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THE INDIVIDUAL DELINQUENT

Give therefore thy servant an understanding heart to judge thy
^ ^ * Solomon's Fraykr, I Kings, in. 9.

Socrates : And yet, O my friend, if true opinion in law courts and
knowledge are the same, the perfect judge could not have judged
rightly without knowledge. p^^^^^. Thecet.t^s.

There is only one principle in penology that is worth any con-
sideration : it is to find out why a man does wrong and make it not
worth his while. Devon : The Criminal and the Community.

The only way to stop us is to find out who and what we are, and
what we're good for. Then you've got to make punishment severe
enough or opportunities good enough for us. You don't do either
or tnese now. Statement of an unjailed expert criminal.

Bei uns soli dann aber erst der Zweck unserer Arbeit; eine
gesunde, psychologisch begriindete Kriminalpolitik beginnen und
alles in unserem Streben muss dem einen Ziele untergeordnet sein :
Kriminalpolitik auf richtig erkannter Kriminalatiologie.

Gross: Aufsatze.

THE
INDIVIDUAL DELINQUENT

A TEXT-BOOK

DIAGNOSIS AND PROGNOSIS FOR ALL

CONCERNED IN UNDERSTANDING

OFFENDERS

WILLIAM HEALY, A.B., M.D.

DIRECTOR OF THE PSYCHOPATHIC INSTITUTE, JUVENILE COURT, CHICAGO
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR MENTAL AND NERVOUS DISEASES, CHICAGO POLICLINIC

NON-REFERT

mWVAD-Q3S

BOSTON

LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY

1915

!/: i

The University Press, Cambridge, U.S.A.

TO
MRS. W. F. DUJMMER

PREFACE

It has been a joy to direct for five years the important scien-
tific task which finds expression in the present volume. Our
work has been done under favoring auspices and, indeed, with
the constant stimulus of a kindly reception. For advice in early
planning, and for later counsel, I am deeply grateful to many.
j\Iy acknowledgments made in an already published schedule
for data (24)^ and in a monograph on mental tests (70) are to be
repeated. To my coworkers acknowledgment is also due. Their
names are connected with their special contributions.

The organization of the Juvenile Psychopathic Institute is
set forth in Appendix B. Miss Julia C. Lathrop, as one of the
originators, is indissolubly connected with the research. Several
of our advisory council and others have given expert assistance.
There has always been encouragement from the wise outlook of
Judge Merritt W. Pinckney, who ever urges better understand-
ing of the cases coming before him. Elsewhere we have received
the heartiest welcome from jurists and others who cherish the
vision of rational treatment for the delinquent.

To the ideals of Mrs. W. F. Dummer we have felt the utmost
devotion and responsibility. Her financial support has been only
part of her effect on the work.

We should be unjust to our feelings if we did not gratefully
acknowledge the fine-spirited cooperation of the many practical
workers who handled the delinquents we studied. They have
been on the firing-line of effort.

To the dear friends who have aided in the literary prepara-
tion of this volume the gratitude of all who benefit by their
emendations is due.

The statement of our findings has gradually assumed the scope
of a text or reference book, the first on the subject. We hope
for our science the growth that other sciences have experienced;

1 Throughout this work, both in the text and foot-notes, the full-face nu-
merals in parentheses refer to detailed mention in the Bibliography, Appen-
dix A, of the particular works of the authors indicated.

vii

PREFACE

there is great necessity for further research, but extensions and
modifications are to be embodied only as their truth is assured.
It would take long to specify the parts of our subject with
which people of various affairs should be familiar. Judges,
other court officers, including lawyers, and institutional authori-
ties, should have a particularly well-rounded knowledge of the
whole field. Without the most thoughtful observation a great
deal is hidden from view, as may be easily appreciated by con-
sideration of our cases and causal types. (Some suggestion of
the special bearings of special types as seen in court work is
given in § 139.) Psychologists, physicians, religious leaders,
school people, and, not least of all, parents, should be in posses-
sion of many of our fundamental facts. All who have to deal
with offenders need the utmost possible understandings of human
beings.

William Healy.

WiNNETKA, Illinois,
September, 1914.

vin

CONTENTS

BOOK ONE
GENERAL DATA

CHAPTER I
Introduction Pages 3-8

§ 1. Presentation of Results. § 2. Our Research into Genetics and Dynam-
ics. § 3. Delinquency and Abnormality not Synonymous. § 4. Scheme
of Presentation. § 5. Practical Aspects of the Study. § 6. To Whom this
Study Should Appeal. § 7. Legal Dicta vs. Scientific Studies. § 8. Con-
structive Values for the Law. § 9. Scientific Data Indispensable for
Treatment.

CHAPTER II

Orientations 9-21

§ 10. Our Main Point of View. § 11. General Data for Delimiting the Field
of Study. § 12. Best Age for Study. § 13. Our Study of Recidivists.
§ 14. Group of Cases Studied and Our Approach to Their Problems.
§ 15. Social and Scientific Values of Deeper Studies. § 16. Historical
Orientation of Our Standpoint. § 17. Ascertained Facts Overwhelm the
Theories. § 18. Our Empirical Method. § 19. Newer Methods of Study.
§ 20. Follow-up Observations Necessary. § 21. Insoluble Problem of
Legal Responsibility. § 22. Responsibility a Dispensable Criterion.
§ 23. Our Study Largely Characterology.

CHAPTER III
The Individual 22-25

§ 24. Dynamic Center of the Problem. § 25. Definite and Practical Knowl-
edge of the Individual is Necessary. § 26. Weakness of General Causa-
tion Theories. § 27. Thorough Study Means Balancing of Factors. § 28.
Growth of Idea of Studying the Offender. § 29. The Problem of Per-
sonahty.

CHAPTER IV

The Mental Bases of Delinquency 26-32

§ 30. Conduct an Expression of Mental Life. § 31. Practical Bearings of
the Psychological Viewpoint. § 32. Importance of Mental Abnormality.
§ 33. Psychological Standpoint Taken Alone is Unsafe. § 34. Specific
Features of Mental Life Underlying Delinquency.

CONTENTS ^

CHAPTER V

Working Methods Pages 33-67

§ 35. General Survey of Working Methods. § 36. The Observer and His
Attitude. § 37. Privileged Communication. § 38. Previous Training of
Observer. § 39. Age of the Examinee. § 40. Types for Study. § 41.
Sources of Information. § 42. Place of Observation. § 43. Extent of
Study of a Case. § 44. Office and Equipment. § 45. Assistants. § 46.
Interview and Examination. § 47. Records. § 48. Schedule of Data
Concerning Delinquents. I. Family History. II. Developmental
History. III. History of Environment. IV. Mental and Moral De-
velopment. V. Anthropometry. VI. Medical Examination. VII. Psy-
chological Examination: (A) Records of Tests. (B) Records of Psycho-
logical Analysis. VIII. Delinquency. IX. Diagnostic Summary. X.
Follow-up Records. XI. Subsidiary Records. § 49. Medical Methods.

CHAPTER VI

Working Methods — Continued 68-103

Psychological Methods. § 50. General Statement Concerning Psycho-
logical Methods. § 51. (A) Anamnesis. § 52. (B) Method of Giving
Mental Tests. § 53. (C) The Mental Tests. § 54. A Plan of Psycho-
logical Inquiry. § 55. Our Development of Performance Tests, (a) Tests
for Levels of General Intelligence. § 56. Binet Tests, (b) Tests for School
Work. § 57. Interpretation of Educational Tests, (c) Tests for Special
Abilities and Functions. § 58. Special Capacities and Tests for Them. § 59.
Memory Powers. § 60. Ability to Give Testimony. § 61. Powers of
Attention. § 62. Motor Coordination. § 63. Associative Processes. § 64.
Perception of Form and Color Relationships. § 65. Learning Ability.
§ 66. Ability to Profit by Experience. § 67. Language Ability. § 68.
Arithmetical Ability. § 69. Mental Representation and Analysis. § 70.
Foresight and Planfulness. § 71. Perception (Visual) and Analysis. § 72.
Judgment and Discrimination. § 73. Suggestibility. § 74. Will Power.
§ 75. Apperception. § 76. Moral Discrimination. § 77. Following In-
structions. Vocational Tests. § 78. Special Abihties. § 79. Mental Con-
tent and Interests.

CHAPTER Vn

Working Methods — Concluded 104-125

§ 80 (D) Interpretation of Mental Tests. § 81. Enumeration of Disturbing
Conditions. § 82. Norms on our Own Tests. § 83. Dangers of Insufficient
Data. § 84. (E) Classification from Tests. § 85. (F) Psychoanalysis.
§ 86. (G) Psychological Impressions; The Psychogram. § 87. Summar-
izing of Case.

CHAPTER VIII

Statistics 126-158

CONTENTS

velopmental Conditions. §100. Analysis of Mental Shock. §101. Analy-
sis of Stimulants and Narcotics. § 102. Experiences Under Legal Deten-
tion. § 103. Group I. Statistics of Psychological Classification of 1000
Young Repeated Offenders. § 104. Offenses of 1000 Young Repeated
Offenders, (a) 694 Male Offenders, (b) 306 Female Offenders. § 105.
Statistics of Weight Correlated with Age. § 106. Statistics of "Stigmata
of Degeneracy." § 107. Epilepsy Among 1000 Repeated Offenders.
§ 108. Numerical Family Table in 1000 Cases of Repeated Delinquency.
§ 109. Family Conditions. § 110. Illegitimacy in 1000 Repeated Offenders.
§ 111. Birthplace of Offenders. § 112. Birthplace of Parents. § 113.
Previous Institutional Life. § 114. Religion. Education. § 115.
Alcoholism of Parents. § 116. Statistics on Heredity.

CHAPTER IX

General Conclusions — Methodology Pages 159-165

§ 117. Methodological Conclusions. § 118. Bearings of our Findings on Clas-
sifications. § 119. Causal Types may be Differentiated. § 120. Study
of Mental Life Most Direct Way of Getting at the Causal Factors. § 121.
Social Predictability of the Given Case. § 122. Intricacy of Causation.

CHAPTER X

General Conclusions — Treatment 166-182

§ 123. Our Fundamental Ideas of Treatment Are Derived from Observations.
§ 124. Punishment is Necessary. § 125. Defective Self-Control No Excuse
for Legal Freedom. § 126. Punishment Should Not Harm the Offender.
§ 127. Mental Life and Moral Dangers During Custody. § 128. Effect
upon Offender of Attitude towards Him. § 129. Danger of Deceit in Treat-
ment. § 130. Advantage of Beginning Treatment Early. § 131. Causa-
tion Often Not Obvious. § 132. Organization of Courts for Better Treat-
ment. § 133. Treatment of Physical Causes. § 134. Treatment of Mental
Causes. § 135. Treatment of Environment. § 136. Treatment in In-
stitutions. § 137. Good Treatment Can Only Come Through Under-
standing and Following Up.

BOOK TWO
CASES, TYPES, CAUSATIVE FACTORS

Foreword 183-187

§ 138. Cases and Causes Treated in Book II. Complexities. § 139. Our
Concrete Data Available for All Concerned. § 140. Plan of Presentation
of Cases and Causal Studies.

CHAPTER I
Heredity 188-200

§ 141. Studies of Heredity Need Critical Methods. § 142. Inheritance of
Excess of Energy. § 143. Inheritance of Irritable Temper. § 144. In-
heritance of Hypersexual Tendencies. § 145. Inheritance of Physical Traits.
§ 146. Familial Biological Defect.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER II

Factors in Developmental Conditions .... Pages 201-213

§ 147. General Statement. (A. Antenatal Conditions.) § 148. Physical
Conditions During Pregnancy. § 149. Abuse During Pregnancy. § 150.
Mother Mentally Troubled. § 151. Insanity and Epilepsy of the Preg-
nant Mother. § 152. Alcoholism During Pregnancy. § 153. Morphinism
During Pregnancy. § 154. Congenital Syphilis. § 155. Old Age of Par-
ents. §156. Attempted Abortion. § 157. Twins. § 158. Mother Work-
ing During Pregnancy. § 159. Maternal Impressions. (B. Natal.) § 160.
Premature Birth. §161. Difficult Labor. (C. Postnatal). §162. General
Statement. (D. Senility.) § 163. Nature and Causes of Offenses of Old
Age.

CHAPTER III

Physical Conditions: Peculiarities and Ailments . . . 214-233

§ 164. General Considerations. § 165. Ocular Ailments. § 166. Ear Troub-
les. § 167. Nose and Throat Obstructions. § 168. Teeth. § 169. Speech
Defects. § 170. Deaf -mutism. § 171. Minor Nervous Disorders. § 172.
Phimosis. § 173. Enuresis. § 174. Other Physical Irritations. § 175.
Syphilis. § 176. Under-nourishment. § 177. Excess of Physical Vigor.
§ 178. Menstruation and Pregnancy. § 179. Headaches. § 180. Head
Injuries. § 181. Other Physical Ailments.

CHAPTER IV

Developmental Physical Abnormalities 234-261

§ 182. General Statement and Definition. § 183. Statistical Findings. § 184.
Developmental Age Norms. § 185. (A) Very Poor General Physical De-
velopment. § 186. (B) (C) Delayed Puberty with Either Poor or Normal
Development. § 187. (D) General Sex Characteristics Undeveloped, with
Normal Puberty. § 188. (E) General Physical Over-development. § 189.
(F) Over-development of Both General Physical and Sex Characteristics.
§ 190. (G) Premature Puberty with General Physical Over-development.
§ 191. (H) Premature Puberty without Over-development. § 192. (I)
Premature Puberty with Distinctly Poor Development.

CHAPTER V

Stimulants and Narcotics 262-281

Alcohol. § 193. General Opinions. § 194. Various Ways in which Alcohol
is a Factor. § 195. Effect of Alcohol on Adolescents. § 196. Effect of
Alcohol on Mental Defectives. § 197. Treatment. § 198. Morphine.
§ 199. Cocaine. § 200. Tea and Coffee. § 201. Tobacco.

CHAPTER VI
Environmental Factors 282-296

§ 202. General Statement. § 203. Treatment of Environmental Factors.
§ 204. Method of Presentation of Data. § 205. Parent AlcohoHc. § 206.
Immoral Home Environment. § 207. Irritation at Home. § 208. Mem-
bers of Family Immoral or Criminalistic. § 209. Severity and Harshness
of Parent. § 210. Incompetent Parental Control. § 211. Home Uncon-
geniality. § 212. Parents Separated. § 213. Crowded Housing Conditions.

xii

CONTENTS

§ 214. Poverty. § 215. No Home. § 216. Parental Neglect. § 217.
Bad Companions. § 218. Theatres. § 219. Social Allurements. § 220.
School Irritation. § 221. Unsatisfactory Vocation.

CHAPTER VII

Environmental Factors — Concluded Pages 297-315

§ 222. Lack of Healthy Mental Interests. § 223. Influence of Newspapers.
§ 224. Influence of Pernicious Stories. § 225. Influence of Pictures,
Especially Moving Pictures. § 226. Experiences During Custody.

CHAPTER VIII

Professional Crimnalism. Deliberate Choice .... 316-338

Professional Criminalism. § 227. Definition of Terms. § 228. Fre-
quency of This Type. § 229. Genetics and Characteristics of Profession-
alism. § 230. Presentation of Cases. § 231. Treatment of Profession-
ahsm. § 232. Deliberate Choice of Criminalism.

CHAPTER IX

Mental Imagery. Mental Habit 339-351

§ 233. Criminalistic Mental Imagery. § 234. Criminalistic Mental Habit.

CHAPTER X

Mental Conflicts and Repressions 352-399

§235. General Statement. §236. Nature of Mental Conflicts. §237. Types
of Delinquency which Ensue. § 238. Success or Failure in Treatment.
§ 239. Our Material. § 240. Causes of Mental Conflicts. § 241. Illus-
trative Cases.

CHAPTER XI

Abnormal Sexualism 400-413

§ 242. General Considerations. § 243. Hypersexualism. § 244. Sexualistic
Obsessions and Impulsions. § 245. Masturbation. § 246. Early Sex
Experiences. § 247. Sex Perversions. § 248. Psychoses Accompanied by
Abnormal Sexualism.

CHAPTER XII

Epilepsy 414-440

§249. General Statement. §250. Varieties of Epilepsy. §251. Criminalism
and Epilepsy. § 252. Our Findings. § 253. Mental Peculiarities of Epi-
leptics. § 254. Physical Peculiarities of Epileptics. § 255. Causes of Epi-
leptic Being an Offender. § 256. Illustrative Cases. § 257. Legal and
Other Social Treatment of Epileptic Offenders. § 258. Epileptic Psychoses.

CHAPTER XIII

Mental Abnormality in General 441-446

§ 259. General Considerations. § 260. Classifications. § 261. Definitions.

xiii

CONTENTS

CHAPTER XIV

Mental Defect Pages 447-462

§ 262. General Considerations. § 263. Nomenclature. § 264. Definitive

Classifications. Feeblemindedness. § 265. Idiots. § 266. Imbeciles.

§ 267. Morons. § 268. Treatment of Feeblemindedness. § 269. Treat-
ment of Feebleminded Offenders.

CHAPTER XV
Mental Defect — Continued 463-490

Feeblemindedness with Special Abilities. § 270. Special Abilities Not Socially-
Significant. § 271. Special Abilities Socially Significant. § 272. (a) and
(b) Mental Defectives with Normal Insight plus Motor Ability. § 273. (c)
Verbalist Type of Defective.

CHAPTER XVI

Mental Defect — Continued 491-514

Mental Subnormality. § 274. Definition of Subnormality. § 275. Illus-
trative Cases. § 276. The Subnormal Verbalist.

CHAPTER XVII

Mental Defect — Concluded 515-545

Defects in Special Mental Abilities. § 277. General Statement. § 278.
Language Defect. § 279. Defect in Arithmetical Ability. § 280. Defect
in Judgment and Foresight. § 281. Defect in Self-control.

CHAPTER XVIII

Mental Dullness from Physical Conditions .... 546-574

§ 282. General Statement. § 283. Case Showing Possibilities of Diagnosis
and Treatment. § 284. Dullness from General Physical Conditions.
§ 285. Mental Dullness from Narcotics and Stimulants. § 286. Mental
Dullness from Debilitating Sex Habits. § 287. Mental Dullness from
Head Injury. § 288. Epileptic Dullness. § 289. Doubtful Cases.

CHAPTER XIX

Psychic Constitutional Inferiority 575-589

§ 290. Definition. § 291. Characteristics. § 292. Illustrative Cases.
§ 293. Varieties of the type. § 294. Causations. § 295. Degeneracy.
§ 296. Treatment.

CHAPTER XX

\y Mental Aberration 590-608

§ 297. General Statement. Major Psychoses. § 298. Dementia Precox.
§ 299. Paresis. § 300. Juvenile Paresis. § 301. Melancholia. § 302.
Manic-depressive Insanity. § 303. Epileptic Psychoses. § 304. De-
mentia. § 305. Paranoia. § 306. Unclassified Major Mental Aberrations.

xiv

CONTENTS

CHAPTER XXI

Minor Mental Aberrations Pages 609-650

§ 307. Hypomania. Constitutional Excitement. § 308. Psychosis of Chorea.
§ 309. Traumatic Psychoses. § 310. Menstrual Mental Aberrations.
§311. Mental Aberrations of Pregnancy. §312. Amnesic Fugues. Other
\mnesias. § 313. Mental Aberration from Bad Sex Habits. § 314. Hys-
terical Mental Aberrations. § 315. Transitory Mental Aberrations.

CHAPTER XXII

Minor Mental Aberrations — Concluded 651-693

Adolescent Mental Aberrations. §316. Diagnostic Considerations. §317.
Illustrative Cases. § 318. Varieties of the Type. § 319. Treat-
ment. Psychoses from Alcohol. § 320. Nature of Alcoholic Psychoses.
§321. Alcoholism and Criminality. § 322. Treatment under the Law.
§ 323. Psychoses of Chronic AlcohoUsm. § 324. Acute Alcoholic Psy-
choses. § 325. Alcoholic Psychoses in Adolescents. Psychoses from
Drugs. § 326. Psychoses from Morphine. § 327. Psychoses from Co-
caine. § 328. Psychoses from Other Drugs. § 329. Other Minor-
Mental Aberrations.

CHAPTER XXIII
Mental Peculiarities 694-708

§ 330. General Considerations. Abnormal Social Suggestibility. § 331.

(a) Abnormal Social Suggestibility of the Individual as a Mental Peculi-
arity. § 332. (b) Abnormal Social Suggestibility of the Members of a
Crowd. § 333. (c) Abnormal Social Suggestibility to the Influence of
One Individual. § 334. Hypnotism. § 335. (d) Dual Social Suggesti-
bility.

CHAPTER XXIV

Mental Peculiarities — Continued 709-728

Adolescence. § 336. General Statement. § 337. Characteristics of Puberty.
§ 338. Adolescence and Misconduct. § 339. Mental Characteristics of
Adolescence Causing Delinquency. § 340. Illustrative Cases. § 341.
Treatment. § 342. Treatment under the Law. § 343. Preventive Treat-
ment.

CHAPTER XXV

Mental Peculiarities — Continued 729-752

Pathological Ljing and Accusation. § 344. Definition. § 345. Charac-
teristics. § 346. Formative Personal Experiences. § 347. Prognosis.
§ 348. Illustrative Cases. § 349. Cases of Self-Accusation. § 350.
Some Cases Prove to be Psychoses.

CHAPTER XXVI

Mental Peculiarities — Concluded 753-769

Love of Excitement and Adventure. § 351. General Statement. § 352.
Types. § 353. lUustrative Cases. § 354. Desire for Travel. § 355. Ex-

CONTENTS

plosions of Desire for Excitement. § 356. Desire for the Stage. § 357.
Treatment. Other Peculiarities. § 358. Racial Characteristics. § 359.
Contrary Suggestibility. § 360. Revengefulness. § 361. Excessive Irri-
tabihty. § 362. Special AbiUties. § 363. Restlessness. § 364. Stupidity.

CHAPTER XXVII

Pathological Stealing — "Kleptomania." Pathological Arson —
"Pyeomania." Suicide. Vagabondage. Simulation. "Born
Criminals." " Moral Imbecility " Pages 770-788

§ 365. General Considerations. § 366. Pathological Stealing — " Klep-
tomania." § 367. Pathological Arson — " Pyromania." § 368. Suicide.
§ 369. Vagabondage — Tramp Life. § 370. Simulation. § 371. "Born
Criminals." § 372. " Moral Imbecihty " — " Moral Insanity."

