given rise, and by the chronic split with Kola-
poor, Nizam-ul-Mulk now withheld all tribute ; re-
moved the Satara Raja's collectors^ and affected to
arbitrate as Viceroy, ,and in the tone of a superior,
between the claimants to the Rajaship. Shao,
usually so mild, waa transported with fury at this
198 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
wholesale sequestration of his revenue, and cfittllenge
[>f his title, and was with difficulty dissuaded from
leading in person the national army against the
venomous Mogul. But the Peishwa eventually ob-
tained the command of the expedition ; his influence
and character mustered around him the full strength
of the people, and numbers of the wavering and in-
dependent soldiers of fortune; and the conduct of
the ensuing campaign went far to transfer to him
" the virtual supremacy " of the Maratlia nation.
True to his favourite policy, Nizam -ul-Mulk, before
committing himself to actual hostilities, tried the
effect of negotiation. He professed to have acted in
the interest of Shao himself, and with a view to
deliver him from the ascendancy of the Peishwa and
his tools. Those who had been removed were to be
replaced (he urged) by more obedient and faithful
subjects of -the Raja. But here the Nixarn's cun~
ning was at fault. The offence was certain and ex-
asperating; the excuse not very credible, as well as
too naked a statement of an ominous and not flatter-
ing fact. In other circumstances the Raja's jealousy
might have been aroused against his powerful minister.
But Shao's wrath was alreadv directed elsewhere ; and
* '
the Peishwa's persuasive tongue and deferential tone
prevailed, and placed him at the head of the avenging
army*
The mpnsoon was spent by both parties in energetie
DEFEATED BY THE PEISHWA. 199
preparation. Ou the return of the fine weather, the
Pcishwa struck the first blow ; withstood for a time
the onset of the Nizam's vanguard ; suddenly retired,
manoeuvring to perplex his opponent, and threaten-
ing Aurungabad; spread a report that he intended
to destroy Burhanpoor, and thus drew his enemy
northwards to protect it. With a part of his force
he then made a feint, while he darted off with the
bulk of his army to Guzerat, which he plundered;
and, in the sudden panic which he inspired, was
suspected to be covertly in league with his pursuer.
Nizam-ul-Mulk meanwhile, abandoning the fruitless
chase of his flying foe, returned southwards, bent on
attacking Poona. But the Peishwa, leaving behind
him a fraek of desolation as he sped to the rescue of
his own domain, came swiftly up witli his rival, whose
operations were retarded by the inefficiency and
mutual jealousies and distrust of the Maratha allies,
on whose help he had much counted. Thus dis-
appointed, he was soon reduced to great straits. His
artillery, indeed, did good service; but the relief
thus afforded was only temporary. His army was
presently completely blocked up in rugged ground,
destitute of water. Still he struggled on, and made
his way good to a better position. But here he was
finally brought to bay, and forced to admit once
more the claims which he had repudiated, He re-
fused, indeed, point blank to give up Sambaji, his
200 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
Kolapoor ally. But he pledged himself to make
good all arrears of tribute, and to surrender several
strong places, as security for the future payment of
the revenues in question (1729).
Thus ended the earliest encounter between these
two typical men, who, on the conclusion of hosti-
lities, met for the first time face to face, and ex-
changed presents of ceremony. A proud and aus-
picious day must that have been for the young and
gallant Brahmin, who had thus triumphed, at the
outset of his career, over the veteran arms and re-
doubted artifices of Aurungzib's old lieutenant, the
conqueror in so many fields, and but lately apparently
almost Dictator of the Empire ! And the triumph
was destined to be repeated over the same formid-
able antagonist. Personal pride, too, was reinforced
by family considerations and dynastic hopes. Shao's
acquiescence in Baji Rao's guidance and general-
ship on such an occasion, and with such an issue,
3ould not fail to advance the Peishwa far on the road
x) supreme power* A profitable arrangement, which
le shortly after concluded with the Mogul Governor
n Guaerat, and which will be explained elsewhere,
iicreased his influence, and tended to confirm his
>rilliant prospects.
But Nizam-ul-Mulk was not disposed to give him
eisure to mature his ambitious schemes. A man of
a$nite expedients, though he had been worsted for
BAJI RAO OVERTHROWS TRIMBUK RAO, 201
the moment, his arts soon raised up against the
Peishwa a fresh and very dangerous opponent.
Trimbuk Eao Dhabaray, a Maratha chief of con-
sequence, who had been engaged in Guzerat, con-
sidered himself aggrieved by the terms concluded
between the imperial Governor of that Province, and
the Peishwa. He entered into a close league with
the Nizam : gathered many other chiefs around him;
assembled an army of 35,000 men, and prepared to
march into the Dekkan, avowedly to emancipate the
Raja from the control of Baji Eao and the Brahmins.
With this force the Nizam was to co-operate in his
own neighbourhood. The Peishwa learned the state
of affairs with his usual promptitude and accuracy ;
and resolved by taking the initiative, to prevent the
junction of two such formidable enemies. Though
Trimbuk's army was twice as numerous as his own,
he had with him a choice body of the pagah or
household troops, and other good soldiers. Once
more he marched to Guzcrat, determined
" To beard the lion in his dan ;"
But imitating the Nizam's preliminary attempts at
negotiation. His van was attacked and routed near
the Nerbudda. But, undeterred by this mishap, and
feeling that it could only be retrieved by a bold
stroke, he made a sudden and furious attack on the
main army, The superior quality of his men made
202 THE RAJA, THE NIZAM, AND THE PEISHWA.
amends* 'for their fewness, and a partial rout of his
enemy soon took plaee. But Trimbuk, resolved to
fconquer or die, chained the legs of his elephant, to
give confidence to his supporters, by seeing the de-
termination of their chief. The .fight was stubbornly
contested, Baji Rao on horseback emulating the
bravery and vigilance of his antagonist. But the
latter at length fell, killed by a chance shot (1731) ;
and his full not only decided the dav in favour of the
< *
Peishwa, but left him " all but nominal control of the
Mahratta sovereignty."*
Thus the Nizam's arts had again recoiled against
himself; and he had now to settle accounts with the
victor.
* Grant Duff.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
IT will be remembered that, when the Emperor
undertook to reduce the overgrown and threatening
power of Nizam*ul-Mulk, Surbulund Khan was
sent to supplant him in Guzerat, and Raja Geerdhur
in Malwa ; and that each of these officers had, for the
moment, obtained undisputed authority in his Pro-
vince. But the expulsion of the dangerous Mogul
only facilitated the encroachment of the not less
dangerous Marathas, who were ever watching the
opportunity of worming their way into countries
which they had already more than once overrun, and
in the former of which the Guikjar liad already
gained a footing, and strengtheiielPWinself by the
alliance of the primitive Bheels and Coolies, who
inhabited the wilder, and plundered the more settled
country around.
204 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
The Peishwa's triumph over Nizam- ul-Mulk, and
the persevering and troublesome depredations of the
Marathas and of their rude confederates, hastened
an arrangement, whereby Surbulund Khan, finding
his frequent and urgent applications for help from
the imperial Court in vain, made large concessions,
which mark another stage in the onward march of
the Marathas to empire (1729). These, technically
the grants of the chout and surdeshmook.ec, amounted
in fact to thirty-five per cent, of the land revenue and
customs duties. To save appearances, he professed
to base this liberal donation on " the progress of im-
provement, the increasing population, and the general
tranquillity in the Dekkan." Some peculiar con-
ditions are annexed to the grant of the chout : " Two
thousand five hundred horse are constantly to be kept
up [by the Raja?] ; the fourth part of the actual col-
lections only, to te paid ; no more than two or three
persons to be placed in each district, as collectors, on
the part of the Mahrattas; no extra demands what-
ever to be made on the ryots ; and every assistance to
be afforded in maintaining the imperial authority.."*
But the clause which had the most important
bearing on the immediate future was one which
bound Baji Rao, on the Raja's behalf, in return for
these concessions, to forbear " supporting disaffected
Zeuneeudars, and other disturbers of the public peace"
* Grant Duff.
LEAGUE BETWEEN THE NIZAM AND PEISHWA. 205
of the Province. For this stipulation was adverse
to the interests of the Guikvvar, on account of his
allies the Bheels and Coolies, who lived by plunder ;
and the Guikwar was but, at this period, the agent of
Trimbuk Ilao Dhabaray, whose jealousy and iudig-
riation were thus kindled at the lofty assumption of
the Peishwa to be the enforcer of peace against him
and his friends. Hinc ilia lacryma ! This it was
that threw him into the arms of Nizam-ul-Mulk, and
led him to proclaim the revolutionary expedition to
Poomi, which was to remove the Peishwa from Shao's
counsels and armies ; but which, through Baji Rao's
promptitude arid boldness, ended in the overthrow
and destruction of Trimbuk and many other
powerful chiefs.
We left the Nizam in a state of perplexity at
the failure of this new scheme against his rival. His
own position was now somewhat critical. But he
extricated himself in a manner most characteristic of
the man and of the times. After an elaborate and
mysterious negotiation with the Peishwa, he succeeded
in warding off harm from himself, and propitiating
Baji Rao by a compact, which diverted the Maratha
arms against the Emperor, and thus left Nizam-ul-
Muik free to pursue his scheme of establishing an
independent sovereignty in the Dekkan, while ,his
two most formidable opponents were engaged in
hostilities in Hindostan (1731).
206
THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
Under these altered circumstances, the Peishwa's
first care was to allay, as far as he could, the ill
feeling that had arisen out of the late civil war. His
charities, in continuation of those formerly maintained
by Trimbnk, were ample and ostentatious. The son
of that ill-fated noble was raised to his father's posi-
tion of Senaputtee ; and the minor surviving chiefs
of the same party were pardoned and entrusted with
appointments. Thus, for the present at least, a
dangerous split in the Maratha camp was avoided.
Meanwhile the Emperor, having done nothing to
support Surbulund in time, had yet indignantly
refused to ratify the grant, which his destitution had
constrained that officer to make. And Abhee Sing,
Raja of Joudpoor, w r as sent to supersede Surbulund,
who had suffered similar indignities on former occa-
sions. Whereupon Nizam-ul-Mulk, ever ready to
make political capital in any quarter, and already
foreseeing that it might be useful to secure a new
ally against the growing power of the Peishwa,
affected much virtuous indignation at the unworthy
treatment of the man, who had, in fact, entered
Guzerat to wrest that Province from himself; but
who had now given place to a Rajput, the suspected
friend and secret confederate of Baji Rao.
I need not at present follow further the course of
events in Gmzerat; but may state generally, that
except in the capital, where the imperial authority
MARATHA CONQUEST OF MALWA. 207
still lingered, the Marathas and their rude allies
appropriated between them the whole country, and
maintained their independence ; until in happier days,
the might of England prevailed in this region ; settled
and improved it ; maintained the subordinate and
friendly authority of the Guikwar ; and eventually
reclaimed the savage hill tribes, whom the Mussul-
mans had never been able to subdue.
In Malwa also Raja Gecrdlmr's triumph had been
short lived. The Peishwa's agents, Holkar, Sindia,
and Powar, had levied contributions there ; encoun-
tered and slain both Geerdlmr, and a relation who en-
deavoured to replace and avenge him. A new Vice-
roy entered the Province. But Baji Rao had now
assumed the command, after concluding his bargain
with the Nizam ; and he lost no time in shutting up
the Viceroy in a fort, and clearing the country of
the imperial troops. Another change of governors
was made by a Court ever ready to " meddle and
muddle/' and to punish the ill success which it had
itself too often brought about. This time another
Rajput, Baji Rao's ally, Jey Sing, was nominated;
and after some struggle between the dictates oi
private friendship and official duty, he quietly handed
over the government to the Peishwa (1734) ; and, for
the time, the Emperor was fain to acquiesce tacitly
in this transfer.
In the course of the late operations against the
208 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
Viceroy of M alwa, the Marathas had also pushed oil
into Bundlekund, where a petty Eajput Prince whom
the Peishwa had assisted, adopted the latter as his
son, and dying soon after, left him a third of his
territory, the rest devolving on two actual sons,
Thus the Maratha frontier was again advanced, far
into the heart of Hindostan.
And now the end of the distracted, enervated, and
tottering Empire seemed at hand. At the opening
of his career, the daring son of Wishwanath had
explicitly announced the programme which he was
now prepared to carry out. " Let us strike" he had
exclaimed with enthusiasm, " at the trunk of the
withering tree, the branches must fall of them-
selves \" * Well had he laid his plans, and taken
his measures, for the execution of this great enter-
prise. Peace had, some years before, been concluded
with the Raja of Kolapoor, Nizam-ul-Mulk had agreed
to give free scope to Maratha ambition in the North,
provided he were left to prosecute his design of local
sovereignty, a design which now occupied his whole
energies, though not his exclusive attention. The
Peishwa had humbled the enemies of his master on the
western coast, in the interval of his more remote cam-
paigns. Guzerat^^ were swept
almost clear of imperial functionaries, .and their
revenues now went far to defray the growing cost of
* Grant Duff.
BAJI ,RAO MOVES ON DELHI. 209
Baji Rao's large armaments. The Rajputs, both of
Ajmir and of Bundlekund, were friendly ; and a new
outpost of Maratha power had been established in the
occupation of Berar by a chief of the Bonslay family,
the founder of the Maharajaship of Nagpore.
This chief indeed proved, in the end, unfriendly to
the Peishwa's ambition; but that was both natural,
and quite compatible with active co-operation against
the Mogul. Sindia and Holkar were zealous and
useful instruments, and were entirely devoted to the
interests of their immediate patron. On the whole,
Baji Rao felt that his time was come for measuring
his strength against the Emperor himself.
Holkar preluded by a raid into the Agra Province
(1736). This at once alarmed the Vizier, Khan
Dowran; who, however, instead of taking active
measures, made imposing preparations which ended
in nothing, and ineffectually sought to procure the
assistance of the Nizam. Holkar hardly intermitted
his levying of requisitions to throw a few rockets into
the splendid but unserviceable camp of the imperial-
ists, arid to cut them up with his flying cavalry.
The Peishwa's return to the army was announced
by urgent demands on the Emperor, to ratify formally
the grants of the Guzerat and Malwa revenues, which
circumstances had already conferred on the Marathas.
A party at Court opposed all concession. But
Mahomed Shah and the Vizier were inclined to a
210 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
liberal compromise; and deeds were privately pre-
pared to that effect. The Peishwa's agent discovered
the important secret : and the Peishwa himself there-
upon became elated and rose in his demands. These
were resisted, but at last a grant was made at the
expense of Nizam-ul-Mulk ! This was no doubt
done with a view not only of buying off the hostility
of the Peishwa, but of rousing the Nizam to become
the champion of oppressed imperialism, a character
which the minister had been for some time trying to
force upon him. The last object, as we shall shortly
see, was attained; the former altogether failed. Buji
Rao, undeterred by the pending negotiation, or by
the assembling of a large and magnificently appointed
army near Delhi, advanced remorselessly; levied
contributions in a country hitherto free from Maratha
incursions ; approached within a day's march of Agra ;
and sent forward his lieutenants to devastate the
Doab, where, however, they were held in check by
the advance of Sadut Khan from Oude. But, ou
exaggerated accounts of this check being circulated
in and around Delhi, the Peishwa resolved, in his
own words, " to prove that he was still iu Hindustan,
and to show [the Emperor] flames and Mahrattas at
the gates of his capital." *
Thither, therefore, he rapidly proceeded, and en-
carrmed in the suburbs, abstaining from general
* Grant Puff,
BAJl RAO AT DELHI. 211
plunder, but giving one or two significant specimens
of his ability to inflict unlimited harm (1737). He
then coolly entered into a correspondence with the
Emperor and one of his Rajput nobles ; but with no
result. After a time he removed further from the
city, politely intimating that he feared his troops
might otherwise injure it. This retrograde step gave
some heart to the imperial forces, which for the first
time since his approach to the capital now ventured
to look his men in the face ; but were speedily beaten
back again in confusion, and with some loss. The
Pcishwa then retired ; and after exacting a promise
of the formal grant of the Malwa Viceroyalty, and
thirteen lacs in money, he returned to the Dekkan,
Hushed with success hitherto unexampled in the
history of his people, but not free from anxiety as to
the policy that would now be adopted by the Nizam.
Nor was this anxiety uncalled for. The feeble Em-
peror, always hating most the powerful subject whom
he had last seen, and by whom he had been humiliated
last, had now veered round, and in his distress im-
plored the assistance of the man, whom he had so
grievously affronted and persecuted. The Nizam,
too, felt that the political balance required redress-
ing, and that every effort ought to be made to pre-
vent the upstart Hindoo from becoming the Dictator
of the Mogtil monarchy.
The entente cordiale between the old rivals was
212 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
thus exchanged for a mutual determination to bring
on an issue decisive both of their own relative strength,
and of the fate of the Empire. The Nizam's forces,
including those of several Rajput chiefs who still ad-
hered to Mahomed Shah, amounted to 35,000 men,
with a fine train of artillery. The Peishwa's army was
more than twice as numerous, though several con-
tingents on which he had counted failed to attend.
The old renown of Asof Jah had not been obliterated
by his failure in his former encounter with Baji Bao.
The Rajputs were known to be formidable warriors;
and the imperial name still had its terrors. Above
all, the cannon were an object of fear to the light-
armed Marathas, who had no skill in that description
of warfare.
They advanced with some hesitation, but were
quickly reassured and elated by observing that their
enemy had entrenched himself in a strong position.
This sign of fear as they interpreted it encouraged
them to make an attack, which, though indecisive,
led to more serious results, Nizam-ul-Mulk was at
once oppressed by a sense of responsibility, and en-
feebled by age. He showed no spirit in guarding
himself against a reverse by boldly taking the aggres-
sive. He could not now avail himself of his old
practice of setting Marathas to encounter their
cquntrymen, A force which was coming up to his
support was cut off, and this mishap stimulated his
BAJI RAO BLOCKADES THE NIZAM. 213
opponents, and damped the ardour of his own men.
It seemed to their superstitious minds prophetic of the
end. The Viceroy of Oude failed to make his ap-
pearance, and finally retreated, thus again dis-
couraging the Nizam's army.
After a time an almost exact counterpart of the
former passage between the same antagonists was
presented. The Peisliwa contrived to hem in the
Mogul army; inflicted upon it much suffering; and
increased that suffering by refusing to receive de-
serters who would fain have crowded into his own
camp. Each party then used every effort to incline
the scale in his own favour by reinforcements. But
in this each was disappointed. The Bonslay would
not move to swell the triumph of the Peishwa; and
Baji Rao's own brother was too busily engaged in
pressing the decisive siege of the Portuguese settle-
ment at Bassein to quit his prey on the eve of
capture. On the other hand, Nazir Jung, the
Nizam's second son (the eldest was at Court), failed
to bring up in time a relieving army from the
Dekkan.
Driven in and crowded Sedan-like upon the
small city of Bhopal, the Nizam struggled desperately
to extricate himself; and at length, by the aid of his
cannon, made good a retreat for some distance, at
the dismally slow rate of three miles a day. But at
length, as on the former occasion, he was brought to
THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
bay, and the champion and avenger of the Emperor
was " compelled to sign a convention, promising, in
his own handwriting, to grant to Baji Rao the whole
of Malwa, and the complete sovereignty of the ter-
ritory between the Ncrbudda and the Chmnbul, to
obtain a confirmation of it from the Emperor, and to
u*c every endeavour to procure the payment of a
subsidy of fifty lacs of rupees to defray the Peishwa's
expenses." *
The rivals then parted, to meet no more,. though
another hostile encounter was to take place between
Baji Rao and the aged Nizam's son; in which the
Maratha, over-tasking his strength, and aiming at
the complete conquest of the Dekkan, and the ex-
tinction of the Power which he had alternately Abetted
and opposed, was in turn worsted, and compelled to
retrace his steps with something like ignominy. But
between his present renewed triumph over his life-
long rival and that later humiliation, occurred an
event so appalling and extraordinary, that it stilled
for awhile all other commotions. Hardly had the con-
vention just described been concluded (1738) before
Nadir Shah burst into India, and advanced rapidly
against Delhi, instigated (many thought, though it
would appear erroneously) by Nizam-ul-Mulk himself.
The rise of this extraordinary man dates from one
of the most disastrous periods of his country's annals.
* Grant Duff.
THE AFGHAN CONQUEST IN PERSIA. 215
He was a. Persian of low birth, a native of Khorasan ;
and his earliest exploits, as in the case of Sivaji,
were those of a freebooter. But his energy, valour^
and military abilities soon enabled him to assume the
position of a general, a patriot, and a national
deliverer ; and thus to win his way, step by step, to
the throne itself.
The degeneracy of the Suflfavean sovereigns, and
the consequent weakness of the kingdom, had tempted
the Western Afghans to invade Persia. Under M ah-
mooH, a brave and artful chief, they had penetrated to
the heart of the country ; besieged and taken Ispahan ;
captured Hussein, the Shall, along with his capital,
and placed their own leader upon the throne (1722).
They then endeavoured, with various fortune, to reditce
the rest of the kingdom. But their original numbers
were inadequate to the undertaking ; and they were
too slenderly reinforced by their countrymen, who
were attached to their native hills, and were further
deterred by unfavourable reports of the character and
bearing of Mahmood in his new sphere of authority.
His jealous and sanguinary temper had alienated
several of his chief supporters ; while his first attempts
to conciliate the conquered by mildness soon gave
place, under the influence of distrust, and a sense of
the increasing difficulties of his position, to a system-
atic and desperate policy of terrorism and wholesale
assassination. Within three years of his accession he
216 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
became deranged, and expired in what were not un-
naturally deemed retributive torments (1724). He
was succeeded by his relative Ashraff, a man of great
reputation both as a soldier and a statesman. But,
meanwhile, Russia, under Peter the Great, and the
Sublime Porte, had taken advantage of the anarchy
attending the Afghan enterprise ; had invaded the
northern provinces, and actually concluded a partition
treaty, which would have gone far to complete the dis-
%
memberment of the kingdom. But for Nadir Shall,
Persia would probably have shared the fate of Poland.
The Prince Tamasp, indeed, the son of the im-
prisoned Hussein, had escaped, and taking refuge in
the unsubdued north-eastern region, had assumed the
title of Shah. After a time he succeeded in pro-
curing the doubtful assistance of both Russia and
Turkey, stipulating in return the cession of the pro-
vinces which those Powers had seized. Peter was now
no more. But the Turks marched against Ashraff.
They were checked, however, both by the arms of the
Afghan, land by the scandal of aiding a Shia against
a Soonee Prince. Tamasp, too, was a man of weak
character ; his resources were small, his efforts desul-
tory ; and his rival despised rather than feared him ;
when the acquisition of one determined and able
follower suddenly changed the aspect of affairs
(1727), and procured the refugee Pretender a brief
and delusive restoration to the throne of his ancestors.
THE RISE OF NADIR SHAH. 217
Nadir Cooli such was the original name of the
future sovereign of Persia, and dominator of the
Mogul Empire belonged to a Turkish tribe. His
father is said to have lived by making coats and caps
of sheepskins. Nadir's early life was adventurous.
At seventeen he was made prisoner by the Usbcks in
one of their periodical incursions. Escaping after
four years, he entered the service of a small chief in
Khorasan, whom he murdered, and whose daughter
he carried off* and married. He next figured as a
bandit chief; and his bold attacks 011 his old enemies,
the Usbcks, procured him employment under the
Governor of Khorasari, who/ however, presently
bastinadoed and dismissed him for insubordination.
He then joined his uncle, who held the fort of Kelat ;
but he, too, was soon glad to get rid of so trouble-
some a follower.
Now, however, the course of public events had
opened to this untaincable but profoundly able man
a career of better omen, and of undeviating success,
until the crown itself was within his grasp.
The Afghan invasion took place; and in the
unsettled state of the country the bold and skilful
partisan soon rose to the command of a small army.
Three thousand men followed his lead, and made war
support war in his native province* Again his uncle,
impressed by his achievements, invited him to repair
to Kelat, and assist their distressed sovereign. Nadir
218 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
accepted the offer ; procured an easy pardon for past
misdeeds ; and added to them a yet darker one by
treacherously murdering his uncle, and seizing the
fort* From this point of vantage he then assailed
the Afghan governor of Khorasan, and was once
more pardoned by Shah Tamasp, w^iose depressed
fortunes he now undertook to retrieve.
Hitherto, there is little in the doings of such a
man to interest the European reader, though it has
seemed desirable to trace from its source the turbid
stream of ambition, Jthat was hereafter to expand
into such vast proportions, and to overwhelm with
such sudden ruin the tottering House of Timour,
But rarely have equally remarkable military and poli-
tical feats been performed, with such startling rapidity,
as those now to be achieved by the low born, un-
educated, and unprincipled, but eminently sagacious
and commanding soldier of fortune.
To arouse the prostrate spirit of his degenerate
countrymen ; to teach them enterprise, fortitude, and
discipline ; to lead them on from victory to victory,
until the capital was recovered, the sovereign restored,
the Afghan intruders driven headlong out of the
land, cut up in their flight, or destroyed on the sea
coast or in the inhospitable desert (1730) : to check
the advance of Russia along the Caspian, and con-
clude a secure peace with that encroaching Power ;
to curb the Arab in the West, and repel the Sultan
NADIR SHAH'S CAREER. 219
of Roura in the North, defeating the boasted janiz-
zarics, and regaining province after province, that
had been lost in the late evil times ; to retrieve with
marvellous celerity an almost overwhelming reverse
(1733) sustained in the course of the same arduous
war, and proscmite the desperate contest to a com-
pletely successful issue, wiheh re-extended Persia to
her ancient limits (1735) ; to sweep away the Suffa-
voau dynasty, and to suppress in a clay the distinctive
religion of the country, and thus prepare the way for
the more facile subjection of foreign Mahometans, by
compelling the Persians as one man suddenly to turn
Soonees (173(5) ; to retaliate upon the Afghans the
evils of invasion (1737), and yet so to treat them as
to secure their allegiance and devoted fidelity to him-
self; to descend like a tluinderbolt upon the plains of
India (1738) ; rout hopelessly in a single battle the
army of the Great Mogul, and constrain the trem-
bling sovereign to resort a suppliant to the victor's
camp (1739) ; to enter the proud capital without
further resistance ; rifle its far-famed treasury ; levy
severe contributions from its inhabitants, " benevo-
lences " from the nobles, taxes from far-off provinces ;
to destroy for ever the reputation and almost the exist-
ence of the Empire; yet to refrain with deliberate
policy from u breaking the bruised reed/' or dis-
membering the quivering form (except by the re-
sumption of the trans-Indus districts), and to reinstate
220 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
and guarantee obedience to the fallen monarch, with
patronising imperiousness ; to convey safely thr6ugh
the tremendous mountain passes booty to the amount
of upwards of 30,000,000 sterling ; to coerce the
wild tribes of the North, and extend the terror of
his name in Upper Asia; to give the loose to new
passions and unfounded suspicions, by blinding the
heir to the throne (1743), and thereby (in the un-
happy victim's memorable words) " putting out the
eyes of Persia;" to repent at leisure, but with no
salutary sorrow, and to testify his ireful remorse by
the execrable and almost incredible cruelties of a
conscience-stricken maniac; to plunge the country,
which he had saved and restored to greatness and
prosperity, into the worst miseries attendant on the
excesses of unbridled and sanguinary despotism ; and
to perish abruptly by assassination (1747) the
inevitable penalty of his frantic crimes and growing
hostility to his subjects: such was, in outline, the
marvellous, but lurid and meteoric course of one, who
appeared to his contemporaries, not less than Attila
or Timour, a Scourge of God; who might justly have
been described, not less than the Emperor Frederick
the Second, as a veritable Stupor Mundi ! *
* Not the least curious among the many circumstances illustra-
tive of the impression produced in Europe by Nadir's character and
career is a story, endeavouring to establish the fact, that he was in
reality a native of Brabant. It occurs in a French work, now little
known.
NADIR DEFEATS THE EMPEROR. 221
Nadir's quarrel with the Court of Delhi was
grounded chiefly on the refuge afforded in the im-
perial territories to his Afghan enemies. His ad-
vance beyond the Indus excited general astonish-
mentj and profound terror. But a hasty attempt
was made to arrest his course, which ended as such
attempts have so often done, in speedy and irre-
trievable failure. The conqueror's proceedings pre-
vious to his entry into Delhi are recorded in a letter
from himself to his eldest son and future victim,, the
most important parts of which will be found in the
subjoined note.*
* " We^ whose wishes were for such a aay^ after appointing guards
for our camp) atul invoking the support of an all-powerful Creator ',
mounted, and advanced to the charge. For two complete hours the
action raged with violence^ and a heavy fire from cannon and
mwtquetry was kept up. After iliat> by the aid of the Almighty, our
lion-hunting heroes broke the enemy's line, and chafed them from
the field of battle^ dispersing them in every direction. This battle
lasted two hours; and for two hours and a half more were our
conquering soldiers engaged in pursuit. When one hour of the day
remained^ the field was entirely cleared of the enemy ; and as the
entrenchments of their camp were strong, and the fortifications for-
midable) we would not permit our army to assault it.
"An immense treasure, a number of elephants^ part of the artillery
of the emperor, and rich spoils of every description) were the reward
of our victory. Upwards of 20,000 of the enemy were slain on the
field of battffl, and a much greater number were made prisoners.
Immediately after the action was over> we surrounded the emperor^
army, t and took measures to prevent all communication with the
adjacent country; preparing at the same time our cannon and
mortars to level with the ground the fortifications which had been
erected*
" As the utmost confusion reigned in the imperial camp, and all
222 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
Nadir, on entering Delhi, though prepared to
assert very fully the rights of conquest in the way
discipline was abandoned^ the emperor^ compelled by irresistible
necessity ) after the lapse of one cfoy, sent JVArfn-/-itfM*, on Thurs-
day, the seventeenth Zilkadeh, to our royal camj) ; and the day
following, Mahomed Shah himself, attended by his nobles, came to
our heaven-like pretence, in an afflicted stale.
" When the Emperor wax approaching, as tee are ourselves of a
Turkoman family, and Mahomed Sh<ih is a Turkoman^ and the
lineal descendant of the noble House of (iurgan, ice srnt our dear
son, Nasser Aly Khan, let/and the bounds of our cwnp to rneel him.
The emperor entered our tents, and ire delivered over to him the
signet of our empire. He remained that day a guest in our royal
tent. Considering our affinity as Turkomans, and aho reflecting on
the honours that befitted the majesty of a kiny of kintjit ; we be-
stowed suck upon the emperor, and ordered his royal pavilions^ his
family, and his nobles, to be preserved ; and ive have established him
in a manner equal to his great dignity.
"At this time, the emperor, with his family, and all the lords of
Hindostan, who marched from camp, are arrived at Delhi : and on
Thursday, the twenty-ninth of Zii/cadeh, we moved our glorious
standard towards that capital*
"It is our royal intention^ from the consideration of the high birth
of Mahomed Shah^ of his descent from the lloiwe of Gvryan, and of
his affinity to us as a Turkoman, to fix him on the throne of the
empire, and to place the crown of royalty upon his head. Praise
be to God, glory to the Most High, ivho has granted us the power to
perform such an action! For this great grace which we have re-
ceiled from the Almighty ', we must ever remain grateful.
, ** Q#d hat made the seven great seas Like unto the vapour of the
desert^ faneath our glorious and conquering footsteps > and those of
our faithful and victorious heroes. He has made, in our royal
mind, the thrones of kings, and the deep ocean of earthly glory ,
more despicable than the light bubble that floats upon the surface of
the wave; and no doubt his extraordinary mercy, which he lias
now shown, will be evident to all mankind" (Quoted in Malcolm's
History of 1'ertia from the translation in the Asiatic Researches).
NADIR SHAH AT DELHI. 223
of regular exaction, showed every disposition to pro-
tect the lives and persons of the terrified inhabitants,,
and to restrain unauthorised plunder. Taking up
his own quarters in one of the imperial palaces, he
distributed troops throughout the city to maintain
order, and denounced the penalty of mutilation
against any soldier who should insult an Indian.
The strictness of his discipline was notorious, and the
terror which lie inspired began to subside into sullen
resentment. Quiet reigned for the space of two, days,
while the work of graduated spoliation proceeded.
" Nadir claimed/' says Sir John Malcolm, " as a
prize which he had won, the wealth of the emperor,
and a great proportion of that of his richest nobles
aud subjects. The whole of the jewels that had been
collected by a long race of sovereigns, and all the
contents of the imperial treasury, were made over by
Mahomed Shah to the conqueror. The principal
nobles, imitating the example of their monarch, gave
up all the money and valuables which they possessed ,
After these voluntary gifts (as they were termed) had
been received, arrears of revenue were demanded from
distant provinces, and heavy imposition* were )8lfd
upon the richest of the inhabitants of Delhi. 1 '
"'v'f/JuA
Moreover, the collection was farmed t6 active
agents,, who, with incredible heartlessness, took the
opportunity of enriching themselves out of the mis-
fortunes of their countrymen, by exacting four or
five times the sums paid into the Shah'a coffers.
224 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
Many proud or money-loving men, some of verj
high rank, sought relief from their misery in suicide
and the despondency of the population deepened
until, in the course of the third night, a fatal repon
of Nadir's sudden death led to an outbreak, whicl
consummated the horrors of the occupation. The
mob rose; murdered in all directions the soldiers
who had been posted to protect them ; the base and
craven nobles abandoning them to the rage of the
insurgents. In vain Nadir sent messengers to ap-
pease the tumult ; they also were slain. In vain, as
the day broke, he rode out to exert his personal in-
fluence with the misguided and frantic people. His
own life was attempted; and, provoked at length
beyond endurance, he gave orders for an indiscri-
minate massacre. The miserable rabble instantly re-
coiled, and cowered before the justly exasperated
soldiers. But too late: a frightful slaughter took
place ; and fire added its ravages, until a great part
of the city was in flames.
The stern conqueror, in the interval, had betaken
himself to a mosque, and "remained there/' says
Sir John Malcolm, " in a deep and silent gloom that
none dared to disturb. At last the unhappy Ma-
homed Shah, attended by two of his ministers,
rushed into his presence, exclaiming, r Spare my
people!' Nadir replied, 'The Empefor of India
must never ask in vain :' and he instantly com-
manded that the massacre should cease/ 4 The com-
NADIR RETIRES FROM DELHI. 225
maiid was at once obeyed, and proved the extra-
ordinary ascendancy of this dread general over his
troops, even in their wildest mood.
The number of those who perished on this terrific
morning it is impossible to estimate. But it was un-
doubtedly very great. It was not until noon that
the avenging sword was sheathed. And several hun-
dred persons were executed more deliberately after-
wards, as instigators or participators of the rising.
To how low a moral level the worthless cockneys
of Delhi had sunk may be best understood from the
fact, that they could shortly after the departure of
the Persians, enjoy " a ludicrous representation of
their own disgrace, and the fierce looks and savage
pride of their conquerors, which had been so late
their dread, became, in these imitations, one of their
chief sources of entertainment."*
After marrying his second son to a prince of the
imperial house, and remaining at Demifor two
months, Nadir evacuated the city, and commenced
his march horilewards. He is said to have given
much good advice to Mahomed Shah. He certainly
exhorted that monarch's subjects to obey their
sovereign faithfully henceforth, on pain of another
exterminating visit from himself, His circular-
letter to this effect ends with the significant threat:
* Malcolm's History
226 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
" May God forbid ! but if accounts of your rebelling
against your emperor should reach our ears, we will
blot you out of the pages of the book of creation."
He never had leisure, even if he had the inclina-
tion, to execute the threat. And his example, and
the effects of his crushing visitation, were more
potent in hastening, than his sententious exhorta-
tions and formidable menaces in retarding, the irre-
trievable downfall of the dynasty, *which he had so
grievously humiliated and despoiled.
Nadir Shah's defeat of the Emperor and terrible
dealings with the capital were soon followed, in the
natural course of Oriental politics, by the permanent
separation from the Empire of the three finest Pro-
vinces of Hindostan. Bengal, Behar, and Orissa,
became a practically independent kingdom under a
new and remarkable adventurer, Mahummud Ali, or
as he was ultimately called, Aliverdy Khan. His
father, Meerza Mahummud, originally an adherent
of Azim Shah, had after that prince's overthrow
entered the service of Shuja~ud-Dowla, who was then
Deputy-Governor of Orissa. Meerza provided in the
same service for his two sons, Mahummud and Hajce
Ahraud, and they obtained high appointments and
much influence with Shuja. The latter, on his death
(1738), was succeeded by a son, Serferaz Khan, trith
whom he had been on bad terms : and the brothers,
Mahnumud and Ahraud, partly, perhaps, sharing their
RISE OF ALIVEKDY KHAN.
original patron's grudge, partly conceiving themselves
to be too lightly esteemed by the new Viceroy, con-
spired against and overthrew him (1739). How far
this was an unprovoked act of treachery; how far the
conduct of Serferaz or his confidants gave occasion to
it, it would not be easy to determine in a few words,
and perhaps is hardly worth attempting to determine
now at all. It is more certain that Mahummud
Ali's career from this time until near the close of his
agitated reign is most characteristic of the troubled
state of the times, of the complication of political
interests that were at work in destroying the old
and evolving the new order of things, and of the
astonishing and continuous energy displayed by the
denizens of a clime, which (it is so often assumed)
tends almost irresistibly to languor, self-indulgence,
and inertness. Without a summary sketch of Ali-
verdy's adventures the picture of imperial disin-
tegration would be most incomplete; and the slip-
pery foundation of Suraja Dowla's power, the subver-
sion of which led to the establishment of the English
rule in Bengal, will be thus better understood.
Alivcrdy had held the government of Behar under
Serferaz. The destruction of that unfortunate ruler,
and the tender of a large part of his treasure to the
venal and trembling Court at Delhi, had given the
conqueror the actual possession of Bengal, and the
titular Viceroyalty of the three Provinces. BuHfOrissa
228 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
was in the hands of a brother-in-law of Serferaz,
Moorshud Koollee Khan, whose relatives induced him
to reject Aliverdy's pacific offers, and to risk the
fortune of war. Moorshud was defeated, but escaped,
and thenceforth declined to resume the contest.