Appendix A, Bibliography 791

Appendix B, Organization of the Juvenile Psychopathic Institute 809
Index 811

XVI

LIST OF PLATES

Facing

Plate Page

I A Picture Form-Board • 87

II Construction Test A , • 88

III Construction Test B . 89

IV Puzzle-Box Test '..... 92

V Pictorial Completion Test 97

VI Instruction-Box Test 100

VII Age-Weight Charts 144

VIII Age-Weight Charts 145

IX " The Prison Look." (From Kauffmann) 311

X Two Family Portraits 312

BOOK ONE
GENERAL DATA

THE INDIVIDUAL DELINQUENT

CHAPTER I

Introduction

§1. Presentation of Results. — Out of deep consideration
of hard-won facts this work is produced. In view of the failure
of the past and of the present effectively to handle anti-social
conduct, and in the light of the enormous expense of criminality,
standing in striking contrast to recent progress in many other
fields of human endeavor, there seems the utmost justification
for research work in the underlying causations of delinquency.^

It has been called to our attention again and again that there
is astonishingly little in the litemture of criminology which is
directly helpful to those who have to deal practically with of-
fenders. Of general theory there is no lack, but when we come
to that study of the individual which leads to clear understand-
ing and scientific treatment, there is almost no guidance. The
field covered by this volume, which is developed from the find-
ings in many well-rounded case-studies, has only been touched
heretofore in spots. Pioneering has stimulated deepest en-
deavor, but pleasure in it is tempered by the realization that
fewer mistakes might have been made had there been more
scientific foundations upon which to build. Through appre-
ciation expressed, we know that some service has been rendered

1 "Crime" and "delinquency" are used in this work as overlapping and
practically synonymous terms. "The Individual Dehnquent" may be either
a young offender or an older criminal. The criminal is a person found guilty
of a crime. Criminahsm may be the action of a person not yet a criminal.
Criminahstics is the study of criminalism.

§ 1] INTRODUCTION [Chap. I

by our development of mental tests and methods of case study,
and it is hoped that the present elaboration of the whole sub-
ject will prove of much further value.

§ 2. Our Research into Genetics and Dynamics. — Our
studies, for reasons enumerated later, have purposely for the
most part been confined to youthful recidivists. We have dealt
with a formative period for the sake of learning the structural
growth of whole delinquent careers. Since knowledge of growth
processes is always important for understanding the fully de-
veloped state, we feel assured that we have a definite contri-
bution to make to the anatomy of delinquency in general. Of
course, study and discussion of older criminals will always be
needed; knowledge of consequences is necessary even for the
predictabilities with which we concern ourselves so much. But
far more important for the science and practice of criminol-
ogy is the study of beginnings. Just because the delinquent's
character is the result of a long-continued process of growth,
one needs to regard him as the product of forces, as well as the
sum of his present constituent parts; one must study him dynami-
cally as well as statically, genetically as well as a finished result.
This side of criminology has heretofore received very little at-
tention.

§ 3. Delinquency and Abnormality not Synonymous. — We
would make it clear here and elsewhere that we have not the
slightest inclination to place delinquents as such in the list of
abnormal individuals. Selection of our cases has not been made
by their possession of a given quality; all along we have been
simply searchers for any driving forces. Review of our case
studies will plainly show this. Nor has our aim been the de-
velopment of any philosophical system or scientific theory con-
cerning delinquency or delinquents. In view of the immense
complexity of human nature in relation to complex environ-
mental conditions it is little to us even if no set theory of crime
can ever be successfully maintained. Such statements as, "Crime
is a disease," appear dubiously cheap in the light of our experi-
ence. Altogether our task has been not so much gathering mate-
rial for generalizations, as ascertainment of the methods and
the facts which will help towards the making of practical diag-
noses and prognoses.

; §4. Scheme of Presentation. — The general survey of the
subject, which is frequently undertaken in an introduction, can

Chap. I] SCHEME OF PRESENTATION [§ 4

well be omitted here, because the relationship between the pre-
vious development of the science and our work frequently crops
out in the opening chapters. Of historical surveys of criminol-
ogy there are a plenty, of polemics anent the theory of criminal
law there are altogether too many, of statistics leading to general
explanations and theories there are interesting and scholarly
analyses. For our own part we leave these almost entirely alone.
What material we studied, why we chose this material, what
methods we used and what viewpoint we assumed in projecting
our study and in obtaining our data, what attitude we found
most serviceable in reaching the individual, each of these will
be set forth in its place. At all times we have felt ourselves
concerned solely with the endeavor to ascertain the best way
in which the interests of the individual and of society can be
conserved by the regulation of tendencies to misconduct. In our
writing we have maintained the same mental attitude, in order
that there shall be a presentation of the workable methods and
possibilities of diagnosis and prognosis in cases of delinquency.

In our chapter on methods we have introduced a general sur-
vey of the procedure for the adequate study of a delinquent.
Such a sketch was not to be found elsewhere. It is a feature of
the work about which there is always much inquirj^ Enough
references are given for filling out the details so that the chapter
may be used as a chart for the elaboration of studies. Many
items of inquiry taken from the fields of anthropology and sociol-
ogy are enumerated. A schema for the entire examination is
offered. The psychological method is gone into with detailed
explanation because of its great interest and the recency of its
development.

Following the acquirement of separate facts from the study
of the individual case, we see great advantage in the careful
grouping of them for the purpose of drawing safe inferences.
We regard this logical use of the findings as the strongest feature
of our procedure. Familiarity with our method of summarizing
cases, and with our card system of causative factors will make
this point stand out sharply. The chapter on conclusions speaks
for itself. Our main conclusion is that every case will always
need study by itself. When it comes to arraying data for the
pm^Dose of generalization about relative values of causative factors
we experience difficulty; it is not easy to see how any systematic
order can be followed. The concatenation of factors making for

§ 4] INTRODUCTION [Chap. I

delinquency leads now in this direction and now in that. The
statistical method has been carried by us only so far as common
sense would warrant, and we have tried to make neither this
nor any other form of interpretation a fetish.

§ 5. Practical Aspects of the Study. — It is to our concrete
studies, with the accompanying exposition of groups and types,
that we specially ask attention. If one had space and skill,
many of these histories could be portrayed with the force and
interest of clever romance. Even in their s^Tioptic form some
will command deep interest. Particularly for the reader who
wishes to gain general understanding is this part of the work to
be recommended. No precept concerning the value of a profes-
sional understanding of the whole problem of delinquency can
be so powerful as this actual setting forth of the facts.

The handling of a delinquent in any way is an important
affair for society. Our findings show how vital it is that the
handling should be entrusted to intelligent people, capable of
understanding a hrnnan individual, and charged with a feeling
of grave public duty. We see every need of insisting on this
matter of understanding all along the line. It begins with parents,
for they should comprehend at least the main phenomena of
child liife, and should guard the mental and moral sources of
weal and woe. Ultimately, as many a judge has insisted, the
problem of crime must hark back to parental guardianship.
Unfortunately, however, cases are seen too late to educate pa-
rents, while of course many parents, by reason of innate defect
or other circumstances, have never been educable in this matter.

§ 6. To Whom this Study Should Appeal. — But there are many
besides parents who fail to understand the foundations on which
delinquent careers are built. Teachers, pastors, and physicians,
to whom the laity go so frequently for advice on mental and
moral questions, have not always adequate knowledge of the
springs of conduct. These things are not taught as yet in theo-
logical and medical schools, and are only just finduig a place in
psychological departments of universities and teachers' col-
leges. It would seem, however, that the phase of applied psy-
chology which has to do with human behaviour should be essen-
tial in all these disciplines.

Our outlining of concrete case-studies should appeal to all who
deal with delinquency under the law. Judges, and especially
juvenile court judges, ought to gain the fullest possible acquaint-

Chap. I] CONSTRUCTIVE VALUES FOR THE LAW [§ 8

ance with types and causes. To this end instruction in at least
the fundamentals of social adjustment needs to be carried back
to the law schools — for what is learned as a standard branch
of one's profession makes deep impress. Perhaps if there was a
more intellectual outlook upon the problem, and the intricacies
of the human individual were shown to be as captivatingly in-
teresting as the solution of a case in civil law, judges would enter
with more zest and better preparation into this field.

One would argue for a similar instruction among the ancilla-
ries to modern court work; probation ofiicers, and officials of
detention institutions of all kinds. They come in closest con-
tact with the individual offender, and the former can often study
him in his own environment. They, especially, should know
the possibilities and limitations of constructive efforts. A move-
ment for the better achievement of reformatory work is now at
hand, but only can advance far by introducing among institu-
tional workers acquaintance with the scientific verities of the
mental and moral life. As a basis for supplying the vaguely
felt need for individualization of treatment in institutions com-
prehension of the genetics of misbehavior is a prime necessity.

§ 7. Legal Dicta vs. Scientific Studies. — We are acutely
aware of the full many problems and perhaps legal obstacles
which may be involved in applying to the field of criminal law
and procedure the principles and facts we are setting forth in this
work. We would not presume to make a statement of the special
bearings of such problems, but it is plainly to be seen that here
are difficulties implicating much profounder- issues than those
which arise within the field of penology. However, actual exist-
ence of legal obstacles does not automatically prove either their
own fundamental worth or their irrevocability. Legal dicta
represent merely certain conceptions of ways in which to deal
with some social exigencies, and these conceptions, so far as
criminal law is concerned, always have been built up in default
of attempt to trace fundamental issues and causes, and entirely
without study of the ultimate efficiency of adopted measures.
Realization of these historical facts forces doubt, to put it mildly,
of the omniscience of existing codes.

§ 8. Constructive Values for the Law. — Precisely here, it
would seem, might arise one of the greatest values of such a work
as ours, by suggesting to those who deal with criminal law some
rational principles for its criticism, and some possibilities for its

§ 8] INTRODUCTION [Chap. I

development along lines of more efficient human service. Cer-
tainly the facts we have to show clearly indicate that from knowl-
edge of the springs of conduct in the offender we may hope a
thousand times more reasonably for a wise adjustment of his
case than from the application of artificial legal rules and punish-
ments. It is quite beside the mark to say that the individual
must be sacrificed to the public welfare, or to say, with John
Stuart Mill, that the aim of punishment under the law is curative,
albeit the administration of it is painful. The fact is that, let
the aim of the law be what it may, the actual effect of carrying
out legal measures is frequently anything but curative. Might
not the law, however, be vastly more curative if understandings
of beginnings and foundations of misconduct in general, and
knowledge of them as existing in the individual career, were
made the business of those who administer treatment under the
law? The investigation of these fundamentals in the offender's
case may never be a part of the lawyer's or the jurist's work,
but surely general acquaintance with them and with the possi-
bilities of their bearing upon particular cases should be a required
qualification of any one who sits in legal judgment. Can social
treatment — a main business of the law — ever be really learnedly
or efficiently prescribed without adapting it closely to the funda-
mental facts and possibilities of the given case? The letter of
the law must not stand as a shibboleth preventing better adjust-
ment of affairs in the field of delinquency.

§ 9. Scientific Data Indispensable for Treatment. — In fine,
there may be gathered from our work as a whole every reason
for the deepest conviction that only through logical, scientific
study of the individual can there be any reasonable expectation
of amendment in most delinquent careers. Those who have to
do with the judging and treatment of offenders must reckon
with such methods and facts as we present, if they would rank
as intelligent workmen.

Chap. U] CiENEKAL DATA FOR DELIMITING FIELD OF STUDY [§11

CHAPTER II

Orientations

§ 10. Our Main Point of View. § 11. General Data for Delimiting the Field
of Study. § 12. Best Age for Study. § 13. Our Study of Recidivists.
§ 14. Group of Cases Studied and Our Approach to Their Problems.
§ 15. Social and Scientific Values of Deeper Studies. § 16. Historical
Orientation of Our Standpoint. § 17. Ascertained Facts Overwhelm the
Theories. § 18. Our Empmcal Method. § 19. Newer Methods of Study.
§ 20. Follow-up Observations Necessary. § 21. Insoluble Problem of
Legal Responsibility. § 22. Responsibility a Dispensable Criterion.
§ 23. Our Study Largely Characterology.

§ 10. Our Main Point of View. — To ascertain from the actuali-
ties of life the basic factors of disordered social conduct has been
the deliberate plan of our work. Our orientations, inasmuch as
they have been developed by careful reflection, should prove of
worth to the student.

After formulation of the plan, the next step was discovery of
a vantage ground from which to gain accurate information con-
cerning the forces which drive towards delinquency. Nothing
w^ould seem to be easier in such an endeavor than in the library
chair to gather descriptive histories and biographical statements;^
but it was soon clear that the merely anecdotal nature of the
available material precluded scientific results. The truth is
that the literature offers almost nothing in the way of studies
of delinquents which meet the requirements of recently developed
science. In fact, one finds even no trail distinctly blazed to the
goal of competent studies. Our only course was to devote, with
generous assistance, years of hard work to winning the facts
while serving in the field. Meanwhile the methods and tools
of study had, many of them, to be developed.

§ 11. General Data for Delimiting the Field of Study. — In
exploring the field, certain manifest possibilities and certain in-

^ SomethiBg of this sort has been undertaken; for example, there is a good
deal of biographical material, gathered often from German newspaper re-
ports, in Wulffen's (2) two volmne work on the psychology of the criminal.
Also van Dijck (168) has collected from hterary som-ces many biographies
of criminals, classified them by offenses, and attempted the comparative
sizing up of their personal attributes.

§ 11] ORIENTATIONS [Chap. II

surmountable barriers were soon perceived in various quarters.
These possibilities and limitations will stand out clearly by con-
sideration of the following points:

(a) By reason of their number and the seriousness of their of-
fenses, repeated offenders (recidivists) have the greatest significance
for society. In this country we have only immature statistics
on this point, but penologists accord in their opinion that con-
ditions are much the same here as in Germany and England.
The Blue Book (40) of 1912 gives the English figures for 1910.
Out of 168,260 convictions during that year, 104,171 had received
at least one previous conviction; 12,133 had been convicted
above 20 times previously. Of the 11,337 convictions for the more
serious offenses tried at the assizes and quarter sessions, 7,997,
or seventy per cent., had been previously convicted. The im-
portance of recidivists, and of all that makes them what they are,
is thus clearly determined.

(6) Practically all confirmed criminals begin their careers in
childhood or early youth. The fact of this remarkable early
development of a definite tendency towards criminality was
soon clear to us, both through observable trends in young offend-
ers, and through the life histories of older delinquents. Experi-
enced penologists all verify the fact of extremely early beginnings.
The deplorable dearth of productive criminal statistics in this
country can here again be offset only by figures from abroad
where, after all, conditions are fairly comparable. Despite
many opinions and references which could be offered as minor
corroborations, the only extensive researches found are the
following: In connection with the early impulse given to the re-
formatory movement in England during the conferences of 1851^
1853 and 1861 a number of direct observations were reported.
Clay in a communication to the Earl of Shaftesbury stated that
he had found that 58 per cent, of criminals are already dishonest
before they are 15 years old, that 14 per cent, become so between
15 and 16, and that all of them have shown their anti-social
tendencies before they are 19 or 20. Elliott stated at the Birm-
ingham meeting in 1863, " Of the 1000 prisoners examined hy
me, 395 had beeen convicted before they were out of their teens.
The great majority of professional thieves have been engaged
in their careers almost from infancy." Another writer, cited by"
Morrison (54), states, " It is an ascertained fact that there is
scarcely an habitual criminal in the county of Staffordshire who<

Chap. II] GENERAL DATA FOR DELIMITING FIELD OF STUDY [§11

has not been imprisoned as a child." ^ Even more important
is the thorough research of Matz (56), who investigated the
prison population of the province of Pommern. He found that
in 70 per cent, the first unprisonment had been inflicted before
the 21st year, and that of the repeated offenders by far the
greater number had received their first punishment before the
17th year. It must be remembered that here Matz is speaking
not of the commission of the first oft'ense, but of receiving the
first punishment.

Although his figures are based on studies of a particular class
of criminals, the chapter on age as an etiological factor in crime
in the recent statistical work by Goring (160), shows out clearly
these same points. It appears that the principal age for recruit-
ing into the ranks of criminal life is between 15 and 20, as judged
by the first convictions of 2204 English habitual offenders. And
here again it is only the first punislmaent, not the first offense
that is recorded.

(c) The determinants of delinquent careers are the conditions of
youth. This conclusion is a corollary from the well-established
findings set forth in the preceding paragraph. Now if these
early causes, either external or internal, are to be accurately
ascertained, there must be first-hand acquaintance with them;
the phenomena should be studied when they are active.

{d) In youth prime causative factors stand out much more clearly
than they do later. Many adventitious elements, such as the
effects of alcoholism, morphinism, years of social degradation,
the evil results of imprisonment, and the never-to-be-forgotten
inexorable laws of mental habit render diflScult the later appre-
ciation of beginnings.

(e) Knowledge of developmental conditions is important. Many
of the conditions of mind and body which stand in intimate
relationship to criminalism can be ascertained only through in-
quiry into early illnesses and other untoward circumstances.
Such knowledge is rarely to be obtained except during the youth
of the offender. Then family life is more apt to be intact, and

1 An excerpt from Clay's paper may be found in Morrison's book (54)
on crime. Rylands' interesting work (55) makes a special point of this whole
topic of juvenile beguinings; it is from this that EUiott is quoted. In his
admirable little volume on the psychology of the criminal, Polhtz (8) de-
votes an instructive chapter to the age when delinquent careers are started.
Kinberg (161) the eminent Swedish authority, in the absence of complete
national statistics, states that in Sweden the maximum frequency of im-
moral crimes, arson, and grand larceny occurs in the age group of 15-18 years.

§ 11] OKIENTATIONS [Chap. II

memories of elders are keener. Working with adult offenders
in courts and institutions makes us quickly realize how little
the average person knows of his own developmental history.

(/) Data about family traits, early characteristics, and enviro7i-
ment may be worth much for explanation of the offender's tendencies.
Both for positive and negative values, the careful student of
the delinquent is most desirous of ascertaining the facts of
heredity and of early formative conditions. These possible de-
terminants of the career can best be known also when details
and general aspects are not dim in the past.

(g) Disingenuou^ness of the offender is a barrier. For this reason
it is important in the ascertainment of whole groups of causes
to approach the delinquent in the years of naivete. With the
development of reserve and self-containment characteristic of
the adult, and particularly of the adult who feels himself antag-
onistic to society, there is often difficulty in getting at some vital
points. Our chapter and case histories on mental conflicts show
the worth of knowing formative influences at the time when they
can most easily be brought to the surface.

(h) The best rewards of therapeutic efforts are from working with
youth. Experimental endeavor is frequently necessary in ad-
justing the affairs of the offender, and this is comparatively diffi-
cult in the case of the adult. When the delinquent is young,
relatives have not usually acquired the hopeless attitude so often
seen later. Then they sometimes can be wakened from their
neglect and failure, and can be urged to try constructive meas-
ures. At that age the state agencies and other organizations
take a more hopeful view, and render more intelligent aid. Both
for the human interest and for the scientific elucidation of funda-
mentals, one would demand alteration of circumstances durmg
a period when the individual was still plastic.

§ 12. Best Age for Study. — Notwithstanding our emphasis
on youthful begimiings, never would we in the least discourage
the study of older offenders. Much practical social improve-
ment, both in courts and institutions, waits for the development
of such work. One of our reasons for undertaking prolonged
and intimate study of young offenders was, in truth, establish-
ment of a better understanding of the types and possible social
adjustments of older delinquents. Man is but a child with a little
larger growth; and genetic fundamentals are the logical forbears
of etiology and diagnosis in later years. Conversely, mature

Chap. II] OUR STUDY OF RECIDIVISTS [§ 13

types present diagnostic pictures in characterology which sug-
gest by deduction the genetic processes. This retracing the steps
of a career is not only explanatory, but sometimes has an almost
forgotten therapeutic value.

Partial studies of older offenders have been discussed by me
elsewhere (29). The value of what is done in any given situation
depends upon fulfilment of immediate needs, and upon scien-
tific contributions apperceived in their true relationship. Of the
making of fragmentary researches we have said, " There can
be no scientific danger in this, provided there is not the unwar-
ranted jumping at conclusions and indulgence in theorizing from
insufficient premises, both as to the nature of ' the criminal '
and of crime, which has unfortunately characterized very much
of the criminology of the past. The snapshot diagnosis, that
categorizing of individuals as belonging to some type, without
adequate study of the make-up or the possibilities of the individ-
ual, can only lead to immature decisions and interference with the
development of a science of adjustment."

§ 13. Our Study of Recidivists. — The repeated offender we
have spoken of above as especially jeopardizing society, is early
to be discerned as such. During even our juvenile court work,
for recidivism is rampant here as elsewhere, we have seen that
one of the most valid distinctions that could practically and
scientifically be offered is between the repeater and the offender
for a single time. There are many types of each, but psycho-
logically the great distinguishing mark seems to be that the non-
repeater finds in the outcome of his deed sufficient reason for
future refraining. Our working definition is simple: The repeated
offender is that individual who in spite of reprimands, warn-
ings, probation or punishment proceeds to further anti-social
deeds. Usually in our cases what has been offered in the way of
retribution has emanated from police and juridical sources.
However, I should not care to hinge the classification on that
fact, for some of the worst repeated offenders one has ever seen,
including young adults, have managed through family protec-
tion to escape prior contact with the courts.

While discussing the repeated offender it should parentheti-
cally be said that no judgment is here passed on the compara-
tive viciousness or sinfulness of his conduct. In fact, we are not
at all inclined to state in general that misconduct punishable
under the law is necessarily worse than many other vices and

§ 13] ORIENTATIONS [Chap. II

meannesses. The social results of various sorts of improper
conduct about which there are no laws at all may be a hundred
times more disastrous than certain misdeeds of which the law
takes special cognizance.

§ 14. Group of Cases Studied and Our Approach to their
Problems. — Our studies as finally summarized deal with a group
of 1000 repeated offenders selected from the total number of
cases seen, on the basis of repetition of offense plus sufficiency
of data. As will be later seen, 823 of these have been used
for comparative study of causative factors. Most of the subjects
have been adolescents; the average age between 15 and 16 years.
Sometimes younger children have been observed and occasion-
ally young adults. We have made a specialty of seeing youthful
" problem cases," those in which previous efforts, sometimes
even including definitive reformatory training, have proved
useless for checking anti-social tendencies.

Offenders have been brought to us from many sources, mostly
through the officials of the juvenile court who have been de-
sirous of getting light on their different cases. Almost all have
been seen in connection with relatives, but of course a few have
had no immediate family. Credit should be rendered to the
numerous parents, clergymen, and school people who have
sought to avert an evil career by seeking scientific knowledge
of the case. This cooperation has been great encouragement
to arduous effort.^

Occasionally cases have been studied elsewhere than in Chicago,
and enough insight has been gained into the workings and mate-
rial of courts in other places to see that the problems are those
of human nature, and vary but little with the locality. Diag-
nosis of cases belonging to the simpler groups, such as the obviously
feebleminded, has been easy, and much more time has thus been
left for study of other types. This latter has often meant, as
may be estimated from some of the cases cited in this volume,
expending a total of days of work on a single individual.

1 The unexpectedly ready response, both on the part of the offender and
his relatives, has been, after all, the most markedly encouraging featiu-e of
our work. In no cases had there been previously any thorough-going attempt
to study causation, and such effort is nearly always appreciated. In some
cases it awakened vigorous apperceptive interest, once to the extent that the
examination alone caused the cure. The young man turned to his mother
and asked her if she thought he was "off" in any way because he behaved
so badly. He said he would show her differently, and from that time on he has
been a reformed character. Very frequently, through hearing of our work,
parents of children of many ages have themselves first sought us out.

Chap. II] HISTORICAL ORIENTATION OF OUR STANDPOINT [§ 16

Without didactically prescribing such intensive application
as necessary for other investigators, we ourselves have found it
imperative for the establishment of some hitherto unelaborated
U-pes of delinquent causation. However, we hardly see, even
in the light of increased knowledge, how the work in certain
cases, as where a deep-rooted mental conflict existed, could have
been done in shorter time. As to such earnest effort being worth
the time or energy expended we can say a little something about
the practical economics involved.