But hostilities were soon renewed in Cuttak, where
Aliverdy's deputy, Sowlut Jung, a son of Almmd,
mismanaged the country and the army, and was
made prisoner in a popular tumult, $nd handed over
to Baukir Khan, one of Serferaz' relations. Ali-
verdy, contrary to the wishes of Sowlut's parents,
who, to obtain their son's release, would fain have
ceded Orissa to Baukir, marched against that officer ;
routed him at once ; recovered the captive from the
jaws of death ; and, having put the government into
better hands, was returning at leisure and in triumph
to his capital, when he suddenly learned that the
Marathas were upon his track, bent upon their usual
course of extortion and rapine (1742).
This was the first attempt of Eugoji Bonslay, of
Berar, to extend his operations to Hindostan, under
his general, Baskir Pundit, at the head of 40,000
cavalry. Aliverdy had hardly reached Burdwan, in-
tending to deposit there his heavy baggage, when the
enemy arrived, and began to plunder and devastate
the suburbs. A series of skirmishes ended in an
offer on the part of the Maratha to retire, on pay-
ment of ten lacs, which was refused : and Aliverdv
ALIVERDY AND THE MARATHAS.
prepared to push his way to Moorshedabad, his
capital. But with an effective force reduced to
5000, and encumbered by a vast mass of camp fol-
lowers,, who, terrified at the invasion, had, contrary
to his orders, persisted in accompanying him, he ex-
perienced a disastrous retreat, losing all his baggage,
guns, and tents, but steadfastly declining the severe
terms which his distress encouraged Baskir to pro-
pose. In four days lie reached Cutwa, and was re-
inforced by his nephew, whom he had himself so
lately rescued. Thereupon a detachment of Mara-
thas, under Meer Hubceb, an officer who had deserted
the Viceroy's service for that of the Bonslay, made a
dash at Moorshedabad. But Aliverdy, by a forced
march, saved the city from plunder, though not
before his friend, the great banker, Juggut Sect,
had been despoiled of property to the amount- of
.3,000,000 sterling. The enemy then overspread
the country so effectually that, " except Moorshed-
abad and its environs, nothing remained to the navob
westward of the Ganges in Bengal." * This was
during the monsoon. But Aliverdy had made such
good use of the interval that, before the rivers were
fordable, he crossed the Hadji on a bridge of boats,
with an army in high spirits, and put the panic-
struck Marathas to a hasty flight, capturing in turn
their baggage and tents, and chasing them into the
* Scott.
230 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
thick jungles. After a time, however, the invaders
rallied, invaded Cuttak, and o&ce more engaged Ali-
verdy, only to be again routed, when they fled out of
his dominions. The feeble Emperor, Mahomed Shah,
recognised this public service by conferring titles on
the Viceroy, his nephews, and his principal officers,
and sending to his nominal representative a robe of
honour, a jewelled dagger, and other marks of favour.
He had also, on Aliverdy's application for assistance >
directed Snffder Jtmg, Nawab of Oude, to co-operate
against the invaders. But the victor, having saved
himself, made haste to get rid of an ally, who waa
shrewdly suspected of an intention to turn to his own
account the difficulties of his neighbour.
The ill success of the lieutenant aroused the wrath
and activity of the principal ; and Rugoji himself now
made a formidable incursion. But the new Peishwa,
Balaji, the son of the great Baji Ilao, under circum-
stances which will be explained later, acted on this
occasion with Aliverdy, against his own countryman ;
and, out-marching the Mogtds, pursued his rival with
such expedition, that he soon drove him out of the
Province (1743).
The next year, however, Baskir again appeared at
the head of a large army, offering peace at the price
of a heavy contribution. Aliverdy now changed his
tactics. Preparing his plans with much care and
cunning, he lured the general and his chief officers
REVOLT OF MUSTAPHA. 231
to an interview, on pretence of adjusting the terms of
the arrangement, and murdered them all. He then
fell suddenly upon the Maratha army, and routed it ;
though a division left at the camp under the charge
of a member of the Guikwar family, who had sus-
pected treachery, escaped (1744), But this perfi-
dious triumph only heralded new and more serious
disturbances from another quarter.
Alivcrdy in this instance, and towards enemies
whom he regarded, no doubt, much in the light of
irreclaimable beasts of prey, exhibited the gross per-
fidy so characteristic of the political atmosphere in
which he flourished. He however was naturally
generous, and by policy bountiful to those who were
the instruments of his own aggrandisement, and who
had a strong claim to their full share of the great for-
tune which they had helped to create. But in his recent
straits he scerns to have been too profuse of promises;
and now found it inconvenient or dangerous to fulfil
them. Hence serious dissatisfaction : and his refusal
to commit the important Province of Behar to the
command of his most powerful supporter, Mustapha
Khan, brought matters to a crisis. Probably he too
well remembered the precedent which he had himself
set, when entrusted by his predecessor with the rule
of that Province. Mustapha, indeed, is explicitly
accused of a design to imitate his master's doings.
However that may have been, the Nawab and his
232 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS,
general became more and more estranged. Mutual
suspicions of treacherous intentions were excited :
and an ugly-looking incident at the Durbar pre-
sently gave Mustapha a pretext for abandoning a
service in which he implied that his life was no
longer safe. Aliverdy readily accepted his resig-
nation, and paid up his arrears ; but ordered him to
quit his dominions without delay. After a vain
attempt to enlist several Afghan chiefs in his rebel-
lious schemes, the discarded general marched off with
8000 horse and a large body of infantry, setting fire
to his cantonments on his departure; and openly
entered on his plan of seizing Eehar by force.
There Hybut Jung, Aliverdy' s nephew, was in
command; and the Nawab recommended that no
battle should be fought until his own arrival. But
Hybut rashly encountered the veteran leader of a
veteran army with a force of raw troops, very inferior
in number; and was saved from utter ruin only by
MustaphVs elephant-driver being killed, and the
animal turning restive, and compelling the general
to dismount. Hence the usual panic set in, and in
the confusion, each army in fact fled from the other.
After a week's distant cannonading on both sides,
Mustaph^ again assailed Hybut's lines. But again
fortune favoured the inferior force. The rebel lost
two of his best officers, and was himself wounded in
the eye early in the battle; and Aliverdy's rumoured
ALTVERDY BAFFLES BtTGOJt. 233
advance induced him to retire. He was vigorously
pursued by the united armies of the uncle and
nephew, and driven over the Oude frontier. Re-
turning thence after a time, he once more met his
old antagonist, Hybut, and was defeated and slain ;
though his followers still haunted the country in
force.
Aliverdy meanwhile, had been compelled to con-
front a new invasion of the Marathas, under Rugoji
in person. Indignant at the murder of his lieu-
tenant and nineteen other officers, and relying on
internal disorders, the Bonslay proceeded to make
extravagant demands. But his antagonist kept him
in play for two months, negotiating and making
polite speeches, alternating with gasconading de-
fiance; until a fit season for action came, when he
threw off the mask, and resumed the offensive. He
was out-marched at first, but defeated Rugoji in
several battles, in one of which the Maratha narrowly
escaped being taken prisoner. Again the invaders
made a dash at Moorshedabad ; and again Aliverdy's
activity saved his capital from the fate that at this
time overtook so many proud cities. This failure, -a
fresh defeat near Cutwa, and disorders in his own
army, led Rugoji to retire (1745), still however re-
taining his hold over Cuttak, through Meer Hubeeb,
with a mixed force of Afghans and Marathas.
For the moment all open war had ceased in AH-
234 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIST
verdy^s dominions ; and he could celebrate with im-
pressive pomp the marriage of his grandson, the
stripling soon to become the notorious Suraja Dowla.
But even now, during the single and brief period,
until towards the close of his troubled reign, when
the temple of Janus was closed, the successful soldier's
mind was ill at ease. Cuttak was in hostile hands ;
arid the escape of the Bonslay was confidently at-
tributed to the treacherous connivance of two of the
Nawab's Afghan officers. Other circumstances con-
firmed the suspicion of their unfaithfulness; and he
discharged them and their followers; but with ex-
treme and unaccountable imprudence he allowed them
to settle, to the number of more than six thousand
licentious and seasoned soldiers, in Behar. The fatal
results of this plan were too soon to be disclosed.
Meanwhile, he brought to an end the short season
of tranquillity by an attempt to recover Cuttak. Some
successes were gained there, but were more than
counterbalanced by the insubordinate and treason-
able conduct of two of his generals, Meer Jaffier (the
future English Subahdar) and Atta Oolla, both of
whom he was compelled to remove, and sequester at
Moorshedabad. He again foiled an attempt by Janoji
(who now commanded the Marathas) to penetrate to
that city ; and was resting from his labours during
the monsoon, when the most terrible tempest of his
storm-tossed life broke suddenly upon him*
FRESH REVOLT AGAINST ALIVERDY. 235
The discarded Afghan officers, Sirdar Khan and
S 1mm sheer Khan, were settled, as I have mentioned,
in Bchar, with their numerous train of lawless and dis-
affected followers. Hybut Jung, Aliverdy's nephew,
was still ruler of the Province ; and from motives
which appear very questionable, solicited his uncle
to be allowed to re-engage them in the public service,
reporting them to be sincerely anxious to retrieve
their past misconduct. Alivcrdy reluctantly con-
sented, and preliminary interviews took place; Hy-
but, to allay in the minds of the turbulent chiefs
suspicions of vindictive designs on his own part,
rashly dispensing with the attendance of his troops,
and even of his body-guard. The too familiar con-
sequence followed. The revengeful and perfidious
Shumsheer (Sirdar's complicity before the fact is
doubtful) seeing his advantage, took occasion to
murder the confiding Governor with his own hand ;
and, being supported by his numerous attendants,
and promptly joined by the whole force of the late
malcontents, placed Patna (the scene of the crime)
under a reign of terror. In the commotion attend-
ing the assassination, resistance was out of the ques-
tion; Hajee Ahmud, father of Hybut, and the
NawaVs brother, who had, after taking part in the
overthrow of Serferaz, quarrelled with Aliverdy, and
retired into private life, devoting himself to pleasure
and the amassing of wealth, was seized, tortured
THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
cruelly for many days, and expired without revealing
the secret of his hoarded treasure. But it was dis-
covered, and applied to raise, new levies; heavy
exactions on the terrified inhabitants were similarly
employed; and Aliverdy's daughter, Hybut's prin-
cess, was carried off by the insurgents, who already
contemplated the invasion of Bengal (1748).
This formidable insurrection, while the Marathas
were in arms in the neighbourhood ; the murder of
his brother and nephew, and the abduction of his
daughter, together with the general distrust of his
remaining supporters, two of whom he had so recently
been compelled to degrade for disaffection, drove the
hitherto sanguine and energetic Viceroy almost to
despair. But he hastened to make an earnest and
pathetic appeal to his chief officers, handsomely ac-
knowledging his great obligations to them ; and ten-
dering equally handsome promises of reward to those
who might enable him to retrieve his affairs. At the
same time, he artfully disclaimed all wish to retain
the unwilling under his banners ; and the result was
k general and enthusiastic declaration of adherence
to his cause.
Having thus secured the active support of the
majority, and prudently winking at the lukewarm-
ness of several important men, he adopted the bold
policy of restoring Meer Jaffier to high office, and
entrusting his capital to Atta Oolla, in concert with
DEFEAT OF THE INSURGENTS. 237
another nephew; and made prompt and vigorous
preparations to march against the rebels. The
wealthier lion- combatants, at his suggestion, retired
from Moorshedabad across the Ganges, out of the
way of the Marathas; a proclamation frankly an-
nouncing that, for the moment, the city must be
prepared to await the attack of those freebooters;
and, with an army of 40,000 men, arid an ample
convoy of provisions, in a flotilla which was to attend
his inarch up the river, he started in quest of the
domestic enemy. His numbers swelled as he pro-
ceeded ; and the chief rebel, by a new act of perfidy,
played into his hands.
The insurgents, to the number of 50,000, had
agreed to take service under the Maratha : but
Shuinsheer, to secure a material guarantee for the
fulfilment of his large demands, seized Meer Hubeeb,
who had come to arrange terms. A disturbance en-
sued, which ended in the Marathas standing idle,
while the fortune of the field was contested between
their treacherous allies and Aliverdy. The very next
day the Viceroy came upon his rebellious subjects.
Sirdar Khan was killed ; and, his death causing a
panic, Aliverdy gained a decisive and almost blood-
less victory, captured the camp of the insurgents,
and recovered his daughter. The Marathas ab-
sconded without striking a blow, and soon after
retired from the victor's dominions, leaving only the
forrp. nf nppumdvinn in Ciittn.lt.
238 THE EMPIRE IN EXTBTEMIS,
v Aliverdy then did his best to heal the wounds
which this internecine strife had caused. He was
profuse in acknowledgment of the Divine mercy ;
bountiful to the religious classes and the poor, as
well as to those who had stood by him in his ex-
tremity : and, witli politic generosity, he sent safely
and honourably away to their surviving friends the
captured families of the chief rebels, and even sought
in vain by a similar proceeding to conciliate Meer
Hubeeb, the traitor of long standing and conspicu-
ous achievements in the service of the Bonslay.
The following season saw him again in the field,
pursuing the Marathas from place to place, as usual
with little effect, though priding himself on keeping
them out of Bengal. In the midst of this familiar
occupation he was distracted by a new form of
trouble. His peevish and worthless grandson, though
the destined successor to his dominions, engaged in a
rebellion which caused his doting ancestor more
anxiety on the lad's account than on his own. But
it was subdued with little difficulty, and (a moment-
ous circumstance in the after fortunes of India) with
no injury to the rebel, who was quickly restored to
favour, and abused it in a manner which prepared
his own premature and ignominious downfall,
After further hostilities with the Marathas, a de-
finitive compromise was at length effected : Cuttak
was ceded to them, and the chout of Bengal was com-
muted for an annual payment of twelve lacs (1751).
ALIVERDY'S GOVERNMENT AND CHARACTER. 239
Thus Aliverdy, in spite of his indisputable superiority
in the field, his indefatigable vigour (he was now
seventy-eight years old), and his successful resistance
to such a succession of enemies, was reduced to follow,
at last, the example of his contemporary, the Su-
bahdar of the Dekkan, and bow his neck, or at least
open his purse-strings, and give a settlement in his
territories, to the pertinacious and all- engrossing
Hindoos.
Henceforth he reigned in peace and prosperity,
though by no means free from anxiety for the future.
His grandson's character he too well understood ; but
advanced in years, and deprived, by death, of his
worthier relatives, he seems to have lacked the re-
solution to set him aside, or to have feared a new
war of succession if he attempted to do so. He dis-
tinctly predicted the progress of the Europeans in
India; but refused to expel the English, though he
had his disagreements with them.
His civil government appears to have been ad-
mirable; and, with the exception of the disputable
character of his proceedings at his accession, arid his
unquestionably gross treachery in the massacre of
Baskir and his officers, his conduct seems to have
been upright, humane, liberal, and conciliatory. x
There is a curious account of his character and
mode of life, given by his contemporary biographer,
which may not be too long to quote, as conveying a
240 THE EMPIRE IN EXTREMIS.
singular picture of one of the most remarkable men
of a remarkable age.
" Mahabut Jung from hie early youth was not addicted to idle
pleasures, as wine, or opiates, music, or the company of courtezans.
He was regular in his devotions, and assiduously abstained from all
things forbidden by the Divine law. He generally rose two hours
before day, and, after ablution and prayer, drank coffee with his
select companions. At daybreak he gave public audience, when
the commanders of his army, the civil officers, and persons of all
ranks who had any appliccytions to make, were admitted without
reserve to set forth their business, and received Satisfaction from his
bounty. At the expiration of two hours he retired to a private
apartment, where such only as were invited came. These were
generally his nephews, Shawamut Jung and Sowlut Jung ; his grand-
son, Serauje-ad-Dowlah, and particular Mends. Pieces of poetry
were now recited, or history or anecdotes read to him ; and some-
times he even amused himself with giving directions to his cooks,
who prepared victuals before him according to his palate. The
officers of different departments, if necessary, also came for orders.
He then sat down to eat with his friends, and many shared the
bounties of his table. When the meal was over the company
retired to repose. At this time a story-teller always attended to
relate some amusing narrative. He generally rose about an hour
after mid-day, performed his devotions, and read in the Koraun till
near four. After saying the prayers for that time, and drinking a
draught of water, cooled with ice or saltpetre, he received several
learned men, in whose company he daily spent an hour, hearing
them discuss points of divinity and law for his information. When
they retired, the officers of the revenue, with Juggutt Seet, his
banker, were admitted, and gave him the intelligence received from
Phely, and every province of the Empire ; also of each district
of his own government, when he issued his orders to them as affairs
required. An hour passed in this manner, and sometimes his near
relations were allowed to be present. By this time night set iA,
lights were brought, and with them certain jesters and buffoons,
who entertained him with their repartees on each other for a short
ALIVERDY'S MODE or LIFE. 241
time. lie then retired to prayers ; after which he sat in privacy
with his own Begum, to receive the visits of near female relations,
till nine o'clock. The women then departed, and men werS ad*
mitted who had business with him, till he retired to sleep, generally
early, and without eating. In this manner he passed his time,
having stated hours for every employment. He was unequalled in
his benevolence to his relations, friends, and former acquaintance in
his lower fortunes, particularly to those who had shown him the
smallest kindness when he was distressed at Dhely in his youth,
sending for them or their children to his Court, and conferring
favours upon them beyond their expectation. The people at large
during his life experienced such care" and satisfaction from his
gentle administration as could not be exceeded by the indulgence
of a parent ; while, at the same time, the lowest of his officers gr.ew
rich in his service. He was intelligent in all affairs, and encouraged
the deserving of every profession. Affable in manners, wise in state
affairs, courageous as a general, he possessed also every noble
quality." (From Scott's DekkoM^ ifc n vol. ii. pp. 356-7.)
CHAPTER IX.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARATHA CONFEDERACY.
WE have followed the rising fortunes of the Marathas
to the death of the great Peishwa, Baji Rao the First.
Henceforth the character of the history again greatly
changes. For twenty more eventful years (1740-60),
indeed, Sivaji's community continues to prosper, and
to extend the area of its operations and dominion,
until the Nizam's territory is almost entirely lost,
either to his Hindoo enemies, or to the French allies
whom he is fain to employ against them ; and until
Baji Rao's nephew storms the imperial city, affects
to dispose of the imperial title, and even meditates
transferring it to his own house.
But a new set of actors now appear upon the stage,
The relations of the Maratha chiefs among them-
selves are entirely different from what they have
hitherto been; the germs of jealousy and dissension.
OPENING OP A NEW ERA. 243
which Wiohwanath's subtle contrivances for imparting
to the confederacy a community of interest had failed
to eradicate, now develop into perilous activity ; and
though the new Peishwa holds his own, he does so
only by frequent and obstinate struggles, politic
compromises, and cunning manoeuvres, more in har-
mony with the conventional Brahmin character, than
with the frank and bold bearing of his father and
immediate predecessor.
But while a new generation arises among the native
leaders, the whole circumstances of the case are still
more changed and complicated, by the intervention
of the Europeans on the Eastern coast ; by the arts
of Dupleix, the co-operation of Bussy with the
Nizam, and the tardily aroused, but stubborn, and
ultimately successful efforts of the English. Lastly,
a new and terrible invader from Afghanistan, a pupil
of Nadir Shah, the Abdali King of Cabul, repeats
too faithfully his master's lessons ; gathers to a head
the Mahomedan forces of the North; and commits
them in a crucial encounter with the major part of
the Maratha name : and after an awful pause befitting
the greatness of the issue depending on that day's
strife, reverses in a few hours the current of pre-
datory history for a century ; overthrows and almost
annihilates the yast Maratha army ; and deals the
Hydra a blow from which, though it rallies in its
separate heads, it never as a whole recovers, nor is
244 DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARA^HA CONFEDERACY.
again in a condition to maintain the tone of general
dictation which it had of late assumed.
Shortly before his death (April, 1740) Baji Eao
sanctioned an expedition which, though at the mo-
ment apparently only an adoption of his rival Sreeput
llao's former counsel to reduce and utilize the re-
sources of the Carnatic Plain ; yet in its consequences
changed the whole political game, by bringing the
French,, and through them the Englisji, to the front.
Anxious, at present, to unravel the tangled skein of
Maratha political encroachment, I shall touch very
slightly on the course of this memorable expedition.
But attention must be directed to certain circum-
stances, without a clear perception of which, Orme's
classical narrative would be both incomplete and
misleading.
That he nearly doubles the probable numbers of the
invading army is not unnatural, and arises, doubtless,
as in so many othet cases, from the loose use of round
numbers, and the phrase " a lac of men/' among the
natives. But it is more material, that he represents
the campaign to have been undertaken with the per-
mission, not to say at the command, of Nizam-ul-
Mulk. This is not the only instance in which this
admirable historian's tone implies, or is calculated to
convey, an altogether erroneous idea of the political
condition of the Dekkan, and the relations of the
rival authorities there. As the English, hard pressed
THE MARATHAS INVADE THE CARNATIC. 245
by Dupleix's claim to legitimate pro- viceregal power,
by delegation from the contentious Subahdar of the
Dekkan; and perplexed by the anomalous political
attitude which the Coast War eventually compelled
them to assume, endeavoured to found their rights on
a similar basis, especially after they had succeeded to
the alliance with the Nizam ; it suited their line to
ignore the fact, that (as I have taken some pains to
show) Nizam-uUMulk was not only himself much of
a usurper, as against the Mogul, but was on the othei
hand so far from being the lord, actually a tributary
almost a subject of the Marathas.
Orme's language, indeed, is singularly ill-timed as
regards the Carnatic raid. For that raid took place
in 1 740, two years after Baji Rao had so deeply humi-
liated the Nizam in the North ; a few months after
he had planned, and but for Nazir Jung's unwonted
display of energy, was in a fair ipy to accomplish^
the complete conquest of his rivals territories ; and
at a moment when that rival, so far from being in a
condition to hold the Maratha in the leash, was
anxiously awaiting the rebellion of the very son, who
had just rescued him from the threatening arms and
arts of Baji Rao.
Again, since the base murder of Santaji Ghore-
puray, Ram Raja's heroic lieutenant in the war oi
independence, his family had kept aloof from all con-
nexion with the Sahara Government. But now, foi
246 DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARATHA CONFEDERACY.
the first time, Moorar Rao, Santaji's great-nephew,
recognized the authority of Shao, and joined in the
expedition of which he ultimately reaped the chief
fruits. He claimed indeed, by hereditary right, the
command-in-chief, but commuted the claim to some
districts near the Toombudra.
The actual Generalissimo was Rugoji Bonslay,
whose ambition the Peishwa thus sought to divert
from disturbing his own designs in the? upper country.
But the venture was a thoroughly national one, and
well illustrated the sort of co-operative society for
fiscal appropriation, into which the measures of
Wishwanath had a tendency to combine the various
chiefs. Thus among the soldiers, the respective re-
tainers of the Raja, the Peishwa, and the Bonslay, as
well as numerous other less important leaders, were
represented.
The events of the campaign were striking and
decisive ; but the rationale of their occurrence is not
quite clear* The stout old Nawab of Arcot, Dost
Ally, was overpowered and slain ; his Minister, Meer
Assud captured, and his territory laid under con-
tribution. But his son, Sufder Jung, escaped; and
his clever and enterprising son-in-law, Chunda Sahib,
held out in Trichinopoly, which he had lately occu-
pied by treachery. The.Marathas retired; then
returned) and resumed the siege of Trichinopoly,
which was at laat reduced by famine (174?1) ; and its
ASSISTED BY MOGUL DISSENSION. 247
gallant defender became RugojVs prisoner; and so
continued until Dupleix, seven years later, obtained
his enlargement, and employed him as an instrument
of his own ambition.
Moorar Rao was left Governor of Trichinopoly,
the garrison consisting partly of the Peishwa's
troops, in the pay, however, of the Raja; and a part
of the tribute of the Province being settled on Baji
Rao^s son and successor. These arrangements fur-
ther illustrate the partnership character of the
enterprise.
That this new triumph of the Marathas over the
Moguls was facilitated by the mutual jealousies and
want of concert among the latter, is evident. Dost
Ally, all admit, was taken by surprise, but fought
earnestly. But while some authorities assert that
Chunda Sahib was hastening loyally to his support,
others maintain that that wily statesman, for his own
purposes, kept at a safe distance from the fray.
Moreover, while there seems little or no doubt .that
Sufder, through the agency of Meer Assud, made
his peace with the enemy, by directing their arms
against Trichinopoly and his ambitious brother-in-
law; some writers have gone so far as to declare
or insinuate, that the whole incursion was instigated
by the Nawab's son, for the purpose of getting rid of
an obnoxious and overweening connexion, against
whom Dost Ally himself was unwilling or afraid to
248 DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARATHA CONFEDERACY,
proceed. The exact history of this intrigue is of no
great importance in itself. But the momentous
events to which it gave occasion later, seem to
justify thus much allusion to it.
While the Carnatio expedition was in progress, the
Peishwa died, leaving a son, Balaji Baji Rao, or Nana
Sahib, as he was commonly called among his country-
men, who succeeded his father, though not without
opposition.
The ascendancy of the Brahmin Peishwas had
always been looked upon with an evil eye by most of
the other Maratha chiefs of different lineage, Sindia
and Holkar, indeed, were staunch adherents, at this
period, of the family whose head had brought them
into notice and importance. But the faction of the
deceased Trimbuk Dhabaray still subsisted, and
remained dissatisfied with the arbitrament of arms in
which that leader had perished. Sreeput Rao, who
bore, a title signifying " The Express Image of the
Raja/* had been Baji Rao's constant rival. The
older leading houses found themselves, under the
new system of Brahmin supremacy, gradually sink-
ing into insignificance. The Guikwar, from this
time down to the very latest days of the Maratha
Confederacy, had a standing difficulty with the
Peishwa, as to their respective rights in Guzer^t.
And the most airibitious, powerful, and restless chief
of all, Rugoji Bonslay, had shown a frequent dis-
BALAJI'S SUCCESSION OPPOSED. 249
position to dispute Baji Rao's right to the first place
in the Satara administration. He had shirked sup-
porting the last great effort of that warrior-statesman
to crush Nizam-ul-Mulk in the North. His am-
biguous attitude had probably contributed not a little
to bring about the Peishwa's still later miscarriage,
when he was foiled by Nazir Jtmg, in attempting to
conquer the Nizam's home provinces. And though
bribed into neutrality by the appointment of Com-
mander-in-Chief of the Carnatic expedition, no sooner
was he aware that Baji Rao was dead, than he left the
army, hastened back to Satara, and brought forward
an opposition candidate for the Peishwaship, cun-
ningly selecting as his tool Bappoji Naik, a wealthy
man to whom Baji Rao had been heavily indebted.
Thus he hoped to place the son in an awkward
predicament. The creditor, duly tutored for the
purpose, pressed urgently for an instant settlement
of accounts, which the code of native honour made it
disreputable to repudiate, which it was specially out
of the question to think of avoiding on such an
occasion, and yet which Balaji was in no condition to
effect. A large sum was also offered to the Raja, on
condition of his rejecting the hereditary claim of
Baji Rao's son.
But Sreeput Rao was more jealous of Rugoji than
of that eon of his old rival : Chimnaji Appa, the late
Peishwa's able brother, exerted himself vigorously on
250 DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARATHA CONFEDEKAUX.
his nephew's behalf: Balaji found means, througn
his Dewan, of raising a considerable sum at once ; and
his own abilities and reputation, the renown and
services of his father and grandfather, and the in-
veterafe tendency to hereditary succession in the
East, carried the day ; and thus the new Peishwa's
first great danger of being superseded was sur-
mounted. But still more formidable opposition was
in store for him ; nor did he emerge from his later
trials with such clean hands as in the present instance.
With Nizam-ul-Mulk, indeed, he maintained very
friendly terms; assisting him against Nazir Jung,
whose dangerous rebellion was promptly subdued
(1741). In return, the Nizam backed the Peishwa's
application to the Emperor for the government of
Malwa. Shortly after that application had been for-
warded, Chimnaji Appa, who had been a party to it,
died a double misfortune. For his support had
been of the greatest consequence to his nephew ; and
Appals young son, Sedasheo Rao, at this time but ten
years of age, was thus left to develop, unchastened
by parental care, the reckless and presumptuous cha-
racter, which proved, in the end, so fatal to himself,
his cousin Balaji, and his people.
The singular character, various aspects, and con-
flicting elements of the Maratha Power were curiously
and copiously illustrated in the course of the next few
years. At first sight that Power was simply ai]
PROGRESS OF THE MARATHA POWER. 251
instrument of coercive requisition, and armed occu-
pation. Province after Province was squeezed or
taken possession of as opportunity offered; and the
goal of the day was the vantage ground of the morrow.
But this was the case not locally only. The fact was
soon conveniently confused with the right ; and the
precarious black mail of one season was successively
interpreted into the expected, the customary, and
ere long the legitimate tribute of the following years.
Still, the artful and litigious Maratha, like the
artful and litigious Norman of old, never rested till
he had established his connexion with the previous
political system, and decorated his free lance with the
pennon of imperial sanction. Thus, as Sivaji had
demanded of Aurungzib the right to levy the chout
in certain districts, basing that right on his father's
original real or alleged claims under the still older
Afghan dynasty ; and had gladly ceded much of his
actual territory, and many of his cherished fortresses,
in return for a formal recognition of his Rajaship
over the remainder; so his successors continually
acted. And the Peishwa now, after arresting Rugoji's
career in Bengal, procured from the Emperor the
long coveted formal cession of the government of
Malwa; though, to save appearances, he was appointed
nominally the Deputy of Prince Ahmed, the Em-
peror's son (1 743) . The chief conditions of this grant
were, that he was to keep order in the district; to
252 DEVELOPMENT OP THE MARATHA CONFEDERACY.
refrain from sequestrating the rent-free lands and
jaghires, devoted to charitable or religious objects;
to prevent every other Maratha officer from crossing
the Nerbudda ; and to supply a considerable force for
the imperial service. To promote more than one of
these objects, Balaji was now reconciled to the Puar
Chief of Dhar, who had sided with Trimbuk against
the Peishwa's father ; and who might serve to a cer-
tain extent, as a barrier between thp Guikwar on the
West, and Rugoji in the East.
A still more important, and to the fallen Mogul,
more humiliating concession was the general grant of
the chant in all the remaining imperial Provinces,
which had not suffered more than occasional incur-
sions (1742). General in two senses; for it seems
not to have been reduced to writing in the shape of
an explicit sunnud; and the promise appears to have
been rather a comprehensive ratification of the Ma-
ratha practice, than a localised donation.
But the complication and anomaly of the Maratha
claims proceeded yet further. Though the Raja now
exercised little influence on the actual conduct of
affairs, yet his sovereignty over the Maratha commu-
nity, and even his right to dispose of the Mogul
territories and revenues were freely recognised, and
superstitiously maintained. The Peishwa annually,
after each campaign, presented his accounts, and pre-
pared a detailed balance-sheet. And whenever, as in
CHARACTER OF MARATHA POWER. 253
his disputes with Rugoji, he was at a loss to arrange
the terms of his connexion, or the limits of his juris-
diction and taxable districts, the convenient fiction
of a grant from the Raja, embodying the compromise
at which the contending parties had eventually
arrived, was freely resorted to, and tended alternately
to settle and to embarrass the position of the parties.
Lastly, private agreements between Maratha chief-
tains, or between one such chieftain and a Mogul, a
Rajput, or some other powerful representative of
the many nationalities that were embraced within
the wide limits of the Empire, still further modified,
perplexed, and often embroiled, the political and
social relations of this remarkable people during the
era of imperial dissolution.
Thus though, when Rugoji invaded Bengal, the
Peishwa first earned the imperial gratitude, as well
as that of Aliverdy Khan, by vigorously opposing
and defeating the invader j yet he shortly afterwards,
in order to disarm a renewed conspiracy against him-
self at Satara, headed by the Bonslay, came to an
agreement with the latter, to cede his own rights
north of the Nerbudda and Mahanuddy, as far as
Aliverdy's dominions were concerned, and thus left
Rugoji to follow out undisturbed his plans in that
direction (1744).
This was, in yeality, a private compact, very simi-
lar to that formerly entered into between Nizain-ul-
254 DEVELOPMENT OP THE MAKATHA CONFEDERACY
Mulk and the late Peishwa witli a similar object
mutatis mutandis on either side. But, in the pre-
sent case, the Raja's authority was called in to give
formal shape to the agreement. While Balaji, for his
private ends, was thus led to shuffle out of his stipu-
lationVith the Emperor, to keep all other Maratha
chiefs away from the North ; and thereby violated an
express and capital condition on which his formal
appointment to Malwa rested.
It has been already mentioned, that the personnel
of the political drama was almost entirely changed
soon after the death of Baji Rao. That event took
place in 1740; and his brother, Chimnaji, expired
in the following year, Chimnaji's young son, Seda-
sheo Rao, began about the period which we have now
reached to take an active part in public affairs ; and
in 1746 was appointed by the Raja second in com-
mand of the national forces under his cousin, the
new Peishwa. But while Sedasheo distinguished
himself, both in military and civil duties in the Dek-
kan, Balaji's brother, Rugonath Rao, (or Ragoba, as
the English generally called him,) commenced in
Hindostan his career of fitful hopes, rash adventures,
and disastrous reverses. In 1747 died Sreeput Rao,
Baji Rao's competitor. V^But the year 1748 was
above all memorable as the end of the old, and the
beginning of the new age of public men. Then took
place the first invasion of India by tlie Afghan King
NEW GENERATION OF PUBLIC MEN. 255
of Cabul, Ahmed Shah Abdali. Invited by the
Vizier's nephew, he advanced into the Punjab, but
was repulsed by the Emperor's son, his own name-
sake, Prince Ahmed. The Prince returned to find
his father dead; and almost immediately Jifter he
had himself mounted the throne, the veteran states-
man and warrior, Nizam-ul-Mulk, breathed his last.
How many new characters thereupon appeared on
the scene, both in the Carnatic Plain and in the
Bekkan, I need not now specify. But it may be
mentioned, that among others Hyder Ally was in
the Mysore contingent which accompanied the un-
fortunate Nazir Jung to the Carnatic, and materially
improved his then slender means, by securing two
camels laden with treasure, when the army dis-
persed in panic on the murder of that Prince.
Lastly, in the year 1749, the long reign of Shao, the
Maratha Raja, the grandson of Sivaji, .the prisoner
and protege of Aurungzib, the patron of three genera-
tions of Brahmin Peishwas, came to an end; and
while Delhi was still tremblingly awaiting the return
of the baffled, but formidable Abdali, and a general
imbroglio was proceeding in the Carnatic Plain, a
curious and complicated domestic struggle was waged
at the Court of Satara.
Shao had no son to succeed him. He was inclined
to adopt his relative and old antagonist, the Raja
of Kolapoor. But neither had the latter any issue.
256 DEVELOPMENT O? THE MAEATHA CONFEDERACY.
The strong family feeling of the Marathas was then
shown in the attempt to substitute a descendant of
so remote an ancestor as Wittoji, the great uncle of
the hero Sivaji. But before any fit person from this
distant branch could be found,, .and while Sukwar
Bhye, Shao's wife, was loth to abandon a project
which would make her, as the adoptive mother of a
minor Eaja, nominally, if not effectively, Regent of
the Maratha Empire, a mysterious ^ross light was
thrown on the scene by an alleged revelation of a
great secret of State. Tara Bhye, the aged but still
vigorous and ambitious widow of Earn Eaja, Sivaji's
son, now declared, that after the death of her son,
' *
the second Sivaji, and the first Eaja of Kolapoor,
she had concealed a posthumous son of the latter
prince, consequently a grandson of her own. This
alleged grandson she now produced, and demanded
that he shoujd be recognised as Earn Eaja II., and
prospective Sovereign of the Marathas, on the death
of Shao.
It remains to this day a question whether her
story was true or false. That through this new
claimant she meant to acquire the virtual supremacy
for herself, is evident enough. Shao's wife, of course,
was proportionately disappointed and indignant, and
formed a conspiracy to maintain her own contem-
plated power, through a contemplated adoption.
Thus Balaji, on his arrival with a large force at
THE PEISHWA AND HIS RIVALS. 257
Satara, was perplexed by a double feminine plot
against his own authority. The strong popular sen-
timent in favour of the race of Sivaji, and the wide-
spread antipathy to Brahmin ascendancy, forbade him
to do what lie seems at one time to have meditated
namely, to abolish the Rajaship altogether, and make
himself avowed Head of the State.
Tara Bhye he misdoubted ; and the other lady was
resolved to push matters to extremities, both against
him and against Tara. But, to conceal her ambi-
tious designs, she dropped hints of an intention to
become suttee on her husband's death. Balaji was a
thorough Brahmin, in the bad sense, that is a man of
consummate craft, little restrained by moral scruples,
or even by prudential considerations that did not
affect the attainment of his immediate object. He
chose his line, and played his part with admirable
skill, but with what the not too sensitive native mind
pronounced most reprehensible artifice. Sukwar
Bhye he knew was ready for action, and had in-
fluential men and an armed force at her command.
His first care accordingly was to make himself master
of the military situation, and to be prepared, on the
Raja's death, to anticipate and counteract all the
motions of the conspirators in the interest of Shao's
widow. This was thoroughly done, and when the
critical moment came, they dared not strike a blow.
Balaji's next care had been to soothe Tara Bhye's
17
258 DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARATHA CONFEDERACY.
haughty and suspicious temper, and at the same time
to prepare the way for circumventing her, by pro-
fessing a belief in her story. For this course enabled
him, not only to make common cause with her against
the Raja's wife, but to obtain from the Raja himself
an important sanction for his own intended retention
of the reins of power, the purport of which will be
mentioned presently. While, for his own purposes,
he took good care not to repress reports which were
widely circulated, and which implied that the whole
of Tara's tale was an invention, and the lad an
impostor.
Thus far the Peishwa had hardly exceeded the lax
limits of conventional native statecraft. But his
master-stroke, whereby he determined to rid himself
at once and for ever of his younger, and on that
account at least, more formidable rival, remained to
be delivered. And herein lies the peculiar infamy of
his conduct, in the eyes even of Marathas. Trading
upon Sukwar Bhye's rash hints of an intention to
burn with her husband's body, he sent taunting and
ironical messages, requesting her not to trouble her-
self to carry out her intention ! He was well aware
that such a message from such a quarter, and at such
a crisis, could hardly fail to drive ,the unhappy
Princess not only to suicide, but to suicide of a very
melancholy kind. It would not be a case of genuine
suttee of voluntary and affectionate religious martyr-
THE PEISHWA TRIUMPHS. $59
dom, for her husband's sake ; but the victim would
be idly sacrificed to a point of honour, and compelled,
for very shame, to act upon words never meant to be
fulfilled! But, to make all sure, Balaji, moreover,
tampered with the brother of Sukwar Bhye, and by
alternate appeals to his family pride and his cupidity,
persuaded him to throw his influence also into the
scale in favour of the suttee offering. Thus, beset
on all hands, and taken in her own toils, Shao's wife,
lately so formidable, now so forlorn, succumbed to
the superstitious rite, and removed from his path one
obstacle to the complete ascendancy of her cold-
blooded murderer.
Though the Peishwa's conduct was severely con-
demned, he contrived to bribe the other chiefs into
acquiescence, by causing the Raja to confirm and
enlarge their territorial possessions and fiscal rights.
And Tara Bhye, who already began to turn restive
in his hands, he appeased by the promise of an
effective share in the government. But he had little
intention of performing this promise, and had taken
precautions to give a legal colouring to his proposed
sole assumption of political power, by a deed which
he had found means of extorting from the dying
Raja. He had not indeed ventured, during Shao's
last illness, to brave the consequences of removing
Sukwar Bhye and her friends from his Sovereign's
presence. But he had obtained a private interview,
260 DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARATHA CONFEDERACY.
in which he procured the document in question.
This empowered him "to manage the whole govern-
ment of the Mahratta Empire, on condition of his
perpetuating the Raja's name, and keeping up the
dignity of the house of Sivajee, through the grand-
son of Tara Bhye and his descendants." * Special
clauses in this deed gave a large, indeed an indefinite
extent to the powers which were thereby vested in
the grantee. <,
The prompt military measures which the pos-
session of this document emboldened him to take ;
the summary manner in which he disposed of the
Raja's wife ; his causing the other chiefs to find their
immediate account in compliance with his wishes;
his careful management of Tara Bhye; and the
doubt that hung over her story, and which Balaji
was at no pains to dispel; all contributed to assist
his usurpation if usurpation it is to be called and
to bring into prominence what had been hitherto a
tendency only, though a marked tendency, in the
Maratha State the definitive supremacy of the
Peishwa. Thus henceforth Poona became the real
military and political capital: Satara sank to little
more than the prison of the roi faineant the doubly
discredited representative of Sivaji as being at once
a degenerate, and a doubtful scion of the heroic stock.
Thus, too, as another symptom of the same revolution,
* Grant DufL
MARATHA CONFEDERACY ORGANISED. 261
whereas Shao had instituted an office, the holder of
which was entrusted with the collection, or the
auditing, of the surdeshmookee for the six Mogul
Dekkan Provinces ; the office was now retained, but
turned into a sinecure, and paid by the proceeds of
certain jaghire lands.
By the measures now adopted (1750), the Maratha
Power was in fact converted into a Confederacy of
chiefs, permanently and confessedly presided over by
the Peishwa, as an almost sovereign Prince ; loosely
and grudgingly obeyed, indeed, but far more dis-
tinctly recognised as supreme on his own account
than he had ever yet been. While, like the Deity
in the Gnostic system, the Raja retires into un-
approachable and inactive isolation and mystery.
But Tara Bhye by no means approved of such an
arrangement, and jealously watched her opportunity
for subverting it.
All India was now electrified by a series of rapid
and startling surprises in the conduct of the Carnatic
struggle, and the brilliant triumph of Dupleix's
policy. A very brief summary of these events will
enable the reader to appreciate their bearing upon
the new period of Maratha history marked 4>y the
accession of Balaji to the enlarged functions just
described.
Five years before his death, Nizam-ul-Mulk had
descended with a large army into the Carnatic Plain ;
262 DEVELOPMENT OF THE MAHATHA CONFEDERACY.
had procured the evacuation of Trichinopoly and the
whole Province by Moorar Rao and his soldiers, on
condition of confirming Moorar as chief of Gooty;
.and had left at the time as Regent, and supported
afterwards as actual Nawab of Arcot, Anwar-ud-deen
one of his own officers, while Churida Sahib con-
tinued a prisoner at Poona. Anwar-ud-deen was
the father of Mahomet Ally, whom the English
afterwards supported.
On Nizam-ul-Mulk's death, Cliunda Sahib was
released through Dupleix's machinations ; and then
followed the tug of war which Orme has so fully and
faithfully chronicled. Nazir Jung, at his father's
death, was absent in the North ; his eldest brother
was at Delhi; and their nephew Mirzapha was in
command in the Dekkan.
" While the English are making unprovoked war
on the King of Tanjore, a tripartite alliance has
been concluded between three daring adventurers,
Mirzapha Jung, a young claimant of the Dekkan
throne, Chunda Sahib, a veteran warrior and
intriguer, who aspires to supplant the ruler of the
Carnatie, and the French Governor-General, whose
aims, if less definite, are certainly not legs extensive
than those of his confederates. French gallantry
and skill again decide the day ; and the Nawab of
Arcot is slain. But a more formidable enewiy of the
allies is at hand. The nephew lias sought to sup-
THE FRENCH IN THE CARNAT1C PLAIN. 263
plant the uncle in the Dekkan. But that uncle,
Nazir Jung, appears with a countless hoat; the
English join him ; and, at the most critical moment,
the French officers basely desert their post; and
Dupleix' s contingent, the flower of the allied army,
is compelled to retreat in haste to Pondicherry.
With it goes the Pretender to the Nawabship of
Arcot; but the inexperienced claimant of the
Dekkan Viceroyalty is deluded into throwing him-
self upon his uncle's mercy, and is instantly and
perfidiously put in fetters.
The triumph of Nazir Jung is however short.
The French recover from their disorder, and seize
the strongest fortress in the Carnatic. Their enemy's
nobles are discontented. Dupleix, anticipating Clive
in Bengal, intrigues with them and inflames their
discontent. They conspire against th^ir master;
and while the French are contending against the
faithful part of his army, he is murdered by one of
the conspirators. Then his imprisoned rival is
produced; saluted as Viceroy; proceeds to Pondi-
cherry; is entertained there with Oriental pomp;
constitutes Dupleix his Deputy for all the wide
region south of the river Kistna ; showers upon him
favour, distinctions, and territorial cessions ; and the
success of the Frenchman's great game is com-
memorated on the pillar of Dupleix, and by the
foundation of the city of Dupleix -Futteabad. But
another storm is already brewing. The nobles who
264 DEVELOPMENT OF THE MABATHA CONFEDERACY*
have slain the uncle, dissatisfied with the price of
blood, destroy the nephew on his homeward march,
anS are themselves cut off in the struggle. All is
again confusion and dismay. The fortune of France,
however, is still in the ascendant. Bussy's authority
commands general confidence, and promptly restore**
order. Another puppet is substituted, and ratifies
the concessions made by his predecessor to his
European patrons; and the march towards the
Dekkan is quietly resumed." *
It was an anxious question for the Pcishwa what
line he should adopt at this momentous crisis. The
crafty, enterprising, and experienced Nizam-ul-Mulk
was indeed no more; and while his eldest son, Ghazi-
ud-deen, though detained at Delhi, was preparing to
assert his rights against Salabat, who at present was
hi the ascendant, there were in the background two
other brothers who, as events soon showed, and as
the Peishwa probably already suspected, were watch-
ing their chance of dividing still further the Maho-
metan interest in the Dekkan, and embroiling the
fray by their ambition and turbulence.
Salabat himself was not a man of energy or ability.
Externally, therefore, Balaji might well see reason to
hope that, as usual, the mutual hostilities of the
Moguls would favour the growth of his own power
and territory. While, internally, he had escaped or
**<W 4
* The above paragraphs are condensed frota a published lecture
of my own, already quoted.
POLICY OF THE PEISHWA. 265
overcome some serious dangers, and his shpicmacy in
the Confederacy was, openly at least, undisputed.
Rugoji, who had at first opposed his succession as
Peishwa, had been propitiated by the partition com-
pact, which left that Chief free to pursue his owiif
course in Bengal and the neighbouring Provinces.
Sukwar Bhye had paid the penalty of her bold
attempt to snatch at the Regency, and her terrible
fate might operate as a warning to others. Tara
Bhye seemed absorbed and satisfied with the charge
of the young Raja, who as yet lived at large, and
liberally provided for in the town of Satara ; while
his real or soi-disant grandmother remained in the
fort adjoining that city, and garrisoned by the Peish-
wa's troops. A serious difference had indeed lately
arisen between Balaji and his high-spirited and rash
cousin Scdasheo or the Show, as he was now com-
monly called ; and which had proceeded so far, that
the latter had, for a time, gone over to the Kolapoor
Raja, and become his Peishwa. But this difference
had been composed ; and the deserter was reclaimed
by being made Prime Minister at Poona.
Yet, on the other hand, there was still much
smothered discontent. Popular opinion was strongly
in favour of the Regency of Tara Bhye ; and her in-
fluence was not unlikely to be exerted in order to
convert the nominal into a real office, and a means of
depressing, if not oversowing, the crafty Brahmin
266 DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARATHA CONFEDERACY.
with whom It had suited her purpose to co-operate
for the moment against their common enemy.
These internal dangers were much more formidable
when viewed in connexion with the present charac-
ter of the Nizam's army, following, and political
alliances. The Pondicherry magician was casting his
spells over the whole country. He had overthrown
Nazir Jung : the fate of his ally Mirzapha had not
arrested his policy for more than a day ^ his brilliant
agent and representative, Bussy, seemed equally com-
petent to deal with military and with political emer-
gencies; the French arms and discipline were
manifestly something totally different from, and far
superior to, the hostile elements which the Marathas
had hitherto encountered; and it remained to be
proved how far the Cossack lance could hope to with-
stand the European musket and bayonet, and above
all, the quick-moving and quick-firing field-piece.
To remain an inactive spectator of the progress of
Salabat, or even of the contest between the sons of
Nizam-ul-Mulk, for the sake of watching and coun-
teracting an old woman's schemes, was not only in-
glorious, but was contrary to the character, the
interests, ad the uniform practice of his family, and
of the people whom he aspired to rule, and could rule
.only by indmlgihg tlJfeir restless and acquisitive
temper.
On the whole, therefore, Balaji determined to side
THE PEISHWA'S POWER AGAIN THREATENED. 267
with Ghazi-ud-deen, the elder claimant; to quiet
Tara Bhye in his absence, by giving her the complete
control of the Raja's person, and to march without
delay against Salabat, before his authority should have
gained the strength of well established rule. Accord-
ingly he petitioned the Emperor to appoint Ghazi-ud-
cleen Subahclar of the Dekkan; for this formality
might prove of no little efficacy in the approaching
war of succession ; and withdrawing his garrison
from the fort of Satara, he rashly hoped that thi
proof of confidence would appease an angry and
jealous woman.
On reaching Aurungabad, he levied on Salabat's
Governor there, who, though professing to yield to
force, was really in the interest of the elder brother,
a contribution of fifteen lacs of rupees ; and hastened
to confront the French Nizam and his European allies.
But before a shot had been exchanged, he learned that
the mine which had been preparing, and which his
own conduct had contributed to fire, had exploded
behind him ; and patching up a hasty truce with
Salabat, lie returned by forced marches to Satara >
accomplishing 400 miles in thirteen days. He
arrived in the nick of time to meet a most serious
crisis, and to succeed once more, though not without
recourse to measures which wffold hardly have been
adopted by his bolder and wiser father.
Earn Eaja had explicitly agreed to leave the whole
268 DEVELOPMENT OP THE MARATHA CONFEDERACY.
government in the hands of the Peishwa on certain
conditions, which were never fulfilled. No sooner
was Balaji well on his way to Aurungabad, than Tara
Bhye, in a personal interview, endeavoured to arouse
the spirit of the youth, arid induce him to throw off
the political thraldom to which he had pledged him-
self. Finding him hopeless, the fiery and overbear-
ing Princess lured him into the fort; rated him
furiously as an impostor and a changeling ; placed him
in close custody ; and secure of the sympathy and
obedience of the present garrison, which consisted oi
Marathas of the old stamp, who revered the memory
of the earlier state of things, and were opposed to
Brahmin domination, she opened a fire upon the
Raja's people, as they hung about the gates unpre-
pared for so warm a reception ; and then proceeded
to turn the fort guns upon the town, and the quarters
occupied by the Peishwa's troops. She had, more-
over, invited Dunnaji Guikwar to carry out the
plan which Trumbuk years before had been preventedj
by the late Peishwa's promptitude, from accom-
plishing, and in a happier hour to march on the
capital, and rid it and the State of the Brahmin
clique. Just at this juncture accordingly, Dunnaji's
approach, at the head of 15,000 men, was announced.
The Peishwa's party marehejL out to meet him, and
though more numerous were repulsed. The Guikwai
atid the Bhye met, secured several forts, and were
BALAJI AND TARA BHYE. 26
joined by the new Prithee Needhee (the inheritor of
Sreeput's office and jealousy of the Peishwa's assump-
tions^ and who had already opposed and been coerced
by Balaji) ; and as Satara was well provisioned, pre-
pared to stand a siege of the fort, until large rein-
forcements expected from various quarters should
arrive
But at the critical moment they received a check ;
and while still hesitating, they were threatened by
the Governor of the Concan in their r?ar, and by the
Peishwa, who suddenly appeared in their front. Nego-
tiations as usual were entered into ; and while these
were in progress, Balaji enticed the Guikwar to en-
camp near him, under a solemn promise which he
immediately after broke; and presently assaulted
and pillaged his camp, and made Dunnaji himself
prisoner. By this treacherous step, which deterred
the other opponents of the Peishwa's power from
rising in rebellion, the military danger was for the
present averted (1 75 1 ) .
But the Princess still occupied the fort ; maintained
a defiant tone ; and kept the Raja in close, indeed, in
unhealthy confinement. " His prison/' says Grant
Duff, " which still exists, was a damp stone dungeon,
and his food was of the coarsest grain/' Nothing is
more curiously illustrative of the strange and com-
manding character of tHfe remarkable woman, and of
the singular and inconsistent feelings and ways of the
270 DEVELOPMENT OF THE MABATHA CONFEDERACY.
Marathas, than her conduct and influence at thia.
period. She had no longer an army to execute her
decrees, yet she could afford to brave the Peishwa
and his victorious forces. She claimed the Regency,
and the popular verdict was in favour of her claim ;
though not an arm was raised in her support outside
the gates of the fort of Satara. Her pretensions
seemed based on the story, that Raja Ram the Second
was her genuine grandson : yet she was known to
have declared her own belief that he was nothing of
the kind, but a base-born changeling. And how
she treated the youth whom she had brought forward
in the interests of her own ambition, has been stated*
Nor does it seem to have occurred to her people, that
it was absurd to obey the priestess who had broken
her own idol. She could not deny or resist the
power of the Peishwa outside the limits of her present
residence : yet she refused all overtures tq surrender
and " having assembled her garrison, she required
an oath from every man, that he would stand by her
to the last," * though, with prudent confidence, or
suspicious insidiousness, she offered to dismiss all
who declined to take the pledge of resistance a
I'outrance. We are not told that anyone came for-
ward to test the good faith of her offer.
Certain it is that Balaji shrank from the danger of
proceeding to extremities against iter. Several cir-
* ChrantDuff,
TARA BHYE'S PRETENSIONS. 271
cumstances seem to have brought about this curious
political dead-lock. Besides the wide-spread jealousy
of Brahmin encroachment, and the antecedents,
abilities, and imperious temper of Tara Bhye, the
native notions on succession and adoption, and the
superstition which was equally strong and general
among them, will go far to account for the situation.
In the present state of things, whether Raja Ram
were or were not the true son of the Second Sivaji,
there could be no doubt that the aged Princess repre-
sented the original right of her husband, the first
Raja Ram j and that, whether in ordinary cases of
property an adoption by her, without hi^ sanction or
that of his son, would be strictly valid or not, there
was very much to be said in favour of recognising her
right to continue, by such a step, the person of the
Founder of the whole Community, and as a corollary
of the same act, to become Regent, as she had
actually been after Ram Raja the First's death.
Thus her claim went further back than the question
of the present Raja's parentage. She was rather the
perennial fountain of honour, that was to ennoble, if
necessary, a new family, by artificially mingling its
blood, in the rite of adoption, with that of the ruling
race. Shao's deed, handing over the power Jo Balaji,
she would of course treat as Harold treated William
the Bastard's alleged donation from the Confessor. +
But, moreover, not only have women frequently
272 DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARATHA CONFEDERACY*
exercised political functions among the Marathas,
but such was this aged but vivacious lady's temper
and bearing, that all quailed before her as uncanny ;
and while some thought her a good spirit, and others
an evil one, there was a very decided disinclination
among the Peishwa's soldiers to incur more than
mortal perils by acting against her.
For the time therefore, in form, the contest ended in
a sort of drawn battle. The government of the State
and the command of the army remained with the
Peishwa ; and though he afterwards released the Guik-
war, it was only on the latter' s binding himself in the
most absolute manner to very humiliating terms : he
was not only to accept the Peishwa's lead, but to yield
permanently the right to half the revenues of (3 uzerat,
and to fulfil other stringent stipulations. The Prin-
cess, on the other hand, was left in possession of the
fort of Satara, and retained the custody of the un-
happy puppet Raja, and whatever prestige attached to
that fact.
But Balaji was in truth the real gainer. He had
driven the Bhye both to discredit, and to net the ex-
ample of imprisoning, the unfortunate representative
of a great name. And though, more than once after-
wards, he experienced some trouble and more anxiety,
from her connexion with other politicians, both
Maratha and Mogul, and even with Bussy ; yet he at
last induced her to submit to his de facto supremacy,
BALAJl's FINAL VICTORY. 273
on the understanding that " the control of the liaja's
person and establishment should remain at her dis-
posal/' And with a final and neat touch of Brahmin
artifice, he compassed his own desire that the roi
faineant should continue withdrawn from the eyes of
the people, whom such a spectacle might too dis-
tinctly remind of the Peishwa's usurpation, by urging
the Bhye to release him, which, as he expected, she
therefore took good care not to do.
Thus ended the third and final attempt to wrest
the power out of the hands of the Peishwa, who
henceforth was the undisputed head of what may
now be strictly called the Maratha Confederacy,
until many years of the present century had elapsed,
when the triumphant English abolished the office;
and formally released the other members of the
League from all obedience to their whilom superior.
CHAPTER X.
CULMINATION OF THE MARATHA POWER,
THE Maratlias were now once more united under the
acknowledged and tolerably defined supremacy of
the Peishwa, as head of a Federation of great eh ids.
The older families had mostly dropped ont of consi-
deration, or retired into the background. Moorar
Rao indeed represented the Ghorepurays, and he
acted, from time to time, with the Peishwa's army.
But he could hardly be considered a member of the
League ; and he was reckoned as a feudatory and
dependent of the Nizam. The Raja of Kolapoor
continued to administer his small territory, but he
had little political or military power. The Bonslay,
whose seat was in Berar, was gradually, with the
concurrence of the Peishwa, and in pursuance of the
agreement which had been entered into between
them, extending his influence, his exactions, and his
MARATHA POWER AT ITS ZENITH. 275
dominion north-eastward through Gondwaneh to
Bengal. The Guikwar, it was arranged, was to
dividp with his conqueror half the revenues of Guze-
rat, the Mogul capital of which Province was not
yet in Maratha hands, But Baroda, the modem
residence of this chieftain, had already been occupied
by his troops. Holkarand Sindia were domesticated
in Malwa ; but were prepared to act with the
Peislnva's forces in levying dues,, and seizing terri-
tory further north, and to take part in revolutions at
Delhi itself. The imprisoned Raja of Satara had
now sunk into utter insignificance,, and his name
was hardly mentioned. The Peishwa, having his
capital at Poona, and possessing most of the origi-
nal Maratha country, presided over the whole com-
munity ; projected profitable expeditions in all direc-
tions j employed one or other chief, so far as their
common interest led to such concerted action, though
his actual power over, any, except perhaps Siudia
and Holkar (who were more intimately connected
with him by old and grateful tics) was small; in-
trigued and interposed, both at Hyderabad and at
Delhi, watching his chance of aggrandisement, and
the dangers threatened by the increasing prosperity
of the French ; connected himself, after a time, with
their enemies the English, and, with the help of
our countrymen, reduced the strength and seized
some of the fortified ports of his old enemy Angria ;
276 CULMINATION OF THE MAHATHA POWER.
committed the civil government of his home terri-
tories to his cousin, under whom much improvement
took place in the condition of the people; sent forth
his armies under his brother, who extended the
Maratha fame to new regions, and made specious
conquests in the North, but at vast cost, and to the
embarassmcnt of a State which was not accustomed
to find itself a pecuniary loser by its campaigns :
attained, in short, the zenith of his <power, which I
am about now to endeavour to trace in its diverse
and fitful course, as it hastens with accelerated velo-
city to a bloody setting.
The French, indeed, though allied at one time
with Sivaji's people in the Oarnatic Plain, held them
in check in the Dekkan. But the heyday of Bussy's
greatness was short ; and his recall by Lally will be
seen to have given to the Peishtva's cousin and lieu-
tenant an easy victory over the Nizam ; a victory
which almost annihilated the fabric reared with such
care and skill by Asof Jah ; and at the same time
tempted the successful leader to engage rashly in a
contest of a very different character, and beyond his
powers, and thus precipitated his own ruin, and the
downfall of the supremacy of his people.
It will be remembered that the Pcishwa connected
himself with Ghazi-ud-deen, and marched against
Salabat and Bussy, but was recalled hastily to op-
pose Tar?i JJhye's schemes, After treacherously
THE MARVTIIAS AND THE FKEXCH. 277
taking the Guikwar prisoner, and leaving the Princess
blockaded in the fort of Satara, he resumed his cam-
paign. This proved a memorable and eventful one,
though no decisive results immediately followed from
it. The feeble character of Salabat; the intrigues,
jealousies, and quarrels among his officers ; and the
untrustworthy and mutinous temper of his native
soldiers, chiefly on account of their pay being in
arrcar, frustrated all Bussy's efforts to break the
Peishwa's power, and penetrate to its centre. In
vain the skill, discipline, and gallantry of the French
contingent astonished and overawed both friends and
foes. In vain the new-fashioned and well-served
field-pieces of the Europeans arrested the impetu-
ous onslaught of the Marathas; dealt destruction
among their ranks; and, in a night attack, while
they were engaged in deprecating the wrath of the
gods during an eclipse of the moon, put them to a
panic flight, in which, however, the confusion and
consternation were more notable than the loss. In
vain Bussy urged an advance on Poona, and arrived
within no great distance of that place, ravaging the
whole country with fire and sword, in a manner that
must have brought sensibly home to the villagers the
miseries which their countrymen had so long, with
impunity, inflicted on others. Though the Peishw r a
thus saw the nursery of his power invaded, his capital
threatened, his numerous and fine army surprised^
278 CULMINATION OF THE MAKATIIA POWER,
routed, and thinned, by antagonists whom his super-
stitious countrymen might well regard with some
of the same profound misgiving, with which the
Spaniards were contemplated by the warlike and
hitherto irresistible Mexicans ; and might well fear,
as in that case, that the Empire of the Continent
was destined to pass into the hands of the white-
faced children of the great Ocean : yet, for the
present, at least, the arts, if not tliq arms of the
subtle Brahmin, and the well-timed, though inde-
pendent enterprise of another Maratha potentate,
proved more than a match even for Europeans, in-
spired by Dupleix, and led by Bussy,
The Peishwa's followers, in fact, under all the dis-
advantages arising out of the new system, fought,
on the whole, magnificently. On the inarch they
swarmed in the boldest manner round Salabat's
army, and seriously impeded its operations, charged
the French guns, and regaining their confidence after
the late surprise, made a general and tremendous
attack, which would certainly have prevailed, but for
the murderous and rapid covering fire of the Euro-
pean artillery. If they learned to fear the French,
not less did the latter learn to respect such resolute
and persevering, though irregular and ultimately un-
successful valour.
But meanwhile Balaji had his emissaries and con-
federates in the Nizam's camp, who kept him well
THE BONSLAY CREATES A DIVERSION. 279
informed of the state of affairs there, and succeeded
in .producing division of counsels, and personal dif-
ferences. The Moguls were jealous of each other;
but worse still for the interests of Salabat, they
already began to entertain that common and deep
grudge against the brilliant and ostentatious Bussy
and his Europeans, which soon after broke out in a
conspiracy, the object of which w r as to expel them
altogether from the Dekkan,
And now the prudence of Balaji's concessions to
the Bonslay, and the efficacy of the confederate bond
as a means of resisting a common enemy, were
strikingly shown. While the Peishwa was in vain
striving to retard the steady advance of the Moguls
and the French towards Poona, and urgently pressing
the immediate march of Ghazi-ud-deen to the South,
and the rctuni thither of his own brother, Rugonath,
who had gone off to Guzerat, and of Sindia and
Holkar, who were in Hindostan; Rugoji was already
in motion. He had previously (as we have seen) ex-
torted from Aliverdy Khan the cession of " the whole
province of Kuttaek, as far north as Ballasore,"* and
a stipulated amount in lieu of the chout of Bengal and
Behar (another notable Maratha encroachment) . He
now suddenly burst into hostility in Salahat's rear,
and created a decisive diversion, " He surprised/'
says Grant Duff, " and took Gawel-gurh and Nur-
* Grant Duff,
280 CULMINATION OF THE MARATHA POWER.
i>allah, made himself mastep of Manikdroog, occu-
pied the districts dependent on these forts, and * *
* * not only laid the whole country between the
Payn Gunga and the Godaveiy under contribution,
but drove out the Mogul thannas, and established
his own."
The alarm excited by these summary and hostile
proceedings, coinciding with the increasing disaffec-
tion of his troops, and the bad spirit shown by many
of his officers, induced Salabat to take Bussy's ad-
vice, and concluding an armistice with the Peishwa,
to return homewards (1752).
Thus, though Balaji's campaign had been by no
means reassuring as to the eventual prospects of his
people when opposed by Europeans, he had reason
to congratulate himself upon its immediate issue, and
upon the collective efficiency of the Confederacy, the
result of his policy.
In the North, meanwhile, new successes had at-
tended the national arms. Rugonath had, indeed,
been prevented from effecting at this time what he
did afterwards in Guzerat, by the necessity of re-
turning to reinforce the Peishwa during the late
campaign. But Holkar and Sindia had been invited
to co-operate with the imperial Vizier, and Nawab
of Oude, Sufder Jung, against the Rohillas ; and had
invaded their territory, defeated and driven them into
the Kumaon hills, and been rewarded with a grant of
FRESH MARATHA ACQUISITIONS, 281
the greater part of tliQ conquered districts (1751),
The promise of further -concessions, in return for
their assistance against Ahmed Shah Abdali, and
the subsequent call to accompany the Peishwa's ally,
Ghazi-ud-deen, to the southward, had led them to
evacuate Rohilkund, after a very short occupation;
but not (it is surmised) without exacting, according
to their custom of contriving to be paid by both sides
for the same act, a previous douceur of fifty lacs of
rupees, as the price of their withdrawal.
And now the long impending contest between the
sons of Nizam-ul-Mulk bade fair to be brought to a
decisive issue. Ghazi-ud-deen advanced with a large
army, the Mogul troops at Burhanpoor going over to
him ; Shulia and Holkar contributing their contin-
gents j and the Peishwa's soldiers swelling his num-
bers to not less than 150,000 men.
In return for this assistance, the eager claimant of
the Subahdary of the Dekkan consented to curtail
his future territory, and granted to the Peishwa all
the country westward of Berar, between the Tapty
and the Godavery. Anticipating the ensuing catas-
trophe, I may mention here that Salabat afterwards,
though unwillingly, confirmed this grant, which thus
marks another advance in the flood-tide of Maratha
greatness.
As usual, before arms were resorted to, diplomacy
was active. And after every effort to evade his elder
282 CULMINATION OF THE MARATHA POWER.
brother's claim, Salabat was forced to confess, that
lie could find no material flaw in it. A coup de main
was required ; and a woman's hand, though not (as
Orme states) Ghazi-ud-deen's own mother's, ad-
ministered to the unfortunate Prince, in the trea-
cherous security of a friendly entertainment, a dish
"post quod, nil amplius edit /"
The perpetrator of this third murder of a descen-
dant and would-be successor of Nizam-ul-Mulk,
%
within five years after that ruler's death, was the
mother of Nizam Ally, a younger son ; the same son
who afterwards dethroned and murdered Salabat, in
whose interest the present crime was committed.
So bloody were the annals of the successful
usurper's family ! So quickly matured, and luxu-
riant, and bitter were the fruits of the ambition
which, both by precept and example, the wily states-
man had fostered in his children !
The establishment of Salabat's undisputed autho-
rity as Subahdar of the Dekkan, was almost imme-
diately followed by the artful conspiracy on the part
of his minister to get rid of his French allies, which
Bussy not only foiled with characteristic readiness,
vigour, and address, but converted into an occasion of
obtaining an ample territory for his countrymen on
the eastern coast, in jaghire (1753). This memo-
rable chapter of Franco-Indian history has been
related by Orme with his usual fulness, clearness,
EXPULSION OF THE MOGULS FROM GUZERAT. 283
and spirit ; and it needs now only to be mentioned,
that other authorities attest the excellent and liberal
dispositions made by Bussy for the government and
prosperity of the Provinces thus entrusted to his care,
in requital of the sendees of the French contingent.
Meanwhile the ascendancy of the Maratha arms was
asserted in various directions. Twice, within a short
iutcrvaMhe Peishwa's army overspread the Carnatic
Bala Ghat,, or Upper Country; levied large contribu-
tions ; stormed such places as ventured to hold out,
slaughtering their garrisons, and (much in the late
Prussian fashion) compelling open villages to pay, by
seizing and roughly handling their head-men.
Seringapatam, the capital of Mysore, which was
still under Hindoo rule, was only freed from their
importunity by the payment of a subsidy, the recog-
nition of the Maratha revenue claims, and humble
promises to meet these demands for the future with
punctuality.
In Guzerat, too, Rugonath's interrupted plan was
now resumed. In concert with Dummaji Guikwar,
who had at length made his peace with the Peishwa
and been released, he proceeded to demolish the last
relics of Mogul dominion in that Province, besieging
and, after a spirited defence, compelling the surrender
of Ahmedabad (1755), the imperial capital, and
dividing the spoils and the custody of the city with
his confederate, in a manner too illustrative of
284 CULMINATION OF THE MARATHA POWER.
Maratha joint warfare to be omitted. "The re-
venue/^ says Grant Duff, " was to be equally divided
between the Peishwa and Guikwar, but the whole
garrison was furnished by the Peishwa, except one
gateway, which was occupied by the troops of Dum-
maji; the latter, however, paid six thousand rupees
annually, to assist in defraying the expenses."
Then, attended by younger members of the Sindia
and Holkar families, Rugonath pushed on north-
wards, to turn to account the grants last extorted, in
his extremity, from the titular Emperor. The im-
perial territory immediately around Delhi was now
subjected to the two capital exactions of the chout
and the surdeshmookee. The llajputs, Hindoos of
the Hindoos, and old allies of the Peishwa's house,
were laid under contribution. And even the warlike
and turbulent Jats, so closely connected, both in
origin, character, and fortunes with the Marathas,
were after some Resistance, obliged to "yield an
acknowledgment," as it is gently expressed ; though
an acknowledgement, however trifling in amount at
the moment, was, with such tax gatherers, a dan-
gerous pretext for indefinite encroachment at a later
time.
The death about this period (1753) of Kugoji
Bonslay, though followed by some dissension
between his sons, did not permanently weaken the
League; and Janoji, the eldest, was not only for-
MARATHA RAID INTO FRENCH POSSESSIONS. 285
mally recognised by the Peishwa as successor to the
office formerly held by Rugoji in the Maratha State,
but promptly showed his disposition and ability to
maintain the hereditary character of his house, by a
successful raid into the French coast Provinces.
This raid,, too, has been described by Orme. The
new chief, however, was not so successful in an
attack upon Salabat's territories.
If the military renown of the French did not avail
to secure the immunity of their districts, still less did
the effete majesty of the imperial sanctuary any
longer serve to overawe the insolent and ever active
invaders.
The murdered Ghazi-ud-deen had left behind him
at Delhi a son who, though only a youth, had already
his full share of the ambition traditional in his house ;
and at once entering the path which his grandfather
had so skilfully traced, and in which his father had
been so summarily arrested, hat, assumed, like them,
the title which the founder of the family had borne,
and was henceforth himself known as Ghazi-ud-deen,
Mindful, no doubt of his father's political leanings,
he lost no time in calling to his aid Holkar and
Jyapa, the latter a younger member of the house of
Sindia ; and after ungratefully displacing his patron
and benefactor, Sufder Jung, the Vizier, and involving
him in a tedious and indecisive struggle with the
Emperor, he proceeded to procure first the appoint-
286 CULMINATION OF THE MAR ATI! A TOWER.
inent of a connexion of his own, then obtained, as the
result of a new contest, the high office of Vizier for
himself; a step facilitated by a sudden attack by
Holkar, without orders, on the imperial army, which
was routed and plundered of its baggage.
Thus did unauthorized Maratha audacity begin
that direct interference with the concerns of the
Court, which was ended only by the great victories
of the English under Lord Lake, ju^t half a century
afterwards. Relying on such support, the young
Vizier next affected the king-maker; deposed and
blinded the ill-fated Ahmed Shall ; and placed on
the throne a new puppet, on whom, with cruel irony,
he conferred the title of Alumgeer the Second (1754).
Such is the Nemesis of history ! Alumgeer the
First, or as we commonly call him Aurungzib, wore
out his life in a desperate effort to stamp out the
Maratha plague, which his vaulting ambition and
mistaken policy had engendered and disseminated.
Alumgeer the Second has no policy, and probably no
ambition: but his elevation marks precisely the
period when that plague, having long raged un-
controlled throughout the body of the Empire, has
at length reached its heart, and may be said to have
extinguished its life !
Sufder Jung, the displaced Vizier and Na\yab of
Oude, turns his face to the wall, and quits a world
now hopelessly out of joint, and hastening swiftly to
THE MARATHAS AND THE ENGLISH. 287
decay. And the historian of the disintegrating
power sums up the state of things with concise force
in the melancholy words, "Violence, rapine, and
anarchy continued to increase in Hiiidostan."
While Maratha influence was thus radiating in so
many directions, and penetrating to such distant
regions, its concentrated vigour nearer home was
equally notable. Thus one of the late expeditions
which had scoured the Carnatic upland in quest of
choitt and other dues, had pierced the forest girdle of
Bednore, and dipped into the ample treasures there
amassed through peaceful government and commerce,
and which were to be soon afterwards rifled by Hyder
Ally. Thus, again, at this period it was that the
English, under Watson and Clive, and by the orders
of the Bombay Government, co-operated with the
Peishwa's forces in reducing Augria's long-abused
and piratical power, capturing his strongholds, and
burning his licet (1756). The details of this expe-
dition will be found in Orme.
And thus, again, (what Orrne do?s not give) there
is a curious Treaty conclude^ between the Bombay
Government and the Peishwa, and which exhibits the
formidable character and, high pretensions of the
same people.
Moreover, not only had the Peishwa's uncle,
Chimnaji Appa, humbled and weakened the Portu-
guese; but at this time there was a serious project
288 CULMINATION OF THE MARATHA POWER.
on the part of the Marathas, if not actually disclosed,
at least plainly hinted at by them to the English, for
conquering Goa, and expelling altogether the des-
cendants of the earliest European coast-settlers, who
had once been so famous and powerful. Among the
many consequences of the great catastrophe, which
was so soon to overtake the pushing and light-
fingered military pedlars, not the least interesting,
however slight its direct political importance, was
the circumstance that thus, and thus alone probably,
was so curious a historical fossil and instructive a
social phenomenon as the present Portuguese settle-
ment at Goa preserved for later study and description.
The Nizam's Court, during this interval, was torn
with faction ; and the jealousy against his European
allies, which had so long smouldered, and once already
had broken out openly, again manifested itself in a
positive order to Bussy, extorted from the unwilling
Salabat, discharging the Frenchman from the Nizam's
service, and directing him to withdraw his soldiers
from the Dekkan (1757). The remarkable scenes
a*
that followed ; Bussy's calm resolution and deliberate
retreat ; the friendly and chivalrous attendance of a
Maratha escort which accompanied the French, until
it was gratefully dismissed when the danger of pursuit
seemed over: the hot chase that was given by the
Nizam's people as soon as the Marathas had re-
tired ; Bussy 's gallant, determined, and skilful stand
BUSSY's RETREAT TO HYDERABAD. 289
at Hyderabad ; the extreme danger in which he was
involved ; the timely arrival of his reinforcements
from the eastward ; his ultimate triumph, and the
restoration of his influence : these and other par-
ticulars are interwoven into a most attractive narra-
tive by Orme.
But in two or three circumstances the Thucydides
of Anglo-Indian story seems to have been mistaken.
1 . The Marathas who escorted Bussy 011 his retreat
from Aurungabad were not, it appears, in the service
of the Peishwa, but in that of the Nizam ; like the
older corps of the same people who, long after Sivaji
had appealed to the common sentiment of nationality,
had remained subjects of Bijapoor, the Empire, or
Nizam-ul-Mulk respectively.
2. Whereas Orme states that the Peishwa requested
Bussy to enter his own service, there is good evidence
that the fear was herein father to the thought on the
part of the Bombay Government : but no clear proof
that Balaji made the offer, much less, of course, that
the Frenchman at all encouraged it. That the
Peishwa was quite ready to play off the rival Euro-
peans against each other, if he could do so prudently,
is obvious enough. But, connected as he was with
the English on the Malabar coast, and inveterate as
was the hostility between our countrymen and the
French (in spite of the short truce about this time),
on that of Coromandel ; it seems harjlly likely that
19
290 CULMINATION OF THE MARATHA POWER,
one so cautious should have risked encountering the
enmity of both parties, by contracting with each rela-
tions which must have committed him to strife with
*
the other.