§ 15. Social and Scientific Values of Deeper Studies. — Even
leaving out the tremendous human side, which really should
give the first impulsion towards activity in this field, it is clear
to us that the saving to society from averting criminal careers
is immense. Taking the outcome of only a few cases we have
adjusted by scientific study, enough profit has accrued readily
to equal the expenses of our institute during its five years. Other
saving from corresponding work done under court auspices may
be vers^ great. One has known a trial based on psychopathic
accusations and fairly estimated to have cost the state $15,000,
which might have been wholly avoided through the application
of scientific diagnosis.

The prime motive for our research into beginnings and causa-
tive factors we have ever felt to be the establishment of scien-
tific laws of predictability upon which all sorts of treatment could
be rationally planned. With the accumulation of data it also
stands out clearly that the ascertainment of causative factors
in the individual is fundamental, not only for the application
of practical therapy, but also for the gathering of any statistics
and the framing of any classifications which can be safely utilized.
In our chapter on conclusions and results we offer a careful state-
ment of the relative dangers and values of dealing with isolated
facts of causation, while all through these pages will be found
echoes of our insistence on the ultimate validity of only thorough-
going studies of the individual.

§16. Historical Orientation of Our Standpoint. — Our re-
lation to prior development of criminology should be summarily
reviewed, though with attempt to avoid the polemic which in-
vasion of the realms of this largely theoretical science always
seems to incite. It is quite fair to speak of most previous works
on this subject as theoretical, for their marshalling of statistical
and individual facts often may be likened to the gathering of

§ 16] ORIENTATIONS [Chap. II

building stones for an edifice of opinions already designed. Not
only have many theories been published at great length, but
volumes have, in turn, been written in review of them.^ Too
much splendid effort has been deliberately busied with these
theoretical inquiries for us to turn such studious opinions lightly
aside.

One who derives his first interest in the problem of delin-
quency, as did the author, from the neurological clinic, and whose
first teachers were the works of Lombroso, Ferri, and Talbot,
need hardly be considered as prejudiced against the Italian
positivist school. To these early masters of individual study we
still offer all praise as pioneers. And so far as our relations to
the so-called anthropological school are concerned, Ellis is right
in combating the constant attributing to it of set opinions, be-
cause no such school really exists. Anthropology, the science of
man, must be ever growing with the growth of human knowledge,
and can not be held to the limitations of set opinions.

§ 17. Ascertained Facts Overwhelm the Theories. — Our
experience is simply that we found the facts too much for the
theories. Through the detailed study of cases, under good condi-
tions for getting at the essentials, the path of preconceived etiol-
ogy and classification was seen beset with difficulties. The
intricacies of causations appeared manifold. It was then that
the plan of making straight for the facts, all the facts available,
showed itself of significant worth to us. Pigeon-holes and cate-
gories could remain unused if we had to damage our facts to fit
them in. It was clearly evident that classification by crimes
leads only in special instances to knowledge of the criminal;
that statistics of seasons, and races, and head-measurements,
and alcoholism, and so on, mean almost nothing for the funda-
mental understanding of the individual case; that epileptic
and atavistic theories could not be substantiated by case histo-
ries; that refinements of psycho-physical measurements some-
times used on criminals need a tremendous amount of over-

1 Mentioning only the important reviews, we have "Modem Theories of
CriminaUty," by De Quirosj (121), " IndividuaUzation of Punishment," by
SaleiUes (123), and the eminently well-balanced "Penal Philosophy," by
Tarde (5). Crammed full of the data used for building theories, is Havelock
EUis's "The Criminal" (124). Aschaffenburg (1) also handles carefully the
contentions of the different schools. Most noteworthy is the collection of
fourteen volumes, "Kritische Beitrage zur Straf rechtsref orm " (125), in
which every phase of the conceptual bases of criminal law is treated in the
fashion of true Teutonic scholarship.

Chap. II] ASCERTAINED FACTS OVERWHELM THE THEORIES [§17

hauling before they can be regarded as valid for conclusions; ^
that the elders, who spoke so ghbly of "the criminal" as a born
t^-pe, had not the means of investigating whether he was not
rather a born defective, and a criminal through accident of en-
vu"onment.

This last consideration alone is enough to make the student
look askance at all the older classifications. The statistics that
we are offered concerning criminals, whether about their deeds,
their ears, their religious faith, or what not, are presented with-
out knowledge of essential facts, such as whether or not they
were mentally defective; and thus lead us nowhere for purposes
of practical treatment. We see segregated in institutions the
feebleminded with just these stigmatized skulls and palates
and ears. We find well-developed stigmata sometimes in those
who are morally normal.^ So it seems that by virtue of educa-
tion or social protection, such marked individuals need not be-
come criminals. In the light of these facts and of the construc-
tive possibilities of our own findings we have become certain
that the development of mental tests and psychological analysis
is doing more towards the establishment of true theories and of
practical classifications of criminals than all other methods of
study combined. In the past there has been great mistaking of
incidentals for essentials.

It seems that we have not entirely avoided polemic in showing

1 As a paradigm for criticism on some of the older conclusions, one might
review the data on "Physical Insensibility of Criminals," well summarized
by EUis (124, pp. 123-140). Since this phenomenon has been so often as-
serted and commented on, the following points should be known. First, we
are offered no evidence that the findings were not obtained largely by test-
ing mental defectives, notoriously insensible, who were secondarily criminals.
Only correlation with mental tests would show this. Next, there is, as EUis
acknowledges, considerable disagreement in the findings. Finally, the methods
of testing insensibihty involve some very grave sources of possible error.
Miss KeUor (127, p. 52) has neatly shown some of the difficulties which she
experienced. We so appreciated, by long experience in the neurological chnic,
the impediments to safe judgment where stoicism and other subjective ele-
ments were involved, that from the first, testing for the pain sense was omitted
by us as a routine procedure.

2 In this country where so Little comparative anthropometry has been
undertaken we should not forget the careful researches of Charming and
Wissler (128), and of Boas (129). The former show the most common clas-
sical stigma to be only shghtly more prevalent in some mentally abnormal
types than in normal individuals. The latter demonstrate the great influence
which environment may have upon the most stable of bodily measurements
- — a most important fact for those to meet who in anywise correlate crim-
inaUty as such with anthropometric measurements. Just now there is newly
before us the monumental work of Goring (160) who, better than any one,
proves from his extensive studies of the physique of English convicts the non-
existence of a criminal anthropological type.

§ 17] » ORIENTATIONS [Chap. II

our evolution of opinion as we progressed in the study of cases
and methods. We should do every justice to the fathers, partic-
ularly to Lombroso, whose chief glory it was to insist on under-
standing the individual preliminary to handling his case. So
far as the theories are concerned, we would in agreement cite
Aschaffenburg (l, p. 177) : " As often as a new field of criminal
anthropological investigation has been attacked, the same thing
has been repeated. First, assertion is made that a certain form
of deviation is characteristic of the criminal. Then it is proved
that the same phenomena are found in non-criminals, and finally,
it is shown that these anomalies are somewhat more frequent
in criminals."

§ 18. Our Empirical Method. — We resolved to classify,
then, etiologic or diagnostic facts only according to what we should
find. If no scheme was foUowable, or much overlapping was
shown, that could not be helped. To apply by rule of thumb
either the simple four-fold scheme of Bianchi (276), or the recent
elaboration of Ingegnieros (131), or any other a priori classifica-
tion, would be to disregard the complexity of causation which
can be found in every case. We early ascertained that the
facts needed one classification of mental findings, another of
physical conditions, another of environmental background, and
so on. The outcome was the discovery of combined types of
causations and individual peculiarities that often fit the criminal
into no system. Any classification according to theories of epi-
leptoidism, of atavism, or of other biological causation, would
end in the mere giving of a name; whereas a complete survey of
the facts leads through the realization of a many-sided etiology
to adequate conception of diagnosis, prognosis and treatment.
All this may be seen concretely elaborated in our chapter on
conclusions and in our presentation of cases and types.

§ 19. Newer Methods of Study. — In relating our methodology
to that of the past we may add that, starting from no crim-
inological theory, our attempt has been to obtain all the avail-
able facts by combination of all methods which bid fair to offer
explanatory results. The more recent conceptions of individual
study carry one far beyond external and anthropometric de-
tails. The introduction of psychological tests for estimation of
the mental potential is as new and valuable as the application
of those analytical methods which throw light on covert mental
mechanisms and the startling effects, unsuspected or apparently

Chap. II] INSOLUBLE PROBLEM OF LEGAL RESPONSIBILITY [§ 21

unrelated, of early experience. To compare these improved
methods, which bring to the surface such an increased number
of facts, with the older modes of study, as applied to Marie
Schneider (vide Ellis, 124, p. 7 ff.) or to Jesse Pomeroy (vide
Folsom, 60), is like comparing many of the mechanical advances
of the day with those of a generation or two ago.

§20. Follow- Up Observations Necessary. — We are impressed
with the necessity for much follow-up work in the establish-
ment of scientific principles. It is not enough, certainly at this
stage of the development of the science of individual study, if
it ever will be, merely to say that here is a given human equip-
ment with certain powers and with such-and-such background
of experience. One has to venture a prognosis under various
possible social circumstances, and then to follow up year by year
to see if what one has said about this given type or case needs
revision as the result of changed conditions. Only by such a
method of self-criticism and prolonged observation can the ob-
server or his science grow. It is a fact that in our work this
longitudinal study has in many cases demanded a record of
several scores of pages, and the spending of considerable energy
in personal observation. However, this was the way to set
about it, and we have come to see that neither we nor other
investigators can make such a contribution to the principles
of our science as shall ever do away with the necessity for (a)
careful personal study of each offender, and (b) testing the value
of measures carried out, always by the criteria of future results.

§21. Insoluble Problem of Legal Responsibility. — It is fre-
quent in the general discussion of delinquency to deal specifi-
cally with the problem of legal responsibility.^ Many times it
has been made the center of argument, and yet if one watches
the concrete issues appearing every day in court, and endeavors

1 The psychological and social aspects of responsibiUty, as a basis for
legal adjudications, are treated in the following recent notable contribu-
tions. Parson (190) in a dissertation, summarizes the best authorities and
interprets them according to the scientific principle that most human action
is response to stimuU. McCoimeU (191) also covers much ground in his work,
which takes in both the legal and social standpoints. A paper by Jones (192)
led to an unusually thorough discussion by medical psychologists of the
border line of responsibihty. The modern scientific viewpoint of attenuated
criminal responsibihty is iinely treated in synopsis by Wagner von -Jatuegg
(193), the scholarly Austrian neurologist, and a review of the htera.ture on
the subject is given by Gottschalk (375). Sibenaler of Bordeaux (194) pre-
sents a careful study of juvenile responsibihty and age of moral discernment.
A remarkably pithy symposium is contributed to by Engelen (226) Kahl (227),
and Mezger (228).

§ 21] ORIENTATIONS [Chaf. II

fair-mindedly to gather information bearing upon the problem
of dealing with offenders, he cannot avoid the conclusion that
the practical question of responsibility is not the core of the prob-
lem. If responsibility has been, as Tarde asserts, the pivot
upon which penal philosophy has heretofore revolved, then it
seems clear that what has been called penal philosophy should
be replaced by something much more human, more economic
in the long run, and more efficient for reformation.

And then the criteria of responsibility involve so much that
is intricate, uncertain, and metaphysical, and are themselves
properly subject to variations by reason of environmental and
disease conditions, by reason of innate defects and differences
in social suggestibility, that, for the purposes of general dis-
crimination and the development of a general standardization,
they are thoroughly impracticable. Our case studies contain
many proofs of this point.

Some of the greatest thinkers have found the problem insolu-
ble. Mercier (148), one of the latest and best-known writers on
the subject, finally gives up the whole question (to be sure, he
does not accede to the idea of gradations of responsibility, and
does not allow for psychological discoveries made by modern
methods of testing) and wants decision relegated to the common
sense of a jury of untrained men. Can anything be more signif-
icant of the difficulties which stand in the way of a satisfactory
solution of dealing with criminals by standard laws and artifi-
cial rules applicable to all persons alike?

§ 22, Responsibility a Dispensable Criterion. — But the sav-
ing grace of it all is that when one invades the field, and sees
clearly the issues at stake, it at once becomes plain that to face
this long-maintained point of view is not at all necessary. The
light of better things for the future is seen to lie in an entirely
different direction, and m dealing with the practical question
of social welfare, we are early constrained to leave the path that
ends in the dilemma of responsibility or irresponsibility.

Concerning an alternative idea, that of a continental sociolog-
ical school, to center the problem of punishment on criminal
intent — the state of mind in which, or the purpose with which
the act was done — almost the same ground might be taken as
in regard to responsibility.^ This idea is the nucleus of a pro-

1 A scholarly volume by Allfeld (158) is devoted to discussion of the plan
of meting out the penalty according to the intent. This author opposes any

Chap. II] OUK STUDY LARGELY CHARACTEROLOGY [§ 23

posed system which cannot, on account of the many practical
difficulties, nearly cover the field of treatment of the offender.

§23. Our Study Largely Characterology. — As a last word
in this chapter, we may say that much of our study might be
termed characterology,^ to adopt the appellation of several au-
thors. As students of character, we are dealing with the motives
and driving forces of human conduct and, since conduct is directly
a product of mental life, we immediately become involved in
individual and differential psychology. This relationship of
mental life to conduct is, however, a subject important enough
to be treated in a separate chapter.

general scheme elaborated on such a basis, although he acknowledges its
good points.

^ The word characterology was introduced at least as early as 1862. Bahn-
sen's (62) essays on the subject appeared then. Wulifea (2) has a chapter on
this branch of anthropology, and Stern (79) also uses the word. John Stuart
Mill used the more euphonious term, ethology.

§ 24] THE INDIVIDUAL [Chap. Ill

CHAPTER III
The Individual

§ 24. Dynamic Center of the Problem. — The dynamic center
of the whole problem of delinquency and crime ^ will ever be
the individual offender.

§ 25. Definite and Practical Knowledge of the Individual is
Necessary. — It is impossible to get away from the fact that no
general theories of crime, sociological, psychological or biological,
however well founded, are of much service when the concrete
issue, namely the particular offense and the individual delin-
quent, is before those who have practically to deal with it. The
understanding needed is just that craved bj^ Solomon — the
understanding of the one who has actually to deal with people,
the one who formally is the therapeutist. It does not require
prolonged observation of aiiy treatment of the offender to real-
ize what knowledge will prove of most worth in the procedure;
one quickly perceives that it must be information concerning
characteristic variations of physical and psychical equipment,
concerning laws of mental mechanics, and the influence of the
various forms of experience on various types of mankind. From
this arises scientific and common-sense appreciation of the rela-
tion of antecedent to consequent in the life history of the indi-
vidual offender whose actions and person are to be dealt with.

Collected statistics and groups of facts concerning criminality
are offered from time to time as the bases upon which measures of
public policy may be erected. So far, however, there has been

^ The terms "deUnquency" and "crime," or "criminality," will be used
throughout our work as synonymous. There is no logical line of demarcation
of meaning, in Em-opean terminology the words are interchangeable. In our
country "delinquency" and "delinquent," because of their seemingly less
harsh connotation, are apphed to youthful offenders. For the vital reasons
given above we have concerned ourselves most largely with the study of
youthful offenders and have chosen for our title the less offensive term.

Chap. Ill] WEAKNESS OF GENERAL CAUSATION THEORIES [§ 26

astonishingly little written into social ordinances as the result
of much labor expended in the effort to determine the general
facts of crime. There may be several reasons for this. Some-
times the criminologist, even of wide renown, has allowed him-
self to become almost obsessed by theories and doctrines which
have led for the most part only to controversy. But perhaps
the greatest cause for slight effect upon legislation and other
practical procedure may be found in the fact that when face
to face with the complications of the actual case many of the
generalizations of criminology are seen to crumble away.

§ 26. Weakness of General Causation Theories. — Nothing
is shown by our data more convincingly than the predictable
inadequacy of social measures built upon statistics and theories
which neglect the fundamental fact of the complexity of causa-
tion, determinable through study of the individual case. Many
of the w^orks on social misconduct deal with what is often de-
nominated 'general causation,' and attempt to establish geo-
graphical, climatological, economic and many other correlations.
Much of this is interesting and even seductive, intellectually,
and it is true that there are some relationships, such as that
between alcoholism and crime, well enough verified to justify
social alteration. But that many of these suggested correlations
contain only half-truths, one is constrained to believe after
prolonged attempt to gather in all available facts in many in-
dividual cases. To illustrate a couple of these ' general causation '
inferences, we might take the failure of the treatment of drunk-
ards during the last decade under the English Inebriate Acts.
It was soon found that the projected curative measures, pro-
posed without any adequate estimation of the personal equip-
ment of those who would come under treatment, could not com-
bat, for example, innate mental deficiencies. In other words,
many of the great army of topers are such because of their feeble-
mindedness, and it is that, and not the ingestion of alcohol,
which must be fundamentally reckoned with. For another
illustration, we may take the findings, often alluded to, that
several forms of crime are more prevalent in certain seasons of
the year. Sex assault and violence are notably more frequent
during hot weather; is it then safe to assert summer tempera-
ture as the main cause? One might well ask, is there not rather
a lowering of moral inhibitions during that season through the
excess of alcoholic beverages then ingested? The above are two

§ 26] THE INDIVIDUAL [Chap. Ill

of the very simplest instances of the neglect to ascertain the
complexities in the causation of crime.^ Studies of individual
cases, and final summary analysis of these cases, such as we
present in the latter part of this work, form the only way of
arriving at the truth. Results of such work make the investiga-
tor exceedingly chary of theories built upon the consideration of
single causes.

§ 27. Thorough Study Means Balancing of Factors. — Thor-
ough study of individual cases does not imply that we shall al-
ways find the main cause of the offender's tendency in his own
make-up — it merely implies the logical balancing of causative
factors. One has seen an extensive family chart exhibited as
proof that criminalism is inherited, because of its springing up
in several side lines. But in addition to the chart the investiga-
tor possessed information that the various persons showing
delinquent tendencies all lived in an atrocious environment.
The facts not plotted on the chart could be used to show, if we
took them also by themselves, that in this family criminalism
was uniformly the result of bad social circumstances. On the
other hand, it may be conditions in the home, or other environ-
mental agents, which at first sight loom large. But then one
finds other individuals in the same family turning out well, vide
§ 108, others on the same street or with the same associates who
do not become criminals. Complicating the argument again,
we may discover grave delinquent tendencies appearing in some
one member of the most upright families, while, contrariwise,
we have occasionally found all the numerous immediate descend-
ants of a terrible drunkard successfully arising in full strength
of character from the squalor in which he placed them. So it
goes; to single out and blame this or that specific condition,
without proceeding by the scientific process of elimination and
attempting to rule out other possible causes, will not lead far
towards real solutions. Indeed, without well-rounded studies
of the pivotal facts in the particular case it ensues that " experi-
ence is fallacious and judgment difficult."

§ 28. Growth of Idea of Studying the Offender. — The idea

^ As an example of the bare collection of minute data concerning the social
and biological background of a group of offenders, which omits many of the
psychological possibiUties, and fails to analyze the relative bearings of the
total facts in the respective cases, we might cite Gruhle's recent book (147).
Here even an extreme application of the statistical method fails to demon-
strate its value when applied to only 105 cases.

Ch.\P. Ill] THE PROBLEM OF PERSONALITY [§ 29

that the individual must be carefully studied in order that crime
may be ameliorated has been steadily growing since the day of
Lombroso. The humanitarian efforts of John Howard were
evidence of the appreciation of the needs of offenders as individ-
ual human beings; the view of Lombroso was that of the scien-
tific man who sees in this field the inexorable laws which govern
man's nature and environment. It makes little difference which
theoretical view of penology is held; the problem of society ever
is to handle a given offender satisfactorily. Recently the Japa-
nese authority, Oba (51), a strong believer in the necessity of
meeting evil by evil, maintains that at the beginning of the han-
dling of the offender there must be the most exact research into
the characteristics and conditions of both him and his family. In
his plans for effectively dealing with recidivism this writer in-
sists that only through such a method could the punishment be
made proportionate to the guilt — and that is a prime necessity
in his scheme.

§29. The Problem of Personality. — Clear comprehension
•of the make-up of human personality will prove a gain to the
student of our subject. A person is not fairly to be regarded
merely as the soul and body of the moment. It is only our own
temporal limitations which prevent us from seeing people as
they really are — as products of the loom of time. Every individ-
ual is partly his ancestors, and partly the result of his develop-
mental conditions, and partly the effects of many reactions to
environment, and to bodily experiences, and even of reactions
to his own mental activities. An ideal description of a human
person would refer each trait or condition to its proper source.
Most serviceable to us is the conception of the individual as the
product of conditions and forces which have been actively form-
mg him from the earliest moment of unicellular life. To know
him completely would be to know accurately these conditions
and forces; to know him as well as is possible, all of his genetic
background that is ascertainable should be known. The inter-
pretations that may be derived from acquaintance with the
facts of ancestry, ante-natal life, childhood development, ill-
nesses and injuries, social experiences, and the vast field of mental
life, lead to invaluable understandings of the individual and to
some idea of that w^onderful complex of results which we term
personality.

§ 30] THE MENTAL BASES OF DELINQUENCY [Chap. IV

CHAPTER IV
The Mental Bases of Delinquency

§ 30. Conduct an Expression of Mental Life. — All conduct
is directly an expression of mental life. Immediately back of the
action is the idea, or the wish, or the impulse, existing as mental
content. Of course many actions have no representation in
consciousness, either before or after performance, but never-
theless they are just as truly controlled by mental processes.
One starts to walk down the street, thereby engaging in public
conduct, and continues to walk, and finally stops; all without
the slightest thought about this succession of acts. Yet every
part of the performance has been impelled by operations of the
mind, that part of the mind which, fortunately for our ability
to pay attention to other things, is subconscious. Proof of all
this is found in the normal power to produce similar action as
consciously controlled behavior; to see, as it were, how it was done.
More evidence on the same point is derived from our ready recol-
lection that actions arose from mental activity which at the mo-
ment of action was not above the threshold of consciousness.
We remember how we walked down the street and that the
walking was carried out at the bidding of our desires, although
we did not at the time formulate this sequence. Altogether, a
great deal of mental life at any given moment is subconscious,
and a great deal of conduct which appears for the moment un-
controlled, nevertheless is directly dependent on subconscious
mental activity.

Even conduct in the pathological mental states which super-
vene during the varied conditions of epilepsy or insanity is just
as truly the direct outcome of mental activity, although not
controlled by the conscious will, and frequently not in the least
representable at any time in consciousness. The anti-social
actions of such periods are the fault of the disordered mental

Chap. IV] PRACTICAL BEARINGS OF PSYCHOLOGICAL VIEWPOINT [§31

mechanism which at the time precludes normal conscious mental
life. Disordered though the higher mentality may then be,
some parts of the mind are actively at work creating conduct.^
We can be sure of this through the easy determination of hallu-
cinations and morbid ideations and impulsions which are often
discernible in such cases.

In its physiological aspect conduct may be traced back to
origins which, reasoning from the well-established correlation
of brain-cell activity with mental life, show also the mental
processes back of the deed. Conduct may be readily stated in
terms of muscular action; the latter activity, in turn, is propa-
gated by currents of nervous force which, for all such complicated
processes, are known to arise from the coordinated energy of
cerebral cells. The parts of the brain involved are the higher
levels, those which we know are correlated with mental phenom-
ena rising on occasion above the threshold of consciousness.
So it seems that all analysis of the dynamics back of conduct
leads directly to contemplation of mental activity.