3. Orme represents Bussy as actually intending
originally to march to the French district on the
coast, but compelled by the activity of the pursuit,
and the non -arrival in time of his reinforcements, to
make his celebrated halt at Hyderabad. But Grant
%
Duff, a military critic of experience in war, is de-
cidedly of opinion, that Bussy, from the first, designed
the Nizam's modern capital as his rallying point, and
that herein he showed strategic wisdom : whereas,
had he set off with the purpose of reaching the
" Northern Circars," he would have adopted a course
unwise both in its end, arid in the means which he
used to compass it. The question seems to be one of
general probability, and perhaps not capable, with
our present materials, of positive proof.
Another indication of the wide- spread activity and
high pretensions of the Marathas during this culmi-
nating epoch of their career was afforded, by the
Peishwa's twice addressing, and forwarding through
the Bombay Government, letters to the king of
England. And it was observed on the second occa-
sion, that the dubious state of our affairs in the
Carnatic Plain, and our recent disasters in Bengal,
emboldened him, in corresponding with the
. to take a Inss cordial tnnp than IIP
CHOUT LEVIED OX' MAHOMED ALLY. 291
hitherto adopted. But still more illustrative of the
same circumstances, and still more mortifying to our
countrymen, was the exaction from Mahomed Ally of
the chont for the Arcot Province. This the Madras
rulers did their best to prevent, but in vain. Ma-
homed Ally was thoroughly afraid of his terrible
neighbours; and the hold of the English over him
and liis dominions was not yet strong enough to
justify the rejection of a claim, which they were in no
condition at the moment to oppose by force of arms.
Mysore was still a Hindoo Principality; though
Nunjiraj, the Prime Minister and early patron of
Hyder Ally, had already reduced the Eaja to a
political nonentity, and was soon to be himself ii\ turn
superseded by his ambitious and unscrupulous Mus-
sulman client. In tracing the early history of Hyder
Ally, it will be necessary to revert rather more in
detail to the Maratha expeditions against Seringapa r
tarn and the dominions of the Mysorean Raja. But,
in pursuance of the general design of noting in each
direction the development of the predatory society, it
may be here mentioned, that the Hindoo capital was
besieged, several important districts were occupied,
and no less than thirty -two lacs were exacted on one
occasion alone, from this as yet petty State, by the
Peishwa's followers.
On the other hand, as coming ey^ats are said to
ca$t their shadow before, it was on the fcaitie occasion
292 CULMINATION OF TOIE MARATHA POWER.
that the future usurper, tyrant, and aggrandizer of
Mysore signalised himself, both by the craft and the
warlike energy and skill which he brought to bear
against this hitherto irresistible people ; and thereby
facilitated his own acquisition of supreme power, and
provoked the lasting resentment of the partially
baiiled invaders.
Another expedition was planned by the Peishwa,
which,, had it been accomplished,, would probably
have, altered the whole history of the Peninsula. It
was resolved to conquer Bednore also (as 1 have
said) a Hindoo State. And the reduction of Bed-
nore, at this crisis, would (Colonel Wilks thinks)
probably have prevented altogether the rise of Hyd,er
Ally. Certain it is, that the great and rapid extension
of that adventurer's power was, by his own admission,
in no small measure due to the vast treasures and
other military resources, which he obtained from the
possession of Bednore. Circumstances, however, pre-
vented the execution of the order by the Peishwa's
general, and he soon had ample occupation and food
for thoughtful anxiety else wh ere*
Bussy's influence was still predominant at Hydera-
bad. But the term of his domination was at hand ;
and Lally was already on the seas, impatiently
enduring the tedious voyage, that was to end in the
speedy recall of his lieutenant from the Dekkan, in a
convulsive struggle with the English; and in the com-
RISE OF NIZAM ALLY. 293
plete and final destruction of the French polity in
India.
The beginning of the end, however, had already
set in. The Nizam's two younger brothers, Nizam
Ally and Basalut Jung were intriguing and agitating
to secure their share of place and all its attractions.
Sal abates ministers were united in their jealousy of
the French. Bussy detected a conspiracy to coerce
and imprison, if not to murder Salubat; and lending
himself to native arts, the Frenchman seized, by an
act of gross treahery, the impregnable rock fortress
of Dowlatabad, which was in the keeping of the
Prime Minister and his own bitter enemy, Shdnaveze
Khan. Here Bussy proposed, if necessary, to secure
the person of the Nizam. But new commotions, the
result of complicated plots, arose. Nizam Ally
murdered Bussy's Dewan, and fled to Berar. The
Prime Minister, in turn, who was supposed to be an
accomplice of the fugitive, was slain by a French
sepoy : and just as Bussy was balancing the prudence
of leading the Nizam in pursuit of his guilty brother,
orders arrived, couched in Lally's characteristically
imperious tone, insisting upon the immediate return
of the French troops and their commander to the
Eastern coast (1758). A force indeed was to be still
quartered in the Northern Circars. But this was
promptly attacked and dispersed by Colonel Forde
from Bengal. In vain the Nizam and Basalut Jung,
294 CULMINATION OF THE MARATHA POWER,
whom he had made his Minister, moved to the sup-
port of their hard-pressed allies. Instead of aiding
the French, the brothers were panic struck by the
advent in their rear of Nizam Ally, at the head of a
large army which he had collected in the North, and
with which he had on his way gained an important
victory over a Maratha force.
The English, as against a common enemy, showed
themselves friendly to Nizam Ally. This hastened a
pacification and alliance between Salabat and our
countrymen, whereby the French connexion with the
Dekkan was finally severed ; the English acquired a
large and fertile district in enam (and not as the
French held their wider Provinces in jaghire), and,
moreover, contrived to exempt themselves from the
-obligation of rendering military service, which had
"been the occasion of the grant to their enemies.
Deserted by his old, and undefended by his new
allies, Salabat soon fell under the complete control
of his resolute and unprincipled brother, Nizam
Ally, and was fain to make him Dewan in place of
Basalut, whose leanings were French, and who
retired to his appanage of Adoriee.
From this hasty glance at the circumstances under
which Bussy's ascendancy at the Nizam's Court was
ffeplaced by that of Nizam Ally, and the English con-
nexion superseded the French, the misfortune that at
once overtook Salabat, and the crowning triumph of
ENGLISH CONNEXION WITH THE NIZAM. 295
the Maratlia arms in the South, will be more easily
accounted for. For the English were neither able
nor willing at that time to step into the place of those,
who had lately exercised so precarious and invidious
an influence in the upper country. Girding up their
loins for a death-grapple with their old European
enemies on the Coromandel coast, they left their
new ally to take care of himself, after extorting
from his combined hopes and fears territory and
commercial privileges of much importance and value.
The Peislnva's brother, Kugonath Rao, had lately
returned from the North, where he had gained falla-
cious successes at a heavy cost ; and hence a serious
difference had arisen between him and his cousin,
Scdasheo, which had ended in the exchange of their
respective functions, Ilugonath assuming the civil
government, the Bhow (as he was now generally
(ailed) taking the command of the army*
The latter step had been angrily and scornfully
proposed by Ilugonath; and thus all that followed
was proximately due to a family dispute in the
Poona Durbar, in which the ladies and others are
said to have taken a warm part. The Peishwa might
have forgiven, but he had certainly not forgotten, the
early waywardness and desertion to Kolapoor of his
cousin ; and though Sedashco had since served him
faithfully, and had honestly exerted himself to bring
forward into public employment Balaji's sons, yet
296 CULMINATION OF TITB MARATHA POWER.
their mother was very jealous of him ; and Rugonath
and his party took the Bhow's free criticisms on the
unprofitable and from a Maratha point of view
degenerate character of the late operations in the
North, much amiss.
Once embarked on his new element, Sedasheo lost
no time in pushing his voyage, and showing himself
a vigorous and daring pilot. But, before he set out,
his career was very nearly cut short by assassination.
It is not clear how far any members of his own
family were concerned in this nefarious project. But
he had opposed the entertainment in the Peishwa's
service of a certain Mozuffer Khan, who, partly from
jealousy of a relative, whom the new general took
into his employ, and whom the quick suspicion of
Mozufter contemplated as a rival, devised this plan
for furthering his own ends, and not improbably also
those of others. The Bhow was saved by the pre-
sence of mind of a Sillidar, and escaped with a slight
wound. Mozuifer and his agent were executed.
I must pause a moment in the narrative to give a
rather more particular idea than has yet been con-
veyed of the new commander, and of the circum-
stances in which he proceeded to enact his eventful
and chequered part.
Sedasheo was the son of that Chimnaji Appa, who
had throughout his life zealously and ably seconded
the policy of his brother, Baji Kao ; and had gained
CHARACTER OP SEDASHEO. 297
great successes against the Portuguese, conducting to
a triumphant issue the most remarkable and pro-
tracted siege in which the Marathas were ever en-
gaged. One result of this achievement seems to
have been, to impress on both father and son the
importance of regular infantry and artillery as op-
posed to cavalry, in which last arm their nation had
hitherto specially excelled, and to which their pro-
gress had been mostly due. The later operations
and triumphs of the Europeans, both French and
English, had tended very greatly to foster the same
notion, that the strength and efficiency of an army
must depend, in a great measure, if not principally,
on its disciplined infantry and guns, The Nizam
and his brother had adopted the same view, and
though properly applied, it might be true enough, it
will be soon seen that, under the actual circum-
stances, it was calculated to bring disaster alternately
upon both of the rival native Powers in the Dekkau.
Thus Nizam Ally had employed Ibrahim Khan
Gardec, an artillerist who had been trained under
Bussy. But after a time, Ibrahim transferred his
services to Sedasheo (to the disgust, as has been
mentioned, of Mozuffer), and became the Campo
Basso of the Bhow, in a career destined to end as
tragically as that of Charles the Bold. The Maratha
horsemen, however, were still in full vigour, and as
numerous as ever; aud the question rfiTna-inpfl tn IIA
298 CULMINATION OF THE MARATHA POWER.
decided, how far tlie traditional and approved type of
Maratha warfare was to be modified or abandoned in
favour of a new system, more scientific and preten-
tious, but less unquestionably adapted to the genius
of the people, and the capricious and impulsive temper
of the chiefs.
Scdasheo was bold to temerity, but had as yet
gained little military experience; indeed he had
rarely commanded an army in the fiqjd. He was of
an overbearing disposition, and had a special grudge
against Holkar, who had crossed him in some of his
arrangements in the Dekkan. He was, moreover,
bent upon proving himself, in refutation of Hugo-
iiath's taunts, an enterprising and practical general,
and not unlikely to make serious mistakes, both from
too much dependence on his pet nostrum artillery,
from yielding too much to personal considerations in
the choice of his advisers, and from the elation of
spirit likely to follow any early successes of moment,
that might confirm his extremely good opinion of his
own judgment and talents for w r ar.
Again, though he had shown himself no incompe-
tent administrator, and the condition of the country
had improved under his rule ; his experience and as-
sociations seem to have been of a local and contracted
character, and he showed little disposition to under-
stand or deal gently with the prejudices and, in spite
of the decay of the Empire, the strong imperialist
SEDASHEO ATTACKS THK NIZAM. 299
sympathies of the natives, both Mussulman and
Hindoo, of Hindostan; in this respect resembling
far more the savage Vandal of a corresponding period
in the world's history, than the wise Ostrogoth or the
politic Frank.
For the rest lie was, though a rival of Rugonath,
faithful to the Peishwa and his family, genial and,
within the sphere of his experience, sensible and
clear-sighted, energetic, and a firm believer in the
invincibility of his people, at least when opposed to
Asiatics.
Such was the general to whom, at the age of thirty,
and in the very zenith of the Maratha power, the
fortunes of that power were to be now entrusted.
His first operations were crowned with such bril-
liant success, almost realising indeed the latest and
baffled scheme of his uncle l3aji Rao, that his head
may well have been turned, and his fate and that of
his people thereby precipitated. Being probably
well aware that Salabat and his now all-powerful
brother, Nizam Ally, were ill prepared to plunge
again into war, he procured the betrayal to his agents
of Ahmcdnuggur, once the capital of a powerful
kingdom, and the aim of Acber's prolonged hostilities
in the Dekkan. To leave such a city to its fate would
redound to the eternal disgrace of the Nizam. The
brothers accordingly marched in haste against the
insolent Hindoo, taking with them a lumbering siege
300 CULMINATION OF THE MARATHA POWER.
train. But their army was ill appointed,, and they
committed several serious faults : in particular they
twice divided their forces, and at length, in fatal
reliance on their artillery, suffered themselves to be
caught and hemmed in with a small party by a
mighty host of 40,000 horse ; while Ibrahim and his
field-train pressed on to answer with their improved
weapons and skill, that arm of the Mogul host, which
had so often already proved ineffectual against the
insidious and locust-like squadrons of the Marathas.
It was the old, old tale, so often repeated on
occasion of encounters between the same antagonists.
But a new danger threatened the Moguls ; a new in-
strument of terror now befriended the assailants.
Wiiile their flying cavalry cut off supplies, confined
the Nizam's soldiers to their lines, harassed and
diminished their already scanty numbers when they
attempted to break out and escape; and while the
heavy artillery of the Moguls did little execution
against the floating clouds of Maratha horsemen,
Ibrahitn's light field-guns were plied with terrible
effect upon the dense masses of Salabat's cavalry ;
and the iron entered no doubt still further into the
souls of the haughty Mussulmans, from feeling that
artillery, in which they had hitherto peculiarly trusted
and gloried, was now turned, in a more effective form,
against themselves. Unable to extricate themselves,
the Nizam and his brother were summoned to sur-
AND CONQUERS HIM. 301
render at discretion. And though they refused to do
so directly, their conduct practically amounted to
much the same thing. For the exulting Bhow re-
ceived Salabat's seal of state, which implied that to
his arbitrament was left the imposition of the terms
of peace.
They were not only hard and humiliating, but
virtually concluded the long rivalry between the
Houses, by transferring to the Maratha a very large
part of the remaining dominions of his opponent.
The whole Province of Bijapoor, almost the whole of
that of Aurungabad, and part of Beder, together
with the famous and impregnable fortress of Dowlat-
abud after which the Peishwahad long been hankering,
and others destined to become famous in our later
wars with the victors on this occasion, were conceded
unreservedly (1760).
The revenue thus acquired amounted to sixty-two
lacs annually, of which (in the usual fashion) forty-
one were distributed among the chiefs and officers,
whose joint exertions had contributed to an issue, in
which the Maratha Power attained in the South its
maximum elevation. But a dark cloud was gathering
in the Himalayas, which was destined soon after to
pour a devastating flood upon the northern plains,
and submerging the now proud conqueror and the
bulk of his levies, to extinguish for ever the dawning
hope of Maratha sovereignty over the Peninsula.
CHAPTER Xi:
THE RISE OP HYDER ALLY.
WHILE the last of the long series of invaders, who
have assailed India bv the familiar north- western
*
route, is gathering his forces for the encounter, we
may pause to tell a story of a very different kind.
An account of India, on the eve of the British
Conquest, would he most incomplete without a pretty
full summary of the rise of Hyder Ally. While the
personal adventures of the man are remarkable; the
natural history of usurpation, in all its stages, was
never more curiously illustrated than in the course
of those adventures. And moreover, the complexion
of the times; the inter-dependence of the various
political elements which had arisen out of the ruin
of the Empire; the development of a character, and
the first rudiments of a system, which in their
INTEREST OF HYDER/S CAREER. 303
maturity, were destined to be, for many anxious
years, the astonishment arid the terror of our coun-
trymen, both in India and at home; are all exhibited
in Hyder's early history,, in a manner that seems not
to justify, so much as to demand, a more detailed
narrative than would otherwise be commensurate with
the general proportions of the present sketch. And
it is only, it appears to me, by thus, occasionally at
least, realising in their minuter circumstances the
inevitable evils from which the establishment of
British rule has delivered the country, that a sound
judgment of the comparative merits of that rule is
likelv to be formed.
The general interest of Hydcr Ally's career, 1 have
elsewhere endeavoured to intimate in a passage which
will be found below j* and proceed now to trace the
opening stages of that eventful course.
* "In the case of Hyder we sec an illiterate Mahometan ad-
venturer win his way to supreme power in a Hindoo community,
by a boldness and an originality of artifice, which while we condemn
we cannot but admire; frequently overpowered by the force of
external circumstances, yet rise superior to each reverse, and more
indomitable and threatening from each disaster; secure internal
tranquillity by a system of administration equally simple, effective,
and awe-striking ; extend the limits of the kingdom, until it stretches
nearly from sea to sea, and includes a large part of Southern India ;
grapple with the jealous and formidable hordes of Maharashtra, in
campaigns that wear throughout an air of the marvellous, and
carry us back in association to Alfred's combats with the Danes ;
meet at last on no unequal terms the armies of England, and
emerge Tictorioua from the strife ; pitted in a second encounter
304 THE RISE 0? HYDER ALLY,
Hyder's earliest recorded ancestor, on the paternal
side, is his great grandfather ; and amidst much un-
certainty about him, it seems clear., that his name
was Mohammed Bhelole ; that he migrated from the
north of India to a town in the district of Kalburga ;
was a devotee ; built a small mosque and a caravan-
serai appendant to it ; thus acquired some wealth ;
married his son, AH Mohammed, to the daughter of
one of the ministrants at the famous mausoleum at
Kalburga ; and died at his new home, in the odour
of sanctity.
Ali Mohammed, like his father, moves on south-
ward ; and after a time takes service at Sera, in the
capacity of a revenue peon. Here he has a son,
Futteh Mohammed, Hyder's father. He afterwards
migrates once more to Kolar, where he, too, acquires
property, partly in agricultural pursuits, partly in
some official employment; and there, in due time,
dies. After this event Futteh Mohammed experi-
ences various fortunes ; but first becomes conspicu-
ous by his conduct in the assault of a fort near
Balipoor (1720). On this occasion he rallies a for-
against our ablest Oeneral (Clive perhaps excepted), aud though
more than once defeated, in the end almost victorious over him.
Thus subtle, vigorous, terrible to hie life's end, he leaves behind
' A name at which the world grew pile,*
and a reputation sedond to that of none of the military adventurers,
whom we have encountered in the East/' The Mussulman, tyc.
HYDER ALLY'S PARENTAGE. 305
lorn hope which has been repulsed, and the fort is
taken ; when Durga Kooli Khan, sot disant Subahdar
of Sera, makes him on the spot a Naik, or captain,
of peons, or irregular infantry.
He, too, has a turn for ecelesiastical architecture;
and at Kolar, where he resides for some time, he
erects a mausoleum, on the death of his first wife,
and a mosque and tank, with gardens attached to
them. And the early history of Hyder Ally's family
has been illustrated by a record kept at this mau-
soleum.
The accounts of Futteh Mohammed's motions and
commands are very contradictory. But it seems
probable that he served successively in the Sera
district, in the Carnatic low country, at Mysore
(whither he is said, by a native writer, to have been
invited by a nephew, named Hyder, who had esta-
blished himself there under the Hindoo government),
and again in the Sera district. He attained, ap-
parently, considerable reputation, and filled military
offices of some importance. And though the
literal accuracy of some of the descriptions given
of his functions by the native biographer of his
son is very questionable ; yet it is evident, that that
son was not the obscure pretender to social position,
that it was the fashion, in his own day, among our
countrymen to represent him; but that Futteh
Mohammed had gained a name and station, which
306 THE RISE OK IIYDEK ALLY.
would be likely to prove an advantage as well as a
stimulus to the son in later times. Hut the sudden
and untimely death which overtook Futteh in a night
attack on a besieging force at Sera, plunged his
family into misfortunes, out of which Ilvder Ally
V J *
emerged in a new scene, and under new auspices; and
thus he came to bear the aspect of a mere adventurer,
the carver of his own fortunes, from the beginning to
the splendid position which he eventually occupied.
Such were his antecedents on the father's side.
Religion, civil duties, warlike achievements, had
blended in the tissue of his family annals, to re-
appear hereafter in stronger colours and more im-
posing proportions. His mother's life, like? his own,
opened in storm; and her ancestors had been the
victims of the persecution for conscience sake 1 , which
his son was one day to inflict so freely. She was a
Neyayet, one of a fair-haired race, descended from
some members of the illustrious house of Ilashcm,
who had been driven by religious intolerance from
Irak, as early as the eighth century of our era; and
had migrated to India, when* they jealously refrained
from intermarrying with the natives, and thus (we
are told) preserved the purity of their complexions.
Her parents, on a journey from the Concaii east-
ward, had been robl>ed, and her father murdered, on
the frontier of Bednore, The mother, with a son
md two daughters, reached Kolar in great distress.
HIS EARLY TROUBLES. 307
Her desolate circumstances overcame her family
exclusiveness ; and she allowed Futteh Mohammed
to marry her elder daughter; and after the death of
that lady without issue, gave him to wife the younger
daughter, Hvdcr's mother.
~ / .
The hoy who had accompanied his parents in the
ill-fated journey from the Concan was Ibrahim Sahib,
later a considerable person. Hyder had an elder
brother, Shahaz*
Before the final struggle in which Futteh Mo-
hammed fell, Abdul Itussool (the son and successor
of Durga Kooli Khan,) his employer, had placed
Futteh' s wife and two sons in the fort of Great Bali-
poor,, as hostages for their relative's fidelity. This
proceeding implied no peculiar suspicion, but is a
frequent practice in the East, and was habitually
followed, both by Hyder himself and his son.
Abdul too had been slain in the battle, and the
fort fell into the hands of his son, Abbas. He,
taking 'advantage of the widow's unfriended state, in
the moment of her deepest distress, tortured the
boys, and not improbably herself, for the purpose of
extorting money from her. Shabaz now eight, and
Hyder three or four years old, are said to have been
immured in a huge kettle-drum^ which was then
beaten vigorously pour Ics encourayer ious deux!
The reverberation was no doubt painful enough at the
time to the tender children. The echo of tttjtt sound
308 THE RISE OP HYDER ALLY.
lived in Hyder's memory with such distinctness, that
more than thirty years afterwards he delivered his
hoarded vengeance against his persecutor, with all
the venom and fury inspired by a recent wrong !
In this emergency, the widow and her sons were
befriended by Ibrahim Sahib, Hydcr's maternal
uncle, who was then engaged as a commander of
peons, under the killedar of Bangalore. As the
young Shabaz grew up, he obtained a similar appoint-
ment at Mysore, and gradually acquired reputation
and authority, till he had under him 200 horse, and
1000 peons. Hyder meanwhile, who had accompanied
his brother, led an idle and irregular life, until his
twenty-eighth year. " He would frequently," says
Colonel Wilks, " absent himself for weeks together,
secretly immersed in voluptuous riot, or passing with
facility, as was the habit of bis whole life, to the
opposite extreme of abstinence and excessive exertion;
wandering in the woods while pursuing, not without
danger, his favourite amusements/'
So do events and characters present, amidst strange
contrasts, equally remarkable resemblances. Here,
as on many other occasions, we are forcibly reminded
of Sivaji and his abnormal training, complex character,
And subtle power of turning circumstances to account,
in the pursuit of an ever-expanding ambition.
It was at the siege of Deotihully that Hyder Ally
firwt displayed, as a volunteer in his brother's corps,
HE BECOMES A MILITARY LEADER. 309
his dawning aptitude for the game of war, in which
he was destined to become so great a proficient. As
with Sivaji, his hunting had not been thrown away as
a preparation for campaigning. " Pie was observed
on every service of danger to lead the way, and to
conduct himself with a coolness and self-possession
seldom found in a young soldier."*
It is worth notice that he did duty not only on
horseback, but with the infantry, in the trenches.
And Nunjiraj, one of two brothers who had usurped
the conduct of the Mysore government, and reduced
the Raja to a phantom sovereign, took the pro-
mising youth under his special protection, and gave
him the command of 50 horse and 200 foot; autho-
rised his increasing this contingent; and entrusted
him with one of the gates of the captured fortress*
Here Ilyder Ally accordingly took up his abode, and
soon augmented his numbers, recruiting, for his
personal service, 300 Bcder peons, men specially
accomplished in plundering on their employers' and
their own account. An excellent opportunity for the
display of their talents and the aggrandizement of
their master soon occurred ^
Nazir Jung, on his advaitefc against Mirzapha and
Chunda Sahib, summoned the Mysore army to attend
him. Hyder and his brother marched in obedience
to this summons ; and the panic and confusion that
* Wilki.
310 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
followed the murder of Nazir on tlie field of battle,
by his own tributary, " the Pathan Nabob of Kirpa,"
were precisely adapted to the tastes and the talents of
Hyder Ally and his recent recruits. They watched
their opportunity, as the treasurer was hastily pre-
paring to carry off his charge from the turbulent
scene, and contrived to intercept two camels laden
with gold ; and with this, and a large supply of arms,
acquired in an equally irregular manner, they stole
back securely to Dconhully.
Soon after followed the two famous sieges of Tri-
chinopoly. In the course of the first, Mahomet Ali,
casting about in all directions for assistance, but
totally regardless of the consistency and good faith
of his engagements, while the English were bearing
the brunt of his defence, solicited the support of
Mysore, with a secret undertaking to give up the
city to that State, when the French should have been
compelled to raise the siege. On this condition, un-
known to the English, Nunjiraj, as Comraandcr~in-
Chief, against (it would seem) the opinion both of his
own brother, and of the Raja, eagerly embraced the
offer; and, as far as numbers and equipment went,
fulfilled the contract in no grudging spirit. A large
army horse, foot, and artillery went with him ; a
well-filled military chest, and supplies of all kinds.
But, in the end, the ill success of this large venture,
and of the more protracted and disastrous operations
SECOND SIEGE OF TRICHINOPOLY, 311
involved in the second siege, contributed greatly to
embarrass his government, destroy his reputation, and
assist his ungrateful client in supplanting him.
Hyder's part in the first siege is described in glow-
ing, and no doubt exaggerated terms, by, his native
biographer, Mecr AH Hussein; and may be here left
to the imagination of the reader. But we have more
authentic information of his conduct towards the end
of the second siege, which was brought on by the
refusal of Mahomet AH, backed by the English, to
execute the secret compact. The imbecility both of
the arts and the arms of Nunjiraj, was conspicuous
throughout this eventful period. But the French
and the Marathas again and again reduced the place
and its English defenders to extremities, from which
they were as often delivered by the vigilance of
Dal ton and other officers, the ability of Lawrence,
and the gallantry of the British soldiers, especially of
a band of heroes "the Grenadier Company" who
covered themselves with glory on many a well-fought
field. At length, however, the retirement of Moorar
Rao to the North, and the supercession of M. Du-
pleix, followed by M. Godeheu's pacification, left
Nunjiraj in helpless isolation; and though he vapoured,
and talked of conquering the English single-handed,
he was obliged to abandon the contest; and his de-
parture was hastened by a sudden and pressing sum-
mons to help his brother against a new enemy at
Seringapatam.
312 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
It was towards the end of this Second siege that an
event occurred which specially concerned Hyder, and
illustrated both his knack of helping himself ou every
occasion, and his relations with a rival, whose pre-
tensions bade fair to interfere seriously with his own
advancement.*
The great and constant difficulty experienced by
the English was to provision the garrison. Their
supplies were drawn mainly from the country of
Tondiman, a chief whose woody district lay south-
east of Trichinopoly, at no great distance. On the
occasion in question, a large convoy was advancing,
and had neared the outskirts of the woods, escorted
by a numerous but inadequate force, including the
Grenadier Company. An incompetent officer was un-
fortunately in command, who made the worst pos-
sible disposition (according to Orme and other au-
thorities) of his soldiers, and when attacked, com-
pletely lost his presence of mind.
The Mysoreans and the Marathas lay in wait for
the convoy, their cavalry posted on each side of the
road out of the wood. Among the former were
Hyde* and his horsemen, and Hum Sing, a gallant
Rajput partisan, the protigt and favourite of Deoraj,
as^Hyder was of Nunjiraj. In the attack that en-
sued, Hum Sing led the way, and greatly dis-
tinguished himself* The Grenadier corps was almost
annihilated; the stores were lost; a terrible hand-
* flhabag, Hyder's brother, wa* killed in an early engagement.
RIVALRY OF HYDER AND HURRI SING, 313
to-hand combat ended in the slaughter or capture of
the troops en masse ; and though there is no reason
to think that Hyder had been behind hand in fight-
ing, he characteristically was the first to seize the
English guns.
The Rajput had always underrated his rival's
courage, and denied his claim to promotion for
military service, attributing his success to courtly
arts. He was indignant at the thought, that where
he had himself been foremost in the fray, and had
broken the force of the enemy, his despised colleague
should snatch from him the most honourable trophies
of victory. The dispute waxed hot and long. It was
settled by Hyder's resigning one gun, keeping three,
and no doubt making a careful note of the transaction,
with a view to a more decisive settlement another
day.
Disastrous as the sieges proved to Nunjiraj and
the Mysore State, they greatly improved Hyder's
prospects. He learned much from his association
alternately with the English and the French. And
latterly he procured from the latter arms, equip-
ments, and artificers, perhaps also thus early stray
soldiers, if not officers, willing to share his rising
fortunes. How far he had, as yet, contemplated dis-
tinctly the project of making himself master of the
government is perhaps doubtful. But his course in
that direction was steady and uniform. He was totally
314 THE EISE OF HYDER ALLY.
illiterate. But his memory* was extraordinary; liis
power of calculation was equally remarkable; his
discernment of character unfailing ; his ingenuity in-
exhaustible ; and he had the most perfect confidence
in himself. His plans were ably seconded and im-
proved upon by a crafty Brahmin accountant, whom*
Le had already made his dewan, or general manager;
and who, under the name of Kunde Rao, was destined
to play an important part in his hi^ory. Colonel
Wilks gives an account of Hyder Ally's arrange-
ments at this period, which is so curious and instruc-
tive, that it is subjoined entire.in a note,*
* "The consultations of these two persons produced a system,
regularly organised, by which the plunderers received, besides their
direct pay, one-half of the booty which was realised; the otiier half
was appropriated by Hyder, under a combination of checks, which
rendered it nearly impossible to secrete any portion of the plunder.
Moveable property of every description was their object ; and, as
already noticed, they did not hesitate to acquire it by simple theft
frora friends, whefa that could be clone without suspicion, and with
more convenience than from enemies. Nothing was unseasonable
or unacceptable from convoys of grain, down to the clothes, tur-
bans, and earrings of travellers, or villagers, whether men, women,
or children. Cattle and sheep were among the most profitable
heads of plunder : muskets and horses were sometimes obtained in
booty, sometimes by purchase. The numbers under his command
increased with his resources j and before he left Trichinopoly, be-
sides the usual appendages of a chief of rank, in elephants, camels,
tents, and magnificent appointments, he was rated on the returns,
and rpceived pay for 1,500 horse, 3,000 regular infantry, 2,000
peons, and four guns, with their equipments. Of the horses, 603
were his own property ; and the difference between the sum allowed
BU3SY BEFORE SEIUNOAPATAM. 315
Nunjiraj had been sumrironed to make head against
the new Nizam. Salabat Jung had lost no time in
turning to account his connexion with M. Bussy.
Mysore was technically one of his tributary States.
Atid as Naxir Jung liad called its army into the field,
so the present Subahdar of the Dekkau demanded
its money-dues. Arrears being taken into account,
these amounted to a sum which, after the recent
outlay on the Carnatic war, Mysore was in no con-
dition to pay.
Deoraj determined to resist, and keep the Nizam
at bay behind the walls of the capital, until his
brother could join him.
Bussy had reluctantly consented to lend his aid
against Mysore, for that State was in alliance
with the French at Ponclichcrry. But he had per-
sonally negotiated to render general service to tfce
Subahdar of the Dckkan. Such was one of the
many political complications of the time. And
Bussy was not a man for half measures. His rapid
and skilful approaches disarranged all Deoraj's cal-
by government, and that disbursed in the pay of the man, and the
provender of the horse, was Hyder's profit. In consideration of his
furnishing the cannon and their draught, the muskets and accoutre-
ments of regular infantry, lie was allowed a certain sum for each
gun, with its equipments, and for every hundred men ; and was
permitted to make his own agreements with the individuals at
inferior r*tes ; they also, as well as the rest of his troops, regular}/
accounting for one*half of the plunder they acquired."
Yol. I pp. 351-2.)
316 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
dilations. The Marathas, too, were said to be ap-
proaching, to assert their claim to tribute at this most
unseasonable time. It was necessary to come to
terms at once. By the greatest exertions and sacri-
fices a large sum was raised; more was promised;
rfhd Salabat retired.
Meanwhile Nunjiraj had, by forced marches,
arrived within twenty-five miles of Seringapatam,
when tidings of this arrangement reached him. He
proceeded to discharge a large part of the forces,
which the impoverishment of the State would no
longer enable him to maintain. Hyder took the
opportunity of enlisting the choicest of the dis-
charged troops in his own service. Thus he carried
with him to his next command 5,000 regular
infantry, 2,500 horse, 2,000 peons, or irregular foot,
and six guns.
That command was at Diridigul, of which he wan
appointed Poujdar, or civil and military governor
combined. This place the Mysorean Government,
availing itself of the confusion of the times, had seized
some years before ; and the disturbances in the Car-
natic had prevented Mahomet All's expelling the
intruders. Kunde Rao remained at the capital,
watchin'g over his master's interests there.
Several Poligars around Dindigul hud refused, as
usual, to pay tribute, on the ground of its excessive
amount* Hyder at first affected to sympathize with
HYDER AT DINDIGUL. 317
them ; promising to intercede for a reduction of their
dues. Thus he secured a peaceable and safe passage
for his troops, into the heart of the country. He
then systematically swept off the cattle, reselling it at
high prices, frequently to the owners themselves.
This he followed up by a regular attack *on the
unfortunate Poligars, in which, after a long and
obstinate struggle, he was completely successful.
Lastly, he proceeded to make great capital out of his
successes, in his dealings with the Government. The
account given below, and carefully substantiated by
its author from the testimony of eve- witnesses, will
V V f
give a lively idea of his impudent conduct on this
occasion, the better worth notice in connexion with
similar tricks, on the part of others, soon afterwards
at Seringapatam, and with the virtuous indignation
which his partial biographer, Meer Ali, ascribes to
him, on detecting those artifices.*
* " NunjiToj on the receipt of Ilyder's dispatches, with a long
list of killed and wounded, sent a special commission with rich pre-
sents for Ilyder and the officers who were represented to have
distinguished themselves, and Zuckhum puttee for the wounded.
This officer was soon made to understand his business. Zuckhum
puttee is an allowance to wounded men, as some compensation for
their Buffering*, and for the purpose of enabling them to defray the
expenses of their cure ; for an Indian army lias neither hospitals
nor eurgeons provided by the State. The allowance on this occasion
was fourteen rupees a month, until the cure should be completed.
Hyder marshalled his wounded men, to be inspected by the com-
missioner : sixty-seven was the true number $ but about 700 had
318 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
His civil administration was equally well-adapted
to the end which he seems now to have definitely
proposed to himself, that of securing funds suffici-
ently ample to sustain an independent force, ade-
quate to turn the political scale in his own favour.
" It was at Dindigul," again remarks Colonel
Wilks, " that he alsp first obtained from Seringhani,
Trichinopoly, and Pondicherry, skilful artificers,
directed by French masters, and began to organize a
regular artillery, arsenal, and laboratory/ 7
Other writers, as I have already intimated, ante-
date much of this careful provision for the coming
struggle.
Kunde Rao and Ilvder himself took credit for the
their legs or amis bound up with yellow bandage*, and acted their
parts with entire success. The money was paid to Ilydcr according
to the muster, and to the probable time of eure reported by the
attending surgeon**, at the rate of fourteen rupees per man per
month. To the really wounded lie gave seven ; and of the pre*t nt
brought for the officer* of the army, he made a distribution equally
skilful, while each officer was made to believe that he was the person
most particularly favoured by Jlyder, During thnne operations
Kunde Row waa perpetually -sounding the exploits of hit* mottter to
Nunjeraj, exaggerating the disturbed etute of the country, and the
necessity of augmenting the forces; which was accordingly autho-
rized from tirae to time, and assignments on the revenues of other
districts were added for that purpose to his other resources. Special
commissioners were always deputed to muster the* new levies; and
on one occasion, Jehan Khan saw exhibited the mano&uvre which he
call* a circular mutter, by which 10,000 men were counted and
passed a 18,000." Wilk9> ? 01. L, pp. 3534.
RECALLED TO SERINGAPATAM, 319
largeness of the force, which he contrived to maintain
put of his allotted revenues ; and it was true that his
skilful arrangements and his untiring* eye made his
actual numbers far more serviceable than would have
been the full muster, on the old system. But ser-
viceable for what V and for whom ?
Thus passed nearly two years (1755 1756,) Hy-
der consolidating his power in Dindigul, increasing
his army, procuring through Kunde Rao further
grants of provincial revenues in payment of his
troops, and the reputation of an able administrator
and skilful manipulator of soldiers. His talents,
however, in the field of regular warfare were as yet
questionable, and were denied by his rivals and
detractors. Deoraj looked with no kindly eye upon
him : Dcoraj's favourite, Hurri Sing, continued
bitter and contemptuous in Ids criticisms of "the
naik."
But, at the end of ^that time, a serious political
difficulty recalled him to Seringapatam. The Kaja
had shown a disposition to throw off the yoke of the
brothers, and was listening to advice that he should
imprison them. (To put a Brahmin to death would
have been an extreme measure in a Hindoo Court.)
This advice was betrayed to the subjects of it. Deo-
raj tried the mild plan of remonstrance. The Raja
took a high tone, and was surrounding himself with
soldiers on whom he could depend. His wife a
THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
daughter of Nunjiraj was then urged to poison her
husband. Thus much seems clear; and that she
received the proposal with indignation and horror,
But how far it was made directly by Nunjiraj him-
self; or whether Deoraj assented to it at all, is
uncertain. This plan failing, Hyder's patron, en-
tirely in opposition to the opinion and wishes of
Deoraj, made a vehement and insulting attack on the
palace ; violated the sacred seclusion of the women's
apartmelits ; and forcibly replaced the Raja's attend-
ants by creatures of his own : and to fill to the brim
his miserable father-in-law's cup of bitterness, com-
pelled him to assume the mockery of a public
approval and sanction of the late proceedings.
Deoraj thereupon indignantly assembled his family
and followers ; and leaving the city, settled below the
Ghats, at Sattimungulum. There, being in want of
funds, he directed the revenues of several districts
which had been granted to Hyder to be paid to
himself. Kunde Rao recommended his master to
return, and fight his own battle at head quarters.
But another public calamity combined to render
his presence at the capital necessary. The threatened <
visit of the Marathas came off in March, 1757.
Again a large contribution was demanded. Again
the impossibility of payment was urged. Again
Seringapatam was besieged. And again, Europeans
being employed by the assailants, the determined and
HYDER'S OPERATIONS IN MALABAR. 321
vigorous sallies led by Nunjiraj himself availed not;
and he was soon obliged to make terms. Little
money and few jewels being forthcoming, large dis-
tricts in the northern regions of Mysore were pledged
to the Marathas. The main army had departed j but
6,000 horsemen, and the Peishwa's civil collectors,
had been planted in these districts, when Hyder
reached the capital.
He urged that had he and his troops been more
promptly summoned, the fortune of the day might
have been very different. And he recommended the
forcible expulsion of the M^ratha garrisons, when
the monsoon should come on, and the swelling of the
rivers give a long reprieve from the renewal of the
invasion. Then he would be ready to help. Mean-
while, the revenues might be withheld, on various
pretexts, till the plot was ripe. His advice prevailed.
And he next proceeded to arrange matters on his own
behalf with Deoraj, A body of Hyder's troops had,
on the invitation of the Nair Raja of Palghat, been
sent under Mukhdoom Sahib to assist that Prince
against his enemies; and are said to have been the
first Mahometan corps that ever entered the country,
though the chief of Cannanore was certainly a
Mussulman. The Rajas of Cochin and Calicut
yielded to the invaders, and engaged to purchase
their retirement with twelve lac& of rupees. But they
proposed to pay by instalments ; and Mukhdoom, like
322 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
his master, was a strict man of business in money
matters. He declined to quit the country until the
whole sum was discharged. The Rajas then applied
to Deoraj, and offered to hand over the entire claim
to him, if he would rid them of the presence of the
obnoxious Mussulmans.
Hyder arrived on the scene at this crisis, and
arranged that Deoraj should receive the sum in
question, on restoring the revenues of which he had
lately despoiled the negotiator who, in consideration
of the expenses of the campaign, should be credited
by the State with three lacs in addition. Hurri
Sing was then sent into Malabar. Thus again
the Rajput conspicuously crossed the path of his
rival.
Hyder now returned to Dindigul, and resumed
his local projects of ambition. His present object
was^to add Madura to his own districts. But here
he came into collision with Mahomet Issoof, another
remarkable man, and our ablest partisan and orga-
nizer of Sepoys, who, with inferior members, gave
him a decisive repulse. Hyder, however, rarely
abandoned an object on which he had set his heart.
He was still meditating a repetition of the attempt,
and had already received French reinforcements under
M. Astruc, when again he was called off to the
capital by urgent affairs.
The government waji bankrupt, and the army,
DEATH OF DJEORAJ. 323
clamorous for arrears of pay, had adopted the quaint
practice of sitting in dhurna at the gate of the un-
lucky minister, whom his ambition and misconduct,
and the public troubles connected with the Nizam
and the Marathas, had placed in the strangest of
political positions. His brother and late confederate
in the conspiracy against the royal authority was
in passive and sullen opposition. Nunjiraj now
wielded ostensibly the whole civil as well as military
force of the State, under a pageant but impatient
sovereign. Yet Nunjiraj himself was, by the bind-
ing power of an Oriental custom, being literally
starved, as well as blockaded, by his exasperated,
but patiently tormenting soldiery.
Hyder, with all the troops he could muster,
marched promptly to the capital (1758). He met
Kunde Ilao by appointment at Sattimungulum; and
they jointly persuaded Deoraj to be reconciled to his
brother, in the face of the great danger that now
threatened their common power. The old man's
strength was fast failing. He was already suffering
from dropsy. He returned as far as the town of
Mysore, while Hyder and his deivan went on and
arranged terms with Nunjiraj, who had staved off
for the moment the dhurna attack, by selling the
provision stores of thfe capital. The humiliated and
embarrassed minister consented to make ample apo-
logies to the Eaja for his outrageous conduct : arid
324 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY*
the guns of the fort announced the reconciliation.
Deoraj was honoured with a pompous procession,
which went forth to meet and escort him to Seringa-
patam, his brother and Hyder conspicuous at its
head. In less than a week afterwards he died.
Suspicions of foul play were of course entertained,
Colonel Wilks thinks without reason. The event,
however, was, to say the least, a very opportune one
for Hvder at this crisis.
*>
The military difficulty still threatened the sur-
viving minister. Perplexed, worn out with anxiety,
really grieved at his brother's death, and overween-
ingly confident of Ryder's attachment to himself, he
devolved entirely the task of settlement on his astute
proter/t. This was a great opportunity, and one which
Hycler Ally was the last man to neglect. His abili-
ties were precisely suited to such an emergency.
Personally quite fearless, resolute, engaging, humour-
ous, cunning, and well versed in the arts by which
Government was made the victim of military extor-
tion; he contrived at once to satisfy real claims, and
to relieve the Raja and Nunjiraj of a mass of debts
which were grounded on imposture, and of a host of
turbulent followers, who were of little or no use in
serious warfare.
The importance to his prospects of his conduct on
this occasion is forcibly delineated by Colonel Wilks.
" Hyder/' he observes, "throughout all these trans-
MURDER OF HURRI SING. 325
actions, had been enabled to assume the character of
a general benefactor. The gratitude of Nimjeraj was
due for his conduct in effecting the reconciliation,
and for the zeal and exertion which relieved him
from much embarrassment : the troops considered
him as their only hope for a liquidation of arrears ;
the Raja beheld as yet only his preserver and pro-
tector from the violence of Nuirjeraj ; and all orders
of men began to look up to Hyder for the restoration
of public prosperity "
Indeed he might probably have seized the supreme
power at once, without difficulty. For his troops,
being the only soldiers who could be trusted to carry
out his plans, were in actual possession of the fort.
But his time, he knew, was not yet fully come.
And he was too prudent to strike prematurely or
openly. But he did not neglect to execute a plan
essential to the promotion of his ambition, one
which, 110 doubt, he had long meditated, and which
the death of Deoraj, and his own commanding posi-
tion at the present juncture, emboldened him to
attempt.
Hurri Sing was encamped securely at Coimbatore,
on his return from the Malabar coast. Hyder de-
spatched Mukhdoom with a large force, professedly
to return to Dindigul, really to fall upon the Eajput
by night, and ci)t him off, with his army, in* cold
blood. This was done thoroughly.
326 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY,
It is but right to mention, that Hydei^s native
panegyrist, while he 'misdates this incident, endea-
vours, by connecting it with the dhnrna proceeding,
to apologise for it. But the apology is as lame as
the act was atrocious. And while we recognise
Hyder Ally's ability, and his habitual abstinence
from purposeless cruelty, we may confidently con-
clude, from an examination of his whole career, that
he would not hesitate for a moment % at committing a
crime, that was to remove an avowed enemy, and
speed his own advancement to supreme power.
It is equally clear that he had no false delicacy in
pressing his claims to re ward for the valuable services,
which, by address and good fortune combined, he was
able to represent himself as having rendered both to
his patron and to the State.
Thus he easily obtained, at this period, a grant of
the revenues of Coimbatore, in liquidation of the three
lacs stipulated with the defunct Deoraj, as a reim-
bursement for the expenses of his recent operations
in Malabar. To which, by way of recognising him
in the character of a public benefactor, and pro-
spective champion on the exposed frontier, was now
added the command of the fort of Bangalore, the
second city in the kingdom, with the enjoyment of
the revenues of the districts dependent on it. Those
districts had been assigned to the JMarathas. And
they would not be likely to leave him, without a
HYDER AIMS AT SUPREME POWER. 327
severe struggle, in quiet enjoyment of what had been
pledged to themselves.
Accordingly, as had been foreseen, they returned
after the rains, under Gopal Hurri and Anund Rao
(1 759) . They at once re-occupied the open country,
and proceeded to invest Bangalore with their multi-
tudinous cavalry ; while with their infantry they took
Cenapatarn, a place of considerable consequence, as
covering the approaches to Seringapatam, at only
forty miles distance, and still nearer to Bangalore.
Arid now Hydcr had an opportunity, not only of
redeeming his pledge to Nunjiraj, that he would, on
their return, grapple with the formidable invaders,
but of refuting the sceptics who still questioned his
military talents; and of performing services which
should parvis componere magna place him in the
same relation to the Mysore Government, as Crom-
well had attained to the English through his cam-
paigns in Ireland and Scotland. To triumph over the
Marathas, was to become virtually master of the
State. Then he might discard Nunjiraj, and domi-
neer in turn over the Raja, as Cromwell had purged
the Long Parliament, dismissed the Rump, and
tyrannised over the people, whose nominal authority
the Commons had usurped, to fall before their own
instrument.
Part of the recent settlement with the soldiers had
been effected by their officers discharging the arrears,
328 THE RISE OP HYDER ALLY.
on the understanding that Government should repay
these advances. But this was as yet impossible : and
most of the officers refused to enter on this new and
arduous service, until their claims had been satisfied.
Matters were thus brought to a dead-lock; and the
terrors of dhurna again overhung the minister.
Hyder, who was not improbably fomenting under-
hand this passive resistance on the part of the officers,
tendered his services, and was appointed Commander-
in-Chief. He also curried favour with the soldiers
by undertaking to guarantee the payment of what
might still be due to them; knowing, but ignoring
the fact, that that was not the hitch. Many high-
born chiefs resigned, in consequence of his appoint-
ment. That when left thus to his own resources he
would fail signally, was as confidently anticipated by
his enemies, as by his admirers, that he would prove
equal to the occasion.
His first care was to screen the capital, which he
did by placing Meer Ibrahim, his maternal uncle, in
Mallavilly, and Lutof Ally Beg, a valiant Mogul, at
Madoor. Lutof Ally, in obedience to orders, affected
fear, and thus lulling the Marathas into security,
made a sudden and successful dash at Cenapatam ;
go sudden, that he recovered it almost without loss to
either .party. Then Hyder massed his troops under
cover of this place, and lured Gopal Hurri to break
up the blockade of Bangalore, and lead his formidable
FOILS THE MARATHAS. 329
squadrons against forces numerically very inferior,
But Hyder gave him no advantage, and profited much
by his own experience of European warfare. . He
threw up an entrenched camp, a secure barrier
against the sudden and furious assaults of the
Maratha cavalry. He kept quiet with his main
army during the day; though his wild horsemen
were ever on the move, scouring the country, and
excelling the Maratha feats of horsemanship and
plundering. But when the mantle of night favoured
his stealthy approaches, and his disorderly and ill-
guarded opponents were buried in slumber, he fell
upon them with the flower of his well-trained and
well-appointed soldiers; and smote them with the
lire-arms that they had learnt to dread, rather than
to use. Nor was this all, nor the worst. So far his
warfare was European. But bolder and more
threatening and effective grew his horsemen, until
they fairly beat the enemy in their own characteristic
mode of fighting.
To be out-galloped and out-plundered by irregular
cavalry ; to be starved in their quarters, and reduced
to inactivity, when they had come to overspread the
land like locusts, and (as the Madras Government
had formerly said of them) to '* peel it to the bones j"
this was indeed a novel and serious experience for
Marathas !
Yet this did Hyder accomplish through his un-
330 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
rivalled Kuzzaks. In short, three months sufficed
to establish his reputation in the field; to disgust
Gopal Hurri and his people with a war so entirely
reversing their previous impressions of the defensible
resources of Mysore; and to bring about a peace,
which was as skilfully negotiated by the victor, as
the war had been ably conducted.
The Marathas abandoned all claim to the ceded
districts on payment of thirty- two lacs. To be quit
of such an enemy, at such a price, was at once an
advantage and a burden to the exhausted State. But
a compulsory benevolence produced half the money ;
and Hyder's personal security obtained the loan of
the rest from the bankers in the enemy's camp. So
high an opinion had they formed of him and his
influence in the course of the short campaign. On
the other hand, Hyder obtained " the direct manage-
ment of the pledged districts, as the fund from which
that remainder was to be liquidated. He accordingly
despatched without delay his own agents and aumii-
dars to these restored districts."*
Thus, step by step, did his abilities and services
enable him . plausibly to absorb the revenues of the
State, and thereby render his own assumption of the
direct administration more speedily inevitable.
On the departure of the invaders ; the fortunate
general returned in triumph to Seringapatam, where
* Wilks.
HIS IRRESISTIBLE POSITION. 331
his reception was magnificent, and lie was the theme
of universal applause. Nunjiraj, on his appearance
at Court, rose to do him honour, and publicly
embraced him. The Raja saluted him with the title
most dear to his ears Bahadur. His bitterest and
most irreconcilcable enemy, the Rajput, he had
removed. Dcoraj was no longer alive to misdoubt
arid watch him. His old patron still retained the
fullest confidence in him. The military sceptics were
answered : his enemies cowered before him, or eagerly
pressed forward to pay him insidious honour. Like
Cromwell, he had an efficient and devoted army,
to do his bidding. Many of the fortresses of
the country were in his hands. He had wealth in
abundance to buy off opposition, and to secure secret
service. He knew that, in spite of the formal re-
conciliation, Nuiijiraj was unforgiven by the Raja.
He knew that the zenana, in its secret recesses, har-
boured in the person of a Dowager Queen, a ready
agent for the work of undermining the power of the
man, who had murdered her husband, and violated
the sanctity of her private apartments. He knew
that he could command this powerful and secret in-
fluence. He felt that the time was come at last for
striking the blow that he had long contemplated;
and possessing himself of the power and station to
which all his steps had tended. But true to his
character he still struck in the dark. His approaches
332 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
to the throne were as devious and insidious as his
attacks on his enemies in the field,
The expenses of the Carnatic war, the Nizam, the
Marathas, and Hyder together, had so effectually
drained the resources of the State that the military
difficulty soon recurred. Advantage was taken of
this state of things to execute the plot which had
been concerted with the Court, for the ruin of Nun-
jiraj. The " wire-pulling" begun by a formal depu-
tation to Hyder, as Sipahsalar, or Commander-in-
Chief, on behalf of the army, demanding a settlement
of arrears. This demand was met by expressions of
sympathy, and a distinct intimation, that Nunjiraj
was the responsible finance minister. This Avas of
course followed up by a strict renewal of the dhurna
operation, but with a significant improvement on the
former experiment. The complainants, instructed
by the initiated, insisted respectfully, but firmly,
on Hyder himself joining them in this purgatorial
session. Nunjiraj at once understood the move ; and
his spirit sank forthwith to the level of his fortunes.
Hyder, in a private interview, induced him to go
through the form of a voluntary and unconditional
resignation, and even himself to suggest the next
step. The minister announced to the troops, that
bis administration was at an end; and that they
must now look to the Ilaja for their money, and
exempt him from the further penalties of dhurna.
HIS POLITICAL MANOSUVRES. 333
The hint was unmistakcable : and the Palace was im-
mediately beset, and laid under the same singular
embargo. But the Court was in the secret; and was
prepared to play its part in this grotesque, but im-
portant political melodrama. Kunde Rao was sum-
moned to an audience in the Palace. On emerging,
he notified the Raja's pleasure, that Hyder should
solemnly and publicly swear to " renounce his con-
nexion with the usurper j" and, that this being done,
the ex-minister should be handsomely provided for,
and the military grievance redressed. Hyder there-
upon, with an appropriately rueful countenance, took
the oath that was to sever his interests from those of
his beloved patron. Then he, in turn, visited the
Raja, and presently pledged himself to the soldiers,
amidst general expressions of satisfaction, to effect
the settlement of their claims.
This pledge, and the further charge of providing
regular payment for the army in future, enabled him
to appropriate a still larger portion of the public
income : and he now held the jaghire, or govern-
ment share of the revenue, of half the Mysore ter-
ritory. But the transformation scene was still in-
complete. Kunde Rao was now made dewan, or
finance minister to the Raja; and he still continued
to hold the corresponding office in Hyder' s personal
service; a confusion of relations which not impro-
bably suggested its own termination in the way least
334 THE RISE OP HYDER ALLY.
agreeable to his promoter, who of course still con-
sidered and treated the Brahmin as his own creature.
Nunjiraj had revenue assigned him to the amount of
three lacs ; two on account of troops which he was
bound to maintain for the service of the State.
He settled at the town of Mysore, the old capital.
But this was thought ominous, and he was ordered
to move nearer to the frontier. Hyder, on an-
nouncing this order, still further trampled on the
pride of the fallen minister, and enriched himself, by
appropriating the two lacs granted on account of the
troops, and exempting Nunjiraj from the obligation
of maintaining them. The latter replied by a sullen
and reproachful defiance. " I have made you what
you are : and now you refuse me a place in which to
hide my head. Do what you please, or what you can.
I move not from Mysoor."* Thereupon, in the con-
scientious and punctual discharge of his duty to the
Raja, Hyder was compelled to take strong measures,
and besiege the disobedient subject. He never ex-
celled in siege operations. But on this occasion he
moreover wished, probably, to make political capital
out of his protracted labours. At the end of three
months Nunjiraj surrendered, aud was settled at
Cunnoor, westward of Mysore (1760). The Raja
visited the scene of hostilities ; admired the works,
and the prowess of his new Commander-in-Chief ;
Wilki.
PREPARES TO ASSIST THE FRENCH. 335
and graciously rewarded the victor with a farther ac-
cession of revenue and territorial authority. Kunde
Rao viewed this last transaction as Chancellor of the
Exchequer to the Raja, rather than as Hyder's per-
sonal dewan; and opposed it. In a dispute that
followed, we have the first muttering of the storm,
which was shortly to sweep away for a time the am-
bitious and fortunate favourite, more summarily than
he had himself disposed of Nunjiraj.
Such is, in substance, Colonel Wilks* well-informed
and critical account of this famous revolution. So
much was obviously enacted behind the scenes, that
we are here peculiarly at the mercy of the historian,
and liable to mistake assumptions for facts. But
this writer, beyond question, is not only our best,
but a most competent guide through this, as through
so many other labyrinths of Eastern story.
Undisputed, and, as he believed, secure in his
political ascendancy, Hyder now turned his atten-
tion to extending the limits, and increasing the re-
sources and reputation of Mysore, Two claims to
the exercise of his warlike energies at once presented
themselves. The French required, and urgently
sought, his assistance. And a discontented subject
of the chief of Kirpa invited him to re-conquer a
district which had once belonged to the State, whose
destinies he was henceforth to sway. He closed, in
the first instance, with the latter proposition, and
336 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
sent Muklidoom Sahib to reduce the Baramahl, and
when this should have been accomplished, to nego-
tiate with the French.
The Baramahl forms a sort of intervening fringe
of hilly country, separating the Eastern Ghats from
what the English habitually, though inaccurately,
termed the Carnatic. It was guarded by twelve for-
tresses on the heights, some of which played an im-
portant part in the war which, not many years after
this period, we waged against Hyder. It had been
wrested from Mysore by the " P#tan Nabob " of
Kirpa ; who, in turn, two years earlier than the time
at which we have now arrived, had lost half of it to
the Marathas.
Mukhdoom's first task was to reduce the Poligar of
Anikul, and seize his fort, thus securing an entrance
iuto the Baramahl, and an undisturbed roadway to-
wards Pondicherry. The Baramahl was then occu-
pied quickly and easily ; and the Mysorean general
visited the French capital, and, on behalf of his em-
ployer, concluded a treaty with Lally (June, 1760),
Thiagar, a place well situated for communications
between Mysore and Pondicherry, and lately taken
by the French, was to be made over to him. An4
be was to furnish 3,000 good cavalry, and 5,000
regular infantry, to oppose the English. It was
also agreed, that in the event of success, Madura
and Tinnevelly, if not Trichinopoly too, were to be-
HYDER ASSISTS THE FRENCH. 337
come Hyder's ; and that the French were to aid him
in investing them. Though the course of events
nullified the last article, it deserves mention., as
excusing the nervous anxiety which Mahomet Ali and
the English seem to have afterwards felt at Hyder's
conquering career in Malabar, and his threatening
pause afterwards in Coimbatore, so near their own
frontier, and as if meditating a swoop on the south-
eastern provinces, upon which from Dindigul he had
so early cast a longing eye. And this anxiety it
probably was which principally tempted the English
at least to rush precipitately into war with their
dangerous neighbour; when, according to Colonel
"VVilks, they engaged in it " exclusively in the
character of dupes."
Occupying Thiagar on his march, Mukhdoom led
his first instalment of troops to Pondicherry. He
was advancing with the remainder, and a large convoy
much required by his famished allies, and for which he
drove a hard bargain, when he fell in with and totally
defeated an English force sent to oppose him. Coote
was as yet unaware of what he was one day to under-
stand too well the new life which had been breathed
into the Mysorean army by Hyder. And he had
made very inadequate provision accordingly. On
hearing of this achievement, Hyder's delight was so
great, that he increased his contingent considerably
beyond the terms of the contract ; and was intending
22
338 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
to take so active and extensive a part in the Anglo-
French war, that he might have altered its whole
character, when his own condition suddenly became
not less critical than that of his unfortunate ally.
Few historical coincidences are more remarkable
than the precise synchronism of Lally's final contest
with Coote, the Maratha strife with the Abdali, and
Hyder's struggle with Kunde Rao. All involved
issues decisive of the fortunes of Powers, that at one
time or another, and almost simultaneously, aspired
to supremacy in India. And so far from being iso-
lated events, the three crises were singularly and
closely connected in the way of cause and effect.
The surrender of Pondicherry extinguished for ever
the political, independence of the French in India;
though as auxiliaries of Mysore they continued long
afterwards to play an energetic part. The defeat of
Paniput for the time almost crushed the Marathas ;
and though afterwards most formidable, they never
regained the position they had formerly occupied
among the native Powers. Kunde Rao's alienation
brought on the most dangerous catastrophe of
Hyder^s life; the turning point of the fortunes of
his house. It is singular that three such wars should
have been waged simultaneously in the Peninsula.
It is not less singular to think, what course events
might have taken had one or other of these ware
been postponed. Had Kunde Eao held his hand for
COUNTER-REVOLUTION IN MYSORE. 339
a time, possibly Pondicherry might not have fallen at
all. Had the Abdali marched somewhat later into
India, or been defeated, Hyder would almost certainly
have failed to effect a junction with Mukhdoom, and
would then have been beaten in detail, and finally
destroyed. Such momentous complications invest
with new interest the platitude, that war is an
uncertain game.
The counter-revolution, like the change which gave
occasion for it, began by a Court intrigue. The
Queen Dowager discovered too late that Hyder's
little finger was likely to prove, in the end, thicker
than the loins of Nunjiraj. And she observed with
satisfaction, that in the absence of a large part of his
army, he was himself cooped up, with a comparative
handful of followers, in the island of Seringapatam ;
while the rest of his troops, and his already famous
artillery, were posted on the northern shore. The
monsoon had filled the river, and made the fords
impassable; and the bridges were commanded by the
fort. The Marathas were hovering in force near the
frontier, and marauding as usual; but were quite
ready to take service with any one who would pay
them.
Before the great Idol of the capital the Queen swore
Kunde Rao and the Raja to a well-concerted plot for
cutting off the obnoxious upstart. Resentment at
his patron's exorbitant greed of revenue, ambition,
340 THE RISE OP HYDER ALLY,
and religious sentiment, contended in the Brahmin's
breast with fear, and perhaps with gratitude. But
he elected to follow that patron's example, and betray
him in turn, though in a ruder and more obvious
manner. It is noticeable, that the Brahmin is the
more violent; the Mussulman more supple and in-
sinuating. A bargain was soon struck with the
Maratha commander, who was to send 6,000 of his
horsemen to Seringapatam by the twelfth of August.
Hyder, on that memorable morning, was quartered
on the ground, where later stood the Dowlut Bang.
His family were with him, Tippoo being now in his
ninth year. Another son was born on that very day,
amidst a scene of tumult, which not inaptly pre-
figured the twice-repeated terror of English warfare
on the same island. The fort gates continued closed.
But before the sun was up a tremendous fire of
artillery was directed from ail the adjacent works
against the unsuspecting Sipahsalar and his followers,
He sent instantly for Kunde Rao ; but that worthy
was shortly after descried superintending the opera-
tion. The fire does not seem to have been very
effective ; and the soldiers and Hyder's family found
shelter, though no comfort. In this extremity,
though he saw his army on the northern shore
routed, and his artillery captured, by a large body of
troops from the fort ; and though he expected to be
attacked each moment in his quarters, Hyder was
HYDER'S DIPLOMACY. 341
calm and thoughtful as ever. Hussein AH gives an
account of his proceedings which, however little con-
fidence can be placed in the statements of so inac-
curate and eulogistic a writer, is not intrinsically im-
probable.
" He immediately manned his defences with mus-
keteers, and also without the knowledge of any one
despatched a number of men, and seized all the Am-
bakars (watermen) of the river Cauveri, with their
baskets, and made them prisoners. Then, having
placed his infantry and cavalry in readiness round
his house, he sent for the writers of his different
departments, and made them write out distinct lists
of what he was possessed of in valuable cloths,
elephants, camels, arms, rich stuffs, utensils, &c.,
and arranged all this business by mid-day."
It is added, that Kunde Rao attacked his encamp-
ment ; which I doubt. It is certain that the Mara-
thas, as usual, did not come up to time, and that a
parley ensued between the rivals in ambition and
treachery. Hyder, ever ready to adapt his tone to
his needs, ascribed all his past prosperity to his
dewan; confessed that, deserted by him, he should
be utterly undone ; and implored his old servant not
to break the bruised reed, but to advise and help
one, who was prepared to obey cheerfully the com-
mands of the now all-powerful minister. Kunde
Rao, in turn, gracefully acknowledged his own obli-
312 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
gations to the suppliant; assured him that he was
not personally hostile, but was only officially execut-
ing the Raja's orders. If Hyder would promise (the
Brahmin did not even demand an oath) to retire per-
manently from Mysore, he should be permitted to
escape unmolested on the same evening. And it
seems that Kunde Rao was not content with mere
words, but that he actually left the landing-place
on the northern bank of the river unguarded thus
almost literally making a bridge for a flying enemy.
Perhaps he could not trust his own troops against
such an adversary, and began to despair of the arrival
of the Marathas. Or he mav have counted on the
V
extreme probability of Hyder's flying towards Ban-
galore, and being thus intercepted and disposed of by
their advancing squadrons.
Whatever the explanation of so remarkable a pro-
ceeding, on which in fact the fate of his opponent at
this moment depended, Hyder was not slow to profit
by it. He packed up in bags as much money and
as many jewels as his hundred horsemen, with two
officers, and two camel-drivers (all trusty persons)
could carry ; and leaving his infantry and his family
on the spot, crossed the river in the coracles, the
horses and the camels swimming. Then each took
up his burden, and all rode off at such speed that in
less than twenty-four hours after the garrison guns
had opened on them at Seringapatam, they had
HIS RAPID PLIGHT. 343
evaded the Marathas, and reached Anicul, a dis-
tance of seventy-five miles. Many horses broke
down, and were left on the way. But spare ones
Tartar fashion had been provided. And all the
men and treasure reached their destination. Hyder
rode the same horse throughout. Kunde Rao at
dawn visited the fugitives* quarters; and, experi-
encing no opposition from the deserted infantry,
removed Hyders family into the fort, and placed
them under a guard; but treated them kindly.
Their lord had probably felt that they would be
safer in his rival's hands, than in attempting to
follow his own desperate and impetuous fortunes.
Bangalore would have been his most natural and
powerful rallying point. But though its command-
ant was an old friend, Kunde Rao's desertion seems
to have made Hyder cautious, if not distrustful of
Kubbecr Beg. And he knew that there were Hindoo
irregulars in the fortress, and that it would be well
looked after without delay, in case of his arrival or
attempt to gain it. He had no inclination to be
trapped there. While at Anicul, Ismael Ali, his
brother-in-law, was in command ; and of him he was
sure, as well as of finding there a small force of cavalry,
which was under inarching orders for Arcot. Ismael
was sent off immediately to Bangalore, and found
Kubbeer Beg staunch. Fortunately, the soldiers'
pay was just due, The unsuspecting Hindoos were
344 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
mustered on the glacis to receive it ; while the trust-
worthy Mussulmans took charge of the gates. Hardly
was this precaution completed, when Kunde Rao's
orders to keep the place in the Raja's interests
arrived. Hyder's activity had again, so far, saved
him : and he shortly afterwards entered the second
city in the kingdom with the Anicul horsemen, and,
as Meer Ali expresses it, "made himself easy/ 7 He
certainly needed rest. For he had* ridden ninety-
eight miles in twenty hours.
But great as had been his exertions to take time
by the forelock, and great the success that had so far
attended them, easy he could not be at the prospect
before him. Colonel Wilks observes at this point :
"Hyder was now left, as |t were, to begin the
world again, on the resources of his own mind. The
bulk of his treasures, and his train of artillery and
military stores all lost ; the territorial revenue at the
command of Kunde Rao: and the possessions on
which he could rest any hope for the restoration of
his affairs, were Bangalore on the northern and Din-
degul on the southern extremities of the territories of
Mysoor : with Anicul and the fortresses of Baramahal.
The sole foundation of a new army was the corps of
Mukhdoom Ali ; and its junction was nearly a des-
perate hope."
But his prompt and decisive arrangements show
how fully he understood the situation, 0nd was pre-
HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES. 345
pared to improve it He borrowed, on his personal
security, from the rich bankers of the city money to
the amount of 40,000, which he afterwards repaid
faithfully. He lavished largesse freely, to attach the
soldiers more firmly to his interests. He strength-
ened the works with new batteries, and manned them
with zealous partisans. He recalled Mukhdoom Ali
from Pondicherry, and directed him to restore Thia-
gar to the French, and to conduct its garrison, and
those of all other places on his route, to Bangalore.
He issued a general invitation to all soldiers of for-
tune, who were swarming in the country, from its
lately disturbed state. He lured many of his old
comrades from Kunde Rao's own army : and many
more joined him from the garrisons which had been
turned out of his fortresses in the lost districts.
Jaseeri Khan, one of his favourites and familiars, and
a good officer, came in shortly with his men.
But his most important accession, at this period,
and one that tended more than all else to restore his
prestige, was that of Fuzzul Oolla Khan. He was
a man of high birth, son-in-law of Dilawir Khan
{Nawab of Sera, and already mentioned), and had a
high military reputation. So princely were his pre-
tensions, that on throwing in his lot with Hyder he
stipulated, that he should be considered his equal in
rank, though serving under the Mysorean ; and that
this equality should be attested by the new recruit's
346 THE RISE OF HYDEK ALLY.
habitually sitting upon the same " saddle-cloth, car-
pet, or musnud " (according to the oriental practice
of squatting, tailor-like, on the ground), with other
marks of distinction. To all this Hyder consented ;
and it was duly observed, until the pair quarrelled in
later days, when the then firmly-established ruler of
Mysore requited his present ally with characteristic
ingratitude. This aristocratic follower brought with
him a large number of soldiers ; and his example was
very influential with others.
But Kunde Rao was mustering and concentrating
his forces, and showed no lack of ability in the dis-
position and employment of them. He sent on the
Marathas, now reinforced to 10,000, under Gopal
Hurri, Hyder^s old antagonist, to intercept Mukh-
doom on his march to Bangalore. Another large
Maratha force, under Visaji Pundit, with whom
Kunde Rao had contracted for those now under his
orders, was hovering not far off, on the slopes of the
Ghats overlooking the Villenore valley. Mukhdoom
advanced successfully as far as Anchittydroog. But
there he was brought to a stand, and compelled to
apprise Hyder, that he could not proceed, unless re-
inforced. Puzzul Oolla was dispatched with every
man that could be spared, 4,000 in all, majiy of them
raw recruits, and with five guns. He made a des-
perate attempt to force a junction with Mukhdoom,
but in vain. His young soldiers, after a furious and
VISAJI PUNDIT ABANDONS KUNDE RAO. 347
almost successful combat, broke and fled to the woods ;
he was consequently repulsed ; all his guns were taken;
and he himself escaped with the utmost difficulty back
to Aiiikul. Mukhdoom's junction with his chief ap-
peared now quite hopeless; and Colonel Wilks re-
marks, " the career of Hyder seemed again approach-
ing its close, "
But that was not to be. Once more fortune
favoured him. The news of Paniput, and the order
of immediate recall, reached the Maratha Commander-
in-Chief just at this juncture, Hyder had, all along,
been negotiating with him. But Visaji now closed
011 easy terms, which (ignorant as yet of the great
catastrophe that had overtaken the Maratha arms in
Ilindostan) the Mysorean eagerly accepted, but could
not comprehend. In return for the cession of the
Baramahl, and the small sum of three lacs, Visaji
agreed to retire with all his forces, and leave Kunde
Rao to settle his account with Hyder single-handed.
But it is worth while to mention, that in true Mara*
tha style he had already arranged with the English
to withdraw, and thus seal the fate of Lally and
Pondicherry, in consideration of the more liberal
allowance of twenty lacs. In pursuance of his orders,
and of this double bargain, he moved off to join the
muster against an invader, who was already really on
his way back to Afghanistan.
Hyder suspecting, both by the easiness of the
348 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
terms, and the unusual promptitude of the Marathas,
that all was not well with them in their own affairs,
made no haste to surrender the Baramahl ; and when
apprised of the cause of this moderation and urgency,
flatly refused to do so.
The English, meanwhile, were sorely perplexed at
the symptoms of instability in the Mysorean counsels.
Hyder, after his elevation and his treaty with Lally,
had lost no time in sending a force to annex the long-
coveted district of Madura. Thereupon, the English
had besieged Caroor. Now they were informed by
Kunde Rao, that the aggressive adventurer was no
longer in power; and that the Raja had no wish to
quarrel with them. And as the withdrawal of
Mukhdoom's troops seemed to countenance this
view, they contented themselves with letting the
garrison of Caroor depart, and retaining that place,
till they had leisure to come to a more definite
understanding with Mysore. Dindigul still held out
for Hyder; but the whole country thence to the
Uaramahl was in Kunde Rao's hands.
Hyder, who began to be pinched for supplies, sent
a large detachment into Coimbatore ; and to cover it
marched south-westward across the Cavery; and
near Nunjundgode came in sight of his rival's army.
Pondicherry had now fallen, and 300 Europeans,
whose occupation in the French service was gone,
joined him under MM. Hugel and Alain, before he
RYDER'S APPEAL TO NUNJIRAJ. 349
marched. Two-thirds of these were cavalry; and a
small native force accompanied them.
The issue of the contest was staked by each com-
mander on the conduct of comparatively scanty
numbers. Hyder had 6000 horse, 5000 foot, and
twenty guns ; Kunde Rao about 1000 more of each
arm, and twenty-eight guns. The old comrades
seemed loth to close in the deadly grapple, but each
tried to out-manoeuvre the other ; and both in this
and in several skirmishes which ensued, the Brahmin
appeared to have the decided advantage. At length
a real battle w r as fought, and Hyder was defeated with
heavy loss; but effected an orderly retreat to Hor-
danhully.
His case was now again desperate. Out-ma-
noeuvred, defeated, waiting impatiently for reinforqp-
ments, but receiving none ; pressed closer and closer
by the superior numbers and skill of his opponent,
(who, whatever his former disposition to compromise,
now displayed the most energetic determination) ;
his supplies failing ; his followers at length disposed
to believe that his star had set for ever; whither
could he turn for assistance ?
A bright thought struck him, which only his
unlimited confidence in himself, and in his un-
parallelled power of deluding others, could have
tempted him to indulge. He would visit Nunjiraj
in his seclusion ; cry peccavi! to him ; make his peace
350 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY,
with him ; and induce his early patron to join him
against the present wielder of the power, Avhieh
Hyder had wrested from the old man, only to forfeit
it so soon afterwards to his own instrument, and
become a new and memorable example of the vicis-
situdes of fortune, and a companion in adversity of
his former victim. Nunjiraj would be flattered; and
would perhaps transfer his indignation and hatred to
the new usurper of the authority, which he con-
sidered rightfully his own. With a^small escort the
daring and subtle politician left his army in the
night ; evaded the enemy ; and early next morning
reached Cunnoor; and unarmed and alone threw him-
self at the feet of Nunjiraj. His consummate hypo-
crisy quite won the heart of the desolate redkise, and
iijduced him to espouse the desperate cause. The
ex-minister's influence was still considerable. He
had also retained some of his troops ; and, since the
civil war began, had been increasing them, probably
expecting that some sudden turn of fortune might
again enable him to reclaim his old position.
Kunde Rao, however, was very vigilant, and
managed so well, that he prevented Hyder and hivS
new ally from joining the main army. More and
more difficult became their situation; till again it
grew desperate* And again Hyder^s cunning was
called into requisition. His present stratagem was
a very common-place one, habitually practised in-
FLIGHT OF KUNDE RAO, 851
deed in the East; but one which, in a state of
society where mutual confidence is so small,, con-
stantly proves successful. And it answered its end
perfectly in the present instance. Hyder wrote
letters in the name, and authenticated with the seal
of Nunjiraj, to Kunde Rao's chief officers, assuming
the existence of a plot on tbeir part to betray their
leader. And he took care that these letters should
fall into his enemy's hands. The Brahmin, trea-
cherous himself, and the former confidant and pre-
sent opponent of an arch -traitor and intriguer, was
appalled at the supposed revelation; and without
making a single inquiry, fearful for his immediate
safety, mounted his horse, and rode off in haste to
Seringapatam.