§ 31. Practical Bearings of the Psychological Viewpoint. —
However, for the pragmatic ends of this work, one would not be
satisfied with any a priori considerations alone, however logically
fundamental, in the study of the causative factors of delinquency.
To be suited for our piu-poses, such a line of approach as the
above must present tangible evidences of practical worth. It
must appear that by deliberately turning our studies towards
the phenomena of mental life, paths will be discovered to amend-
ment of the moral situation. The psychological point of view,
if it fail in this, must be discarded as not inherently essential.

1 On several occasions I have had the opportunity of attempting with in-
telHgent subjects, analysis of criminahstic behavior enacted during a pre-
vious aberrational period. A woman of fine character, who in her attacks of
insanity, for which she had to be confined, was very prone to commit vio-
lence, said she always knew at the time it was wrong, but something stronger
than her reason impelled her. Another particularly high-minded woman, who
in ephemeral outbreaks of her psychoses made attempts at murder which she
finally accomphshed, said the voice which she heard at the time was so com-
manding that it seemed to be the word of God. An epileptic young man
(§ 256) who during one of his whim-controlled, almost automatic states
nearly perpetrated a most heinous crime — wrecking a passenger train —
has since frequently discussed it. His consciousness, judging by his memory
of the event and by witnesses to his actions at almost the same time, seems
to have been narrowed to the one impulse and the cunning scheming for its
satisfaction. Clear though it is that the feUow was not right mentally at the
time, he has always felt that, since his action followed an idea, the deed was
mentallj' controlled, and from the evidence of his memory, he never has been
inclined to assert his own actual irresponsibiUty. This is another example of
i;he great difficulty of adjudication according to criteria of responsibility.

§ 31] THE MENTAL BASES OF DELINQUENCY [Chap. IV

In taking up the actual problem of the sources of delinquency
it was apparent that just this method of approach afforded the
quickest and clearest understanding, the surest interpretation,
and by far the greatest promise of success; and altogether was
a much less difficult path to follow than might be expected.
Our own case studies have gradually led us to the overwhelming
conclusion that, for practical purposes, what we particularly
want to know about the offender are the immediate mental
antecedents of his conduct.

Misconduct is only a branch of conduct in general; and nor-
where can the relationships between conduct and mental life
be perceived better than in studying the immediate causations
of social misdoing. The robbery was preceded by the mental
presentation, the plan; the assault followed upon the mental
reaction of anger to the displeasing pictures which the spoken
word brought up; the temptation was followed because the idea
of immediate satisfaction was not counterbalanced just then by
conscious representation of consequences. Thus illustrations
might be indefinitely multiplied of how a mental process imme-
diately precedes conduct.

Hence it is clear that whatever influences the individual towards
offense must influence first the mind of the individual. It is
only because the bad companion puts dynamically significant
pictures into the mind, or because the physical activity becomes
a sensation with representation in psychic life, or the environ-
mental conditions produce low mental perceptions of one's duty
towards others, that there is any inclination at all towards delin-
quency.

So true is this that, through application of the methods of
individual study, it soon becomes apparent that really the only
safe way to ascertain the driving forces which make for social
offense is to get at the mental mechanisms antecedent to the
behavior in question.

Not reckoning with the mental factor leads to many errors
in the drawing of conclusions. The force of the actual findings
is the strongest argument against the student of delinquency
becoming an externalist, an investigator merely of outward
and overt circumstances. If the facts are taken all together the
following sorts of complications are to be found: The family
life may have been faulty, but it was actually the influence of
certain pernicious experiences which made recurrent imagery

Chap. IV] IMPORTANCE OF MENTAL ABNORMALITY [§ 32

that has consciously or subconsciously driven to offense. Study
of heredity may show wanderers in a family line, but in this
member of the family it was a hidden mental conflict about a
terrible secret that led to the running away from home. We
came to know this because we brought the conflict to light, and
the light cured both it and the running away. In another case
frightful crowding of the home could not be blamed except that it
induced ideas and mental pictures which led straight to bad
conduct.

Such facts, and what is brought out by differential psychol-
ogy, give some suggestion as to why other persons in the same
family, or house, or street, or gang, have not turned to delin-
quency. These comparisons should be ever a barrier to the
acceptance of general social or biological theories of crime.
Realization of the mental factors must prevent our giving credit to
mouth-filling declarations that crime is an atavistic phenomenon,
or a disease, or that " the criminal " belongs to this or that
human sub-species — declarations in which definition is bought
for too cheap an intellectual outlay.

§ 32. Importance of Mental Abnormality. — Turning now
to abnormal mental traits and conditions correlated with delin-
quency, we have further corroboration of mental life standing to
conduct as antecedent to consequent. The part insanity plays
in the production of social disturbance is too obvious to need
illustration. Border-line individuals with their morbid, over-
whelming impulsions and compulsions are also well recognized
as having a mental equipment prone to develop delinquency.
Showing mostly negative aspects we have the mental defec-
tives. In them it is not so much that their actual concepts give
rise to delinquency, as that through their lack of judgment and
counterbalancing power, influences and suggestions coming either
from their own physical selves or from the external world, lead
to impulses and pictures which determine the misdeed.

Therefore, even in these abnormal individuals it is clearly
improbable that peculiar palates, or insensitive finger tips, or
queerly-shaped heads will ever be found in any such close rela-
tionship to delinquency as are the mental phenomena we dis-
cuss. With full respect for those who earliest apprehended
the problem of the delinquent as an individual, we nevertheless
see the utter inadequacy of work which did not, first and foremost,
determine the offender's mental content, his mental traits, pecu-

§ 32] THE MENTAL BASES OF DELINQUENCY [Chap. IV

liarities and abilities. Vastly important though social and bio-
logical backgrounds are, yet they must take at least second place
to these more immediate causative factors of delinquency.

We have previously insisted on the impossibility of applying
in all cases the criterion of responsibility as definable in the law.
We believe this matters little because cases can be satisfactorily
handled from other standpoints. But as students of mental life
we are forced to unequivocally commit ourselves to the opinion
that many individuals who commit misdeeds have abnormal
impulsions, or are temporarily or chronically weak in the powers
of self-control. This is the basis for the idea of lessened moral
responsibility which accords truly with the facts. We may call
the attention of the reader to our studies of types primarily de-
fective in self-control (§ 281), types of those affected by adoles-
cent impulsions (§§ 316, 336), of those assailed by the curious
phenomena of the epilepsies (§ 253), of menstrual mental dis-
orders (§ 310), of senile failures of inhibition (§ 163), and so on.
When one has surveyed such groups as these, two practical con-
clusions must be drawn; one, that there often is prodigious
difficulty in defining legal responsibility, and, next, that these
cases, for their own welfare and for the protection of society,
need appropriate physical, educational, or even disciplinary
treatment under highly individualized surveillance.

§ 33. Psychological Standpoint Taken Alone is Unsafe. — We
will not attempt to review the opinions of the several criminol-
ogists who upon a priori grounds have already declared them-
selves for the psychological point of view.^ We can do better
by presenting the facts gleaned from life studies which lead us
directly to the same position. The concrete argument is to be
read in almost every page of our case histories. Mental and
moral problems may there be seen to merge.

1 The psychological point of view in the study of individual delinquents
is well stated by Bechterew (63). His program is based upon the distinction
between general and individual factors in the development of dehnquency,
and involves an actual study of the criminal's personality. It is strange that
in the hterature of criminology there are so many works designated "psy-
chology of the criminal," which nevertheless deal with psychology in only
the most indirect way, without development of a methodology, and which
really set us onward very little towards a better understanding of the mental
mechanisms standing as immediate precursors of dehnquent conduct. For a
general statement of "such a pragmatic apphed psychology as will deal with
all states of mind that might possibly be involved in the determination and
judgment of crime" no one can afford to neglect the work of Gross (64). He
gives a long list of authors who have written from the standpoint of psy-
chology, and includes in his text many of their best ideas.

Chap. 1\] -MENTAL LIFE UNDERLYING DELINQUENCY [§ 34

Notwithstanding all this I fully recognize that there are many
cases in which sole dependence on the psychological standpoint
would be a grave mistake. Repeatedly I have asserted the
opinion, still held, that it is verj^ difficult to decide which is in
general the most important investigatory vantage ground — social,
medical, or psychological. The point is clear, however, that one
can most surely and safely arrive at remedial measures through
investigation of the mental factors.

There is no doubt that certain groups of physicians and educa-
tors will best understand the importance of the above truths —
physicians who have been especially engaged with psychiatric
and neurological problems, and educators who are interested
in applied psychology. Sociologists and psychologists have
nowadays rapidly growing conceptions of the value of individual
study.^ Those who under the law have to deal with offenders
are, however, foremost in needing to understand fundamentals.
And if it be intimated that these issues are too abstruse, we should
feel justified in asserting that those who have not the capacity
to appreciate these things are certainly not fitted to pass judg-
ments on delinquents or hold authority over them.

§ 34. Specific Features of Mental Life Underlsdng Delin-
quency.— This chapter, dealing with the general survey of the
mental bases of delinquency, is hardly the proper place in which
to offer specific details. Not that the fundamentals are too
technical, but that they are best presented in connection with
concrete findings. The study of actual cases is imperative for
understanding the part which mental life plays in the production
of misconduct. It may be useful here, however, to itemize some
of those features of mental life which study shows directly under-
lie delinquency. Perusal of concrete instances in the second part
of this volume will lead to completer understanding of what is
now merely enumerated. The proof of the validity of the psycho-
logical data will often be found in the actual outcome of the case
as predicted in accordance with them.

We may find existing as bases of delinquency any of the
following :

^ There can be no question but that applied psychology is in the infancy
of a mighty growth, and that our field is in large part its field. Writing on
the control of mental life, Yerkes (284) says, "the prediction, modification
and direction of psychological processes is an unescapable task of psychology."
Thatthis is a view somewhat opposed to that of many older psychologists
certainly does not bespeak for it any the less fruitfulness.

34] THE MENTAL BASES OF DELINQUENCY [Chap. IV

Mental dissatisfactions; those developed from cravings of no
special moral significance in themselves, or even from unfulfilled
creditable ambitions.

Criminalistic imagery, sometimes fairly obsessional, which per-
sists, and is strong enough to impel misconduct.

Irritative mental reactions to environmental conditions, seeking
expression or relief in misdoing.

The development of habits of thought involving persistent crimi-
nalistic ideas and reactions.

Adolescent mental instabilities and impulsions.

Mental conflicts, worries or repressions concerning various ex-
periences or matters of mental content. These sometimes inter-
fere with that smooth working of the inner life which fosters
socially normal conduct. The misdeed here, too, may be a relief
phenomenon.

The chronic attitude of the offender representing himself to him-
self as one, like Ishmael, whose hand shall be against every man
and every man's hand against him. The remarkable phenomenon
of anti-social grudge may be included here.

Mental peculiarities or twists which are agents in the production
of anti-social conduct, but which do not overwhelm the personality
enough to warrant us in grading the subject as aberrational.

Aberrational mental states : — all the way from fully-developed
psychoses to temporary or border-line psychotic conditions.

Mental defect in any of the several forms described in our
special chapter on the subject.

Chap. V] GENERAL SURVEY OF WORKING METHODS [§ 35

CHAPTER V
Working jMethods

§ 35. General Survey of Working Methods. § 36. The Observer and His
Attitude. § 37. Privileged Communication. § 38. Previous Training of
Observer. § 39. Age of Examinee. § 40. Types for Study. § 41.
Sources of Information. § 42. Place of Observation. § 43. Extent of
Studj" of a Case. § 44. Office and Equipment. § 45. Assistants. § 46.
Interview and Examination. § 47. Records. § 48. Schedule of Data
Concerning Delinquents. I. Family History. II. Developmental
History. III. History of Environment. IV. Mental and Moral De-
velopment. V. Anthropometry. VI. Medical Examination. VII. Psy-
chological Examination: (A) Records of Tests. (B) Records of Psycho-
logical Analysis. VIII. DeUnquency. IX. Diagnostic Summary. X.
FoUow-up Records. XL Subsidiary Records. § 49. Medical Methods.

§ 35. General Survey of Working Methods. — Our conception
of working methods starts from the premises that a sound pro-
cedure for understanding and treatment of dehnquency is only
to be found in a well-rounded survey of the individual delin-
quent and the driving forces of his career. To this end there must
be made first a cross-section study of the offender, just as com-
plete as is practicable, including data derived from the stand-
points of social, medical and psychological investigations. From
such a cross-section the diagnosis must be derived by thought-
ful consideration, and the prognosis or predictabilities carefully
rendered. The prognosis should be offered with a view to the
several possibilities that loom up for the given case. After this
should come, whenever conditions permit, the valuable check-
ing up of predictions as set over against results, especially with
scrutiny of the working of some trial scheme which has been
suggested as of worth. This follow-up work is often of great
benefit, primarily, to the offender whose treatment is in this
way supervised and who is sensible of the interest taken in him
as an individual; secondarily, to the examiner and other ob-
servers who may grow by the accumulation of their own data
and judgments; and finally, for the development of the whole
nascent science. Back of the technological details of methods
are the following practical considerations which are of great im-
port for the success of the investigation.

§ 36] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

§ 36. The Observer and His Attitude.

Of first importance is the suitableness of the person to under-
take this oftentimes difficult research. He, or she, must have
a temperament or an attitude of mind calculated to develop
friendly cooperation with the offender and his relatives, to say
nothing of those who, under the law, or otherwise, will have to
do with the offender's treatment, I should no more expect good
results from an unsuited examiner, whatever his background of
training, than I should anticipate the production of an appro-
priate architectural design from an inartistic, though well-trained
draughtsman. It is simply a matter of common-sense observa-
tion that some persons are much better equipped in spirit to
bring out the best in others, and that is a prime necessity in this
working situation. Everyday recognition of the differences in
talents, sympathies, understandings and innate impulses should
lead to greater discrimination in selecting physicians and psychol-
ogists fitted for this work than has been recommended ^ for the
eligibility of judges for the criminal and juvenile courts.

The only attitude to be assumed with much profit is that of
shrewd, but sympathetic inquiry into an unsolved problem. We
have insisted that the examiner should have no special nose for
the pathological, and should be entirely willing to survey all
the facts, and to be guided in his conclusions by no special bias.
The question for him must be: What is the cause in this person
or in his experience, and how can it be altered? The investiga-
tion is seldom an affair merely of objective psychology or medical
testing. The impersonal effort of those methods is usually inad-
equate. The work is much more like that of the modern neurol-
ogist, or rather psycho-neurologist, who uses both psychological
and physiological inquiry in his study of patients. The success-
ful attitude combines that of the specialist with that of the
family physician.

Often I have stated the following fact, which has become
increasingly apparent to me. Just as soon as the offender and

1 For the whole needs of the situation, it will be instructive to read the
conclusions of Gross (64) in his keen study of the general psychological as-
pects of criminal procedure and of the personaUties involved. Resolutions
passed embodying the high authority of the International Prison Congress
of 1910, meeting at Washington, offer also much food for thought in their
urgent demand for special temperamental and technical quaUfications on the
part of judges and others who deal with beginning criminal careers.

Chap. V] PRIVILEGED COMMUNICATION [§ 37

his relatives realize that there is some one who takes the atti-
tude of the friendly family physician, to whom they can go with
their secret troubles, the case frequently undergoes the most
remarkable transformation from the fighting aspect actually
seen in the court room, or while the interested ones are in con-
tact with the police or other authorities of the law.

The opening of the interview with some such friendly and
reasonable statement as the following has been found in itself to
have a rationalizing effect. One may say: "Well, you people
do seem to have a difficult affair on your hands with this boy.
Let's sit down and talk it all over, and study it out together —
how it all began and what's going to happen. I'm at your serv-
ice. Did you ever think it all out carefully? "

As we have previously said, it is certain that often ours has
been the first really inquiring approach that has ever been made
to this individual and his problem. The response is nearly always
gratifying. The attitude of all concerned becomes much the same
as when the family physician makes a complete study and in-
quiry into the possible causes for an obscure ailment or defect,
We get accounts of characteristics, and environments, and fore-
bears, and other antecedents, and even histories of offenses
unknown to the authorities, that throw often a great, new light
on what should be done with and for the offender. Just this
alone shows how vastly necessary it is to have, as in any other
business-like endeavor, the attitude that wins success.

§ 37. Privileged Communication.

It is apparent from the above that the procedure involves a
very different approach and obligation from that of the examin-
ing detective who, according to classic account, prefaces. his in-
terrogatory with, " You know that anything you say can be used
against you." Our States differ in their legislation on the point
of privileged communication. To be sure, the question very
rarely comes up, for practically always recommendation can be
made to the judge or officer or institutional worker, without
specific enumeration of family and personal affairs.

A great deal that is most valuable in this work can never be
done successfully except when the attitude and obligations of
the family physician are assumed by the observer. The offender
and his family must have appreciation of the good offices at their

§ 37] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

service. The point of privileged communication may occasion-
ally have to be made clear, or the statement made that what
is revealed by the family or the offender is not a matter of court
record. Personally, in most cases I am in favor of an open dis-
cussion with the interested ones as to what the judge ought to
know. This frankness helps towards general rationality, and
is usually met by a satisfactory response.

§ 38. Previous Training of Observer.

A question frequently asked is whether a physician or psychol-
ogist is best fitted for the work. This is a difficult question,
and the answer always depends on the exigencies of the given
situation. Undoubtedly, much the best personal equipment is to
be found in the combination of medical, including clinical, train-
ing, with previous instruction in normal psychology, and actual
experience in studying abnormal mental t\'pes. For the giving
of tests, preparation in the modern field of practical differential
psychology is essential.^ When a person trained in both lines
cannot be obtained, certain facts stand out clearly. Both the
medical and psychological work must be done in each case. The
work of the physician can usually be secured most easily. And
then, except where actual pathological conditions are found, the
physical examination is by far the shortest. So it may be wise
in some circumstances to put a clinical psychologist in charge of
the work. When there is use of the physician's findings, there
must be complete cooperation in the interpretation of the signifi-
cance of the data. The psychologist must have had practical
acquaintance with abnormal and defective mental types, in order
clearly to discern them during the process of the psychological
examination. The studies of neurotic and border-line cases by
the psychoneurologists have developed such understanding of
mental mechanisms that their methods are absolutely essential
to the equipment of all who would deal with certain of the most
interesting and hopeful phases of delinquent tendencies.

There is much room for the work of intelligent and well-trained

women in this field. Especially the objective psychological

1 Definite qualifications for those who professionally handle delinquents
have been set forth perhaps best by Kinberg (52). He shows what demands
have been made and what opportunities offered for special knowledge in
Europe. For the prison physician he recommends, as indispensable, train-
ing in both normal and abnormal psychology, plus some months of experience
in both a hospital for the insane and a criminological institute.

Chap. V] PREVIOUS TRAINING OP OBSERVER [§ 38

work, namely, the giving of the tests, can be done successfully
by them. Rather less well are they fitted for the other parts of
the work. The reason for this is, of course, that men and boys
are not going to reveal much of their inner troubles to women.
Occasionally even the girls state that what they have to say can
only be said to the " doctor." Both directly and indirectly, un-
pleasant features of sex life are discovered persistently cropping
out m the experiences of offenders, and they have to be met in
scientific spirit. ^ ery frequently has one heard from parents or
the offender the introductory question, " Are you the doctor ? "
before the feeling is engendered that it is proper to tell all the
facts. Women should calculate upon these unpleasant features
before entering the work.

Physicians are not only valuable in this field because they
have knowledge of pathological conditions, but also because of
their acquaintance with physiological norms. Here, as in school
work, they may be of service for this reason. This seems to be
forgotten by those who maintain that the profession can only
offer advice about disease.

It is very different, of course, in the case of psychologists
who, for the most part, have had little training in the study of
abnormal individuals. In the interest of both sciences it should
be remembered that the discovery of pathological conditions
has very' frequently led to differential knowledge of normal
structure and conditions. This is proving as true where mental
structure and functions are thrown into new light during the
investigator^' process of psycho-analysis or during the progress
of a psychosis as it was in the development of knowledge of car-
diac physiology or the anatomy of the spinal cord.

A matter that lies midway between the considerations of this
section and the next, concerns the difference between the adult
and the child tj^e of mind. There is collected as yet altogether
too little information on this point, but we see many indications
why we should reckon on this difference when giving various
tests. The examiner, in general, should not take it for granted,
when he is passing social judgment on an offender's capacity,
that experience with one type of individual can without modifi-
cation be safely applied to another. What is true of ages is true,
to some extent, when working with different social conditions or
classes. Glueck (283) points this out as clearly bearing on the
problem of the mentally defective immigrant. A level of mental

§ 38] WORKING METHODS [Chap, V

capacity quite sufficient to keep a ditch digger within the limits
of good behavior would probably lead to much misconduct where
environmental demands and temptations were greater. Espe-
cially until we get further differential norms established the ex-
aminer should have personal experience with different ages and
social groups.

§ 39. Age of the Examinee.

We have spoken previously of the advantage of seeing a case
as early as possible in the beginning of the criminal career, for
explanatory as well as therapeutic reasons. It has been suggested
to us that the age at which we have taken delinquents (the aver-
age age has been nearly 16 years) is too late. If all is true that
has been stated about the early genesis of character formation
as elicited by the many investigators in the field of psychological
analysis, we are surely somewhat behind. It may be seen in
our case studies that the strange beginnings of the criminal im-
pulse may often be discovered in young childhood. Common
sense, too, would teach us that the earlier the case is studied, the
better for constructive purposes.

On the other hand, every case, at every age, is a problem that
requires study, if any real solution is to be worked out. Some-
times the beginnings can be taken into account very little. Thefl
occasionally conditions which lead to delinquency, for instance
senility, may supervene upon a previous background of good
citizenship and normality. The genesis in these instances is not
far to seek. Our final dictum, then, must be that in nearly every
case the earliest possible study will be followed by the best re-
sults. But every case of delinquency needs adjustment, at what-
ever age appearing, and should be investigated, even if habit or
alcohol or environment are adventitious factors, in themselves
difficult to grapple with.

§ 40. Types for Study.

Elsewhere we have committed ourselves to the opinion that it
is the repeated offender who particularly needs study. As seen
in the juvenile and adult courts, there are those who have been
merely transgressors of the moment; breaking ordinances, or
misdoing in such other ways that the possession of criminal
tendencies is not in the least betokened. Nobody would allege
it worth while to spend the time and energy necessary for the

Chap. V] SOURCES OF INFORMATION [§ 41

careful study of such offenders. It is true also that certain
crimes for which long sentences are imposed, either on account
of the money values involved, or the injuries received, have been
committed by offenders under peculiar stress, such as might
overtake many an ordinarily law-abiding citizen. It is usually
quite unnecessarj^ to study these delinquents, except for the
opinion which might be desired by a board of pardons, or by a
prisoners' aid society, which might wish vocationally or otherwise
to aid them.

We must most sincerely discredit any notion that our methods
of study are primarily developed to discern the pathological.
While one always realizes that the recognition and the segrega-
tion of the insane, feebleminded, or epileptic criminal is of im-
mense import to society, yet the discover^^ of some capacity, or
adaptability, or mental conflict, upon which to base therapeutic
measures for the checking of a criminal career is an occasion of
much greater satisfaction. Repeated offenders of all types, then,-
especially form proper subjects for thorough-going inquiry.

§ 41. Sources of Information.