The panic that invariably overtakes an Oriental
army, when deserted by its general, ensued. Hyder
had been anxiously watching his opportunity. His
scouts soon announced the state of things. He
fell upon the disorganized host in front and rear at
once, and inflicted on it a terrible defeat, " capturing
the whole of the enemy's infantry, guns, stores, and
baggage."* Most of the infantry readily rejoined
his service. The horse had escaped by flight*
They afterwards rallied, and were reinforced by a
body of foot, at the southern part of the island of
Seringapatam. Hyder again came upon them un-
* Wilks.
352 THE RISE OF HYDER ALLY.
expectedly at midnight, and slaughtered them "whole-
sale under the very guns of the fort, carrying off
700 horses and much booty. Then he deliberately
spent some time in collecting forces, revenue, and
stores, and in reducing the country below the Ghats,
Kunde Rao still had some 5000 or 6000 cavalry,
chiefly Marathas, and a body of infantry. These
were all quartered, as before, on the island, near its
southern bank. Hyder, after a time, assembled his
whole army, mounted the Ghats, and coolly sat down
on the main land, just opposite to the troops on the
island. Here he pretended to be absorbed in ne-
gotiation. But the river being at this time fordable,
he each day drew out his men, as if for practice, in
the evening ; and, after a week had elapsed, suddenly
converted this movement into a rapid dash across the
river ; and, taking the enemy completely by surprise,
made himself master of most of their baggage,
stores, and horses.
This was the coup de yrdce to Kunde Rao's cause.
Hyder now encamped across the island; and in-
triguing with the civil and military officers, and
terrifying the Raja by the calm tender of demands,
which he knew could not be satisfied, while yet there
was no means of opposing them, drove the wretched
sovereign, in fear of his life, to terms which
amounted to a virtual abdication.
Nunjiraj had now served the turn of his ally, and
THE MORAL OP THE PIECE. 353
was dismissed to a seclusion and insignificance more
complete than before.
The conqueror had sworn to the Raja that he
would not put Kunde Rao to death, but that he
would "cherish him like a parroquet." And he
kept his word literally, imprisoning his ill-fated rival
in an iron cage, and feeding him upon rice and
water.
Hussein Ali thereupon breaks out in a high moral
strain, a little out of place in one who was cognisant
of the prosperity, which frcm this period attended
almost uninterruptedly, and to the end, the master
dissembler and traitor in the rapid vicissitudes which
have just been related, " That dispenser of good to
the world, having regard to his oath, instead of-
impaling or dismembering him, which he richly
merited, put him into an iron cage, like an in-
auspicious crow, and sent him off to Bangalore,
" Verily, if a man eat salt from the table of his
master's benefits, and ungratefully betray him; the
true avenger of ingratitude, in a short time will
cause him to be taken in the net of his own
perfidy/'
Such was the early life of the Jugurtha of Southern
India in the last century. Its details are so little
known to our countrymen, are so characteristic, both
of the man and of the times, and form so eventful
23
354 THK RISE OF HYDBR ALLY.
*
and complete an episode in the general history, that
it seemed desirahle to enter into them with some
minuteness. But we must now return to the North,
and follow the tide of Maratha warfare, as it surges
fiercely onwards towards the fatal plain of Paniput.
CHAPTER XIL
THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN.
IN tracing the circumstances which led to the catas-
trophe that I am about to relate, it will be necessary
to go back, for a moment, from the period which we
reached at the close of the tenth chapter; and to
repeat, that in the year 1754 Meer Shahabodeen, or
Ghazi-ud-dcen as he was afterwards called, had with
the aid of Holkar and Sinclia made himself Vizier and
master of Delhi ; and afterwards, deposing and blind-
ing the Emperor, Ahmed Shah, had placed on the
throne a tool of his own, with the title of Alum-
gcer II.
It must also be remembered that the Afghan king,
Ahmed Shah Abdali, (the last the name of his tribe)
had already several times invaded the North-West
Provinces of the Empire; and had conquered and
entrusted to the government of a former Viceroy of
356 THE PAXIPUT CAMPAIGN.
the Mogul, Meer f Munnoo, the extensive, but half-
desert region then called Mooltan and Lahore, but
which we should now term, with some geographical
vagueness, the Punjab (1752). On the death of
Munnoo, his widow, with the Abdali's sanction, acted
as Regent &r her infant son ; and, on his death, had
just compromised a dispute with an officer, who sought
to supplant her authority, by agreeing to share it
with him ; when the restless and vainglorious young
Vizier, who had been engaged to marry Munnoo's
daughter, advanced with an army to claim his bride.
She was given up to him; but he persisted in in-
vading the Province, and sent off' the mother a
prisoner to Delhi (1756).
Hardly had the rash youth thus re- annexed the
territory, and committed it to Adina Beg, a mis-
creant who had first invited the Afghan to cross the
Indus, when that formidable chief returned for the
fourth time, inflamed with anger^ and bent on
revenge. Never was
"Quicquid delirant reges, plectuntur Achiiri"
better illustrated. Ghazi-ud-deen's cringing tone
procured him a free pardon ; but " Delhi, " says the
Maratha historian with terrible brevity, " was plun-
dered, and its unhappy people again subjected to
pillage, and its daughters to pollution." Similar
horrors befell other places, abridged however by a
GHAZI-UD-DEEN'S PROCEEDINGS. 357
pestilence, which led the invader to retire. He left
his son, Timour Shah, as Viceroy of the Punjab;
and, on his own authority, promoted to one of the
highest offices at the Imperial Court Nujih-ud-Dowla,
a chief of the Rohillas, then recent Afghan settlers
in Hindostan.
No sooner had Ahmed Shah departed, than the
insolent and infatuated Vizier degraded the Rohilla,
of whom he was jealous ; allied himself with Rugo-
nath Rao; with his help recovered Delhi and the
custody of the Emperor's person (1757) ; and but for
Holkar's secret aid, Nujib-ud-Dowla would have
perished, instead of escaping to play a conspicuous
part in the battle of Paniput.
This might have seemed enough to provoke anew
the wrath of the Abdali. But the cup of his anger
was to be now drugged with still more stimulating
ingredients. The alternating impertinence and ser-
vility of the ypung Mogul Vizier he might despise,
however distasteful might be the interposition of
Rugonath Rao at the capital.
But when the Punjab fell anew into disorder;
when Adina Beg, unstable as water, and ever shifting
his connexions, broke out into rebellion ; raised the
now martial Sikhs, and invited Rugonath, at the
head of a vast Hindoo army, to invade the Province ;
and when accordingly that enterprising, but rash an$
ill-fated chief, destined throughout an adventurous
358 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN.
life to bring eventual trouble on all his supporters,
accepted the invitation ; routed the Afghan governor,
and entered Lahore in triumph (1758) : Ahmed
Shah's indignation knew no bounds; and he prepared
to measure his full strength against that of the southern
adventurers, who thus crossed his track of conquest,
and challenged his power, much as Bajazet had pre-
sumed to match himself against the invincible
Timour.
Meanwhile Rugonath, having spent, instead of
acquiring immense sums, in the course of this
remote expedition, and in over-running and occupy-
ing so sterile a country as the confines of the Indian
Desert, and having, like a later politician, " with a
light heart" committed his countrymen to a strife,
of which the issue was to prove little less than
ruinous; having lastly feebly garrisoned the strag-
gling territory with a Maratha detachment; re-
turned to give an account of his proceedings to the
Peishwa; and in a Hippocleides vein to toss off the
responsibility of the ensuing struggle upon his critic
and cousin, the still rasher and less experienced
Scdasheo.
Other proceedings of the Maratha leaders in the
North also tended to raise the now inevitaBle storm,
and to leave them to encounter its Ml fury in perfect
isolation. Holkar had co-operated in the Videos
measures against the low -bred but powerful and war*
MARATHA IMPOLICY IN THE NORTH. 359
like Hindoo Jats. Rugonath had made war on the
proud and princely Rajputs; had occupied Ajmir,
and exacted tribute from the oldest and haughtiest
of the Houses, that of Joudpoor. Now Duttaji, (a
son of the original Sindia who was dead,) still
impelled by the minister of evil counsels, the Vizier,
again overran the country of the B/ohillas; drove
those kinsmen of the Abdali to the hills; and be-
coming involved in hostilities with the new Nawab of
(hide, who, though he hated both the Rohillas and
Shah Ahmed, dreaded the Marathas still more, thus
contrived not only to sustain, in the person of his
lieutenant, a defeat at Shuja-ud-Dowla's hands; but
to exasperate afresh, at such a crisis, both those
Mahometan Powers, and revive the hitter memory of
the former Maratha conquest of Rohilkund.
A hasty truce was indeed patched up and duly
sworn to, both with the Nawab and the Rohillas, on
tidings that Shah Ahmed was already on his way
(1759). But each party knew full well how far such
a convention was likely to stand in the way of parti-
cular interests, and tribal or religious affinities.
The author of all this mischief, meanwhile, Ghazi-
ud-deen, having put an appropriate finish to his shrtrt
but meddlesome and eventful career as king maker,
and general emj>roiler of the politics of the North, by
murdfering his own creature, the wretched Alumgeer,
and setting up a new titular Emperor, a grandson of
his present victim's great namesake; fled t6 Sooraj
360 THE PANJPUT CAMPAIGN.
Mull, the Jat Raja, and hid himself in one of that
Prince's forts, while the mighty contest proceeded,
that lie had done so much to bring about.
The opening events of the campaign were of evil
augury to the Marathas. Their detachment hastily
evacuated Lahore on the advance of Ahmed Shah.
While Holkar and Duttaji Sindia retired along the
right bank of the Jumna, before what they believed
to be the invader's main body; he had in reality
crossed to the opposite side with the bulk of his army,
to receive the ready accession of the Rohillas; and
recrossing far down near Delhi, he suddenly assailed
Sindia's flank, and cut off two-thirds of his force.
Duttaji fell, but his half brother Mahadaji, famous in
after times, escaped. Holkar retreated in hot haste
beyond Agra ; thence made a successful attack on a
convoy which was proceeding to the Afghan army ;
but though he rapidly placed the Chumbul as well as
the Jumna between himself and the enemy, they
pushed on with such speed, that they overtook and
defeated him in a bloody battle.
Such were the sobering tidings that greeted the
Bhow shortly after his triumph over the Nizam.
But, flushed with victory, he saw in them only an
occasion for winning new laurels, ana eagerly de-
manded permission " to recover the lost reputation of
the Mahrattas in Hindoostan, and drive the Afghans
beyond the Attock,"*
THE MARATHA CAMP. 361
Balaji granted the request; and confided to the
care of Sedasheo his own son Wiswas Rao, the heir
apparent to the Peishwaship.
It was proposed to assemble by degrees the whole
available force of the Confederacy ; and in spite of
late occurrences and unfriendly relations with those
peoples, to call upon both Rajputs and Jats to make
common cause against the threatening Mussulman.
But the nucleus of the whole host was the Peishwa's
army, which, though not much more than thirty
thousand strong, consisted of picked levies, in the
finest condition, and splendidly appointed. Twenty-
two thousand were cavalry ; ten thousand artillery
and infantry, trained in imitation of the new Euro-
pean fashion, and commanded by Ibrahim Khan
Gardee, Bussy's old follower.
From an eye-witness Colonel Grant Duff gathered
an account of the gorgeous array in which the ill-
fated Bhow moved out to his doom, which is well
worth transcription, and will give a lively idea of the
change that had come over the people since the days
when Sivaji enforced among their ancestors his stern,
simple, and business-like dispositions.
" The equipment of this army was more splendid
$
in appearance than any Mahratta force that ever took
the field. * * * The lofty and spacious tents,
lined with silks and broadcloths, were surmounted by
large gilded ornaments, conspicuous at a great dis-
362 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN.
tance ; immense parti-coloured walls of canvass en-
closed each suite of tents belonging to the principal
officers ; vast numbers of elephants, flags of all de-
scriptions, the finest horses, magnificently capari-
soned, and all those accompaniments of an Indian
army, which give such an imposing effect to its
appearance, seemed to be collected from every quar-
ter in the Show's camp. Cloth of gold was the dress
of the officers, and all seemed to vie in that profuse
and gorgeous display characteristic of wealth lightly
acquired. It was, in this instance, an adaptation of
the more becoming and tasteful array of the magni-
ficent Moguls, in the zenith of their glory. "
To enumerate the swarm of distinguished chief-
tains, heads of families, and experienced officers, who
contributed, as in the French hosts at Crecy, Poitiers,
and Agincourt, to give eclat to the gathering, arid
national significance to any reverse that might be
sustained, is unnecessary, and would not be melodious.
But it may be mentioned that the levies of Holkar,
Sindia, and the Guikwar joined the Peishwa's army
as it neared the Chumbul, with those of many minor
chieftains. The Rajput Princes sent bodies of cavalry;
the Jat Raja appeared in person with 30,000 men,
" It seemed/' says Grant Duff, " the national cause
with all Hindoos." Soldiers of fortune, irregulars and
Pindarics (the ominous word is already familiarly
applied to a familiar phenomenon) poured in from all
THE B HO\V*S TACTICS.
363
quarters, So vast was the concourse, that no exact
estimate of it at this period seems attainable. But
mismanagement arid dissension soon thinned the
ranks, though what remained was far too numerous
a host to be handled deftly by such a: general as the
Bhow, cspccialy against such an antagonist as the
Abdali a man of war from his youth ; a cool, deter-
mined and methodical commander ; the absolute dis-
poser of his own motions, and well acquainted with
the condition and feelings of his enemies.
The incapacity of the Maratha general, arising not
only from inexperience, but from the moral defects
and dangerous prejudices which have been already
noted, and which late events had tended greatly to
confirm, at once began to make itself felt.
Three different races had successively distinguished
themselves in India, by carrying on war in three dif-
ferent manners. The imperial' armies had been con-
spicuous for the trained aptitude and martial spirit
of their high bred oflicers, the stature, strength and
number of their soldiers, the size and fine condition
of their horses, the imposing array of their powerful
though cumbrous artillery, the ostentatious magnifi-
cence of the whole mise en scene, and last, not least,
for the harmonious co-operation of Hindoo and Mus-
sulman under the same banner. The Marathas had
been unrivalle^ for celerity of movement, promptitude
and completeness of information, and all that is thus
364 THE PAN'IPUT CAMPAIGN.
gained. To attack at discretion, unexpectedly, and
with full effect ; to evade retaliation, and baffle pur-
suit ; to supply their own wants with facility, and
with equal facility to incommode their antagonist,
by operating on his communications, surprising his
convoys, and reducing him to actual or imminent
starvation ; this had been their forte, and the cause
of the terror they had so long inspired. Of late the
French had revolutionized the whole game of war in
India, by the introduction of disciplined battalions
and light field- pieces. At this very time was being
trained, in Hyder Ally, a general who was to solve
successfully and with terrible effect the problem, how
to combine the three systems in one comprehensive
and well adjusted method of operations.
But the Bhow was, if I may venture to say so, a
sort of anticlimax to Hyder. Instead of assimilating
what was best in each system, he selected that which
was least appropriate to his circumstances, and con-
structed altogether a machine elaborately adapted to
defeat its own ends.
He adopted Mogul luxury, cumbersomeness, state,
dilatoriness, deficiency of information. Maratha
family feuds, personal grudges, a peddling, vulgar
disposition to raise money by means abhorrent and
insulting to all who cherished the memory of departed
imperial greatness ; such were the original incentives
which his early associations had implanted, and which
THE BHOW'S TACTICS. 305
10 large converse with the world outside Maharashtra
had removed. And these presently led him to abandon
the special and felicitous peculiarities of Maratha
w arfare, and to lose the services of his other Hindoo
associates. Lastly, the sepoy battalion, and the
European field-piece were admirable instruments
when managed by those who had introduced them,
and directed by a competent commander. But, as
usual, it was not the mechanical appliance, or the
theoretical system, but the discerning eye and cal-
culating mind of the skilful master that must deter-
mine the success of their application : and neither
Ibrahim Khan nor the Bhow himself was a Bussy, a
Clivc, or even a Dalton. Nor, had they been so,
could the marvels of Indo-European warfare have
been reproduced with levies exclusively composed of
natives, exclusively officered by natives, and but
slightly tinged with the reflection of the bright light
that had recently arisen on the Coromandel coast.
The pomp without the dignity, the large-minded-
ness, or the unity of the Empire; the waywardness
without the mobility and vigilance of the Maratha ;
the form without the spirit of the European levies ;
and all presided over and misdirected by a tite
montt neophyte, jealous of his subordinates, con-
temptuous in his bearing towards his allies, under-
rating his able opponent, and obstinately bent
upon pursuing his own caprices and crotchets, in
366 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN,
defiance of the evidence of facts: what could be
expected to come of so unhappy a combination ?
Sooraj Mull, the Jat prince, at once detected the
weak point in the character of the armament. The
cavalry obviously could not act freely while compelled
to attend the slow motions of the infantry, guard the
heavy cannon, and protect a gipsey-like host of
women, children, and camp followers. He therefore
urged that these encumbrances should be got rid of,
by placing them in some of the many fortresses avail-
able in the neighbourhood. Holkar seconded this
proposal. But the jealous, suspicion?, and self-
opinionated Bhow, proud of his supposed monopoly
of European skill and appliances, and misliking the
suggestion, as proceeding from the lips or mind of
Holkar, against whom (as I have explained) he had
an old grudge; perhaps also anxious to retain the
Maratha families as pledges of the fidelity and
energetic Action of some of the chiefs, refused to
adopt the advice.
He marched in full force to Delhi, arid after some
opposition, occupied that city ; and immediately pro-
ceeded to shock th feelings of the Hindostonecs
generally, as well as of the Mussulmans from other
parts of the Peninsula, by profbsing to plac, or (as
one account says) actually placing Wi^wja^JittO, the
Peishwa's young son, on the throne. For Stilicho
or Gelimer to haw raised an Arian Gfoth or Vandal
HIS IMPOLITFC CONDUCT. 367
to the imperial dignity, would hardly have done so
much violence to the sentiments of the Catholics oi
Italy, a*s did such a step, to those of the Mahometan
or even the Raj put adherents of the house* of Timour.
He next further insulted both the Moguls and
the Rajputs, whose Princessfes had habitually inter-
married with the Emperors, and who had been the
constant and favoured attendants in the stately audi-
ence hall of the palace, by stripping it of such costly
decorations as had escaped previous spoilers, or had
been supplied to make amends for earlier acts of the
same aggravating kind ; and ended by breaking up,
in imitation of Nadir Shah, the throne itself.
The remonstrances of Sooraj Mull and Holkar
were superciliously disregarded; and the immediate
and disastrous result of these wanton acts was, that
both the Jat and the Rajputs retired with theii
forces, and left the infatuated and impracticable
Maratha to wage the tremendous contest with his
own army alone.
Thus deserted by the Hindoos, the Bhow sought
aid from the Nawab of Oude, whose favour he had
already endeavoured to gain bj^the notable proposal,
that the latter should be Vizier under Wiswas Rao !
But the Mussulman? little as he loved either the
Abdali or the Rohilla, and, though he gave fail
words, and continued up to the last moment to ne-
gotiate publicly aa mediator -ittd to carry on *
368 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN.
private coirespondence with Sedasheo, lost no time
in joining Shah Ahmed with a powerful contingent
(July, 1760) ; and opened his real mind, arid that of
his Maratha correspondent, , and would-be confidant,
to his co-religionist.
Jealousy of the Maratha power, and the character
and conduct of the Bhow, combined with the out-
raged feelings of the son of the imperial Vizier, and
the prejudices of Islam, to frustrate this last hope of
securing efficient aid in the North?
Sedasheo then tried another expedient ; but suc-
ceeded only in showing the shiftiness of his own
policy, and in angering yet more those who already
denounced the insolence of the low-bred robbers, by
presuming to determine afresh who should be
the occupant of the throne, which he had actually
destroyed. He made a new Emperor this time a
scion of the Mogul House; and again declared Shuja-
ud-Dowlah Vizier. This, in itself a brutum fulmen,
was at once dissipated in the crash of battle that
began now to set in.
The Bhow stormed a town favourable to the Abdali.
Ahmed Shah seized the first opportunity of fording the
Jumna (Oct., 1760), on the abatement of the mon-
soon ; and while the negligent and incredulous com-
mander of the Marathas was still shutting his ears
to the tidings, made good his passage, and the next
morning engaged the outposts of his opponent.
CHARACTER OP HOLKAR. 369
At this crisis Holkar again strongly urged the pro-
priety of returning to the old style of fighting, in
which his people had proved so formidable ; but in
vain. The Bhow " had a plan j" and that plan was
inconsistent with Holkar' s recommendation ; though
a separate effort made by the old and wily partisan
leader proved so successful as to lend much coun-
tenance to his advice.*
Glued to his artillery corps, and reckless of the
dispiriting effect of placing such an army in a purely
defensive attitude, Sedasheo took up a position at
* The following, somewhat condensed, is Sir John Malcolm's
general estimate of Holkar :
" Mulhar Row was seventy-six years of age when he died ; he had
for more than forty years of his life been a commander of repUta"
tion, and during the latter part of this period was certainly one of
the most distinguished in the Mahratta confederacy. * * * *
For simplicity of manners and manly courage, no Mahratta leader
stands higher in the opinion of his countrymen; nor were his
talents limited to those of a soldier. His administration of the
countries subject to his direct control was firm, but considerate,
* * * * rpj ie principal virtue of Mulhar Kow was his gene-
rosity. He had personally no regard for money ; he was wont to
declare (probably with truth) that he understood nothing of
accounts, and he listened with impatience to those ministers who
recommended the diminution of his frequent largesses. To his
relations, and indeed to all Mahrattas, he was uncommonly kincjU
It is stated of this chief, that in his conduct to the Paishwah, and
in the performance of all his duties as a member of the Mahratta
confederacy, he did that from the heart which Madhajee Sindia did
from the head : the one was a plain, sincere soldier ; and the other
added to great qualities all the art of a crafty politician." Central
India, vol. L, pp. 155 6,
370 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN.
Paniput a place where the fate of India has been
decided in several memorable engagements. He then
proceeded to construct an elaborately entrenched
camp. " He dug a ditch/' says Grant Duff, " fifty
feet wide and twelve feet deep, and raised a rampart,
on which he mounted cannon, round both his own
camp and the village of Paniput."
He had traced a charmed circuit, which ominously
enveloped the people whom he led; and which, far
from defending them, sapped rapidly, as by enchant-
ment, the ardent and confident spirit that had
hitherto sustained and rendered them invincible !
Ahmed Shah surrounded his camp with the
slighter protection of a sort of breast-work of
prostrate timber.
In point of numbers the armies were not very un-
equally matched. Of regular and serviceable soldiers,
the Abdali had about 80,000; that is 42,000 cavalry,
and 38,000 infantry, with 70 guns. The Marathas
had 70,000, including 55,000 horsemen, and 15,000
infantry; but not less than 200 guns. Thus the
Afghan's superiority in men might seem to be coun-
terbalanced by the greater number of cannon on the
other side. But the difficulty of mobilising and
working so many guns, and the necessity of guard-
ing an entrenched camp, full of women and children,
greatly impaired this ostensible Advantage.
'The physique, too, of the Afghans, if nqt of the
COMPOSITION OP THE ARMIES. 371
Oude men, was in some respects, and for certain
purposes, as decidedly, though not obviously, in
their favour, as that of the Germans over the lithe
and impetuous, but less tenacious and stout-built
Frenchmen in the late war. Rapidity and elan were
the Maratha's/orte. He shone in the dashing charge,
and the initial and overwhelming shock of battle.
But in the prolonged " tug of war/' in the dull thud-
ding impact, which was to secure the final victory as
the result of reiterated and protracted exertions, he
might mountain-trained as he was meet more than
his match in the tall and stalwart invaders from the
confines of the mighty and bracing Himalaya.
Much, then, would depend on the character and
circumstances of the stricken field in which these
redoubtable rivals should ultimately engage ; and on
the skill and care with which the Afghan, if he were
to stand before the terrible onslaught of the Maratha
cavalry, should be able to devise means for stemming
that hitherto irresistible tide of battle, until his own
dogged strength and physical stability should have
time to tell.
It must be added, that irregulars doubled the
above number of the Abdali's army ; and that the
Marathas are said to have had upwards of 200,000 of
such inferior soldiers and Pindaries, or half soldiers,
half tootles.
Thus fkr as to the armies. The contrast between
372 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN.
the commanders was striking and_cor^)lete. I have
already endeavoured to sketch the character of Seda-
sheo, and to exhibit the effect of his incompetency,
both in the political and in the military aspects of
the campaign. His civil administration in Maha-
rashtra had been meritorious. But he was simply
out of his element in the North, arid at the head
of an army, and opposed to such a general as the
Abdali. %
On the other hand, in an age of remarkable men,
who by their abilities and energy had raised them-
selves to a conspicuous station, and who played an
influential part in the complicated drama of
imperial dissolution, Ahmed .Shall was one of the
most remarkable. By birth the noblest of the Af-
ghans, and the son of a statesman, whose diplomatic
services in Persia had kindled the admiration of the
wild tribes of a wild country, Ahmed had been chas-
tened by early suffering, trained to war in the army,
and under the eye, of the gr^t master of the art,
Nadir Shah himself.
After Nadir's assassination Ahmed returned, with
the Afghan contingent, from Persia to his own
country; and was, after a strange and protracted
debate, and on the decisive motion of a religious
devotee, unanimously elected King of the whole
nation, at the early age of twenty-three. Heisoon
justified the choice by his politic conduct. He re-
CHARACTER OP AHMED SHAH. 373
pressed the mutual hostilities of the turbulent and
jealous clans; extended the sphere of his influence
by associating in the Confederacy outlying, alienated,
or doubtful members; bound together his hetero-
geneous subjects by wise regulations, and caused
them to respect a ruler, who was equally determined
to hold his own, and to concede and secure what was
due to those under him; and he employed abroad
warlike energies, which would otherwise have been
expended in sanguinary domestic dissensions and
dangerous rebellions. Thus he overcame the natural
disadvantages of his precarious position, and in the
course of a few years made himself one of the most
considerable potentates in Asia.
x ^ ^ * *
But this was not all. To bridle and unite the
fierce and lawless Afghans, and to rival the military
exploits of Nadir, were proud achievements for the
King and the Conqueror; and would alone have
entitled him to the place I have assigned him.
^But as a man and a religionist, he occupies a still
more eminent position. He may be said to stand
alone in the dark group of astute and determined,
but selfish, low-toned, and utterly worldly ad-
venturers, whose persevering ambition attained in-
deed its reward, but at whose performances, under
the influence of that ambition, the unsophisticated
reader i* apt to stand aghast, as at those of an
oriental Caesar Borgia.
374 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN.
Paradoxical as it may appear, and though his
name is indissolubly associated with scenes of
carnage (the irrepressible result of the ferocity of
his people,) wliich savour more of Timour than of
Thomas k Kempis; yet, certain it is, that Ahmed
Shah was not only a man of cultivation, but a devout
mystic, and a religious poet of no common order.
Persian influences had, no doubt, operated on him ;
and his young mind had not improbably been much
impressed by the terrible fate which had overtaken
Nadir, in the midst of his theological aberrations
and religious persecutions. However that may have
been, the sincerity and fervour of his spiritual aspi-
rations do not seem to be open to question, and
found utterance in such strains of psalmody as the
following :
"I cry unto thee, O God! for I am of my sins and wickedness
ashamed ;
But hopeless of thy mercy, no one hath ever from thy threshold
departed.
Thy goodness and mercy are boundless, and I am of my evil acts
ashamed ;
*Tis hopeless that any good deeds of mine will avail, but thy name
I'll my refuge make*
When I my iniquities review, I say, that I were but a mere blade
of grass !
The lusts of the flesh and the devil are so implanted within me,
that, O God ! I can nothing do.
Though I strive to the utmost, there's no escape for me out of the
devil's evil will :
If it be possible the heart from evil to guard, bow shall the ayes be
protected ?
AHMED SHAKES MILITARY ABILITY. 375
O Ahmad! seek thou help from the Almighty, but not from pomp
and grandeur's aid." *
Such was Ahmed in the solitude of his chamber !
\
But when from the Sufi penitent we turn to the pro-
fessional soldier, all is changed ; or rather the same
earnestness of character which sent him in private to
the Throne of Grace for pardon, comfort, and
strength, impelled him, when in the field, to "do
with his might what his Hand found to do;" and
rendered him one of the ablest and most successful,
because one of the most thoughtful, deliberate, and
steadfast of generals.
Of his military qualities some idea may be formed
from the subjoined passage, on occasion of his
election :f
To this much more might be added. But this is
enough, especially in contrast to such an antagonist
as the Bhow.
At this crisis, Ahmed Shah took the just measure
* Quoted in the Calcutta Review, No. 101, Article I.; a very
interesting and well-written paper on Ahmad Shah Abdali.
t " Such a chief was found in Ahmad Shah, a man in whom the
enthusiasm of youth had been sobered by imprisonment and the
vicissitudes and responsibilities of a soldier, early called to high
command, but restrained by the bonds of the sternest discipline
who was thoughtful and far-seeing in planning, but who, in carrying
out his plans, exhibited the patience of the most unwavering
resolution, with the swift decision of one habituated to watch th<
changes of a battle, and to turn them to account." Calcutta
Review^ ut wpra, page 7*
376 TH BANIPUt CAMPAIGN.
of thfl Maratha disposition; and, though his own
army began to grow extremely impatient for action,
and to suffer severely from the failure of supplies
adequate to the wants of so large a body of men, he
absolutely refused to engage in a general battle, or to
make any attempt to storm the Maratha entrench-
ments, and thus expose himself to a disheartening
repulse. Negotiations, and private messages from
the Bhow to the Nawab of Oude stjll continued ; and
his ally never failed to inform Ahmed of the purport
of these secret communications. Thus, and in other
ways, he learned, what indeed the nature of the case
might have told him, that the vast colluvies of pre-
datory troops, interrupted in their usual practice of
making war support war by preying on the country
around; little habituated either to want, or to the
thrifty use of such stores^as the/ could still command;
exasperated by the seditious clamour of Ibrahim
Khan's mercenaries for arrears of pay, which the
increasing poverty of the Bhow would not allow him
to satisfy ; hampered by the presence of a vast mass
of worse than useless looties, women, and children ;
disheartened by their stationary attitude, and dis-
tempered by the quarrels of their chiefs: might
indeed determine, in their desperation, to force a
battle upon him, but were playing his own game
every day that they remained cooped up in their
camp.
BOLDNESS OF THE MARATHAS. 377
Twice, indeed, within a short time, he had reason
to respect, if not to dread, the prowess and fury of
his antagonists ; and he might well hesitate to meet
the full array of their host, until despondency, dis-
cord, and famine should have materially diminished
its strength. On the first occasion Holkar, at the
head of 15,000 horsemen, broke into the Afghan
camp ; and cut down 2000 men before the arrival of
reinforcements induced him to retire, with the loss of
half that number. On the second, Bulwunt Rao,
Sedasheo's Dewan and a good officer, assailed the
Abdali's Vizier in the open field, as the latter was on
his way to a mosque j and 3000 of the Rohillas whom
Nujib-ud-Dowla led to the rescue fell, before Bul-
wunt himself was killed ; when the Bhow, on whom
the shadow of coming, fate seemed fast settling, and
benumbing his faculties, retired to bewail his friend,
in the seclusion of his own tent.
Thus the armies for some time contented them-
selves with watching each other, or with witnessing
tingle combats, which, in old Homeric fashion, came
)ff by mutual agreement at a place midway between
;he hostile levies, and marked out by a sort of barrier.
The Rajputs and the Jats, though they had aban-
loned the contest, still in some degree befriended and
nitigated the distress of their Hindoo compatriots,
>y transmitting to them occasional supplies, both of
noney and provisions. This, however, was but a
378 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN.
feeble palliative ; and too often the enemy, retaliat-
ing the inveterate Maratha practice, intercepted the
intended succours.
Ahmed Shah was equally confident, imperious, in-
defatigable, and vigilant in the prosecution of his re-
strictive plan. " He was on horseback/' says Elphin-
stone, on the Authority of an eye-witness, whose
narrative is said to have been authorised by Holkar,
"for the whole day, visiting hisjposts, and recon-
noitring the enemy; and never rode less than fifty
or sixty miles a-day. At night he placed a picket of
5,000 horse as near as he could to the enemy, while
other parties went the rounds of the whole encamp-
ment. ' His orders were obeyed like destiny/ adds
Casi Rai 'no man daring to hesitate or delay one
moment in executing them/"
Such, in his sterner mood, was the remarkable
northern chief selected bv Providence to curb the
&
insolence, and break the power, of the rash and
domineering Southrons.
And thus, hemmed in, chafing, fasting, wasting,
and, in Prince Bismarck's too expressive phrase,
" stewing in their own grease," the unhappy warriors,
so lately triumphant in all quarters of India, now
brought to bay under such an accumulation of
disadvantages, at length insisted on being led forth
to conquer or to die. A large body, who had sallied
of their own accord in the night, upon a desperate
THE MARATHAS MARCH OUT TO BATTLE. 37
quest after food, had been already intercepted, and
slaughtered without mercy. There remained pro-
visions sufficient only for one hearty meal. But the
improved modern plan, of surrendering en masse or
such considerations, never seems to have entered
the thoughts of these licentious, but, even in theii
desperation, thoroughly determined warriors.
The inevitable hour had struck. The Bhow gave
the word, calmly and sadly (January 6, 1761.) The
army ate once more ; and then quitted the camp thai
had been, for two long and weary months, its prison
and had tamed its spirit, like the dank and grue-
some precincts of an unfamiliar and hideous charnel-
house.
They emerged, not now proudly and confidently
mindful of the long and successful resistance offeree
by their fathers to the imperial tyrant ; nor of theii
own widely diffused triumphs; nor of their recem
and crowning victory over their neighbour and con-
stant rival, the Nizam ; nor their faces jubilant witl
the exulting joy of battle : but plunged in the deepesl
dejection, anticipating the all but certainty of defeat
attired and dishevelled as if doomed to destruction
and anxious only to escape from their long captivity
and exhibiting to the last their renowned valour, tc
sell their lives as dearly as possible.*
* "The ends of their turbans/ 1 says Grant Duff, "were let loose
their hands and faces anointed with a preparation of turmeric
380 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN.
The Bhow had committed his wife and some of the
chief families to Holkar's care, as to that of one who
had the best chance, should he survive the fray, of
finding favour in the eyes of the influential but vin-
dictive Rohilla, Nujib-ud-Dowla. He also sent a
last and touching appeal to Casi Rai, which reached
its destination not long before the armies closed in
the tremendous strife. " The cup/' he wrote, " is
now full to the brim, and cannot hold another drop.
If anything can be done, do it, or else answer me
plainly at once; hereafter there will be no time for
writing or speaking. 1 " These desperate measures
taken, he led forth his army, and disposed it in order
in the open plain.
The artillery was posted in front of the line, and
preluded with a general discharge, which was kept up
and answered by the enemy's guns, until the im-
petuosity of both armies carried them past their
batteries, which seem thenceforward to have taken
little part in the battle.
The Bhow, with his young nephew, Wiswas Rao,
and Jeswunt Rao Puar, occupied with their im-
mediate followers the centre of the line; and in
front of them floated the Bhugwa Jenda, the great
standard of the nation, associated with the proudest
signifying that they were come fortJk to die, and everything seemed
to bespeak the despondency of sacrifice prepared, instead of victory
determined/'
DISPOSITION OF THE ARMIES. 381
recollections of Maratha achievements. Sindia com-
manded on the right ; the Guikwar on the left, with
whom was now joined Ibrahim Khan.
Meanwhile the Shah, at first incredulous of the
tidings, that his opponents were actually advancing
to try the chances of a general engagement, had rid-
den forward to reconnoitre; and at length certified
by the loud and prolonged roar of the artillery, he
coolly removed a pipe from his mouth, and remarked
to Shuja-ud-Dowla, "Your servants' news is very
true, I see/* He then lost no time in marshalling
his own forces.
His Grand Vizier, Shah Wullee, was posted in the
centre, with the bulk of the Afghans, 10,000 of whom
were horse. Three Rohilla chiefs, and two other
considerable leaders, led the right wing; the left
was intrusted to the Nawab of Oude and Nujib-ud-
Dowla* The Rohilla Prince knew too well, by re-
peated experience, what it was to encounter the im-
petuous shock of Maratha cavalry. He, therefore,
with admirable forethought and great labour adcom-
plished a task which probably, in the end, deter-
mined the fate of the battle. As he moved forward
lie threw up a number of hasty earthworks, behind
which his men, if repulsed, might successively rally,
and escape being swept off the field.
The event soon proved the wisdom of this pre-
caution. The Marathas in the centre, raising their
382 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN,
noted and inspiriting battle-cry, thundered down in
one terrific and overwhelming body on the Afghan
host opposed to them; and, their momentum undi-
minished by a counter-charge of cavalry, poured
right onward, like an irresistible flood, through the
stationary mass, breaking and scattering it in their
headlong career. Then followed a desperate, clamour-
ous, and hand-to-hand struggle. So thick was the
dust-cloud that instantaneously overspread the scene,
so wild the tumult, that the comlbatants could re-
cognise each other only by the rival shouts of de-
fiance. HUT ! Hur ! Mahadeo ! was answered by the
fanatic Deenl Deen! a sound terrible and bodeful
of death to many an Englishman and Englishwoman
in our own day !
The Vizier, finding his redoubted soldiers, though
still struggling in detail, giving ground on all sides,
and in imminent danger of being utterly routed,
leaped from his horse, accoutred in full armour, and
was imitated in this gallant but dangerous proceed-
ing by many of his officers. But this display of
confident bravery availed not; still his men were
borne backward, and a panic began to prevail among
them. " Our country/' exclaimed the agitated
general, "Our country is far off, my friends;
whither do you fly ?" But in vain he appealed to his
troops, the bulk of whom had already deserted him.
He was left for awhile with but a handful of men.
THE BATTLE OF PANIPUT. 383
While thus the battle raged in the centre, the
Marathas on the left, covered by a prudent manoeuvre
of Ibrahim's (who had wheeled two battalions to his
left rear, so as to protect his flank) , and ably seconded
by the Khan's personal exertions, had sustained not
less successfully their old reputation. Ibrahim was
himself wounded, and more than half his men had
fallen. But the Afghan right also was borne down
in a desperate charge ; and nearly 8,000 Rohillas lay
dead or wounded on the field in that quarter alone.
The battle had already lasted from early in the
morning until noon, when Ahmed Shah, who had
remained in the rear, surveying with the eye of an
experienced general the darksome and shifting tem-
pest of war, and issuing his orders with consummate
calmness and precision, ascertained that his left
alone, with the help of the extemporised earthworks,
continued still unbroken, though in much danger oi
being outflanked and ridden down. He now took
measures for a great and supreme effort to restore
the battle. He had prudently retained a consider-
able reserve, a precaution which the Marathas had
entirely neglected. In addition to this, he hunted
out of the camp every soldier who had, on any
pretence, loitered there, and had not yet been en-
gaged. His right was speedily succoured, and
rallied. Ten thousand horsemen were entrusted
anew to the Vizier^ who was ordered to charge again
384 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN.
and again the victorious Maratha centre. Nujib-
ud-Dowla and Shah Pusund Khan, an Afghan
officer, with a picked band of his countrymen, were
directed to support these attacks, by assailing the
B how's less successful right division.
The conflict then became more equal, and was
waged with great severity and horrible carnage for
two hours more. Holkar alone, it was thought, did
not put forth his full strength. But, despondent and
enfeebled as his countrymen hacf been when they
marched forth to battle, they seem to have displayed,
when once actually engaged, not only the most deter-
mined and effective valour, but an amount of physical
endurance in the long and arduous contest, that was
truly wonderful. Though fainting, famished, and
overmatched by the stout northern mountaineers,
they still fought on with the energy of despair, and
the animating fury of national and religious hatred.
But at length Wiswas Rao fell mortally wounded ;
and the unhappy Bhow, probably overcome by a
sudden access of family fueling, and discerning in
this blow the hand of inevitable fate, dismounted
from his elephant; gave, or is said by Holkar to
have given him, some indefinite directions.; and,
plunging into the thickest of the fight, in all
probability perished almost instantly, though a
questioif was afterward* raised* whether he were
indeed dead at all, and had not made his escape.
DEFEAT OP THE MARATHAS. 385
As on so many other occasions, the disappearance
of the leader produced, almost instantaneously, the
irretrievable rout of his army. What was the real
import of the Show's communication to Holkar
must ever remain a mystery. As at Balaclava, we
can only conclude that
"Some one had blundered."
Holkar himself immediately left the field and fled,
promptly followed by the Guikwar.*
Then the whole army broke, and in vain attempted
to flee also. But a wholesale butchery added its
horrors to those accumulated throughout the pro-
* Sir John Malcolm remarks ou Holkar 1 a conduct (Central
India, vol. i. p. 153) :
"The early escape of Mulhar Bow, oi5 a day so fatal to his
nation, has given rise to some reproaches; but his advocates
ascribe his safety to his superior knowledge as a leader, which made
him, when he saw the action lost, keep his party together, and
retreat with an order that none of the others preserved.
41 This account will be more probable, if we credit the statement
given of his quarrel with his commander, on the morning of the
day on which the battle was fought. He had, it is affirmed, in*
treated Sedasheo Bhow to delay the action for one or two day* j*
but the latter, whose pride and vanity exceeded all bounds, im-
patient of tha advice, exclaimed, 'Who wants the counsel of a
goatherd?'. If the anecdote be true, we cannot wonder that $
chief of Mulhar Bow's character should not have anticipated
success."
t
* Sedasheo BHow used to allow his attendants to exclaim, w Pur-
seram Ootar," or an Incarnation of Vifihnu, as one of his title*.
386 THE PANIPUT CAMPAIGN,
traded and envenomed conflict. The field was
cumbered with the Marathas slain in their flight.
The trenches of the Bhow's camp were choked with
the carcases of those who had crowded into them,
and had been trampled to death before they could
extricate themselves. The ferocious victors beset
the camp all night. On the morrow, they divided
amongst themselves as slaves the women and children,
and slaughtered in cold blood, and at leisure, all their
male prisoners, piling the heads in heaps around their
tents. The peasants in the neighbourhood killed
great numbers of the fugitives. "Of the fighting
men/' says Grant Duff*, tf one-fourth only are sup-
posed to have escaped, and of the followers about an
equal proportion ; so that nearly 200,000 Malirattas
perished in the campaign ."
The Jat prince treated the fugitives with much
kindness. Wiswas Rao's body was found, and the
barbarous chieftains assembled around the Afghan
sovereign at first insisted that the corpse of the king
of the unbelievers should be stuffed, and carried back
to Cabul. But, by Shuja-ud-Dowla's intercession, it
wa eventually burned. A hfeadless trunk was dis-
played as that of the Bhow. But it remained un-
certain whether the body were actually his, Sindia
was taken, arid fell a victim to Nujib-ud-Dowla'fc
vengeance. Ibrahim Khan, too, was one of the
captives, and was executed for the unpardonable
DEATH OP THE PEISHWA. 387
offence of having fought the battle of the infidel
against the followers of the Prophet.
The tidings of this terrific calamity were too
much for the Pcishwa. He speedily sickened and
died ; and for the time the spirit of his people was
completely broken.
With the change of a few proper names, Scott's
verses on the overthrow of his countrymen at
Floddcn exactly suit the occasion.
u Nerbudda heard the ceaseless plash,
While many a broken band,
Disordered, through her currents dash,
To gain the Dekkan land ;
To town and tower, to down and dale,
To tell red Paniput's dismal tale,
And raise the universal wail.
Tradition, legpnd, tune, and song,
Shall many an age that wail prolong :
Still from the sire the son shall hear
Of the stern strife and carnage drear,
Of Patupuf* fatal field*,
Where shiver' d was Maharashtra** spear
And broken was her shield,"
CONCLUSION.
WITH the battle of Paniput, the native period of
Indian History may be said to end. Henceforth the
interest of the story gathers round the progress of
the Merchant Princes from the far West. The
Mogul Empire, as a palpable entity, has vanished ;
though as an idea, a tradition, a diplomatic
assumption, it continues to haunt the minds, and
complicate the political relations both of Natives
and of Europeans. There is still a titular Emperor,
but he is a fugitive adventurer. The Subahdar of
the Dekkan also survives ; but he is fast sinking into
the Nizam of Hyderabad. The portentous incar-
nation of predatory energy, which has eaten out the
heart, and decked itself in the trappings, and for
awhile has threatened to assume the authority of
dismembered imperialism, lies prostrate and bleeding
under the Afghan knife. The star of the Feringhee
Sahibs is in the ascendant, and is destined to rule the
empyrean, though not unchallenged, or without
eclipse.
CONCLUSION. 389
The English have now not only freely engaged in
the quarrels of the Country Powers, but have just,
for the first time, obtained a secure and command-
ing position along the whole shore of Eastern India,
and far up the Valley of the Ganges.
On the Coromandcl coast, the long duel between
the French and our countrymen is being terminated
by the surrender of Poudicherry.
While, in Bengal, Clive has recently gained the
battle of Plassey, and entered on his career of King
maker, and Founder of our Indian Empire.
A new candidate for dominion has indeed arisen
in the South, and is already revolving schemes in-
compatible with the security and extension of our
authority in that quarter, and which will even
threaten, at times, ouf expulsion from the country.
And the Maratha Hydra, though crest-fallen,
stunned, and maimed, is fated to revive, and to try
conclusions once and* again with the ever encroach-
ing conquerors of Suraja Dowla, of Lally, and of
Tippoo. In the Eastern Himalayas, too, is nestling a
brave and hardy race, who will severely tax hereafter
the military energies and resources of the British.
And though the Afghan does not now linger to enjoy
the fruit of his hard- won victory, the bloody trophies
of Paniput foreshadow *the deep humiliation of Eng-
land eighty years afterwards, at the hands of Ahmed
Shah's exasperated and ferocious countrymen.
390 CONCLUSION,
Alivady, lastly, around the banks of the Indus a
remarkau; : community of fervid religionists and for-
midable warriors is clustering, which after many
terrible vicissitudes, is just emancipated from all ex-
ternal control; and which, organised, disciplined,
and held in check through long years, by an ambi-
tious but wary chief, will, after his death, pour
like the resistless floods of the same region, over the
adjacent British Provinces, and once more emperil
our power, already shake^ to its foundations by the
Afghan disaster.
Still, throughout these and minor convulsions, the
figTire of the Englishman is ever the most prominent :
his heavy hand and his scheming brain eventually
carry the day in all directions : the sequence of his
fortunes gives a new unity to Indian story : and the
character and operation of his system of direct
government, or of indirect influence, are the all-
important circumstances upon which the fate of the
people depends.
The memorable struggles which have intervened
between the accession of Aurungzib and the death
of Balaji Baji Ilao have facilitated and inaugurated
the British Conquest ; and neither the military, the
political, nor thejmoral aspects of that great achieve-
ment can be properly understood without a previous
knowledge of the eventful and complicated prelude.
INDE3
ABDALT,
King of Cabul, invades
India . 213, 255, 357
His personal character . 373
Ilia military conduct
before the battle of
Paniput . . .378
His conduct during the
battle . . .383
ABHEE SING,
Baja of Joudpoor, suc-
cessor to Surbulund . 206
ABUL FAZIL,
Friend of Acber . 32
Author of Memoirs &c. ;
vide Ayeen Akbery 32, 50
ACBKB,
Emperor, character of 28, 29
Military triumphs , 30
Civil policv . . 30, 31
Hi refusal of Presents ib.
Educational institutions 32
His religion . 33
Compared with Charle
magne . . 32
Military system . 76
Prince, revolts . 93
Retirement and death 152
ADINA BEG,
Commander of Ghazi-
ud-deen . , . 356
ADINA BEG,
Raises a Sikh force . 357
Invades the Punjab . ib.
ADMINISTRATION
Of the Mogul Provinces 64
Of Maratha affairs under
Shao . . .174
AFGHAN
Monarchies, reduced . 167
Conquest of Persia . 215
Army compared with
the Maratha ditto . 370
AFGHANISTAN,
A Mogul Province . 75
AFZOOL KHAN,
Murder of . , % 111
AGRA,
Fortifications of, under
Akber ... 78
Occupied by Aurungzib 83
AHMEDABAD,
Surrender of, to the
Marathas . . . 283
AHMEDNUGGTJR,
The City, reduced by
the Moguls . . 30
Plundered by Sivaji . 117
The Kingdom, fell of . 101
AJIT SING,
Raja of Joudpoor, op-
poses Great Mogul 90, 91
392
INDEX.
94
55
AJIT
Pardon granted to
AJMIR,
, Feudalism of .
ALAIN, M.,
See Hugel and Alain.
ALIYERDY KHAN
His rise . . . 227
First contest with the
Marat has . . . 228
Later Maratha wars
233, 234
Revolts against him
231, 235, 238
Compact with the Ma-
rathas . . .238
Character and daily life
240, 241
ALUM ALLY,
Routed and killed . 188
ALUMGIB THE SECOND,
Named Emperor . 286
Murder of . . . 359
ALWAR,
A Jat district . . 14
Or Audience Hall of
Mogul Emperors . 62
ANCHITTYDROOa,
Mukhdoom arrested at 346
ANICUL,
Hyder's flight to , 343
ABCHERS
OfMarathas . . 134
AACOT,
The chout levied on . 291
Nawab of, his death . 262
ABTILLERY
OfAkber ... 78
Of Nuam-ul-Mulk 119, 212
European, in Maharash-
tra ..... 277
Of the Maratha* 800, 365,
869, 870, 380
ASHRAFF,
Afghan King of Persia 216
ASOF JAH (Niaam-ul-Mulk)
In the field against Baji
Rao. . . .213
ASSASSINATIONS
Frequent under the later
Moguls . 60
ASTKOLOOY,
Forbidden by Aurungzib 87
ASTRUC, M.,
Commander of the
French . . .322
In the service of Hyder ib.
ATTA OOLLA,
Comijiander under AH-
verdy . . 234,236
AURUNGZIB, PRINCE,
Character and career 43,44,45
His subtle policy . . 81
Valor and fanatic tone 82, 83
Accession a* Emperor . 83
Cruelty to his relations 86
Intolerance ... 87
Effect on the Hindoos . 89
Its political results'* . 95
Dealings with Sivaji 109, 110,
118, 119, 120
Attempt to seize Sivaji 122
March from B urhanpoor 146
Magnificence of his
Court and Camp . ti.
Takes Bijapoor and
Golconda . 148, 149
II b execution of Sambaji 153
Alters his mode of warfare 163
Futility of his efforts . 165
Nearly taken prisoner , 166
His death ib.
Annexations of . . 167
Causes of his failure 168, 169
AYEEN AKBEUY,
Or Gtusetteer, &o. f of the
Empire under Acber
32, 59, 78
AZTM,
Prince, serve* in the
n* Rajput war . . 92
INDEX.
393
AZIM,
Releases Shao
Contests the
tlirone
Mogul
171
ib.
BASER,
First Mogul Emperor,
his character and ex-
ploits . . 23, 24, 25
Memoirs 24
Conquest of Cabul ib.
Attempt to poison him 50
His army and tactics . 75
BAHADUR,
Title of . . 70, 71
BAHMINY,
Mahometan monarchy, 101
BAJI GHOREPURAY
Captures Shahji . . 107
Is killed by Sivaji . 115
BAJI MOHITEY,
Capture of . . . 105
Sent to the Camatic . ib.
BAJI PURVOE,
Slain in arresting Sivaji's
pursuers . . ,114
BAJI RAO,
Contrasted with Nizam-
ul-Mulk . . .185
Policy at the Court of
Satara . . 195
Speech on behalf of the
extension of Maratha
conquests . * 196
First war with Nizam-
ul-Mulk . . 199,200
Overthrows Trimbuk . 202
His convention with the
Nizam . . * 205
Commands an army in
Malwa . , .207
His demands on tho
Emperor , . .209
Marches on Delhi , 211
Returns to the Itekkau 211
Blockades the N
RAJI RAO,
Sends an expedition into
the Camatic , . 244
His death , ib.
BALA GHAT,
Capture of forts in . 146
BALAJI WISHWANATH,
Career of . . ,177
Founder of the power of
the Peishwa . 176, 177
His revenue system iu
the Dekkan . . 180
BALAJI BAJI RAO,
His succession opposed 249
His cunning and cruel
conduct . . 257, 259
Quarrel with Sedasheo 265
Sides with Ghazi-ud-
decn. . . .267
March against Salabat . ib.
Arrival at Aurungabad. ib.
Returns to Satara * ib.
Makes prisoner of Dunnaji 269
Is opposed by Tara Bhye ift.
His final victory . . 273
Emissaries of in the
Nizam's camp . . 278
Concludes an armistice
withSalabat . . 280
Raises an army against
the Afghans, giving the
command totheBhow 361
His deatli , . .387
BANGALORE;
Acquired byllyder Ally 326
Hyder raises the siege of 328
BARAMAHAL,
Reduction of . , 336
Re-occupied by Hyder . 344
Unfulfilled cession of . 847
BARCELORE,
Plunder of . . .117
BARKERS, the
(Mahratta cavalry) . 1S5
BAROACH,
Plunder of . . . 147
394
INDEX.
BASALUT JUNG,
Made Salabat's Prime
Minister . . . 294
Retirement of . . ib.
BASKIR PUNT,
March of against Ali-
verdy . . . 230
Murdered by Aliverdy . 231
BASSEIN,
Siege of . . .213
BATTLE
Of Paniput . . 383385
BATTLES
(See/or/*, names of places,
towns, <f-c.)
BAUKIR KHAN,
Defeated by Aliverdy . 223
BEDER CHIEF,
Revoltsagainst Aurungzib 159
His stronghold in Wa-
kinkerah besieged . 166
BEDNORE,
Projected reduction of . 292
BEHAR
Ruled by Aliverdy Khan 227
Settlement of disaffected
ttoops in , . . 234
BERAR,
Reduced by Aeber . 30
Sivaji's Jaf/hire in . 122
BERSIER,'
Account of the reign of
Aurungzib . . 66
Description of the Su-
bahdarys . . 69
BHEELS AND COOLIES,
Robber tribes in Guzerat
hills ... 193
BHOPAL,
Nizam -ul-llulk blockaded
at . . . .213
"BHOW,"
Name given to Sedaaheo 65
(See Sedaeheo.)
BIJAPOOE
Reduction of to a tribu-
tary State 40
BIJAPOOR,
Forts ungarrisoned and
threatened . 104, 106
Besieged by the Moguls,
unsuccessfully . 109
Defeat of its generals in
the Concan . .117
Surrender of . . 148
Reduction to a province 149
Death of the Kings of 123,149
BOMBAY,
Maratha treaty with . 287
BONSLAY,
Rugoji opposed in Ben-
gal 1)y the Peiehwa . 280
Foiled by Aliverdy . 233
General in Chief in the
Carnatic . . . 246
Opposes JJalaji'a succes-
sion . 2^i8
His compact with Ba-
laji . . . .253
Creates a diversion in
Balaji's favour . . 279
His death . . 284
Jauoji invades the French
provinces . . . 285
BRAHMINS,
Their ascendancy . 99
Venerated for their
learning . , . 100
Their subtlety . . 180
BRITISH
BcKicgcd in Trichinopoly 311
BRITISH "GRENADIER
COMPANY," the,
cut off . . . 313
BRITISH CONQUEST
OF INDIA, the . 390
BUNDLEKUND,
Marntha invasion of . 208
BURHANPOOR,
Plunder of 146
BUS8Y,
Comman^r of the
Frenclftontingent in
theDekkan . . 264
INDEX.
395
BUSSY,
Advance on Poona . 277
Bet reat from the Dekkan 288
Victory at Hyderabad . 289
Orme's account of, cor-
rected . . ib.
His recall by Lally . 293
His operations at Serin*
gapatam . . .315
CABUL,
Taken by the Emperor
Babtr ... 24
CANDAHAR,
Lost by Jehangir . . 35
CANDKISir,
Levy of the chont in . 123
CARD AM UM HILLS,
the . . . 18,19
CARNATIC PLAIN,
Shahji employed there . 115
Sivaji's conquests in . 124
Ram Raja retires to . 156
Pursued by the Moguls
158162
Maratha invasion of 244 248
Nizam-ul-Mulk's deal-
ings in ... 262
Dupleix's policy there
262264
English triumph in . 389
CASHMIR,
The summer retreat of
the Mogul emperors . 30
CASTE,
Degeneracy of .99
Military . . 13, 100
CAVERY RIVER,
Scene of tho first British
conquest ... 17
Symbolical of the career
of tho British in India ib.
CAWNPQRE,
Evidence of Maratha
vindictivcness . . 125
CAZIS,
In the Mogul Courts . 63
CENAPATAM,
Occupation of . . 327
Retaken . . .328
CHAKUN,
Capture of, by the Mo-
guls .... 116
Restored to Siyaji . 122
CHICK DEO,
Raja of Mysore * 151
CHIMNAJI APPA,
Supports Baji Rao . 187
Takes Bassein . 213, 287
Promotes Balaji's suc-
cession . . . 249
Helps him to obtain
Malwa . . .250
His death ib.
CHIN KILICH-KHAN,
(See Nizam-ul-Mulk.)
C2OUT y
Or revenue levies of the
Marathas 16, 119, 123, 159,
179,238,279,284,
287, 291, 316, 320
CHUMBUL,
River noticed . * 12
CHUNDA SAHIB,
His seizure and defence
of Triehinopoly . 246
Taken prisoner . 247
Released by Dupleix . ib.
Aspires to the throne of
theCarnatio . . 263
Supported by Dupleix . t*6.
GOVERNMENT
Of the Mogul Empire a
mild despotism . 49
But essentially military 57
CIVIL WARS
Of the Moguls, how far
dangerous to the Raj 35
. Under Shah Jehan a
typical one , , 80
Of Marathas under Shao 173
CLIVE,
Founder of our Indian
Empire . . 389
396
INDEX*
COCHIN AND CALICUT,
Rajas compound with
Mysore invaders . 321
COIMBATOEE,
Cession of its revenues
to Hyder . . .326
Defended by Hyder . 348
CONCAN,
A stronghold of the Ma-
rathas 14
Character of the . . 22
Invaded by the Moguls . 1 46
Aurungzib sanctions Si-
vaji's warfare there - 110
COOTE, COLONEL
Defeat of a contingent
sent by ... 337
COURTS AND CAMPS
Of the Moguls, the
59, 147149
OftheMarathas . 158,361
CROWN-LANDS
Of the Moguls . . 71
CUSTOMS' DUTIES,
Mussulmans relieved
from by Aurungzib . 88
CUTCH,
Volcanic origin of . 9
CUTTAK,
Invasion of and occupa-
tion by the Ma rath as
228, 230, 233
Cedfed to them by Ali-
verdy . . . 238
DABUL FORT,
Seizure of . * , 113
DAOOD KHAN,
Compact with Shao, king
of the Hindoos . 175
Removal to Guzerat . 181
DARA,
His character * . 43
Defeated by Aurungzib
andMorad . . 83
Aa*i*ted by the Vice-
roy of Cfuzerat. . 86
DARA,
Again defeated, betrayed
and executed . . 86
DEKKAN,
Its northern boundaries
Military geography of 13 16
Rivers pf the 6,16,17,18,19
Hindoo gography of the 96
Early political state of
the . . . . 101
Aurungzib' a annexations
in , . . .150
DELHI,
New city built by Shah
JetiKn ... 41
Sivaji's escape from . 121
Baji Rao visits with an
army . . .211
Occupied by Nadir Shah 223
Massacre at . . 224, 225
Evacuation of by Nadir 225
District of, subjected to
the chout . . . 284
Holkar's interference at 286
Plundered by the Af-
ghans . . . 356
Sedasheo Rao's conduct
at . . . .367
DEORAJ,
The patron of Hum Sing 312
Disapproves of the Car-
natic expedition - 310
Defends Seringapatam 315
Retires from Seringapa-
tam with his family . 320
Treaty with Hyder A lly 323
Reconciled to hi* bro-
ther . . 4 . ib,
Procession in honour of t'.324
Death of . . .324
DESERTS
Great Indian Desert . 6
Of Eajputana and the
Punjab . . .9,10
DESH,
The, or table-land of the
Dekkan ... 97
INDEX.
397
DEWAN,
The, or Finance Minister 66
DHAB,
Puar chief of . . 252
DHVRNA,
Practice of . . . 323
DILAWAR ALLY,
Cut off by Nizam-ul-Mulk
in the Dekkan . . 188
DILERE KHAN,
Offered the keys of Poor-
undhur by Sivaji 118, 119
Ilia dismissal . . 121
DOABS,
* Nature of the . . 9
DOST ALLY,
Nawab of Arcot, de-
feated and slain . 246
DOW, COLONEL, cited 65,69
DOWLATABAD,
Taken bj Hussy . . 293
Ceded to the Poishwa . 301
DOWLUT RAO'S
Battalions . . .133
DHUNNAJI
Defeats the Moguls be-
fore Gingeo . . 160
Quarrels with Santaji
and causes his murder 162
DHUNNAJI GUIKWAR,
Leagues with Tara Bhye 268
Made prisoner by Balaji 269
Released, and assists the
Peishwa to conquer
Guserat . . 275,284
3UPLEIX,
French Governor-General,
policy of , . . 67
Influence in Maharashtra 243
Triumph of his policy
261264
Eecalled . . .311
5 UPLEIX-FUTTEABAD,
Founded . . .262
)UBGA DAS,
Rajput chief, opposed
to Aurungzib . . 90
DURGA HAS,
Projects the dethrone-
ment of Aurungzib 93
League with Prince
Acber . . . ib.
DUTTAJI SINDIA
Overruns Bohilkund, his
truce with the Rohillas 359
Retires from Lahore . 360
Death of ... ib.
EARTHQUAKE,
Effects on the mouth of
the Indus . . 9
ECCLESIASTICAL
Position' of the Mogul
Emperor , , 63
EDUCATION
Of the people under
Acber ... 32
ELPI1INSTONE, MR.
Cited 25, 41, 66, 78, 87, 378
EMBASSY
Of James I. of England
to the Court of Je-
hangir ... 36
EN AM
Lands, tenure of . 55, 71
ENGLISH,
Army, the, at Tanjore . 262
At Triehinopoly . . 312
Resistance to Aurungzib 151
Connexion with the
Nizam . . 294,295
Conquest of India, its
vicissitudes . 389, 390
EUROPEAN WARFARE
Adopted by Hyder Ally 329
FAIRS
On Hindoo festivals,
prohibited by Aurung-
zib . . 87
FANATICISM
Of Aurungzib 81
FARMING
Of the Subahdarys 69
398
INDEX.
FAZIL,
Son and avenger of Afzool 141
FEUDALISM
Of the Rajputs . . 55
FIRMANS,
Forgery of . . .67
FORESTS
Of the Malabar coast , 22
FORT SYSTEM
OfSivaji . . .137
FORTS
Ancient, of the Dekkan 98
Seked by Sivaji . 104,106
Frontier, erected by Si-
vaji . . . .124
Maratha, in danger . 152
Newly furnished . , 155
FORTIFICATIONS
OfAcber . 79
FOUJDARS,
Or district military com-
manders ... 66
FRENCH AND ENGLISH
Their rivalry on the Co-
romandel Coast, con-
cluded . . .389
FRENCH
Officers of Dowlut Rao's
army . . . 133
Army, the, in the Dek-
kan . . . .276
Besieged at Pondicherry 347
Hyder's connexion with
322, 335, 337
FUZZTJL OOLLA KHAN
Hyder's reception of . 345
Attempts a junction
with Mukhdoom's
army, which fails :
he escapes, . 346,347
GANGES RIVER, the . 6
Its characteristics . 10
Tributary streams of 11, 12
GAP OF COIMHATORE,
The . . . . 3, 18
GARROWS, the . . 1
GEERDHUR, RAJA
Sent to supplant Nizam
ulMulkh . . 192
Slain by the Marathas . 207
GEOGRAPHY,'
Of Maharashtra . 96, 97
GHAT MAHTA, the . 97
GHATS,
Eastern, Western and
Northern 2, 3, 5, 7, 14, 97
GHAZI-UD-DEEN
(See Shabodeen Khan) 146
Defeat of Sambaji . ib.
(The Second) murdered 282
(The yrhird) joins Hoi-
kar and Jynpa, re-
moves the Vizier, Suf-
der Jung . , . 285
Deposes and tortures
the Emperor Ahmed
Shah at Delhi . . 286
Creates the mock em-
peror, " Alumgeer the
Second" . . . ib.
Provokes the Paniput
campaign . .356
Flight to Sooraj Mull . 360
GINGEE,
Fortress of .
The seat of Ram Raja's
Court . , .158
Fall of, and escape of
Ram Raja and his
family . . ,162
GOA,
Threatened by the Ma-
rathas . . , 288
GODAVERY JSIVER
Noticed ... 17
GOLCONDA,
Reduction of to a tribu-
tary kingdom . . 40
King of, duped by Sivaji 124
Investment ana sur-
render . . 149
INDEX.
399
GOLCONDA,
Imprisonment of the king 150
GOPAL HURRI
With Anund Kao invests
Bangalore, * . 327
Raises the blockade of
Bangalore . . 329
Makes peace with Mysore 330
GRANTS OF LAND
By the Moguls . . 54
GUIKWAR,
(See Dunnaji?)
Position of the, at the
battle of Paniput . 381
Flight after the battle . 385
GULP OF CAMBAY
Noticed . . .3,4
GUNDUK GOGRA,
Noticed , , .11
GUZERAT,
Character of . . 13
Conquered by Nizam ul
Mulk . . .191
Recovered by Surbulund 194
Plundered by the Peish-
wa's array. . . 199
Expulsion of the Mo-
guls from . . . ib.
Invaded by Rugonath
279, 283
GWALTOR,
Seat of Sindia . . 15
The Vinccnnes of the
Moguls ... 84
HAJEE AHMUD,
Murdered , . .236
HALA,
Mountain range, the 1
HAMED KHAN,
Appointed Deputy-Go-
vernor of Guzerat . 191
Defence of Guzerat . 193
Defeats and kills Shu-
jaet . . . . ib.
HAMED KHAN,
Defeats Surbulund . 194
Loss of power . . ib.
HARBOURS
Of the southern coast,
dangerous. * . 20
HASDOO RIVER, the . 4
HEREDITARY
Village rights . 72, 131
HIMALAYAN
Drainage ... 9
HIMALAYAS,
The, noticed . . 1, 6
The seat of the Ghoorkas 389
HINDOO KOOSH,
The, noticed . . 1
HINDOOS,
Their dread of the sea . 21
Encouraged under Acber 31
And by Shah Jehan . 41
Excluded from public
employment ; disaffec-
tion of; their ritual
slighted . . , 88
Estranged from the Mo-
guls .... 89
Population of Maha-
rashtra, their religion 99
Temples confided to the
protection of Sivaji , 105
Disapproval of the
seizure of Sringar-
poor. . . . 114
Political danger of ignor-
ing their sentiments
and prejudices . . 126
HINDOSTAN AND THE
DEKKAN,
Limits of ... 4
HOLKAR,
Invades Malwa , . 207
His raid into the Agra
Province . . . 209
Settled in Malwa . 275
Overruns and evacuates
Rohilcund , , 281
400
INDEX.
HOLKAR,
Assists Ghazi-ud-deen at
Delhi . . .285
And against the Jats . 359
Retreats before Ahmed
Shah, but is defeated 360
His advice slighted by
the Bhow . . 366, 369
His character . . 369
Explanation of his con-
duct at Paniput . 385
HOOSE1N ALLY
KHAN,
His compact with the
Marathas . . . 178
Becomes supreme at
court . . .181
Becomes Viceroy of the
Dekkan . . .182
Plots against Kizam-ul-
Mulk . . .187
Destroyed by conspiracy 1 88
HORSES
Of the Dekkan . . 99
HUGEL AND ALAIN, MM.,
With French troops
join Hyder . . 348
HTTMAYON,
Emperor, character, ca-
reer and adventures of
25, 26, 27
HtJERI SING,
Hyder Ally's rival . 312
Quarrel with Hyder , 313
His mission to Malabar 322
Murdered by Mukhdoom 325
HUSSEIN SHAH, (of
Persia)
Capture of . . . 215
HUSSEIN ALI,
The biographer of Hyder
Ally, cited
326, 341, 344, 353
HYBUT JUNG,
Defence of Behar . 232
Cuts off Mustapha . ib.
HYBUT JUNG,
Murdered . . .235
HYDER KOOLI KHAN,
Expelled from Guzerat 191
HYDERABAD,
Capital of Ghazi-ud-
deen's descendants . 150
HYDER ALLY,
Connexion of his fortunes
with the geography of
Mysore ... 15
His early history and
troubles . . 291,307
General interest of his
career . . . 302
Parentage . . 3047
Prowess at the siege of
Deonhully . . 308
Serves with the Mysore
army at Trichinopoly
310, 311
Quarrels with Hurri
Sing ... 313
Seizes English guns . ib.
His military system . 314
Commands at Dindigul 316
Ravages the country of
thePolygars . . 317
His frauds on the Go-
vernment . . 317, 318
Employment of Euro-
pean artillerists . 318
Eecalled to Scriugapa-
tam ... 319
Arrives at the capital . 321
Operations in Malabar . ib.
Bet urns to Dindigul . 322
Threatens Madura . ib.
Beceives French rein-
forcements at Din-
digul . . .322
Compact with Deoraj ib.
Marches on Mysore . 323
Marches on Seringapa-
tam . * .324
Treaty with Nunjiraj . ib.
INDEX.
401
HYDER ALLY,
Murders Hurri Sing . 325
Opposed by Gopalllurri
and Anund Rao . 327
Appointed Commander-
in-Chief . . .328
Foils the Marathas , 329
Skilfully negotiates a
peace with them . 330
Returns to Seringapa-
tam . 331
His powerful position . ib.
Greeted as Uahadur . ib.
Mode of paying his
troops . . . 332
His politieal manoeuvres
to supersede Nunjiraj
332, 333
Besieges him at Mysore 33 ^
Applied to by the French 335
Invited to seize Kirpa . ib.
Reduces the Baramahal 336
Assists the Freneh with
a strong force . 335, 337
Dowager Queen of My-
sore's plot against him 339
Attack on him and his
family at Mysore . 340
Negotiates with Kunde
Rao ; retreats from
Seringapatam and (lies
to Anikul . 341,342,343
His entrance into Ban*
galore . . * 344
Measures to regain
power . . 345
Recalls Mukhdoom Aii ib.
Joined by Fuzzul Oolla
Khan . . . ib.
Threatened by Kunde
Rao's army , . 346
Defeated by Kunde Rao,
proceeds to Cunnoor,
throws himself at the
feet of Nunjiraj, and
is well received 349, 350
HYDER ALLY,
Retreats to Hordan-
hully . . .349
Puts Kunde Rao to flight
by stratagem . . 350
Finally defeats and im-
prisons him . 352, 353
Hussein All's reflections ib.
IBRAHAM KHAN
G-ARDEE,
An eminent artillerist . 297
Employed against Sala-
bat . . . .300
In the Paniput cam-
paign . . . 361
At battle of Paniput 381, 383
Executed after the battle
of Paniput . . 386
IDOL-WORSHIP
Restrained by Aurung-
zib . . . .87
IMPERIAL REVENUE
Of the Moguls, the 7174
Of Shah Jehan . . 41
Impaired by the Rajput
and Maratha wars,
under Aurungzib 95, 169
Exacted by Nadir Shah 223
Absorbed by the Mara-
thas . . , ,251
INDORE,
SeatofHolkar . . 15
INDUS VALLEY,
A desert ... 8
INDUS
How regarded by the
Hindoos ... 12
INSPIRATION (the)
Of Sivaji, a Maratha te-
net . . . .129
INSTITUTIONS
Of Sivaji . . 132138
INVADERS,
Their usual approach by
the Indus * . . 8
O/3
402
INDEX.
IRAWADDY RIVER, the 18
IRREGULAR
Troops of the Marathas
and Afghans at Paul-
put . . . . 371
IRRIGATION WORKS
Importance of in India 8
ISMAEL ALI
Receives Hjder as a
fugitive . . . 343
ISPAHAN,
taken by the Afghans . 215
JAG HIRED ARS,
Political influence of . 55
JAG HIRES,
(Or beneficiary holdings
of land revenue) . 67
Artful policy of the Em-
perors concerning . ib.
Sivaji's disapproval of . 131
Granted by Wish wanath 180
Given profusely to Hy-
der Ally . . .333
JAIN WORSHIP,
in Maharashtra . . 100
JAMES I.,
Of England, and the
Emperor Jehangir com-
pared ... 36
JANOJI (BONSLAY),
Marches on Moorsheda-
bad . . . . 234
Foiled by Aliverdy . ib.
Succeeds his father . 285
Invades French territory 286
JATS,
Their martial character 14
Rugonath's exactions on 284
Join the Show's army . 362
Abandon it . . * 367
But befriend the Mara-
thas . . . 377, 386
JEELS,
Or beds of lakes . . 11
JEHANGIR, EMPEROR,
Successor to Acber . 34
His reign . . ib.
Disturbances under 34, 35
How far eerious . . ib.
Character of . 3639
And James I. of Eng-
land compared . . 36
James's embassy to the
Court of . . . ib.
Autobiography of . 37
Cruelty and barbarities 38
And Nur Jehan . . ib.
Murder of the latter's
first husband . . ib.
DrinKing bouts of . 39
Tole ranee of Ch ris t ianity ib .
Influence of the Em-
press over . , 38, 39
Anecdote of. . .72
JEIPUR CHIEF, the,
Closely allied to the
Mogul ... 91
JESSOO BIIYE,
Widow of Sambaji, ac-
quiesces in a regency 154
Taken prisoner with her
son in Raigurh , . 156
JESWUNT 81JNG,
Raja of Joudpoor, de-
feat of . . .82
Treacherously attacks
Aurungzib's camp 85
Conciliated by Aurung
zib . . . 86
Cruelty to his family 90
Rebellion of his son ib.
Ultimately successful 94
Employed against, and
favourable to, Sivaji . 121
JEWELS
Of the Peacock Throne,
the, contributed by
votive offerings . 73
Carried off by Nadir
Shah . . .223
INDEX.
403
JEY SIN&, RAJA,
Employed against, and
favours, Sivaji . . 118
Made Viceroy of Malwa 207
JEZ1A,
Jehangir's dislike to . 72
ReimpOBed by Aurung-
zib . . . .89
Abandoned in Rajputana 94
Decreed m the Dekkan 168
JINJEERA,
Sivaji fortifies himself
against . . . 107
Failure of Sivaji's Peish-
wa against . .110
Transferred to the Mogul 123
Sambaji'* warfare against 144
JOONERE,
Plunder of ... 109
JUDGES
And Courts of Law
(Mogul) ... 63
JUMNA RIVER,
Political interest of the 10
KALLIAN FORTRESS,
Taken, and its governor
captured . . . 106
(District.) Ultimate re-
occupation of by Sivaji 121
KAM BUKSH,
Prince, invited to claim
the Mogul throne . 161
Recalled by Aurungzib. ib.
KANTAJT,
Maratha chief, takes the
field on behalf of the
Nizam . . . 193
KA8IM KHAN,
Defeated by Santaji . 161
Poisons himself , . 162
KATTYWAR,
Noticed ' 3
Geology of . . 9
KHAN,
Title of ... 71
209
KHAN DOURAN,
The Vizier, takes the
field against Holkar .
Inclined to terms with
the Peishwa . . 210
KHORASSAN,
Nadir's warfare there . 218
KIRPA CHIEF, a
His overtures to Hyder 335
KOLAPOOR,
Seat of the anti-Raja's
government . . 173
Nizam-ul-Mulk's allianee
with 181, 187, 197, 199
Its long continuance as
a separate state . 275
KONDANEH FORT,
Re-nanied Singurh, or
the lion's den, by
Sivaji . . . 105
KORAN, the,
Burnt by the Rajputs . 94
KUBBEER BEG
Chieftain who supports
Hyder . . . 313
KULOOSHA,
Sambaji's favourite and
minister . . . 142
Captured . . . 153
Executed . . . 154
KUNDE RAO
Hyder Ally's dewan
employed to promote
Hyder's interest at
Court . , . 316
Made dewan to the Raja $33
Plots against Hyder 335, 339
Fires upon him from the
Capital . . .310
Confers with him 341, 342
His treatment of Hy-
der's family . . 343
Prosecutes the war against
Hyder . . . 346
Is abandoned by the
Marathas . . . 347
404
INDEX.