The shrewdness which w^e have insisted on as a part of the
general attitude of the observer implies a sufficient skepticism.
Entirely undesirable is that brutal suspicion so frequently seen
in police and prison officials, justified more or less by the usual
prevaricating retort to coarse inquiry. It is better apparently
to believe a great deal, and preserve one's kindly attitude, than
to spoil one's service in the case. The skepticism required is
that of the scientist who asks at least a reasonable amount of
corroboration. To this end other sources of information than
the offender are requisite in the vast majority of cases. Some
offenders' accounts of themselves and their surroundings have
such veridical flavor that they can be in fairness accepted; here
the corroboration comes from the examiner's own experience.

Relatives are to be seen whenever possible. We have found
surprisingly little difficulty in getting them to come. The idea
that some one was trying to take an intelligent interest in their
family problem has generally been sufficient to arouse coopera-
tion. It must be confessed that at first, however, it has been
necessary to stimulate interest and show some background for
optimism in the situation. With us the introduction to parents

§ 41] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

has perhaps most frequently come through officers of the law,
and the kindly efforts of policemen and probation officers can
not be too highly praised in this connection. Officers have them-
selves sometimes been long acquainted with the family and can
offer much in the way of sidelights derived from their visits to
the household. Teachers, and school principals, and reHgious
leaders are all to be drawn on for the facts. When the offender
is held in a place of detention various observations, sometimes
very shrewd ones, are made by the officials there. How much
visitation to the home or other environment is to be made for the
purpose of specific inquiry depends upon the circumstances
surrounding the study.

§ 42. Place of Observation.

Often when a center for the study of delinquents is estab-
lished the location will be predetermined. With us a certain
amount of choice was enjoyed, which led to offer of the service
of our Institute to the court where studies could not only best
be made, but best be acted upon. Although choice is not usually
to be had, yet a few words about the comparative advantages
of different situations are worth while.

I credit Kauffmann (81) and Holmes (66), critical students of
criminology, with wise discernment when they so emphatically
state that the place really to study the criminal is in the open.
But yet how difficult must this be when we wish to apply the
methods of an objective psychology, for instance. Desirable
though their recommendations would seem, we have yet to become
acquainted, even through these authors, with any adequate
well-rounded researches carried out " in the open."

Certain points which seemed to stand out clearly at first,
appear even stronger as time goes on. The offender must ap-
proach you willingly before you can do anything for him. Now,
when will he exhibit this willingness? Certainly not when he
is "on the outs," and feeling it quite unlikely that he will recom-
mit offenses or at least be caught again. No, the golden moment
is when he feels himself to be a problem, and his relatives feel
it, and all want a promising solution of the difficulty. It is
after he has been caught, and while he is either detained or on
probation, and has not already been sentenced that is the best
time of all for inquiry. Then parents will come many miles in

■Qkaf. v] place of observation [§ 42

search of a solution, not by any means always desiring the softest
outcome for the offender. Then the offender will himself strive
hardest to achieve with the " doctor " some fundamental explana-
tion of the causes of his delinquent tendencies. For many
reasons this is the opportune moment for gathering information
from many sources. The wise judge perceives this, and often
holds a case in abeyance, that he may have the gathered facts
laid before him, or at least have definite recommendations from
well-informed sources.

Immediately after the trial, when hope is abandoned, and the
spirit evinced is that of taking the medicine and gritting the
teeth, one finds that very little can then be gained by study.
Relatives are usually tired of the case and evade inquiry. There
is little use then in making any approach, unless the offender
be on probation and the question arises as to what constructive
measures can be carried out for his reformation. Under these
circumstances also a favorable point of entrance into the problem
<?an be utilized.

But in institutional life there are certain other advantages
accruing from possible studies that make them decidedly worth
while. We should hardly agree with Holmes that the worst
place in the world to study an offender is in prison, unless he
means by prison something entirely different from our reforma-
tories, where prisoners most desirable to be studied are congre-
gated. Here not only cross-section studies may be made, but
also a longitudinal observation can be undertaken. How does
the individual thrive, for instance, under this or that discipline,
or treatment, or education, or encouragement? Many questions
which the observer is unable to answer from his laboratory in a
court building can be determined there. On the other hand, the
reformatory or penitentiary observer is confronted with an un-
fortunate paucity of prior history and opportunity to have car-
ried out various measures of social alteration with a view to
moral therapy. The former drawback can, in varying measure,
be obviated by the efforts of competent field workers, who have
the possible opportunity of bringing to the physician or psy-
chologist invaluable information, when families themselves cannot
be seen at the institution. Field workers from institutions of
the industrial school type can accomplish more than those from
reformatories, for the reason, mentioned above, that the families
of younger individuals are more often found intact and interested.

43] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

§ 43. Extent of Study of a Case.

Concerning the length of time or extent of effort necessary for
working up a single case, the objections we have occasionally
heard are likely to be repeated. The best answer we can make to
the objectors, who are frequently officials of the law, is Socratic
in form. Is it not true that a vast deal of time, days and even
weeks, is spent in preparation for and trial of merely one feature
of a case, namely, the question of the guilt of the accused? Is
not this true sometimes even in the trial of repeated offenders?
If, under the law, the resources of society are thus liberally spent,^
does it not ill behoove those who see such facts to criticize any
prolongation of individual study which may lead to knowledge
of measures indispensable for satisfactory treatment of the case?
Is not efficient treatment a feature of the total procedure to
which the question of guilt is but a preliminary? John X, for
example, is a reformatory graduate. This is well known, but it
may require many days of work to connect him by evidence with
a recent burglary, and secure a verdict. How much more im-
portant, however, to study him so that there may be the fullest
scientific determination of the possibilities of efficient treatment.

It is easy to see that there is great variation in the time neces-
sary to be spent in the study of different types. In an hour or
an hour and a half one can determine the fact of the simpler forms
of feeblemindedness, and with intelligent relatives get a suffi-
ciently accurate notion of the causation through history of hered-
ity or development. With corroborative evidence from school
people, or officers of the law, or others who are working in the
field, that may be sufficient diagnosis in this, the simplest type of
case. But when it comes to digging out the very essential facts
in border-line cases, or in normal individuals, where certain
mental or environmental experiences have been paramount
causative factors, the length of time is altogether a different
matter. The equivalent of whole days of study, perhaps not all
done at once, is frequently necessary for accurate determination
of just those facts upon which effective treatment must be
founded. After our prolonged experience, I see no way to avoid

^ The average cost of obtaining one conviction in this country is about
$1500. Boies' (286) figures on this have been reaffirmed by Moore (287),
who writes me that his own calculations have been based on the total con-
victions for 1912 in the most populous county. in New Jersey.

Chap. V] EXTENT OF STUDY OF A CASE [§ 43

this, if work is to be done which shall stand professional
criticism.

The time is, of course, part of the expense, but even so consid-
ered, there must not be any shortening of it that shall lead to
inefficiency. In any given situation there is apt to be some
calculation of the number of individuals that ought to be seen.
No one can plan out work upon this basis. The proper question
is, what number can be competently studied, and that can only
be determined as the work advances in any given field. It is
argued in some quarters that even superficial study will help
out of the mess that results from undiscriminating judgments
and treatments. This contention is undoubtedly true, and is
inspired by a practical situation that must be met. On the
other hand, it is indubitably a fact, as was suggested to me by
keen thinkers at the inception of our own work, that to study
a dozen cases of varying tj'pe, with a thoroughness that shall
lead to scientific understanding of the bases of conduct, is to make
a far greater contribution than to have studied a thousand super-
ficially.

Outside of the actual time spent on study, including the taking
of first notes, there must be allowed time for the dictation and
review of such extensive records as alone can provide for the
future development of safe conclusions in the case. The after
study and summary of these records, in the form of a practical
statement of the data which stand behind the prognostic con-
clusions, is another time-consuming effort.

The up-shot of all this is, that the observer must be allowed
sufficient time to do good work, and his official studies should
not be so crowded as to drown out good scientific achievement.
The habit we have in this country of overwhelming a good man
in public or institutional life with executive duties, has had a
notoriously bad result for the progress of our own social con-
ditions. In this new field it ought to be avoided. With super-
ficial studies of the individual, nobody, especially the critics
from the side of the law, will be satisfied. Our summarized
studies and causative factor cards, vide infra, will show how
thorough scientffic work leads to practical issues. But just these
terse and definite charts of causes and predictabilities can only
be developed upon the basis of studies sufficiently prolonged.

§ 44] WORKING METHODS [Chap. Y

§ 44. Office and Equipment.

There is little that needs to be said about the office itself
except that several small rooms make the best arrangement,
and that quiet is absolutely essential. A vast deal of time and
effort is economized if interfering entrances and outside noises
are avoided. Here, as elsewhere, the direct and quick response
can best be obtained thi'ough appreciation of the psychological
economics of attention. To keep the mind of the examinee, or
the relative, upon the subject in hand, means many minutes
saved in the course of the day. To the same end the appurte-
nances of the office should be of the simplest form, and altogether
non-distractive. One distance of 20 feet with good light upon a
wall for preliminary examination of vision is essential. It is
only in rare instances that the dark room of the oculist is avail-
able.

One cannot be too careful in dealing with delinquent women
and girls, even though in the friendly attitude of the family phy-
sician, which in this country is almost an unviolated relationship.
I have maintained that there should be absolutely no possibility
of criticism, and a third person must always be present during an
interview, or at least just outside a glass partition, when an inter-
view with a delinquent girl or woman is taking place.

The equipment of medical apparatus hardly needs to be men-
tioned. It will vary according to the needs of given circumstances.
In cosmopolitan centers, such as we have been working in, all
of the special work has been done in hospitals or in the offices of
specialists. All that has been needed with us has been the appa-
ratus for first examination of the eyes, nose, throat, ears, etc.,
which shall lead to the individual being sent to a specialist when
necessary. Routine examination of the body in general can be
done with very little equipment. Accurate scales and a standard
for measuring height are essentials. Simple apparatus for taking
some anthropometric data is also requisite, but we early con-
ceived and have later confirmed, the advisability of not empha-
sizing this. If there is any suspicion that the w^ork is connected
with measuring for identification there is an immediate revulsion
of feeling which will often spoil the entire interview. Conse-
quently one must keep out of sight the few instruments neces-
sary for the gathering of such facts as are of real significance and

CH.iP. V] OFFICE AND EQUIPMENT [§ 44

not obtrude the measuring process in any way. Anything that
savors of merely medical work proves to be acceptable, but there
must not be the least flavor of police methods.

The laboratory equipment on the psychological side has been
a source of much discussion, and we ourselves early obtained
advice from the most competent authorities. Several of the
best psychologists insisted there was no indication that work
with the complicated apparatus found in psychological labora-
tories bore in any way on our problem, so their advice was not
to fit our laboratory with any such apparatus. It was evident
that therein might lie an element of diversion from perception
of the direct issues. While many forms of apparatus are imposing
as exhibitory mechanical features it has always been my feeling
that the presence of these would be to a certain extent deceptive,
at least to others, and perhaps to ourselves. As to the desira-
bility of certain deceptions, such as are deliberately intended
in many a physician's office, I have little comment to offer. It
is barely possible that they are occasionally justifiable. Matters
of special research can well be undertaken and apparatus, im-
posing or otherwise, directly obtained for the purpose.

There can be no doubt that this work demands laboratory
methods and special apparatus. The essentials are that one
must have the literature and the material for giving a large variety
of practical mental tests. What we have found necessary in
our work, will be seen by consulting the section on psychological
examination. There must be a full line of tests for the estimation
of various abilities and mental functions, and for the grading of
various psycho-physical powers, and the gauging of the individual
response to certain age norms and other standards. One hopes
to see in the future much more development of these important
testing methods, particularly in the line of studying vocationl
aptitudes. Most of this apparatus is simple and can be made
by those who are accurate at such work. However, we would
call attention to the fact that we have seen repeatedly some of
our own tests used with much lack of appreciation of fundamental
purposes, because of inaccuracy of construction. The safest
way for those who are not adepts in working up such material,
is to get apparatus from the standard makers.^ The equipment,

1 For convenience to the reader we may mention that C. H. Stoelting Co.,
125 North Green Street, Chicago, make much of the psychological apparatus
used in this country, and deal in the material used in our tests.

§ 44] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

although not occupying much space, is made up of many pieces
and must include blank forms for the accurate recording of
results. The cost of the entire material is comparatively small.

§ 45. Assistants.

It is obvious what a large part the personal element plays in
this work, and it must be clear that, however large an office
force it is possible to have, there is always a great deal that can-
not be relegated to assistants. The principal observer in each
case has a hold on the individual, the value of which cannot be
overestimated even for scientific purposes. For instance, in
follow-up work it is rarely that the progress of a case, especially
when any such subtle factor as mental conflict be present, can
be accurately determined by a second person. Many parts of
the objective examination, however, be they medical or psycho-
logical, may be performed by another examiner. The total re-
sults should be brought together and estimated by the one who
has had most relation to the case. The working possibilities
of assistants will have to be developed according to the exigencies
of any given situation. Sometimes the foregoing method will
seem best; at another time the entire working up of an individual
case by a single observer will prove safest.

We have been surprised to find that one of the most particular
portions of the work was the interviewing of relatives. Just
the right attitude has to be assumed in this. They frequently
feel that they have to see the head of the office, because it is his
name that has been mentioned to them as the one who is to be
interested in their family trouble. As I have elsewhere men-
tioned, the facts of developmental history and family life are
frequently so explanatory that it is most necessary to get the
best possible approach to those who can give this information.
The whole working out of the problem is much the same as in
the office of some famous physician who has assistants. Nobody
who goes there is satisfied without saying his most intimate word
to the chief. Advice and prognosis are valued most highly when
they come from the master. Just what training is required for
assistants depends upon what work is going to be demanded of
them, and hence is not a matter for general statement.

For the scientific success of work done in many situations,
particularly in institutions, field work is essential. I have found

Ch.-^. v] the interview and examination [§ 46

reason at times to be surprised at the great values contained in
reports from field workers who are especially fitted by training
and natural adaptation to this style of work. They can get hold
of medical, social, educational and other information which is
invaluable for the understanding of the individual. It requires
a rare combination of shrewdness, friendliness, and scientific
training to form a good field worker.^

Success of the entire work depends largely upon the accuracy
and completeness with which records are kept, and one assistant
must be a secretary who can intelligently take charge of this.
This person must be on hand directly after an interview in order
that every detail of importance may be accurately recorded when
it is perfectly fresh in the mind of the observer. The work of
this secretary will have a great deal to do with both the scientific
and practical success accruing from the results of individual study.

§ 46. The Interview and Examination.

A tactful approach to the individual delinquent is in many
cases a matter of deep concern, inasmuch as upon it depends
success or failm-e. Over and over from relatives and others we
have heard of the difficulty in getting their problem individual
to come and see us. It seems to be hard to get it understood
that because there is delinquency there must be need of study.
The answer is given, " There's nothing the matter with me.
I know what I'm doing." So it comes about that a collateral
explanation is offered. " We want you to go to see the doctor
to find out if you are healthy," or, "We want to find out what you
are best fitted for." This latter explanation indeed makes a
truthful form of entrance that we have come to use most frequently
as offering the chance of developing the greatest amount of in-
terest. The question of vocational diagnosis is really a part of
almost every young person's thoughts, however crudely apper-
ceived. The old examiners in phrenology thrived on the general
desire for this information. So when a young man or boy is
studied, one of the best ways to begin the interview, or to get
him to come at all, is to state that you are going to make a study
of his special abilities — which, indeed, is the truth.

^ To those interested in the development of such work I would recommend
as a paradigm the records of field work made for the trustees of the Massachu-
setts Training Schools under the planful efforts of Miss Burleigh and Miss
Cree.

§ 46] WORKING METHODS [Chap, V

The part of the study to enter upon at first depends upon what
seems to afford the best opportunity to eHcit the examinee's in-
terest. If the vocational approach has been made, then tests for
various abilities are usually given at first. From these one can
work off either into the medical examination, or the tests for general
intelligence, or into the story of the life career and its influences.
In all this, tact is of great service and one learns to develop an elas-
tic method which best of all subserves scientific as well as prac-
tical interests. It is useless to talk of giving the tests in any
certain order, because interests differ, and the one unvarying con-
dition that should pervade the entire study is that of securing
interest and attention.

This means that an interview may have to be broken and con-
tinued on another day. Flagging attention or actual tire demand
this. We should unhesitatingly recommend the advantage of
several interviews in order to see the individual in as many moods
as possible. We should have made failures in many a prognosis
had we relied, for instance, upon a single recalcitrant interview,
or for that matter upon a most promising outlook that had
developed merely upon the spur of the moment, and was based
upon unusual manifestations in the individual's conduct.

Interviews should always be undertaken alone with the ex-
aminee, and preferably with only one of his relatives at a time.
The presence of both husband and wife will not infrequently
lead to the interviewer not getting just exactly the facts he is
looking for. Friction is very frequently discoverable in the
families of delinquents, and from one side of the house at a time
can one best obtain the facts. Then again, stories of family
ailments and troubles are not going to be retailed as the profes-
sional man wishes them, in the presence of other people. Indeed,
the fact is certain from experience that even the child prefers
to be alone with the " doctor " when telling his troubles.

It has been suggested by some observers, e. g., Binet, that a
stenographer should be present to take down the subject's re-
marks during his work with tests. We should not at all agree
to this at any stage. There should be no onlooker or any third
person even surreptitiously taking notes when one is dealing with
a delinquent. We have come to feel that even the Binet tests
are given much more freely when the psychologist is alone with
the examinee. To a considerable extent the same question comes
up when the interviewer himself takes the words in shorthand.

Ch-^. V] records [§ 47

People all look askance when they know w^hat they are saying is
being taken down word for word. Of course it is absolutely
necessary to take notes in order that there shall be records,
preferably verbatim records, for scientific purposes alone, of much
that is said in all of these various interviews. We have tried
several methods, and are convinced that by far the best scheme
is to make little jottings of words and phrases and facts in an
apparently careless and irregular fashion while sitting at one's
desk, and then immediately after the interview to dictate as nearly
as possible the actual words used. After a little practice one uses
all sorts of abbreviations that really make up an individual
shorthand system, and from these one can later dictate accurately
the essence of interviews lasting an hour or more. This scheme
works very well with us, and rarely arouses any comment from
the interviewed.^

§ 47. Records.

Not so very long ago, in the critical attempt to develop better
methods of studying the insane, it was quite generally found that
the older forms of records, in which a few impressions were jotted
down about the patient from time to time were quite inadequate.
This has also been found true of individual studies along educa-
tional lines and in other fields of endeavor. Such ineffective
superficiality should be avoided from the start in the building
up of our new science. We need accurate and full records of

1 No better illustration of the value of an understanding attitude and a
rational technic can be given than the following report of an actual occurrence
with us. A young woman of 18, being studied by a certain psychologist said,
after several tests had been performed weU, "Isn't it funny I'm not a bit
afraid with you, and I was so frightened the other day with that other lady."
It then appeared that she had already been examined and the verdict given
that she was defective. She went on to say, "WeU, the doctor sat there first
and stared at me. That made me nervous. I got so embarrassed. I guess I
really did act Uke a fool. I don't know what I did say to them. Then two
ladies came in, and once when I answered some question, I saw the lady that
was talking to me look at them and laugh. After that I got mad, and I did not
try. I just felt Uke I did not want to say anything."

In the course of the Binet series the free association test was given, which
calls for 60 words in 3 minutes. The girl gave the 60 words in about 2 min-
utes, and when comments on her good record were made she said, "I'm glad
you think I can do something, because I gave only 25 words the other day.
Oh, I know because I saw her write it down. She had the paper right there
where I could see it. My probation officer told me I did wrong because I
had the mind of a Uttle child."

The story of this girl, who by Binet and other tests was found positively
not to grade now as a defective, contained a great lesson for us. We saw the
unfavorable bearings which suspicious scrutiny, others being present, and a
visible record of tests may have on results.

§ 47] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

facts and modifying collateral circumstances, and we want com-
plete accounts of results of introspection on the part of the
offenders. Samples of phraseology and direct statements of
points of view should be carefully set down. The golden mean
will always be to preserve the essential while not burdening our
records with trivialities. What has been found useful in the
working up of the best case studies in hospitals for the insane
has served as an example to us. The formulation of case study
methods by Dr. Adolf Meyer (67) was a previous step that helped
us much on our way.

The form of the records, aside from the actual contents, one
finds to be of importance. The temptation is always to start
with some schedule on which certain items are enumerated.
The development of such a method obviously is based on the fact
that one can put down in a word the answer to such specific
questions as age and nationality. But trouble soon arises because
one finds a set form not fluid enough to answer the requirements
except on simple facts. As one cannot answer some questions
by yes or no, so one cannot scientifically record many facts in
three words, or even in a line or two. For example, the for-
mulated query may be concerning measles. Now answering
this yes or no means very little, for measles may be an entirely
insignificant fact on account of innocuousness of the attack, or
it may have been accompanied by or may have left in its train
conditions which rightfully require much space scientifically
to describe. The observer working with a set form tends to feel
that a plus or minus sign is sufficient, and may entirely neglect
the qualifications which may be significant in every answer.
So while we ourselves started with some five large sheets of for-
mulated inquiry, we have now entirely adopted the typewritten
page, with its more natural and more scientific statement of the
facts.

Every sheet that records an inquiry should state who the
inquirer was, and in the case of records of hear-say facts must
give an evaluation of the sources of information. No student
of the psychology of testimony can be willing to neglect this im-
portant precaution. We can take two mothers, for instance,
coming to us, one of whom by virtue of natural endowment, or
educational background, is qualified to give us a fundamentally
correct story of the developmental history of her child, and the
main characteristics of her family line. The next woman might

Chap. V] RECORDS [§ 47

well be a poor unfortunate from whose loquacity we might safely
gather only a few general conclusions. Yet if personalities were
not commented upon, the record of one would stand of equal
value with the other, and as for the length of report, the loqua-
cious one might easily outstrip the other. It is always important
to estimate, as far as possible, good will and qualifications for
accurate report. Of course, in the interview with the offender
these points stand out all through as of great import.

A statement of the general format of our case study records,
as at present constituted after several years of experience and
outside criticism, may prove helpful. Mr. W. F. Dummer,
from his standpoint as a skillful business man, has at various
times given us very j^ractical aid in the development of our sys-
tem. Our main records are kept on sheets of uniform size to
fit in a 9x 11 inch filing cover, which may be of the usual folder
design, or if more stiffness is desired may be made of cardboard
— in either case to fit in an upright filing case where the name
or munber is prominently displayed. The only printed forms
are the sheet for medical examination (on which plus and minus
signs, and the like, are recorded in the usual professional style),
and some of the records of psychological tests, mentioned in the
proper place. A color scheme of sheets for different types of
information is most useful. For instance, information derived
from the family may be on pink, the offender's own statement
on white, and so on. Where there are many sheets of typewrit-
ing, as there must be in the study of some of the difficult cases,
this color scheme aids future survey of the records. Frequently
we will have an officer's introductory statement, then the mother's
story, which may cover several closely typewritten pages, then
perhaps other points which have been learned from the father
or other relatives, from a pastor or school teacher. Then there is
the offender's own long story about himself — a story that may
be told in continuous chapters when he has been seen in different
interviews — then the medical examination, and scoring of
psychological results, covering probably a good many sheets.
(We record the latter on a different kind of paper.) Next we
come to a registered summary of the facts and possibilities drawn
up from the first study, or when an opinion is first rendered.
This is an affair of several paragraphs, as shown in the specimen
below, and in its attempt to relate antecedent and consequent
is to be regarded as the most important record. (The summary

§ 47] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

is written on a distinctively colored sheet.) Finally come the
sheets pertaining to the follow-up work, in which other examina-
tions, or interviews, or conclusions, are recorded properly on their
corresponding color sheets. The records are headed, "Mother's
Story," "Father's Story," "Officer's Story," "Own Story,"
" Court Record," " Record from Industrial School," etc. We
give all this in detail because of the many inquiries we have re-
ceived about our form of record.

Over and beyond the main sheets there are subsidiary records
for various purposes. If the main records are kept according
to number then there must be an alphabetical card system which
may contain a few general facts of identification, and of disposi-
tion of the case, and perhaps a few facts for statistical purposes.
Card systems can be worked up on any basis, and are of the utmost
scientific value as giving easy opportunity for survey of the facts.
Card systems, for instance, of heredity, of medical findings, of
environmental causes and the like might be developed. Uniquely
valuable with us has been the development of a card system of
specific causative factors — a system which has called forth much
favorable comment {vide infra).

Beyond all these general considerations there is the great
problem of desirable information. We are frequently asked for
a statement of what information we look for, and what we have
found the most valuable. An enumeration of items for inquiry
is largely demanded. Since we have maintained that the best
method of recording is to have no form at all, but to use type-
written sheets, it is clear that a schedule of desirable data must
exist somewhere — either at the inquirer's side or in his mind.
The latter is preferable, but implies, of course, considerable
familiarity with the many points of value. To facilitate inquiry
we have twice gotten out a schedule of data appearing as reports
of Committee A ^ of the American Institute of Criminal Law and
Criminology (68, 69). The first report was a statement of num-
erous items of inquiry, developed from our own experience and
from the advice of numerous authorities, and classified under

1 American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology. Report of Com-
mittee A: System' for Recording Data Concerning Criminals. — "Investi-
gation of an effective system for recording the physical and moral status
and the hereditary and environmental conditions of delinquents, and in par-
ticular of the persistent offender; the same to contemplate, in complex urban
conditions, the use of consulting experts in the contributory sciences." The
first bulletin, although issued in a large edition, has long been out of print.

Chap. Y] SCHEDULE OF DATA CONCERNING DELINQUENTS [§ 48

general headings. The second report, omitting the enumeration
of separate items, showed further possibilities in the development
of a constructive and useful form of record.

On the following pages will be found the good points of both
reports. It should be clear that we have never found it possible
to get anything like all the scheduled items answered. It would
be unlikely even under the best possible family conditions. But
most of the items of information, as stated, are desirable, and by
the use of the schedule to form sweeping inquiries, a great many
of them are actuallv obtainable.

§ 48. Schedule of Data Concerning Delinquents.

A system can well be developed under the following eleven
heads :

I. Family History — especially all aspects of heredity.
II. Developmental History — including antenatal conditions.

III. Environment.

IV. Mental and Moral Development.

V. Anthropometry — including photography.
VI. Medical Examination — particularly from a neurologic and

psychiatric standpoint.
VII. Psychological — (a) Mental testing; (6) Psychological analy-
sis.
VIII. Delinquency.
IX. Diagnostic and Prognostic Summary.
X. Follow-up Records.
XI. Subsidiary Records.

Family History.

Offender's Name.

Address.

Age.

Sources of Information.

Date.
Birthplace,

1. Racial and national characteristics of forebears. For both father
and mother give,

(a) name.

(b) age.

(d) race.

(e) years in the U. S.

(/) language spoken at home.

§ 48] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

2. Marital conditions in the family.

(a) legitimacy.

(6) parents living together, divorced, remarried.

(d) consanguinity.

3. Industrial and financial history of the family in its general bear-
ings on the problem.

(a) occupation of father now and previously, occupational

contact with poisons.

(b) occupation of mother as a child, later, during this preg-

nancy, and since child was born.

(d) earnings — how used.

(e) other support of family.

4. Account of siblings (a convenient term for brothers and sisters
taken together).

(a) schedule of siblings in order of birth, including miscar-
riages, giving sex and age of each; give causes of death.

5. Abuse of alcohol or drugs by father and mother before concep-
tion and by mother during pregnancy.

(a) include in this a study of either parent as an alcohol or

a drug habitue.

(b) tea and coffee in excess.

the mother.

6. Specific defects or diseases of father and mother, particularly
such as may have debilitated germ plasm or affected embryo, and in-
cluding hereditary diseases.

Particularly consider father and mother in relation to the following:
(a) condition as child.
(6) general diseases.

(d) sexual diseases: syphilis and gonorrhea.

(e) nervous and mental diseases: particularly convulsions,

epilepsy, periodic headache, neurasthenia, nervous

prostration.
(J) ever insane : diagnosis and length of attack.
(g) feebleminded: grade of amentia.
(h) deformed.
(i) ever in hospital or sanitarium : for what.

7. Mental aberrations or defects on the part of the forebears;
peculiar traits of disposition in the family. For grandparents,
uncles and aunts specify whether paternal or maternal, and
consider the following:

(a) consanguinity.

(6) general diseases.

(d) peculiar traits of disposition.

(e) ever in institution, and if so why.

Chap. V] SCHEDULE OF DATA CONCERNING DELINQUENTS [§ 48

8. Mental and physical defects or diseases in siblings which may
throw light on hereditary tendencies.

(a) general diseases.

(b) nervous and mental disorders.

(d) ever in institution, and if so why.

9. Mental, moral and other traits in ancestors, siblings, and ances-
tral side lines.

For father and mother and siblings give,

(a) mental traits and talents.

(b) mental peculiarities as children.

(e) ability to speak, read and write English or other lan-

guage. _

(/) moral or immoral traits and habits.
For grandparents, uncles and aunts give,

(a) mental peculiarities.
For any member of the family give,

(a) court or institutional record.

(&) death and cause.

(d) suicide.

For family as a whole give,

(a) relief received — public or private charities.
(6) social station in relation to the past, showing tendency
of the family to go morally or socially up or down.

II.

Developmental History.

1. Conditions of disease, use of intoxicants, or debility of either
parent directly prior to conception.

2. Antenatal conditions of health, hygiene and occupation of
mother during pregnancy.

3. Mental condition of mother during pregnancy, including aber-
rations, worries, shock. Note illegitimacy and its effects.

4. Injury or accident to mother during pregnancy.

5. Attempted abortion.

6. Birth.

(a) full term.

(6) instrumentation, operation, difficult labor, difficulty in

resuscitation, deformity of head, weight and size at

birth, or any other peculiarity.

7. Infancy and Childhood.

(a) full history of all diseases or nutritional disturbances,
including anything in the way of convulsions or dis-
turbances of consciousness.

§ 48] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

(6) developmental defects or deformities.

(d) injuries, especially to head.

(e) chronological development — age of crawling, walking,

running, teething, talking, going to school.
(/) mental aberrations, defects, disposition and traits.
(g) use of tea, coffee, tobacco, alcohol and drugs.
(h) sex habits in detail, if possible.
(i) fright or shock,
(j) habits of sleep.

(k) age and peculiarities of onset of puberty, menstruation.
(1) adolescent instabilities or peculiarities, both mental and

physical,
(m) later health history.
(n) comparison of development with other members of

family,
(o) enuresis.
(p) somnambulism, night terrors, etc.

III.
History of Environment.

1. Changes of living through immigration. Other residential
changes.

2. Effect of various languages used in the family.

3. Effect of disordered marital conditions. Harmony in family.

4. Education and mental disposition of parents which may in-
fluence child in environment.

5. Housing and financial conditions in detail.

6. Recreational facilities. Occupation outside of school hours.

7. Family control, and influence of neglect. Mother working or
away from home.

8. Companionship. Opportunities afforded by relatively good or
bad association. Amusements in detail.

9. Opportunities for religious culture.

10. Occupational opportunities. Character of places worked in.

11. Institutional life in detail.

12. Efforts to assist individual before or after custody.

13. If married, complete history of home life.

IV.

Mental and Moral Development.

1. School history in detail with individual's own reaction
towards it.
; (a) duration of attendance; why left.

(6) grade reached.

Chap. V] SCHEDULE OF DATA CONCERNING DELINQUENTS [§ 48

(rf) knowledge of English; was foreign language used in the

school,
(e) much absence; why.
(J) teacher's report; scholarship — deportment — general

impression.
(g) child's impressions of school.
(h) studies ; which was child best in or worst in.
(i) was child ever regarded as subnormal; ever studied by

a child study department.

2. Effect of companionship, beginning with earliest associations.

3. Were bad companions voluntarily sought or were associations
iorced?

4. Character of associations with the opposite sex.

5. History and character of reading.

6. Use and development of special talents, in music, art, me-
chanics, athletics, etc.

7. Occupation or employment history, with detailed account of
success or failure.

8. History of the home life and the development of the individual
in it.

9. General behavior, with detailed characteristics.

10. Disposition and mental traits. Detailed history of any changes
taking place in these.

11. Habits with regard to alcohol, tobacco, drugs, sex, etc.

12. Effect of coming into the hands of the law.

13. The effect of incarceration, sentence, or probation.

14. The effect of institution as compared with the opportunities and
training while there.

Anthropometry.

The high hopes of leaders of the anthropometric school of criminolo-
gists not having been fulfilled, especially with regard to our American
population, the detailed work to be done in this field with prospect of
valuable results is, according to our best authorities, decidedly limited.^
In study of the young offender perhaps developmental tendencies are
worthy of the most attention. To be especially noted are — Time of
appearance of menstruation and its characteristics; Time of appear-
ance of hair on the pubes and on the face; ^ Time and degree of de-
velopment of the breasts; Time and peculiarity of eruption of the
various teeth; Studies of the growth curves of height and weight. In
addition and more particularly for all ages are to be recorded : Com-

^ Since writing the above, Goring's classic anthropometrical study (160)
of English convicts has appeared. He gives us the most authoritative state-
ment of the narrow limitations of that field that has yet appeared.

^ Crampton's (229) methods of recording the degree of pubescence offer
the best approach to a standard. His work should be consulted.

§ 48] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

plexion and color of hair; Peculiarities of physiognomy; The well-
known stigmata of degeneracy — especially those of head, ears, eyes,
palate, teeth, hands and feet; Weight; Height; Chest size and capac-
ity; A few careful measurements of the head, taking principally the
circumference, the biparietal and antero-posterior diameters and
allowing for or eliminating measurement of hair as much as possible.
Besides such determining of the status of the body and its parts, tests
and measurements may be made of motor functioning, particularly of
strength and control.

Criminal characteristics are frequently not marked in photographs
of an offender's face taken in repose, and it has been amply proven that
differentiation of even the feebleminded from the normal cannot be
made by a study of such photographs. It has been suggested that
since skillful observers frequently make diagnosis of mental defect by
studying motor phenomena, not only of the whole body, but of the
face in action, that possibly some clue to the character and mental
status of the individual might be gained by developing a photographic
method of recording instantaneous impressions of, say, response in the
facial expression to various intellectual and emotional stimuli. Mov-
ing film pictures have also been suggested for this purpose.

Striking characteristics of physiognomy and expression, including
facial action, are always impressive and legitimately find place in the
summarized final impressions of the offender. But the whole subject
is difficult to generalize on. A study of Mantegazza (282) gives little
help for our purpose. There has been overexaggeration of facial and
cranial criminal types, as Goring (160) very clearly shows by his
photographic profiles.

Use of the algometer and the ergograph, instruments for making
psycho -physical measurements of the pain sense and fatigue respec-
tively, have been frequently recommended for the study of criminals.
But their application, though interesting, proves of exceedingly little
value as compared with many other examination methods which we
mention.

VI.

Medical Examination.

Family History (complete record under section I).
Personal History: special attention to convulsions, epilepsy, petit
mal, sexual habits and diseases, alcoholism, excess of tobacco, drug
taking, sleep.

Present Ailments.
Examination :

(a) personal cleanliness — vermin, etc.

(6) weight, height.

{d) nutrition.

(e) deformity.

(f) attitude.

Chap. V] SCHEDULE OF DATA CONCERNING DELINQUENTS [§ 48

(g) expression.

(h) speech.

(i) th\Toid gland.

[j) nose.

(A-) throat.

(/) thoracic viscera; heart, lungs.

(m) abdominal viscera.

(/?) teeth; special attention to Hutchinson teeth, carious

and impacted conditions.
(o) temperature — pulse — blood — urine.
(p) genital organs.

(q) trophic conditions; muscle — skin — bones.
(r) functions of digestion, circulation, etc.
(s) Mental (very important) :

(1) perceptions: hallucinations, illusions, clouding of

consciousness, etc.

(2) association processes.

(3) attention.

(4) judgment: delusions, orientation, etc.

(5) memory.

(6) emotions: many abnormal variations.

(7) abnormal physical sensations.

(8) physical control.

(9) mental control.
(10) moral control.

(t) Cranial Nerves:
I.

II. vision — visual fields — optic discs.

III. IV. VI. pupillary form and reactions — strabis-
mus — ocular movements — nystagmus — ptosis —
diplopia.

V. motor — sensory.
VII. paralysis — tics.
■ VIII. hearing — subjective auditorv disturbances.
IX. X. XI. XII.
(u) Sensory:

(1) headache.

(2) vertigo.

(3) pain.

(4) tactile sense.

(5) temperature sense.

(6) joint sense.

(7) vibratory sense.

(8) paraesthesias.
(v) Motor:

(1) upper extremity.

(2) lower extremity.

(3) trunk.

(4) coordination.

§ 48] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

(v) Motor — continued

(5) tremor.

(6) gait. _

(7) tonicity.
(w) Reflexes:

(1) conjunctival.

(2) palatal.

(3) pharyngeal.

(4) abdominal — upper, lower, right, left.

(5) cremasteric.

(6) plantar.

(7) jaw.

(8) arm.

(9) knee jerks.

(10) ankle jerks.

(11) micturition.

(12) defecation.

VII.
Psychological Examination.

The records of psychological tests are for the most part made at
the moment of testing. It is essential that they be so recorded that
interpretation of them later, even by others, is easy. Standardization
of records, that there may be uniformity at different times and be-
tween different workers, is a great desideratum. A summary of the
observer's impressions, gained during the period of testing, both from
general behavior, as well as from the tests themselves, should quickly
be written up in order that no vital points be omitted. The mere
numerical statement of time or of other elements of performance by
no means covers the ground. A keen observer learns much and ought
to record much that is not to be stated in figures.

Records of tests are of use not alone for immediate judgment on the
characteristics of the individual, but also for future studies on the
value of the tests themselves. Then, too, we need to further our
understanding of general reaction types of individuals as gauged by
performance on given tests according to age, according to general
levels of ability, and according to performance on other tests. Good
records that provide for such comparisons may be the foundation of
valuable discoveries. As showing what can be developed, the ledger-
like sheet, devised by Mr. W. F. Dummer, for our data and published
in our monograph, "Tests for Practical Mental Classification," (70)
is a good example. Here ruled columns and colored lines make the
several comparisons of results mentioned above an easy matter, since
they appear on one page. The original scoring sheet should be per-
manently filed with the subject's record, and can be referred to for
statistical estimation of any given point.

Chap. V] SCHEDULE OF DATA CONCERNING DELINQUENTS [§ 48

The important studies which may be undertaken of hidden mental
worries and conflicts, of recurrent imageries, and mental attitudes,
and half -forgotten mental experiences, many of which underlie mis-
conduct, also require careful recording. One of the most promising
features of investigation lies before us here, and all accuracy is re-
quired that we go not astray in developing it. Verbatim records of
essential passages are demanded by their importance, and particularly
should we be able to read and understand at any time by what associa-
tive processes previous thoughts and experiences have been brought
to mind in the inter^^ew. The value of recording all this will better
be seen when the topic of psychological analysis is discussed, and per-
haps even more when corresponding case histories are read.

VIII.

Delinquency.

(a) Description of special acts and types of misconduct.

(6) The cause of delinquency in the opinion of relatives and friends.

(d) Official record, poHce, court, institutional.

IX.

Diagnostic Summary.

The mere registration of information must be followed, for the vital
aims of indi\'idual diagnosis and prognosis, by a careful summary of
such facts as positively bear upon the case. These facts ought to
clearly focus upon the point at issue, namely, the delinquent behavior,
and in the Hght of their significance the outlook under various en-
vironmental conditions often becomes plain. Predictability, which
is the aim of any science of dynamics is here, too, the end in view.

The summary, leading up to its outcome in prognosis, can be built
up in several ways, but to insure healthy self-criticism and ultimate
professional respect it must be inclusive of all the main contributory
factors. A systematic method of approach is essential. A scheme
used satisfactorily in court work and passed upon by a number of
eminent scientific men develops its theme in five paragraphs as follows :
Here is the individual with (1) such-and-such physical characteristics,
and (2) such-and-such mental abilities and mental traits, who (3)
committed such-and-such types of delinquent acts. There are (4) in
the background such-and-such conditions of defective heredity,
pathological development, injuries, early teachings of immoral con-
duct, bad personal habits, lack of educational opportunity, or what
not. In the light (5) of his being what he is physically and mentally
and having this background, we can offer, on the basis of known pre-

§ 48] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

dictabilities, such-and-such a prognosis if such-and-such treatment
is afforded in such-and-such an environment. (Always to be included
here are the old environment and other alternatives open.)

How cases have been actually worked up by this logical method
is shown in the examples to be found under § 87 in our chapter on
methods.

FoLLow-rp Records.

After the making of studies leading up to the first transcribed
opinion there is often some opportunity for following up the case.
We have insisted above on the value of this latter work, and the records
gained should be kept in accordance with the dignity of the proceed-
ing. Items of information should be written in uniform style with
the case record — at least one sheet to a date, with statement of the
sources of information, the circumstances of examination and so on.
Frequently upon request, or as a matter of self-criticism, secondary
opinions or prognoses are rendered, and should be written upon the
colored paper devoted to impressions and summaries.

XI.

Subsidiary Records.

Card systems or charts for statistical purposes, and the graphic
representation of findings are extremely valuable and may be de-
veloped in various ways. Our weight chart, as given in another
chapter, and the well-known heredity chart, illustrated below, are
examples. For scientific evaluation of the related facts of inheritance,
a card system, showing for each individual offender the various find-
ings besides the superficial one of criminalism in the family, items
which could not be plotted on a chart, was of the greatest service for
the avoidance of misinterpretation. Card systems of record lend
great aid to the rapid sorting and enumeration of facts which are
vital to a clear survey of the general situation. The use of different
colored cards for different classes of cases or facts also promotes clear
perception.

Our gradual development of a card system of causative factors has
proved one of our strongest points of methodology, and has received
wide commendation as a measure of great practical value. By the
use of this system one is bound to evolve more than ever the spirit
of deep reflection. It certainly forms the only safe basis for the build-
ing of statistics of causation, but above all, in its presentation of the
relative values of causative factors, it may be of the greatest service
for. the adjustment of circumstances immediately concerning the
offender. For both these ends the development of such a comparative
record of causations should be most carefully developed. Study shows
all cases of delinquency to be complex in origin. However, it is usually

Chap. V] SCHEDULE OF DATA CONCERNING DELINQUENTS [§ 48

not difficult to determine that one factor is of greater importance than
any of the others. Yet while this conclusion may be with fairness de-
terminable, the proportionate value of the remaining factors proves
frequently to be much less distinguishable. The main factor is wi'itten
above the top line of a card and the others follow below in their best
arrangeable order.

We have been speaking of the presentation of the total facts when
well-rounded study could be made of probable sources of origin.
But if study of the delinquent is undertaken, for example, in an in-
stitution where there are distinct hiatuses in the available information,
any card system dealing with causations should clearly denote the
insufficiency to guard against immature conclusions.

Exemplars of causative factor cards are as follows and many others
may be seen inserted in the case studies.

Home conditions.

Large family.
Poor control.
Poverty.

John Doe, 15 yrs.
Case 163.

Bad Companions.

Lack healthy mental interests,
occupational or recreational.

Sex habits with other boys.

Stimulants. Tea +, +.

Former truancy.
Runaway.
Petty stealing.

Mental :
Class C.

Mentality.

Moron.

John Doe, 14 yrs.
Case 597.

Injuries.

Two severe fractures skull in

drunken brawls.

Family conditions atrocious

Father A. and C.

3 brothers notorious C.

Vagrancy.

Cruelty.

Stealing.

Mental :
Class K.

§48]

WORKING METHODS

[Chap. V

IN] 'i ^ '6 *i i 'ik

dinf. d •" - i

HYPOTHETICAL FAMILY CHART SHOWING THE NOW GENERALLY
ADOPTED USE OP SYMBOLS

Key to Heredity Chart.

(The symbols may be put on the sheet with rubber stamps or in the
form of pasters, which may be readily obtained.)

Other letters used in or around
the squares or circles are :

Male. Female,

n O No Data.

Q © Epileptic.

U w Feebleminded,

m ^P Insane .

'C<l Q Criminalistic

Above the line — Order in the line of birth.

Above the square or circle — Individual reference number.

Alcoholic.

Blind.

Deaf.

IVI
N

Migraneous.
Normal.

i. Ne.

Neurotic.

P
Sx.

S
T

Paralytic.
Sexually Immoral.
Syphilitic.
Tubercular.

Wanderer or conl

away.

Numerals.

Chap. V] MEDICAL METHODS [§ 49

Below the square or circle — Age at time of death or date of birth
or death.

In squares or circles — Number of individuals of that sex.
Roman numerals at side denote the generation.

SMALL LETTERS.

b — Born. t or (d) — Died or dead.

t or (d) inf. — Died in infancy. m — Married.

LINES.

Solid — Connects married individuals and fraternities.
Dotted — Not married or illegitimate.

SYMBOLS.

JS®"* Shows patient at institution where chart is made.
• Miscarriage or stillbirth.
^ Under institutional care (place under symbol).

§ 49. Medical Methods.

There is little to further be said about methods. The immensely
important means of physical identification find no place in our
work. Over and beyond the usual medical findings there are
certain anthropometric data, e.g., developmental anomalies in
adolescence, which are sometimes of utmost importance for the
estimation of the primary causes of delinquency. The medical
examiner should carefully register those as suggested in our
schedule. On account of so much being found negative in the
examinee, who does not usually come as a patient, a half-hour
medical examination is all that avails much in the ordinary run
of court cases. But when definite indications are met, such as
existence of special sense defect, or actual disease, or when cer-
tain classes of offenses are under consideration, such as exhibi-
tionism in old men, a thorough examination is essential. A report
from a competent and careful specialist is highly desirable in
many of these instances.

Physical examination of wayward girls and women should
be undertaken by a skillful woman physician. Gynecological
anomalies and ailments are frequent conditions of grave causa-
tive importance, and should be carefully studied and remedied.
In those places where a competent woman physician is not

§ 49] WORKING METHODS [Chap. V

available, the work may be done, as in private practice, with a
nurse always present.

Diseases and other defective conditions of the genito-urinary
system, and syphilis being present in proportionately such a
large number of offenders, and leading by local irritation and by
deteriorative conditions almost directly to the production of
further misconduct, call for much attention and treatment.