KUNDE RAO,
Out-manoeurres and de-
feats Hyder . . 349
Flight to Seringapatam 351
Made prisoner by Hyder
and imprisoned in an
iron cage . . . 353
KUZZAKS,
Hyder' s irregular ca-
valry, exploits of the . 330
KYMORE RANGE
Noticed 5
LAHORE
Occupied by Rugonath
Rao . . . . 358
Evacuated by the Ma-
rathas . . .360
LALLY, COUNT,
Voyage to India . . 292
Orders the return to the
coast of the French
troops . . . 293
Visited by Mukhdoom
and treaty with . 33G
Abandoned by the Mara-
thas and Hyder, com-
pelled to surrender
Pondicherry . . 347
LAND-TAX,
Settlement made by Ac-
ber 74
Decenn ial and Ryotwar ib.
Allowed to be paid in
kind ib.
Extended to the Dekkan
under Shah Jehan . 40
LAND,
Zemindars' incomes from
the . . . .71
LUTOFP ALLY BEG
Retakes Cetiapatam
328, 329
MADURA AND TIN-
NEVELLY
Characteristics of . 18
MADURA,
Hyder foiled in an at-
tempt on . . . 322
MAHADAJI,
Sindia escapes from Ah-
med Shall . . 360
MAHADEO,
Worship of by M arathns 100
MAILOUDD'Y RIVER,
Characteristics of . 4
MAHARASHTRA,
Geographical account
of" . . . 9799
Population of . 99, 100
M AH MOO I),
Afghan invader of Persia 215
Enthroned . . . *.
Character . . . ib.
His madness and death 216
MAIIOMKDAN
Rule, why hateful to
MaraHiuH . . .129
MAHOMKI) SHAH,
His accession . .183
His character . . 186
Favours Nizam-ul-Mulk 188
Jealous of the Nizam;
plots to get rid of him
190, 192
Ilia feeble policy in Gu-
zerat and Miilwa 206, 207
Ilia cessions to Baji Rao
210, 211
Applies to Nizamul-
Mulk for help against
the Peinhwa . . 211
Nadir Shah's account of
221, 222 note.
Intercedes to stop the
Massacre at Delhi . 224
Nadir's policy to . 225, 226
Honours Alivcrdy . 230
Cedes Molwa to the
Peishwa . . .251
Also chout of other pro-
. , . 252
INDEX.
405
MAHOMED SHAH,
Deposed and blinded by
Ghnzi-iid-Dccn . 286
MAHOMET LSSOOF,
Commander of English
Sepoys ; opposes Ify-
di-rAlly . . .322
MAlirMAiri) ALT,
(See Afirercft/ Khan)
MALABAR (Coast).
Geographical character-
istic* of . 22
Jlyder's first dealings
with. . . . 321
MALCOLM, SIR JO1FN,
cited, 222, 223, 221, 361), 385
MALWA,
A high table* land . 5
Raja (jeerdlwr supersedes
Nizani-nl-Mulk in . 193
Conquest by the Ma-
ratlws . . . 20?
Viceroyalty promised to
Uaji'Kau . . .211
The Nizam abandons his
claim to . . . 214
Imperial cession of to
the Marutlms . . 251
MANSUBDAKS . . 77
MANSriJDARY . 70,77
MAR ATI I A
Country favourable to
resistance . , 14, 98
Chiefs, Peinhwa, Sindia,
Holkar, Donslay, their
capitals ... 15
Population . . 99, 100
Battle cry of the . . 100
Founder of their power 102
Heroine ; her capture
and release . . 123
First great victory over
the Moguls . . ib.
MARATHAS
Predatory occupations
of the . . 128
MARATHAS,
Nationality fostered bv
Sivaji . . .130
Military system^ under
Sivaji . . 133138
Decline of, under Sam-
baji . . ,142, 152
Restored under Eaja
Ram . . .155
Efliciency of against Au-
rungzib . . 165, 169
Again impaired . , 173
Developed by Baji Rao 196
Opposed to the French
206, 277, 278
Again modified by Seda-
sheo . . . 297
Successful against the
Rizam . . . 300
Surpassed by Ilyder Ally
329, 364
Of Sedasheo, its impo-
licy .... 366
Fiscal system^ under Si-
vaji . . . 119,131
Disordered after hit* death 144
Repaired under Raja
Ram . . .155
Changed on Shao's ac-
cession . . . 172
Developed by \Vishwan-
nth .... 179
Nizam-ul-Mulk's deal-
ings with . . 189, 197
In the Caxnatic Plain
247, 291
Extended gradually un-
der Balaji . . 251
Who removes checks on
its abuse by the Peish-
wa . . . .261
In Guzorat and Rajpu-
tana . . . 284, 359
In the Nizam's country 801
In Mysore . . 320, 330
Reversed by Rugonath 358
406
INDEX.
MARATHAS
Conquest of Malwa by . 207
Invade Cuttak . . 228
A Confederacy organ-
ized under the Peish-
wa . . , 261,273
Alliance with the Eng-
lish .. . . 287
Campaign in Rohilkund 359
Evacuation of Lahore . 360
Camp of Paniput , 361
Rival armies of and Af-
ghanistan . . 370, 371
Effect of the Paniput de-
feat on ... 387
MARITIME LOW-
LANDS,
Described . . 2022
MARWAR,
Insurrection in . 91 95
MASSACRE
At Delhi, by Nadir's
troops / . . 224
MAUZUM, PRINCE,
Commands the Mogul
army against Sivaji . 121
In the Concan * . . 146
His imprisonment . 150
MAWULEE
Infantry of Sivaji
106, 120, 134
MEER ASSUD,
Minister of the Nawab
of Arcot, made pri-
soner * , . 246
Intrigues against Chuiida
Sahib ... 247
MEER HUBEEB,
Deserts to the Marathas 229
Taken prisoner . . 237
Aliverdy releases his fa-
mily . . .238
MEEK IBRAHIM,
Hyder's uncle . . 807
Employed against the
Marathas by Hyder . 328
MEER JAFFIER,
Removed from com- h
niand by Aliverdy . 234
His restoration . . 236
MEKAL HILLS,tho,
Noticed . . 4, 13
MENU'S
Classification of caste con-
founded ... 99
MERCHANT PRINCES,
Their progress in India 388
MKRICH,
Capture of . . . 157
MILITARY
Population of the Table
Land . . .13
Geography of Mysore 15, 16
Government of the Mo-
guls . . 5761
System of Baber . . 75
of Acber . . 76
of the Marathas
(See Mar at ha.)
MIR JUMLA
Employed against Shuja 85
MOGUL
Imperialism, its moral
eifeet on the outer
world . . 36
Despotism, in theory . 47
Government, mildness
of under emperors pre-
vious to Aurungzib . 48
Subordinate principalities 65
Imperial progresses . 59
Government, essentially
military . . 57 61
Administrative officials 62
Emperor, his religious
position . . 62, 63
Empty titles . . 63
Mock envoys . .67
Provincial government 64, 68
Official jobbery . . 69
Nobility ... 70
Revenue . . 71 74
INDEX.
407
MOGUL
Army, constitution and
strength . .75
Empire ; its decay
165, 175, 211, 226
Its virtual extinction . 286
Its ideal continuance . 388
MOGUL COURT,
Its splendour 31, 39, 41,
148, 149
Puritanical change in
the tone of under Au-
rungzih ... 88
Visit of Sivaji to . 119
Nizam-ul-Mulk at . 190
Rifled by Nadir Shah . 223
And by Sedasheo . 367
MOORAR RAO
Appointed Governor of
Trichinopoly . .247
Established at Gooty by
Nizam -ul-Mulk . 262
MOORSHUD, KOOLLEE
KHAN,
Defeated by Aliverdy in
Orissa . . .228
MORAD, PRINCE,
His character . . 43
Assumes the imperial
title . . , 81
Joined by Aurungzib . 82
Defeats Jeswunt and
Dai-a . . . ib.
Imprisoned by Aurung-
zib, and murdered . 83
MOSQUES
Plundered by Rajputs , 94
MOUNTAIN EAT
Aurungzib's nickname
for Sivaji . . 118
MUBARIZ KHAN,
Subahdar of Hyderabad,
receives a secret com-
mission to overthrow
Nizaxn-ul-Mulk . 193
Defeated and slain . 194
MUKHDOOM ALI SAHIB,
Hyder's Lieutenant,
treats with the Rajas
of Cochin and Calicut 321
Cuts off Hurri Sing . 325
Occupies Baramahal
country . . , . 336
Treats with Lally . ib.
Thiagar made over to him ib .
Marches to Pondicherry 337
Defeats an English force ib.
Recalled by Hyder . 345
Arrested at Anchitty-
droog . . .
MULHAR ROW.
See Holkar.
MULLAHS,
Employed to check Hin-
doo rites . 87
Insulted by the Rajputs 94
MUSSULMAN
Rites, respected by Sivaji 137
MUSTAPHA KHAN,
Revolt of ... 231
Marches on Behar . 232
Slain in battle . . 233
MUTTRA,
Sambaji's visit to . 121
MYSORE,
A natural fortress . 15
Consequent military his-
tory .... 16
Maratha exactions in
291, 321, 330
Surrender of the town . 834
NADIR SHAH
Advances on Delhi . 214
Rise, character, and
career of . . 217220
His account of his con-
quest in India (notes)
220, 221, 222
Exactions at Delhi un-
der; orders the massa-
cre at Delhi; retires
frojn Delhi . 222225
408
INDEX.
NADIR SHAH,
Circular-letter to the
Emperor's subjects . 226
NAGPORE,
The seat of the Bonslay 15
If AIR RAJA,
Of Paighat, assisted by
Hyder . . .321
NAVY
OftheMarathas . . 146
NAWABS,
Or rulers of single pro-
vinces ... 66
NAZIR JUNO,
Repulses Baji Eao 214, 245
Rebels against his father 250
His success in the Car-
natic Plain . . 263
Joined by the English . ib.
Attacked by the IVench ib.
Murdered by conspirator ib.
KEELGHERRIE8,
Noticed ... 3
NERBUDDA RIVER,
The .... 4
NEWS-WRITERS
In Maharashtra . . 136
NIZAM ALT,
Flight to Berar . . 293
NIZAM-UL-MULK
(Surnamed the Nizam),
Hyderabad, capital of
his descendants . 15
Inevitable rivalry be-
tween him and tho
Peishwa . , .176
Co-operates with the
Syuds . . .181
First made Subahdar of
the Dekkan , . ib.
Superseded by Hoosein 184
Compared with Raji Rao
184187
Rises against the Syuds,
and triumphs in the
Dekkan . . 187,188
NIZAM-UL-MULK,
Appointed Viceroy and
Vizier of tho Empire
188, 189
His tortuous policy . 190
Visits Mahomed Shah
at Delhi . . . ib.
Conquers Guzerat . 191
Retires from Court . ib.
Resigns his Viziership . ib.
Receives the empty title
of "Supreme Deputy
of the Empire " . ib.
Returns to the Dek-
kan ? . . ib.
Imperial plot to erunh
him . . . 191', 193
Conquers Mubariz . 194
Compounds for Maratha
claims . . . 197
Withholds tribute . ib.
Marches on Poona . 199
Defeated by the PeL-h-
wa . . , . ib.
Refuses to give up Sam-
biiji, the ariti-Kaju . ib.
Makes j>cacc \vith tho
Peitfhwa, and concedes
the Maratha chums . 200
Incites Truinbuk against
Baji Rao . . .201
Leagues with the "Peishwa 203
Affects sympatliy with
Surbulund . . 206
Again aets against Baji
Rao . . . . 212
Surrounded in Bhopnl . 213
Signs a humiliating con-
vention with Biiji Rao 214
Subdues his sou's rebel-
lion . . . .250
On friendly terms with
Bulaji . . . ib.
Settles the affairs of tho
Carnatic Plain . . 262
His death . . 255,262
INDEX.
409
NORTHERN CIRCARS,
Cessions to the French
there . . . 282
Overrun by the Marat has 285
Expulsion of the French
from . . . 293
The English settled in . 291
NUNJIRAJ
The early patron of Hy-
der .... 309
Engages in the siege of
Trichonopoly . . 310
Duped by Mahomet AH 311
Returns to Seringapatam 310
Duped by Hydi-r . . 317
Insolent treatment of
the Raja by . . 320
Quarrel with Deoraj . ib.
Put in dhurna by his
troops . . . 322
Delivered by Hydcr . 32 1?
Supplanted by Hvder
332 33 1
Retires to and settles at
Mysore , . . 334
Defiance of JTyder Ally ib.
Withdraws to Cunnoor ib.
Receives Jlyder as a
fugitive , . . 350
NUR JEIIAN,
Jehangir's Empress, cha-
racter, career and in-
trigues of . . 3 1, 38, 39
Pensioned by Shah Jelum 41
NUZZURS,
Or votive offerings . 73
OMRAHS,
Honorary title of Mogul
nobles . , . 54, 70
ORIENTAL
Heroes, Precocity of . 103
ORISSA,
Noticed ... 2
ORME
Cited . .50,68,243,288
OUDE, NAWAB OF,
Suffder Jung, ordered
by the Emperor to
help Aliverdy . . 230
Employs the Marathas
against the Rohillas . 280
Supplanted by Ghazi-
ud-deen . . . 285
ITis death . . .286
Shuja-ucl-Dowlali, de-
feats the Marathas . 359
The Bhow proposes to
declare him A r izier
367, 368
Joins Alnned Shall . 368
The Bhow still negoti-
ates with him in vain 376
Ahmed Shah's remark to 381
His post at Paniput . ib.
Intercedes for "NViswas
Rao's body . . 386
OUTRAM, GENERAL,
Civil izcr of the B heels,
or robber tribes of
Guzerat . . .193
PALGHAT PASS, the . 18
PALNA1 HILLS, the . ib.
PANALLA FORTRESS,
Surrenderor 112, 114, 157
Sambaji confined there, 141
Retaken by the Ma*
rathas . . . 159
PANIPUT,
Battle of . . 379385
PATNA,
Under a reign of terror 235
"PEACOCK THRONE,"
Of Shah Jehnn, the 41, 73
PEELAJI AND KAN-
TAJI,
Ancestors of the Guik-
war, allies of Hanied
in Guzerat . . 193
PEISHWA,
The first appointed . 108
410
INDEX.
PEISHWA,
Fails in war, and is re*
moved by Sivaji . 110
Balaji Wishwanath,
founder of tlie power
of . . . . 177
Growing power of, from
Baji Rao's character
and policy . . 187
His victories over the
Nizam and Trimbuk
greatly promote his
ascendancy . 198, 202
Also over the Emperor 214
Attempts among Mara-
thas to subvert Balaji' s
power, fdiled . 248250,
253, 256260, 267273
Balaji henceforth explicit
head of lloratha Con-
federacy . . . 275
Reigns at Poona . . ib.
Intrigues at Hyderabad
and Delhi ; connect*
himself with the Eng-
lish ; opposes Angria ib.
Concludes a treaty with
Bombay . . .287
Sends letters to the King
of England . . 290
PERSIA,
Invaded by the Afghans 215
PERSIAN SOVEREIGNS,
Weakness of the , . ib.
PERSIANS,
Change of their religion 219
PERTABGURH . . 108
Sivaji's escape from . Ill
PINDARIES,
Their haunts , . 15
Employed in the Mara-
tha army in the Pani-
put campaign * 362. 371
POLIGARS,
Their contests with the
Moguls . . . 159
POLIGARS,
Extortions of the. . 69
Of Dindigul, duped and
despoiled by Hydcr . 317
POLL-TAX ON 'HIN-
DOOS, the,
Ro-iinposed in Delhi . 90
Resisted in Rajputana . 91
Remitted there . . ib.
POXDIC11ERRY,
Dupleix*s political gather*
injj there . . . 263
Fall of. . . .3-18
How precipitated 338, 347
POOXA, *
Sivaji' s feat there . .116
Granted to Balaji Wish-
^anath . . . 178
Capital of the later
Pri.hwas . . 2GO, 261
POOIttJNDHUK,
Defence and surrender
of ... 118,119
Re-capture of . . 123
PORTUGUESE,
Goa t their capital, threat-
ened by the Marathas 288
Settlement at Bassein
besieged and taken by
Chimrmji Appa 213, 297
POWAN GURH FORT,
Surrendered to the Ma-
rathas . . . 112
PRE-IU8TORIC RACES
In the north-eastern Dek-
kan . . .13
PRESENTS,
Refused by Acber . 31
A regular source of Im-
perial income . 72, 73
PRITHEE NEEDIIEE,
"The likeness of the
Raja" (a Maratha
official title)
PRIZE MONEY,
Of Sivaji's soldiery . 130
INDEX,
ill
PROVINCES AND PRIN-
CIPALITIES,
Of the Mogul Empire,
how governed * 64 70
PUNJAB,
Rivers and Doabs of the 9,10
First invaded by Ahmed
Shah . . .255
His later incursions and
conquest of . 355, 356
Ghazi-ud-deen's conquest
of . . . . ib.
Ahmed Shah recovers it ih.
Rugonath's occupation of 358
Evacuated by the Mara-
thas ... 360
PUNTOJI GOPINAT,
The betrayer of Afzool 111
RAIGURH,
Sivaji's return to , . 121
Capture of Jessoo Bhye
and her son Sivaji at 157
Retaken by the Mali-
rattas . . .159
RAJA GEERDIIUR,
Takes possession of
llalwa . . .193
Defeated and slain by
Marathas . . . 207
RAJA OF JOWLEE,
Assassination of the . 108
RAJAS OF COCHIN,
AND CALICUT,
Make terms with Hyder 321
RAJAPOOR,
Capture and ransomof 113,114
RAJGUKH FORT . 104
The repository of Si-
vaji's plunder . 106, 113
RAJMAHAL HILLS 2, 12
RAJPUTANA,
Reduction of, by Shah
Jehan ... 35
Feudatory princes of,
zealous imperialists . 39
RAJPUTANA,
Land tenure in , ,72
RAJPUT,
Feudalism ... 55
Rajas, their political in-
fluence ... 56
Policy of imperial inter-
marriage with their
families ... 58
Principalities, almost in-
dependent . . 70
Chieftains, rebellion of
90,91
Mode of insurgent war-
fare ... 92, 94
Military caste . , 100
RAJPUTS,
Warlike character of the
race ... 24, 58
Alienated by Aurungzib
56,90
Relations of Marathas
with . . 284, 301, 363,
367, 377
RAJ SING,
Rana of Oudipur or
Mewar ; rebels against
Aurungzib . 91, 92
Flight of ... 92
Makes peace with Au-
rungzib . . 91, 94
RAMCH UNDER PUNT
Imprisons Tara Bhye . 175
RAMOOSEES,
Employed as scouts by
Sivaji . . .137
RAM RAJA,
Younger son of Sivaji,
placed on the Maratha
throne . . . 141
Deposed by Sambaji . ib.
Appointed Regent , 154
His plan of defence . 155
Re-organization of the
army . , , t'ft.
Activity and spirit . 156
412
INDEX.
RAM RAJA,
Flight to Gingee, where
he keeps his court
157, 153
Escapes from Gingee, and
returns to the Dekkan 162
His great raid there . 163
Pursuit and death of . 164
RAMSEJE,
Siege of . . .146
RANGNA,
Flight of Sivaji to . 114
RENT-FREE LANDS
In Maharashtra . . 137
REVENUES
Of the Moguls . 7174
Of the Marathas .
(See Ma rat ha.)
RELIGIOUS L1TEKATURE
Study of, encouraged by
Acber . . *. 33
Dara devoted to , .43
Specimen of Ahmed Shah's
psalmody . . 374
RITUAL
Of the Hindoos,in9ulted 89
RIVERS,
1. Northern boundary
The Indus and Brah*
maputra . . 8
2. Of Hindustan-
The Ganges and Jum-
na . . 10,11
And their tributaries 11, 12
3. Between Hindostan and
the Dekkan
The Nerbudda and the
Tapty . . . 4, 5
4. Of the Dekkan
The Mahanuddy, Goda-
very, Kistna, Cavery,
&c. . . 1618,99
ROBBER TRIBES
OftheDekknn . . 193
BOB, SIR THOMAS,
A guest of Jehangir , 89
ROE, SIR THOMAS,
His description of the
Emperor'?* drinking bouts 39
ROHiLKUNI)
Occupied by the Mara-
ttms \ . * 280
Evacuated bv them . 281
Again overruw by Dut-
tjiji S India . ,359
ROHIRA,
Capture of . . 108
RUOOJI,
251
359
357
358
358
29
210
218
RAO,
(Ragoba), nd ventures of
Reduces Ahmedabad .
Levies exactions on the
Rajput 8 and Jats 284,
Invade?* the Punjab .
Occupies Lahon* .
Unprofitableness and dan-
ger of his conquests
27t>, 296,
Quarrel with Sedasheo,
to whom he resigns
the command of the
army . . .
RUSSIA
Invasion and projected
partition of Persia by
Nadir Shah's treaty with
SAAD UJLLAH KHAN,
Minister of Shall Jehan 41
SADUT KUAN,
(Founder of the Oude fa-
mily) conspires againat
theSyuds . . 188
Checks Balaji near Delhi 210
Fails to support the Ni-
zam . , .213
SAINTS,
Of the Marathas . . 100
SALABAT KHAN,
Co-operation with him
of the Seodoo admiral
INDEX.
413
and Sawunts of Waree
against Sivaji . . 113
SAL All AT JUNG
Character of . . 264
Proclaimed tSubahdar of
the Dekkan . 264, 282
Meets JJuluji in the field,
but makes a truce with
him .... 267
His campaign against the
Peih\\a concluded by
an armistice . 277 280
Cedes territory between
the Tapty and Goda-
very to tho Peinh\va . 281
Grants a jaghire to the
French' . . ,282
Dismisses Hussy and his
contingent, but read-
mits them to his ser-
vice . . . 288, 289
Makes Ba^nlut his mi-
nister, but displaces
him in favour of Ni-
zam Ally . . .294
Makes an alliance with
the Kngli>h, and cedes
territory to them in
en am . . . ih.
Conquered by the Bhow 301
S ALII E IK,
Surrender of . . 146
SALT Rl'A'N, tho Great 8
SAMBAJI,
(Sivaji'tmm) accompanies
Sivaji to Delhi . 120
Left at M ultra . . 121
Appointed by Aurung-
y,ib to a military post 122
Confined by JSivaji at
Panalla, whence he
escapes and becomes
Kaju . . . 141
His personal vices and
political incapacity
142 144, 150
SAMBAJI,
Plot against . . . 142
Ilia favourite . . 150
His injudicious treat-
ment of Prince Acber 151
His defence against Au-
rungzib ; capture of
the latter's ships . 146
Taken prisoner and ex-
ecuted . . .153
(Raja Rain's son) rules
at Kolapoor . 173, 175
Allied with Nizam-ul-
Muik . 181, 187, 199
\Vho refuses to give him
up to the gatura Raja 200
SAXTAJ1 GHOREPDRAY
Defeats the Moguls at
(Jovrepauk . . . 160
Excite* dissension among
the besiegers of Gingee,
and raises the siege . 161
Exploits of . . . 162
The terror of the Moguls ib.
Murder of ... 164
Eileet of his murder on
his family . 162, 245
SATARA,
The capital of Shao, and
his successor's prison
173, 269, 273
Revolutions at, against
Balaji
241), 250, 256260, 267272
SAW U NTS OF WAREE,
Conquered by Sivaji . 115
SCHOOLS
Of Acber ... 32
SCOTT'S DKKKAN,
Quotations from
229 (note) 241
SEDASIIEO RAO
(Surnamed"TkeBkow;")
Early loss of his father 250
Enters ou public life . 254
Quarrels with the Peishwa 265
414
INDEX.
SEDASHEO RAO,
But is reconciled, and ap-
pointed Prime Minis-
ter at Poona . . ti.
Quarrels with Rugonath
and assumes command
of the army . . 295
Attempt to assassinate
him . , . .296
His character, and devo-
tion to artillery and
regular battalions 296-299
Triumphant campaign
against the Nizam
299301
Marches against t lie Af-
ghans . . . 360
His military imbecility
3G4366
His political incapacity
366368
Occupies Delhi . . ib.
Places Wiswas Rao on
the throne of Delhi . ib.
Destroys the throne of
the Emperors . . 367
Is abandoned by his
Hindoo allies . . ib.
Nominates a new Mogul
Emperor . . .368
Entrenches his army at
Paniput . . .370
Gives orders for battle . 379
Tries mediation at the
last moment . . 380
His conduct in the field
380, 38 *
His uncertain fate . 386
SBEDEE, ADMIRAL,
Of Bijapoor . 107, 113
Defeats the first Peishwa 110
8ENAPUTTEE
Maratha official title . 206
SEPEHR,
(Dara's son) capture and
death of ... 84
SERTXGAPATAM
Relieved on paying Ma-
ratha revenue claims . 283
Besieged by tho French
under Bussy . 315
Outrage on the Raja of
Mysore and his family
by Nunjiraj, at . 320
Again besieged by the
Marat has . . ib.
Hydcr's interposition
there . . .321
Revolutions there
324, 332334, 339343
Hyder's* final victory
"there . . , 352
SHABODEEN KHAN
Styled Ghazi-ud-Deen,
father of Nizam -ul-
Mulk . . . 146
Commander at the siege
of Ramseje . . ib.
Defeat of Stimbaji by . ib.
SHAH AHMED,
(See Abdali.)
SHAH JE1IAN,
Rebels against Jehangir 34
Prosperity of the Em-
pire under him . 40, 41
His wealth and public
works . . . ib.
Deposed by Aurungzib 83
SHAIIJI,
(Father of Sivaji), the
last champion of the
kingdom of Ahined-
nuggur . . 40, 101
Submits to the Empe-
ror, and becomes a
subject and officer of
Bijapoor . . , 101
Imprisoned at Bijapoor,
as security for his
son's conduct . .107
Released through the
Emperor . . iS,
INDEX.
415
SIIAHJI,
Sivaji avenges him, and
is visited by his father 115
Death of . .117
SUAlf NAWAZ KHAN,
Viceroy of Guzerat, as-
sists Dara, and is slain 86
SHAH WULLEE
Vizier of the Abdali, at
the battle of Paniput
381383
SHAISTEII KHAN
Sivaji's attack upon, at
Poona . .116
Re-call of . , .117
SHAMRAJE PUNT
(First Peishvva), defeated
by the Seedee, and re-
moved by Sivaii . 110
SHAO,
(Originally Sivaji) son
of Sambaji, a prisoner
of Aurungzib . . 157
Who proposes to release
him . . . .165
And issues a proclama-
tion in his name to
the Hindoos . . 166
Released by Azini Shah 171
II is character, and the
political results of his
liberation . . 172 174
Refusal of Tarn Bhye
to acknowledge his
authority . 172
His compact with Zool-
fikar Khan the Vice-
roy, through Daood
Khan . . . ib.
Promotes and makes
grants to Bulaji Wish-
wanath * . 177
Receives half the Dekkan
revenues . . . 189
Encourages Baji Rao's
bold policy , , 196
SHAO,
His compact with Nizam-
ul-Mulk . . .197
His indignation at the
Nizam's withholding
tribute . . .198
Projects of adopting an
heir to the Rajaship . 256
His delegation of power
to the Peishwa . . 260
His death . . . 255
SHUJA, PRINCE,
His character . * 43
Revolts in Bengal . 81
Defeated, and returns . 82
Defeated, by Aurungzib,
near Allahabad. . 85
Retires to Aracan . ib.
Is there murdered . ib.
SHUMSUEER,
Broken by Aliverdy . 234
Murders llybut Jung . 235
His rebellious and cruelj
conduet . . ib.
Takes Meer Hubeeb pri-
soner , . . 237
SILLIDARS,
Cavalry employed by
Sivaji . . . 135
SINDE HORSE,
Noticed . . .77
SINDIA
1. jRanoji,
On behalf of the Peishwa,
assists in conquering
Malwa . . . 207
Settled in Malwa, but
employed further north
275, 279
2. Mabadaji)
Engaged aguinstRohillas 281
Against Jats and Rajputs 285
3. Duttaji,
Accompanies Rugonath
in his campaign in
Hiudoateu . . 284
416
INDEX.
SINDIA
Makes a second war on
theRohiUas . . 359
Defeated by Shuja-ud-
Dowla . . ib.
Cut off by Ahmed Shah 360
4. Jyapa^
Cooperates with Ghazi-
ud-Deen . . . 285
6. Junkoji^
Commands at Paniput . 381
"SING,"
The title of a Eajput
commander . . 71
SINGURU FORT,
Escaladed by Tannaji
Maloosray . .122
SIRDAR KHAN,
Cashiered by Aliverdy . 231
Settles in Bchar . . ib.
His rebellion at Patna . 235
Slain in battle with Ali-
verdy . . .237
SIYAJI,
Hid parentage and early
life . . . 102, 103
Seizure of Hill Forts
104106
Attacks a Bijapoor royal
convoy . . ib.
His course checked by
Shahja's capture . 107
Unpopularity of his treat-
ment of the Raja of
Jowlee . . . 108
Attacks the Moguls at
Joonere . . , 109
Subtle submission to Au-
rungzib . . . 110
Murders Afzool Khan , 111
Blockaded in Pan alia , 113
Escapes to Rangna . 114
Again shocks Hindoo
feeling ib.
Cuts off his father's
captor . . .115
SIYAJI,
Reconciled with Bijapoor 115
Hi dominions and re-
sources , . .116
Surprises Shaisteh Khan ib.
Plunders Surat . . 117
Assumes the title of
Raja, and coins money ib.
Makes terms with Au- v
rungzib . * .119
ITis visit to, and escape
from Delhi . 120, 121
Later relations with the
Emperor . . . 122
Again* plunders Surat,
and defeats a Mogul
army . , 123
Fresh eonquests from
Bijupoor . . . 124
Fonnally ascends the
throne . . . ib.
Erects frontier forts . ib.
His expedition to the
Carnatic . , . ib.
His sudden death . ib.
Interest of his eareer . 125
His character and policy
128132
His military system 133, 138
SOLI MAN, PRINCE,
Defeats Slmja . . 82
Betrayed to Aurungzib 84
Exhibited in gilded fetters ib.
Supposed murder of . ib.
SOOBEDARS,
Cavalry officers of Sivaji 135
SOORAJ MULL,
The Jat prince, gives re-
fuge to Ghazi-ud*deen 359
Joins the Bhow's army
with a large force . 362
His military advice to
the Bhow rejected . 866
Leaves the Maratha army 367
Succours the fugitives
from Paniput . . 386
INDEX,
417
SOORAJ MULL,
SOPA (district),
Restored to Sivaji . 122
3OWLUT JUNG,
Taken prisoner in Cuttak 228
Rescued by Aliverdy . ib.
Whom he reinforces . 229
SREEPUT RAO,
Baji Rao's rival . 195,248
His policy rejected by
the Raja , . .196
Acquiesces in Nizara-ul-
Mulk's commutation
of chout, &c. . . 197
Jealous of Rugoji Eons-
lay . . . . 249
Death of ... 254
Li. lie capital of a Maratha
chieftain, taken by Si-
vaji .... 114
SrBAHDARS,
Mogul Viceroys . . 04
SUFFDER JUNG,
1. (Nawab of Arcot's son)
Escapes on Maratha in-
vasion . . . 246
Makes peace with the
invaders . . . 247
Incites them against
Chunda Sahib . . ib.
2. (Nawab of Oudc)
Aliverdy mistrustful of 230
Secures Maratha aid
against the Roll il las . 281
Deprived of the Vizier-
ship by Ghazi-ud-deen 285
Death of . . . 28G
SUJfWAR BHYE, (Shao'a
widow)
Her ambition, and tragic
fate . . 256259
SUNDERBUNDS,
Rank fertility of the . 11
8URAJA DOWLA,
Marriage of. . . 234
SURAJA DOWLA,
His rebellion suppressed 238
Aliverdy's views respect-
ing him . . . 239
SURAT,
Plunder of . . 117, 123
SURBULUND KHAN,
Appointed Viceroy in Gu-
zerat against Nizain-ul-
Mulk . . .192
His concessions to the
Marathaa . . . 20 i
Succeeds for a time . 194
Superseded ib.
S UR DESHMOOKHEE,
The, or tenth of the
revenue . . 119, 179
SURISOBUT,
Maratha Comrnander-
in-Chief . , . 135
SYUD ABDULLAH,
Places Ferokshere on the
Imperial throne . 181
Appoints Nizam-ul-Mulk
Subahdar of Dekkan ib.
Rebels, and is defeated
and imprisoned . 188
SYUD HOOSEEST,
(Brother of SyudAb-
doolah,)
Jtfins in raising Ferok-
shere to the throne . 181
Supersedes Nizam-ul-
Mulk in the Dekkan 182
Cuts oft' Daood Khan . ib.
Makes liberal concessions
to the Marathas 178, 179
With their help doppses
and murders Ferok-
shere . . .182
Sets up in succession
three other Emperors 183
Put to death by conspi-
rators . .188
TAJ MAHAL, the,
Built by Shah Jolmn . 41
27
41 B
INDEX,
TAMASP, PRINCE,
Character of . . 216
Aided by Russia and Tur-
kej against the Afghans 216
Pardons Nadir Kooli
twice . . . 218
Is restored by Nadir . 216
And deposed . . 219
TANNAJI MALOOSBAY,
Death of . . ,122
IAEA BHYE,
(Widow of Bam Baja),
Rcgentrfor her son, re-
fusee to acknowledge
Shao'a authority . 173
Imprisoned by Ram*
cnunderPunt . . 175
Produces an alleged
grandson, and airaaat
a second Regency . 256
Managed by Balaji
268260, 266
Her coup (Petal against
him 268270
Strength of her cause * 271
Compromise in favour
ofthePeishwa . . 272
TAXATION
By the Moguls . . 72
THIAOAB,
Ceded to Mukbdoom 336
Bestored to the French 345
THBONE OP DELHI,
Despoiled fey Nadir . 223
Destroyed by SedasheoKao 367
TIMOtJB*
Depicted by Gibbon . 130
TIMOtJB SHAH,
Appointed Viceroy of
the Punjab . . 357
TINNEVBLLY,
The scene of former civil
war, of modern mi-
sionary zeal . . 19
MPPOO SAIB,
Captured by Kunde Beo
340,343
65
TOD, COLONEL,
On the feudalism of
Ajmir ; , .
TONDIMAN,
Purveyor to British gar-
rison at Tricbinopoly 312
TOBNA CASTLE,
Sivaji's first acquisition 104
TBADE AND COM-
MERCE,
Imperial revenues de
rited from
TBICHINOPOLY, . +
Sieges of 24*1,247,31^ lit
TBIMBUK BAO DHA-
BABAY,
Leagues with tlie Nizain
against the Peishwu J r20l
Cause of his hostility
to Baji Bao . . 2ff&
Death of . . 202
U8BEKS,
Expulsion of Baber by,
from Upper Asia ,
24
YENCAJI,
Half-brother to Sivaji,
compelled by him to
share their patrimony
in Carnata , . 124
VICEROYS,
.. Under the Moguls 64r--67
VILLAGE,
hereditary rights pro*
tected . . 69,1381
System, a safeguard
against anarchy . .173
VIHDirYA,
Mountain range 67
VI8AJI PUNDIT,
Contractd to supply
Kunde Bao with
Maratha soldiers \% 346
Abandons him, on tearn-
ing the Paniput defeat 847
INDEX.
419
VISAJI PUNDIT,
His profitable double*
dealing . . . ib.
WAEE FOUJDAR,
Capture of the . 159
WAGNUCK,
Or tiger claw dagger
used as a means of
assassination by Sivaji 112
WAKINKERAH,
The scene of Aurung*
zib's last efforts ia
. 166
WATSON, ADMIRAL,
His operations against
Angria . . .287
WILKS, COLONEL,
Cited 292, 308, 309, 314, 315
317,818, 324, 330, 334,
335, 337, 344, 347, 351
WISHWANATH, BALAJI, ,
Founder of the heredi-
tary Brahmin Peishwa
family . . . 177
His origin, character,
and career . 177, 178
His revenue system 179, 180
WISWAS RAO
Accompanies the Bhow * ,
to HindoBtan * . 361
WI$WA8 RAO
Project of placing him
on the Mogul throne 366
Its impolicy . . 367
Killed at the battle of
Paniput . . . 384
WTTSSUNTGrtTRH,
Surrender of the fort of 113
YEATIKAD KHAN,
Capture of Sambaji, &c., by
(See Zoolflfar Khan.)
ZEMINDARS,
Extortions of the . 69
ZOOLFIKAR KHAN,
His capture of Sambaji. 153
' Takes Merich and Panalla 157
Sent to besiege Gingee . 158
His uncertain conduct
of the war . . 160
Jealousy and arrest of
Prince Kam Buksh , 161
Reduces Gingee . . 162
His active pursuit of
Ram Raja in the Dek-
kan . . . , 163
Viceroy of the Dekkan,
grants chout to the
Marathas through
Daood Khan . * . 175
His execution . .181
ERIIAT^^
Page Line
v. 23, For " ancestors Tl read descendant**/ 1
ib. 24.
31
63
64
91
148
t B.
' 6,
Read u Ye are brothers 1 Ye are men: ! "
For &cun\4a read notafwv.
12, IS. Deli As the E^IUh-^caUed it"
25. For AJit " read k Kaj. M
18, 1Mb M Colonel."
9. To Azof Jah add In f note u A title assumed by Nixam-ul-
Mulk when he finalljr settled In the bekkaiu" .
ad Jin. The parenthtfiis should hare be^n printed below, as a note.
Read * to give way to, fco."
For '* prince 11 read prlncesa.' 1
For the claim to 11 read " tUe claim for