Examination of girls for virginity as a basis for their moral
classification is, from our observations in many cases, to be greatly
deprecated and I have especially urged parents against it. Con-
trary to common opinion, I do not believe the evidence of actual
penetration, the accident of a moment, to be necessarily of great
weight for moral prognosis. Of course, if the attitude of society
towards sex morality centers around this materialistic consid-
eration, the girl herself is through reflection of general sentiment
going to regard her future as hopeless after such an event. The
vulgar opinion of outcomes in such cases is strengthened by social
discouragement and recklessness induced by just the common
idea. But fortunately we have been able, even among the sordid
material of court work, to see another side — involving as another
viewpoint for prognosis, the psychological or spiritual life. From
watching the result of treatment over years we are convinced
that many a girl with a record of scores of physical contacts has
essentially the clean mind that under better environmental cir-
cumstances, promises well for good living. And, contrariwise,
there are girls who have not experienced complete sexual con-
tact, whose minds nevertheless are so charged with mental imagery
and desires concerning sexual things that the prognosis for their
conduct, without closest segregation and supervision, is inevita-
bly bad. To decide the disposition of the case by the physical
finding is to overlook the deeper facts which form the real basis
of predictability, and, unhappily, is often to do grave injustice
to a human career.

Psychiatric investigation, so important in selected cases of de-
linquency, consists of methods too technical to be elaborated
here. The general outline of investigation is sketched under
the head of medical examination in our schedule, but in its study
of mental states belongs properly to the field of abnormal psy-
chology, which, to be sure, has been largely preempted by medical
men. The psychiatrist, in dealing with aberrational individuals,
should always study them both from the standpoint of their

Chap. V] MEDICAL METHODS [§ 49

physical functions or defects, any of which may be causing the
aberrant mental manifestations, and from the side of the mental
life itself. This latter involves use of tests, some of which are
found mentioned in our following enumeration of psychological
tests, and by analysis of mental workings as evidenced in conver-
sation and conduct. We are not called on to discuss psychiatric
methods, they are dealt with fully in many other text books.
It is very clear that judgment by means of tests, or otherwise,
as to the possible existence of those abnormal states which con-
stitute insanity, is often a matter only for those with a highly
technical training and experience.

50] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

CHAPTER VI
Working Methods — Continued

Psychological Methods. § 50. General Statement Concerning Psycho-
logical Methods. § 51. (A) Anamnesis. § 52. (B) Method of Giving
Mental Tests. § 53. (C) The Mental Tests. § 54. A Plan of Psycho-
logical Inquiry. § 55. Our Development of Performance Tests, (a) Tests
for Levels of General Intelligence. § 56. Binet Tests, (b) Tests for School
Work. § 57. Interpretation of Educational Tests, (c) Tests for Special
Abilities and Functions. § 58. Special Capacities and Tests for Them. § 59.
Memory Powers. § 60. Ability to Give Testimony. § 61. Powers of
Attention. § 62. Motor Coordination. § 63. Associative Processes. § 64.
Perception of Form and Color Relationships. § 65. Learning Ability.
§ 66. Ability to Profit by Experience. § 67. Language Ability. § 68.
Arithmetical Ability. § 69. Mental Representation and Analysis. § 70.
Foresight and Planfulness. § 71. Perception (Visual) and Analysis. § 72.
Judgment and Discrimination. § 73. Suggestibility. § 74. WiU Power.
§ 75. Apperception. § 76. Moral Discrimination. § 77. Following In-
structions. Vocational Tests. § 78. Special Abilities. § 79. Mental Con-
tent and Interests.

Psychological Methods.

§ 50. General Statement Concerning Psychological Methods.
— Under the head of psychological methods in general we are
constrained to speak again of certain very important preconsid-
erations. In psychological work with offenders, not obviously
insane or feebleminded, we are bound, in getting at either the in-
telligence, capabilities, mental functionings, or mental content,
to be engaged very largely in a subtle process of observation and
inquiry. In considering the scientific exactness of the results,
we must remember that there are many delicate possibilities
of variation ever present. These occur through the many
varying conditions of the investigator, the one investigated, and
the medium of investigation — especially if the latter be verbal
and interrogatory. On account of all this there should be much
self-conscious preparation on the part of the observer for the
avoidance of all possible interference with the accurate determina-
tion of facts. As Ribot (71) says, " The method of inquiry
cannot become a true auxiliary to psychology unless criticism,
too frequently neglected, is accorded the role which it deserves.
Criticism must be two-fold — of the procedure and of the re-
sponse."

Chap. Vl] PSYCHOLOGICAL METHODS [§ 50

Foremost must come criticism of the observer's temperamental
qualities and attitude. We would hardly again emphasize this
point, especially in the light of its neglect in the literature, if our
actual observation did not vouch for its importance. In a
chapter on methods, one of the best authorities. Stern (79),
starts from the fact that in any case of investigation, there must
always be a chain of three elements, namely, the observer, the
material used during observation, and the observed. It may
be that, since so very few psychologists have dealt largely with
the offender, there has been too little professional observation
of the general difficulties caused mainly by the extreme emotional
conditions presented by those under study. This lack of experi-
ence may be the reason why there is so little expressed realization
of the grave necessity for the examining psychologist's being
able sjTnpathetically to sink his ow^n personality for the needs
of the inquiry. This, however, is keenly appreciated in some
quarters. Devon (6) asserts, " As for the assessment of the
mental characters of prisoners, the value of it will largely depend
upon the ability of the examiner to place himself in touch with
them." We ourselves have over and again witnessed success or
failure, of which we could give striking anecdotes, in the court
room, or the home, or school, or psychological laboratory — by
judge, parent, probation officer, teacher or psychologist — de-
pendent upon just this ability or inability to get in touch with
the individual. An examiner or teacher who would attempt
to bulldoze the person tested into giving good results is on a par
with the judge who shows anger to the powerless wretch before
him, or the parent who summarily thrashes his child.

It may be that in the mind of the psychologist is the general
idea that with proper criticism of method will come appercep-
tion by the observer of the needs of his own relationship to the
situation. The point, however, sometimes needs expressly stat-
ing. Binet (74) in many places has made clear his conception
of the requisite personal bearing and method of the examiner.
Goddard (75) thinks, " The attitude of the examiner is all im-
portant." The point of personality is simply this; it is an in-
dispensable condition for success in the investigation that the
observer be easily able to bend to the occasion, so that the most
vital facts concerning the offender are obtained for the under-
standing of him.

Now concerning the other party to the investigation, only a

§ 50] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

little needs to be said, but this is most important as a general
review. The offender may present any of a great number of
varying^ qualities; fatigue, ennui, quick comprehension, tricki-
ness, sullenness, response to stimulation, friendliness, and in fact
most of the entire list of mental traits described in such richness
by Partridge (18). Such of these exhibited conditions as may
be unfortunate for the purposes of the examination have to be
carefully reckoned with and ameliorated, if possible, and always
finally evaluated in reference to the results on tests. That co-
operation which is met in testing the friend who is interested in
science, or in testing the good school child who is doing exercises
every day at the bidding of his teacher, is not always easily du-
plicated in the offender. Partridge (18, p. 113) says, " The study
of the emotional life is probably the most important chapter in
the study of individuality, for not only are the emotions the
foundation of all the practical life, but they enter into the abstract
intellectual functions in various ways." If this be true, then
important indeed is taking into account the affective states in
those who exhibit such wide variation in them as do offenders.

The penumbra of emotional conditions is never shown more
clearly about various phases of mental life than in this study of
the mental phenomena of delinquents, vide § 236. Before poten-
tial mental activities reach expression in word or deed they may
meet obstructions in mind, body, or environment that prevent
their full development and normal appearance. He who fails
to reckon on the various possible stimulative or inhibitive condi-
tions at work inside or outside the offender fails to have the first
requisite for understanding the results of tests or of other inquiry.

Next, the conditions surrounding the inquiry; here everything
should be conducive to winning the cooperation of the subject.
The needs of his personality should be met by arrangement of
the general features of the laboratory, and by the method of pres-
entation of tests. The psychologist who stated that all he wanted
was the facts, not the personality, and the one who said that any
given minute of time in an examination had equal value with
another minute, forgot that mental phenomena are not to be
observed as one observes the dropping of a weight during an
experiment in physics, or as one observes the movements of the
eye at a word of command. Essential facts of mental life are
not to be pick^.ijp, like pebbles on the shore, with indifferent
mood.

Chap. VI] .AJSTAMNESIS OF MENTAL TKAITS [§51

§ 51. A. Anamnesis of Mental Traits.

We have already indicated under the head of schedule of data
concerning JMental and Moral Development, § 48, that the in-
quiry into past life should include facts of psychological interest.
Under favoring circumstances such investigation may well go
much farther. We are primarily students of personality. What-
ever light the mental history of the individual throws on his
present personality should be highly welcomed. Sometimes
one's services are invoked by intelligent parents and sometimes
there is access to the school people who knew the offender. Under
these circumstances the anamnesis can be widely extended in
regard to mental traits.

In the giving of mental tests we may learn much about the
individual's capacity to meet certain situations, but many sec-
tions of the emotional life are not even tapped in the process.
Now so far as conduct is concerned, we have every reason to see
over and again from our case studies that it is just these emotional
reactions towards conditions which are not artificially present-
able that have most significance for us. The best guide to such
a study is that offered by Hoch.^ We cannot afford space for
all the details of his carefully-thought-out inquiry, but the main
headings will give an indication of its scope:

I. Traits relating essentially to the intelligence, the capacity for
acquiring knowledge, the judgment, etc.

II. Traits relating essentially to the out-put of energy.

III. Traits relating essentially to the subject's estimation of him-
self.

IV. AdaptabiKty towards the environment.

(a) The more striking traits which on their abnormal side

interfere in a rather general and striking way with

contact with the environment.
(&) Traits which in a more specific but in a less obvious way

interfere with contact with the environment,
(c) Traits which show to what extent the subject lays bare

to others his real self.

1 A guide to the descriptive study of the personaUty by Hoch and Ams-
den (265) gives us a schedule produced from ripe consideration of the subject.
While this guide is primarily introduced to psychiatrists, still, on account of
the mental bases of conduct, it has much value for us. It should be carefully
reviewed by every student of criminahstic behavior. In its philosophical
presentation of the subject it is of vastly more use for us than any bare enu-
meration of mental traits, such as is found in "The Trait Book" {vide Daven-
port, 277) issued by the Eugenics Record Office.

§ 51] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

(d) Traits which in normal proportions are useful qualities,

but in exaggerated form interfere with efficiency.

(e) Traits which show a tendency to actively shaping situa-

tions, or the reverse.
(/) Traits showing the attitude towards reality.

V. Mood.

VI. Instinctive demands, traits which are more or less clearly re-
lated to the sexual instinct.

(a) Friendship.

(b) Attachment to members of the family.

(1) General.

(2) Specific sexual demands.

(3) General traits derived from sexual instinct or re-

actions against its assertions.

VII. General interests.

VIII. Pathological traits.

In reviewing the above it is interesting to note how many of
these points are brought out in a good family and developmental
history, as ordinarily given by interested and intelligent parents.
But the value of the inquiry is clearly added to by some cate-
gorical arrangement of the facts. As finally summarized, the
main issues must be presented in the psychological impressions
or psychogram, of which we speak later.

§ 52. B. Method of Giving Mental Tests.

The desiderata in testing offenders are obvious. The results
of the best possible efforts of the subject are desired for com-
parison with norms that, in turn, have been established by stim-
ulating the best efforts of those who are known to be willing to
cooperate. It seems clear that the fundamental basis of stand-
ardization must be comparisons of efforts of individuals who
have done their best. All else is secondary; measurement of
quantities, qualities and time of work presupposes this best effort.
If the best was not obtained, then evaluation of the output, since
we desire to predict, is of little value. Many times now have we
learned by experience the significance of this fact.

The surroundings and the examiner must elicit, on the part of
the subject, attention, interest, friendliness, understanding, and
secure him from distractions and fatigues.

Simplicity, if not actual bareness of the room, is desirable.
There should be no exhibition of apparatus, or of instruments

t?.iiAi>. Vl] METHOD OF GIVING MENTAL TESTS [§ 52

or tests, except as such exhibition may prove valuable for the
awakening of interest. We have seen, however, a prior survey
of testing material arouse desire for action, and we have by
explanation of the nature of the scientific work with tests, brought
around many a doubtfully cooperating adult. Many times my
stop watch has proved valuable in awakening appreciation and
in arousing competitive spirit. A cursor}^ exhibition of tests
which look interesting, but which are quickly put out of sight,
will prove, of course, a stimulus to all.

Records as they are made are quickly thrown aside in an off-
hand way without discussion. The performances of others are
not to be mentioned or shown. Only in rare cases is anything
but encouragement given, and that is generally offered in liberal
doses. Still, occasionally, appreciation of a failure and the care-
lessness it implies, will stimulate to better effort on other tests.
The order of giving tests varies with the capacity of the subject,
and according to necessity for arousing interest and attention
and for preventing fatigue. More than one sitting is usually
necessary, except for the testing of the clearly feebleminded, or
those who are so capable that the work is done with great rapidity.

In the presentation of each test standard procedures should
prevail as far as is conducive to the desideratum, namely, the
exertion of the best possible efforts. In the giving of the tests,
as well as in the interpretation of the results, much shrewd com-
mon sense, as well as acquaintance with technic, should come
into play. I mean this sort of thing; suppose the standard pres-
entation of, say, our Construction Test A, calls for one state-
ment: "Here is a frame, and these five pieces will exactly fill
all the spaces in it, if you get them in correctly. Do it as quickly
as you can." Now an examinee, through some emotional condi-
tion or non-understanding of some word, may not fully take in
the nature of the test. It is clearly important precisely for the
standardization of his efforts that there be appreciation of his
difficulty, and that he get a fair start through complete under-
standing of the task. It is just because of such practical points
as this that conditions must be carefully watched and gauged
in the light of common sense. Whipple (78), in his general rules
for the conduct of tests, curiously implies in one important sen-
tence hov\^ necessary- shrewd judgment is for all this work, much
as one would like to eliminate conditional variations and personal
equations. He says, " No test should be undertaken until the

§ 52] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

subject is perfectly clear as to what is required of him." If only
one could know when another's comprehension is perfectly clear!
However, Whipple when elsewhere asserting the great value of
adventitious observation while recording tests, clearly concedes
our point.

The general nature of tests for intelligence and special capaci-
ties, such as are serviceable for the study of the offender, may be
profitably discussed for a moment, together with some general
methods of procedure and interpretation. It must be remem-
bered that nearly all of these tests call for a much more com-
plex mental activity and response than is measured by the typical
psychological laboratory instruments, where visual perceptions
and the like are finely discriminated and timed. We are dealing
with differential human psychology; and as Stern (79) says,
" Differential psychology is not based on minute analysis of
mental phenomena and determination of general laws, but upon
the delineation of individual peculiarities." ^ Elsewhere the
same author adds, " And so we come to the important methodo-
logical conclusion that under certain circumstances the general
psychological exactness of an experiment may stand in inverse
proportion to its worth for differential psychology." ^ These
considerations call for no lessening of the attempt at precision
in the procedure of giving tests, but they do give room for intro-
duction of the thought that precision, under such complex con-
ditions, may rest in other things than uniformity of the spoken
word or time of exposure of the test.

In the interpretation of the scoring of tests the same points
come out. I agree with Goddard (80), who after a series of con-
ferences on methods, speaking of the Binet tests, says, " But
the most serious objection to a time limit comes from the fact
that it makes the whole test a stereotyped, rigid, mathematical
procedure, which, in the last analysis, reduces the whole method
to an absurdity." In some of our own tests, for instance, Con-
struction Test A, wide time limits must be allowed, in all common
sense, before discriminating for or against the performer. The

^ "Die differentielle Psychologie geht nicht aus auf feinste Analyse psy-
chischer Phanomene und Feststellung allgemeiner Gesetze sondern auf
Charakteristik individueller Besonderheiten."

2 "Und so kommen wir zu dem methodologisch wichtigen Schluss, dass
unter Umstanden die generell psychologische Exaktheit eines Experimentes
in umgekehrter Proportionalitat zu seinem differentiellepsyehologischen
Symptomwert stehen kann."

Chap. Vl] THE MENTAL TESTS [§ 53

fact that John did the test in 15 seconds is really no proof that he
is so much better in the very qualities the test is devised to es-
timate than Jim who did it in 35 seconds. John's comprehension
of the spoken word may have been quicker. We used the accent
and phraseology with which he was familiar; we struck an en-
couraging note in meeting him; he has heard this morning that
he will be released next week; the first piece he picked up at once
appeared directly over its place in the frame, and the other pieces
followed fortuitously into their correct places. Reall}'' we have
no right to call John more intelligent in method or truer in form
perception than Jim who is downcast, and slow at understanding
words, and who accidentally put the first piece in the wrong
place, where it deceptively seemed to iSt. He then placed the
other pieces, but had to retrace his steps, learning, however,
quickly by experience, and showing after all just as good per-
ception as John, No, it is clear that very much more has to be
registered than the time, or any other numerically recordable
element, in order to form a fair judgment of the ability of the
two.

§ 53. C. The Mental Tests.

Before mentioning specific tests and their import, we should
indicate how our selection of tests arose. Here we can neither
go into the theory of psychological tests nor consider individual
and differential psychology as a special discipline.^ It will
suffice to show the immediate rational background of our psy-
chological method.

Prior to making a selection, or undertaking the production
ourselves, of any tests, we attempted carefully to formulate, with
all possible criticism, the definition of our problem. We saw
ourselves as students of the causations of delinquency, directly
meeting the mental bases of action, those that we have indicated
in our chapter on the subject. With the next step we saw that
we must ascertain those peculiar mental characteristics, and
potentialities, and functionings, and content, which might be
correlated with the fact of the offender's delinquency. We

^ For extensive discussion of these we would refer to William Stern's able
work, " Diff erentielle Psychologie" (79), where the foundations as well as the
superstructure of the science find detailed treatment. Any careful student in
this field should become acquainted with this fundamental work; its survey
of principles and methods and hterature on specific problems and tests is
unsurpassed.

§ 53] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

needed the mental measurements for those traits or functionings
which first, from a common-sense point of view, would seem likely
to stand in some sort of relationship to the mental background
of misconduct. No findings were to be passed upon lightly as
indicating discovery of the causative agents of delinquency, but
naturally with the realization of the intimate relationship between
mind and deed, one would first turn in the investigation of causes
to those phenomena which lie obviously linked together. Of
prime importance, then, should always be construction of a
PSYCHOGRAM of the offender, namely, a studied estimate of his
mental qualities and conditions, including both the strengths and
weaknesses.

Now for the studying of all possible mental conditions and
qualities great stretches of time would be required, and then, of
course, many things might be investigated which would stand
in no known relationship to delinquency. For the practical
psychologist — der Menschenkenner, who does not begin by ask-
ing in the fashion of the psychiatrist, " ^Vhat psychosis is this
person suffering from " — Kauffmann (81) states the problem
to be, " Just why does this offender commit these offenses."
One might carefully investigate auditory perceptions, or spacial
judgments, or muscle fatiguability and so on, but none of these
seems to give rational promise of any correlation with delinquency,
or offers more probability of explanation than the study of finger-
tip perceptions and ear measurements of an older criminology.-
There must from the start be selection of studies of such mental
structure and function as offer most return in the way of direct
explanation of our prime phenomenon, anti-social conduct.
To illustrate. A wider view than that of the old criminology
leads us to note the fact that some individuals, who are mentally
dull, are as insensitive as certain notorious criminals studied for
sensory discrimination. Now, the background of insensitivity in
both types may be general mental incapacity, which was almost
never tested in those criminals, and which is known in other
cases to stand in close causal relationship to crime. Then, on
the other hand, one only needs to take an unselected group of
criminals under the best conditions, namely, when they are young,
to find that most of them are normally sensitive in all directions,,
mentally and physically. The direction of the more valuable
investigations may be perceived as indicated by such consid-
erations as these.

Chap. VI] A PLAN OF PSYCHOLOGICAL INQUIRY [§ 54

§ 54. A Plan of Psychological Inquiry. — Close reasoning on
this whole subject from our own first findings and in the light of
many conferences with able specialists, led to the following for-
mulation of a plan for psychological inquiry;

1. What is the subject's mental ability, independent, so far as
ascertainable, of the results of formal education? This should be
estimated in terms of strength or weakness of

(a) the subject's general ability or general intelligence
{if such a thing as general intelligence there be).

(&) the subject's special abilities — selecting for inves-
tigation here those abilities or functions which,
since we are dealing with social conduct, seem
most likely to be related to social action, success,
or failure ;

2. What has been the result of formal education, interpreted in
the light of its conditions and extent?

3. Does the individual suffer from aberrational mental function-
ings, whether border-line or fully-developed psychoses ?

4. What are the individual's preponderating mental interests, as
stated in terms of mental content, imagery, ideation and the like ?

5. Has the individual important peculiar characteristics, particu-
larly of emotional or moral life, leading to impulsive or other ab-
normal action ?

6. Has the individual suffered earlier experiences, mental or
environmental, which have, through the arousal of inner conflicts,
complexes, inhibitions or resistances, interfered with the satisfac-
tory, smooth and healthy working of mental life? This is peculiarly,
in modern terminology, a study of mental mechanisms.

We can at once see that mental tests are imperative for answer-
ing the queries advanced in 1 and 2. They may at times detect
the facts in answer to question 3, and when given under the form
of bare interrogation help to determine 4. Some expert inves-
tigators also use certain tests at times to help in the solution of
6, but that is altogether a highly technical matter. The range
of interests indicated in this scheme of inquiry shows at once the
necessity for keeping well within the bounds, since all studies
must be limited, of attempt to answer the most important ques-
tions.

So far as inquiry 3, namely, into aberrational tendencies, is
concerned, we may at once say again that discussion of test
material for this purpose is outside our province. At first in-
dication of the fact we pass the problem into the field of special
inquiry where special tests and special literature ^ are used in
development of the subject's pathogram.

^ The most noteworthy literature on psycho-pathological tests consists
of Sommer's text book (82), Gregor's manual (83), and the recent work by

§ 55] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

§ 55, Our Development of Performance Tests. — The wisdom
of developing our tests along lines befitting our eminently prac-
tical aims has been well proven. The early advice of a number
of the foremost American psychologists to avoid complicated
apparatus or mechanical devices in the establishment of a psy-
chological laboratory, accorded with our own first survey of the
necessities and ends of the work. The initial investigation showed
the important fact that no set of mental tests existed at all ade-
quate to give the desired information about the capabilities of
delinquents. It was soon found that offenders range in mental
capacity all the way from imbeciles to those* who seem to excel
the ordinary person of their age in ability and information. We
had then to evolve practical methods for estimating range of
ability, except for children under 10 to 12, and for the definitely
feebleminded. In work with these two latter classes the system
of Binet has all along been found extremely valuable, especially
since for the feebleminded it has been so generally adopted as a
criterion of mental development.

We have tried and discarded many tests which have been
offered, or which we have devised, because of their failure as tests
or the failure of their results to meet the practical ends of the
above inquiry. We have no space in this work technically to
describe all the tests we have found available, but they may at
least be enumerated in connection with the types of information
that they give about the characteristics of mental life. Our own
first set of tests has been described by us at length in a separate
monograph (70) and the others we have selected are described
(see the respective references) elsewhere. We see no reason to
regret further development of new tests. In fact, as is shown,
we have welcomed all those which seemed to have peculiar and
direct import for our studies.^ In this matter our point of view
is not that of those who mainly have at heart the science of mental
life as such; we need the higher lights and deeper shadows of
mental processes. We hope for much more standardization of
all sorts of tests, but find, as yet, no evidence of the value of

Franz (84) ; the last is in English. Each gives descriptions of tests valuable
beyond the realm of psychotic manifestations.

1 We highly commend sets of tests pubhshed by Sommer from Giessen —
recently called the Giessen tests — by RossoUmo (278), by de Sanctis and Jas-
trow (vide Whipple, 78). There has been interesting further development of
the performance test idea with concrete material in the immigrant service
by Gwyn (376) and Knox (377).

Chap. Vl] THE BINET TESTS [§ 56

very close work with numerical norms when dealing with diag-
nosis and predictabilities. One has only to review Whipple's
Manual (78) to see how often, after a test has been found to bring
out differential high lights, further attempts at refinement of
measurements by it have resulted in critical discovery of modi-
fying influences that invalidate more minute conclusions. Our
selection of a point of view for the attack of our psychological
problem was guided in this matter by the best psychological
authority, and our appreciations of a practical methodology have
grown apace.

(a) Tests for Levels of General Intelligence.

§ 56. The Binet Tests. — The most widely used system of
tests is that of Binet.^ We have had long experience with this
so-called " Measiu-ing Scale of Intelligence," and find it of great
value within certain well-defined limits. The gist of the method
is its application of the idea that mental development, like bodily
gro-^lh, shows distinct accretions from year to year. Just where
measurement of these accretions can stop is a moot question.
By application of this system to older mental defectives, they
can be gauged by the age standards of young children and
spoken of in terms of so many years of mental growth or of
retardation.

We may at present leave out of consideration tests for years
above 12, because psychologists with the greatest experience ^ feel
now that the tests for the later years are uncertain. As a matter
of fact a good many of us feel the same about the five tests

^ Alfred Binet and Th. Simon about 1904 began the standardization with
pubUc school children of various tests most of which they had devised.
They pubhshed (85) in 1905 a first set of tests which appeared in 1908 in the
form of a system of tests graded for ages up to 13 years. A final revision
appeared in 1911, stUl more formally laid out, with five tests for each year
up to 10, and then five tests for 12 years, 15 years, and for adult intelli-
gence. There have been various short summary presentations of the system
in English, notably by Goddard (86), Kuhhnann (91), and Whipple (78), but
the only actual translation of the tests and of directions for giving them is
that of Town (87), who presents the 1911 article of Binet and Simon. Re-
visions of the system have been attempted by Goddard (88), Kuhhnann (89),
and Terman and Childs (90). The full description of these tests, particu-
larly as given in Dr. Town's work, is now so available that we need give no
space to their eniuneration.

2 At the 1913 meeting of the American Association for the Study of the
Feebleminded there was general expression of the uncertainty involved in the
use of any tests which have thus been developed for grading intelligence for
years above the 12-year hmit. Binet's tests for this are found quite unfair,
and both Goddard and Kuhhnann at this time asserted lack of faith in even
their own revisions of tests for those upper ages.

§ 56] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

for 12 years. But for children under ten, and for defectives who
range as low as ten, there can be no doubt that this scheme of
gauging intelligence by age levels is of the utmost practical use-
fulness, and is one of the greatest contributions made to the
science of psychography. To be able to say to the judge, or to
any one with the power to take action, that the offender of 23
chronologically is mentally an individual of 10 years, puts the
whole matter in an enticingly clear light.

The trouble, however, with just this scoring of the intelligence
by these comparatively few tests is that many facts may be left
out of the evaluation. This kind of a psychogram, measuring
the mentality on a given numerical basis, tells little about the
many other conditions of mental structure and function which
should be known. Especially should one understand, in order
to do the best for the individual, whether or not there are spe-
cial disabilities, or special capabilities, or aberrational tendencies.
The numerical method forms too easy an evaluation of the human
mind with its complexities and manifold potentialities. Many
times we have seen this demonstrated. The Binet scale may not
reveal what might be of vast importance for society to know
concerning the individual. We refer to our case studies for many
evidences of the fact.

One of the most difficult phases of the use of this scale is found
in its application to a cosmopolitan population. Occasionally
with a good interpreter safe results can be obtained, but the
difficulties are obvious. The system was built up for a homo-
geneous people, and largely turns in many ways upon the ability
to use and understand language. And then the system is unfair
in its high grading of those who are, on the one hand, glib in the
use of language and, on the other hand, it grades too low those
whose performances on other tests may not be down on a par
with their inability to use words well.

Those who think that this scale measures general ability apart
from schooling and other advantages should read Binet himself
on this subject. He goes so far as to say that the scale as he pro-
duced it embodies the norm for schools of Paris in the poorer
districts. He finds that easy circumstances are correlated with
higher intellectual development, the pupils of a private school,
for instance, showing an average of a year and a half advance on
his norms. The findings are always to be interpreted in the
light of physiological conditions and of influence of past poverty

Chap. Vl] INTERPRETATION OF EDUCATIONAL TESTS [§ 57

and other experiences. Binet would have been one of the first
to agree to this.

Much more might be said in praise or in adverse criticism, but
we have practically covered the principal non-technical points.
The fact is that the scale is really a valuable measure of the lower
general levels of intelligence. It will have to be revised ulti-
mately for our conditions, although there is surprisingly little
difficulty with the use of it in this country. The idea of this
system will continue to hold good.

(6) Tests for School Work.

§ 57. Interpretation of Educational Tests. — - Testing the
results of formal education is always of interest and value and,
of course, is the common way of evaluating the individual's
ability. There is logic in the notion that if a child has been
going to school for a certain number of years, and has failed to
learn what has been taught during that period, and has failed
to advance with children of his class, that this is an indication
of personal defect. But yet in the light of certain possibilities
one would ask for an indulgent attitude in this matter. When
we consider variabilities in teaching powers, and in the interest
which may be aroused in school work, or when we think how the
necessary attitude for learning may be counteracted by bad com-
panions, or learning abilities lessened by bad hygiene, sensory
defect, or poor nutrition, it makes us hesitate about summarily
interpreting the fact of retardation. Any one who has observed
month-long failure in school work because of the distraction of
bad company, or because of impotent teaching in a room where
there are three times as many pupils as there should be, or be-
cause of improper nourishment, feels keenly this whole problem.
Though arithmetic is found to be done abominably, or reading is
atrocious, the burden of proof is still on the observer who denomi-
nates the pupil as mentally defective. The point is capable of
demonstration, and may require two methods; the giving of a
wide range of other tests, and instruction under the best possible
conditions, including remedy of physical defects.

Tests to be given for school work are easily enough selected.
They should not have an age basis, but call for the appreciation
of facts and processes that have actually been taught. There
is considerable variation in different school systems, as, for

§ 57] WOEKING METHODS [Chap. VI

instance, the age at which arithmetic is taught, and one must
be correspondingly guarded in tests. A very practical point
seems obvious, although it is not at first remembered. The
likelihood of school teaching being retained is in inverse pro-
portion to the length of time the individual has been away from
school, unless practice has been continued in school subjects,
and both these circumstances must be carefully taken into ac-
count.

§ 58. Special Capacities and Tests for Them. — It will be quickly
seen that our selection of tests under the following heads em-
bodies, whenever possible, the idea of performance with other
material than language. The use of language is of course the most
important of all human activities in the development of civili-
zation, and gauging of the individual's ability in this direction
is highly desirable. But there are many other abilities and dis-
abilities which should be studied in their relation to needs and
opportunities that the social order presents. Again we will refer
to our case histories as showing in strong light and shade the
variations in language ability, and the curious misinterpretations
and unfortunate results which have developed from not under-
standing the whole mental make-up of the offender. Many
vocations call for performance without words, and in seeking an
estimation of the possibilities of social success by tests this must
be kept clearly in the examiner's mind.

Some of the special qualities studied by our range of tests are,
of course, more fundamental than others, but one does not pass
judgment on relative values for the individual, if one is wise,
without making a well-rounded investigation and learning the
possibilities of vicarious activity on the part of other functions.
It is the tests taken altogether, we feel, that give us a basis for
sound practical judgment — a judgment leading very often to
the establishment of helpful measures, or in other instances to
the greater protection of society. Many fine points of psycho-
logical research are purposely neglected, but we think a finer
point, in another sense, is keeping constantly in view the develop-
ment of a fair psychogram of the individual for the purpose of
actually doing something for him.

§ 59. Memory Powers. — Of course the powers of memory
and recall, conscious and subconscious, are involved in every

Chap. VI] MEMORY POWERS [§ 59

single test that is offered. ]\Iemory of movements, and space
relationships and images, are part and parcel of our entire being
from the day of birth or even before it. The bases and beginnings
of memory are not to be tested. The ability to succeed in cer-
tain efforts which largely involve memory processes, and which
are of social import can, however, be gauged by performance
on tests. Without resolving the process used into the various
memory t^^pes, visual, auditory^ motor, etc.> we can offer im-
portant t}T)es of tasks and gauge ability thereby. For instance,
the capacity for remembering what has been read by one's self
is of great social import. We can gauge this by a fair enough
test, such as our Test XII,^ where an interesting standard passage
is given for reading and recall. It boots little that we cannot
separate in this task visual perception, storing of images, recall
of sounds for the response, and so on. The task is one that we
are all called on to do in practical life without knowledge of the
component parts of the mental process. (This statement will
serve as a text for explanation of the principle involved in most
of our other tests.) The test mentioned is for the powers of
memory of visually presented verbal material.

In just the same way the powers of recall from auditory verbal
presentation can be tested. Capacities in this direction may
not be quite so important in modem civilization as the former
powers, but still are vastly worth gauging for assessment of the
subject's chances to succeed under many conditions. Test XIII
covers this point.

The so-called memory span, the amount that can be taken
in at one time and remembered, may be obviously a function
of importance in various ways. This quantitative measurement
is not always correlated with general intelligence. Various
ways of testing the auditory or visual powers by this method will
occur to psychologists. The memory span for numbers ^ as
presented by the spoken word, or on the printed page as visually
presented numerals, offers perhaps the simplest form of test.
Norms of performance have been carefully established. The

1 Reference will be made throughout this work to the numbers given in
oxir Monograph on tests (70). We have found reason to describe shortly and
to illustrate in the following pages some of these tests. We earnestly counsel
that no work with them be undertaken without exact knowledge of the tests
and standard methods of presentation. Also vide § 82.

^ Many psychologists have busied themselves with this interesting form of
immediate rote memory. Especially to be commended is the work of Smed-
ley (92). Whipple (78) gives a good description of the method.

§ 59] WORKIJSTG METHODS [Chap. VI

bearing of this test upon gauging certain vocational aptitudes
is clear.

The visual memory for form, also vocationally important, can
be estimated in a number of ways, the easiest of which is the use
of a couple of geometrical figures of special import which have
been extensively used, following the publication of Binet. We
describe them as Test VII. Even here it is difficult to estimate
visual memory powers per se, for it is quite easy to discern some
subjects introducing elements of motor memory in their efforts on
the test.

Not only immediate memory should be tested, but also the
power of longer retention — an ability that is perhaps as im-
portant as the other. Some passage of interest may be read
or some nonsense syllables learned, and then recall is asked for
on another day. For the purposes of our testing we and our
advisers have felt that it was better to ask for the memory of
passages which included a logical presentation of its subject,
and which preferably should be of a nature to appeal in interest
to the learner. The will to cooperate and put forth the best
effort is not going to be brought out in ofi^enders by asking them
to memorize nonsense syllables and perform other feats of rote
memory. In the case of testing for retention, it is only fair to
find out how much conscious endeavor to renew the memory
there had been in the interval. The performance of one who
has been able to call to mind many times the test during the
interval, is not to be compared with the production of the one
who has been constantly subjected to environmental distraction.

§ 60. Ability to Give Testimony. — In recent years no psycho-
logical test has aroused so much interest as a certain one which
involves very largely the powers of memory. I speak of the
so-called " Aussage " or Testimony Test - — the ability of the
observer to recall, immediately or at a future time, a scene or
action that has been presented. No one has done so much to
develop the study of this socially important subject as Stern,
and with him, and following him, there have been numerous
observers, ^ who have convinced at least the judiciary of Ger-

1 In Germany an entire periodical edited by Stem (93) is devoted to
the psychology of testimony, and the other literature on the subject is al-
ready immense. A good selection of the important contributions is to be
found in Stern's text book (79, p. 423). At a number of conferences of psy-
chologists and jurists this important topic has been dwelled upon and labora-
tory tests have been prepared. An interesting account of some of them has

Chap. VI] POWERS OF ATTENTION [§ 61

many that in this psychological investigation there was matter
of vital import to certain phases of social life. Outside of any
question of good will or intent the result of an examination on
the witness-stand depends most largely on sheer abilities of re-
call. These abilities vary not only according to the distance
in time from the obsen^ed event, but also according to certain
special types of powers possessed in greatly varying quantity
and quality by different subjects. Nor is this ability by any
means always correlated with general intelligence. A very sim-
ple way of testing some of the abilities in this direction is pre-
sented in our Test VI, and is copied from Stern's method of pre-
senting a picture of a familiar subject and asking for a description
of it, proceeding then to a cross-examination for the details
presented in it. Frequently the results of this test are indifferent,
but then again they demonstrate remarkable abilities or weak-
nesses which may be corroborated in other ways.

§61. Powers of Attention. — Observations of the ability of
the subject to attend, are properly made all through the process
of testing, and should form part of the observer's report —
another evidence of the necessity of the use of general judgment
for the psychogram. When it comes to testing directly the powers
of attention, various methods suggest themselves. We have
ourselves occasionally created distractions, such as we know
are ordinarily effective during mental tasks, and in some in-
stances have gained thereby valuable knowledge. We learned
a good deal about a certain bookish lad by finding out that re-
vealing the works of a stop watch beside him did not divert his
attention from reading. When we consider how large a part
the interest of the individual, either positive or negative,
plays in his power to withstand distraction, we see that meas-
m-ements of anything except gross divergencies may be diffi-
cult. Possibly, however, only those are of any importance for
us. Our judgment from general observations in giving a series
of other tests has usually seemed sufficient to us, but sometimes
specific information is desirable. For diagnostic purposes, it must
be carefully remembered that observed attention to one type of
activity may be quite at variance with possible attention in
another field.

been given by Miinsterberg (95), and Whipple (96) has made a special
point of gathering the literature on the subject. He who reads Miinsterberg
should follow it up by perusing Wigmore's (97) scholarly presentation of
certain counterfindlngs.

§ 61] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

A widely-used type of test involves largely the question of
attention to visual perceptions. In several forms it is very simple
to give. One well-standardized test calls for the selection and
cancellation as rapidly as possible of given letters or numerals
as presented on a sheet where they are mixed with other symbols.
One of these demands the crossing of all A's on a sheet of closely
printed letters.^

In the interpretation of results here, as in the case of those
derived from a number of other tests, we believe that the psycho-
gram developed for our purposes should not deal too closely
with numerical calculations, but rather with more important
characterizations. We should be especially interested in some
such determination as that the subject was slow and accurate,
or was speedy and accurate.

§ 62. Motor Coordination. — Testing the motor coordina-
ting abilities is well worth doing in every case, because when
disturbances are found they are important, from neurological,
vocational, and educational standpoints. The neurologist always
gives well-known tests, particularly those with the eyes shut, in
order to see whether certain functions of the nervous system are
intact. Coordination of the motor with the visual perceptive func-
tions is also important to test. We have with satisfaction used a
test where the subject taps as rapidly as possible in succeeding
half-inch squares without touching the lines or missing the squares.
Information of value has been found out in numerous cases by
this method. Testing by means of other and more compli-
cated methods, particularly with the use of electrical apparatus,
where the individual attempts steadily to hold a stylus in a
given space without causing the ringing of a bell, is well known.
Most of the apparatus can be very easily installed in a simple
laboratory. Our tapping sheet, Test XVI, has so far answered
our purposes.

§ 63. Associative Processes. — Testing the rapidity and ac-
curacy of associative processes brings us very close to estima-
tion of the essential working powers of the mind in general. All
of the separate items of our total mental content are connected
in a stream of thought by links of association; one calls up the
other because it is in some way related to it. Now study of the

1 Whipple in his Manual, under the title of Test XXVI, Cancellation, de-
scribes various tests primarily adapted to estimate attention as applied to
visual perception.

Plate I
A Picture Form-Boakd-

ouR Test I

An example of a test in which form and color perceptions, some apperceptions,
and methods of trial and success are brought out.

Chap. VI] PERCEPTION OF FORM AND COLOR RELATIONSHIPS [§ 04

rapidity and rational accuracy of these links gives us a clue to
fundamental strengths and weaknesses. Study of them is pecu-
liarly valuable for knowledge of the existence of a number of
psychological conditions.

The only direct way in which to know the associative process is
through the medium of language. Where a foreign language
has been used extensively by a subject in school or at home,
that must be taken into account in the interpretation of certain
of the tests given for association. We have tried a number of
methods which have not proved available. The following seem
to be of most worth.

The so-called uncontrolled continuous association is where
the individual is told to say all the words he can as rapidly as
possible, or when he is told to follow the same method, but after
the giving of a stimulus word. By this means not only the rapid-
ity of response may be gauged, as in one of the Binet tests for
12 years, but also the range of information and interests may be
sometimes discerned.

Controlled association may be tested both for rapidity and
accuracy. The subject is asked to give as rapidly as possible
a w^ord that means exactly the opposite to the word given, and
the time is taken in fifths of seconds by a stop watch. If the
language factor can be fairly ruled out of the case, the rapidity
of correct association in this test gives one of the best indica-
tions that we have of any form of native ability. Our Test
XV, Antonyms, offers a standard list of words. Much work
on this test has been done by Norsworthy (99) and others.
It affords one of the easiest ways to study mental reaction
times. (Latterly we use a better standardized list.)

Another form of this test is to give a word, and call for another
word naming the class to which the stimulus word belongs.
Studies of accuracy and rapidity have been made for such a
standard set of words by Norsworthy. This test has much less
significance for us than the antonym method.

§ 64. Perception of Form and Color Relationships. — Form
perceptions are tested in their very primary relationships by
the so-called Form Board Test, which is seen in many institu-
tions for the feebleminded. Goddard has attempted to stand-
ardize the apparatus. It will hardly be found useful except for
those mental defectives who are usually segregated as such before
they become arrant offenders. Perception of form relationships

§ 64] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

enters into our Test I, and also into our Construction Tests,
which are illustrated on the accompanying plates.

It is very difficult to distinguish between native and acquired
abilities in working with these tests. Training of children in
kindergarten work, or with geometrical figures, undoubtedly
affects profoundly their abilities.

Perception of color relationship is perhaps of less importance
vocationally. Although for some time in the beginning of our
own researches we looked fairly carefully for major defects of
color vision, we found not a single case. There has been some
suggestion in the past of the relationship of this defect to crim-
inalism. Our results would not justify our going farther in the
study of a possible correlation that had no warranted a priori
basis, nor grounds in observed fact.

§ 65. Learning Ability. — Learning ability for words as ordi-
narily presented may be tested as described, § 59, under the topic
of Memory. Perhaps more exact determinations of native learn-
ing ability may be tested in other ways; meaningless lists of words
may be memorized and so on. We have advisedly confined
ourselves in this matter to the study of the ability of the subject
to learn the arbitrary association of a set of symbols with numer-
als. In the form we present as Test VIII there is found a varia-
tion on some ideas proffered earlier by a number of psychologists.
Learning ability in more complicated relationships, as shown
by the results gained from the use of a number of our other tests,
is a matter of rather obvious estimation.

§ 66. Ability to Profit by Experience. — One of the com-
monest remarks concerning the unsuccessful, repeated offender
is that the individual does not seem to be able to profit by ex-
perience. Now, of course, this profiting by experience in social
situations implies not only learning powers, but also the ele-
ments of attention, memory, apperception and what not, that
go to make it possible consciously to represent a situation in
the light of past related ideas and experiences. There are thus
many circumstances and conditions which affect the total social
result, but it is certainly important to note, if possible, whether
the individual has the innate power to make any such combina-
tion of mental activities. Several of our tests, which involve
the manipulative performance of a task, the solution of which is
usually not obvious, are calculated to demonstrate something of
the individual's ability to profit by the results of what he has

Plate II

Construction Test A

An example of a test which demonstrates planfulness and the powers of

learning by experience. The illustration shows the test as

presented, as completed, and two types of error.

J )

Plate III

Construction Test B

Another test for planfulness and learning by the method of trial and

success. The illustration shows the test as presented, and

one example of error in placing the pieces.

Chap. Vl] LANGUAGE ABILITY [§ 67

done previously in the performance. In the doing of our Con-
struction Tests III and IV, this point is sometimes brought out
most remarkably. Other estimations might be made by ob-
serving the procedure on tests which involve more of the puzzle
idea — in fact to a clear-headed person the solution of a puzzle
involves exactly this tjpe of work, namely, making a trial and
profiting by one's success or error. We have tried a number of
puzzles, but for our purposes have found very little satisfaction
in their use, because so many other elements were involved in
working with them. One probably valuable form of test for this
piu'pose, as some one has suggested, might embody the electrical
wiring of a simple switchboard or a little system of bells in which
the inner combination of wires could not be seen.

An exceedingly ingenious test, unfortunately taking up much
space, was devised by G. V. Hamilton (112), to study in ani-
mals and human beings of low capacity the ability to profit
by simple experience. The ingenuity of his device offers much
food for thought. It is quite possible that the same principles
might be used for methods which could be evolved to apply to
institutional inmates. For the description of the apparatus we
must refer the reader to the original article, but may say here
that it consists of a room with one entrance and several exits,
only one of which was opened at the time. The one that would
be opened at the time of a given trial varied according to a scheme
which could be learned by the results of previous trials. The
direct results of errors and successes are very clearly appre-
ciated in this test — a quality making for its validity.

§ 67. Language Ability. — On account of its practical im-
portance in the many ways which crop out in our case studies,
particularly in the groups concerned with special mental abilities
or disabilities, and with pathological liars, language ability should
be definitively evaluated. By general observations during the
giving of the tests, many of which deal directly with language,
and during the interview, enough of an estimate can be made
practically to classify the individual, or at least to get first im-
pressions of any peculiar language characteristics. In any case,
further tests with reading, and estimation of the vocabulary,
and the flow of ideas, can be made as necessary. For the sum-
marized psychological impressions, in cases where the abilities
are remarkable on account of richness or poverty of language
powers, judgment should be made on the rapidity of speech,

§ 67] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

choice of words, formation and consequentiality of ideas. If
innate inability to read or write is discovered, that matter should
be specially investigated by methods familiar to neurologists
and educational psychologists.

§ 68. Arithmetical Ability. — The ability to deal with num-
ber relationships, a capacity that can be isolated for practical
purposes, although thoroughly complex in its elements, when it
appears to be below par should be investigated as a possible
cause of trouble in the individual's career. It is an issue of suffi-
cient importance, as we have on occasion found, to be taken
carefully by itself. Psychologists will study the weakness, and
endeavor to find if due to innate disability or to poor teaching,
to find if it exists for concrete or only abstract numerical items,
whether it is dependent on weak auditory or visual functions,
defective memory span, and so on. Some of these facts may
stand so closely related to the welfare of the individual that
they are correlated with delinquency.

§ 69. Mental Representation and Analysis. — The ability
to represent in terms of various imageries a given situation
to one's self, and to revolve it over in the mind, seeing its
different parts, and mentally commenting on their comparisons
and relationships, is one of the most valuable of human facul-
ties. It is an ability that greatly makes for social success or fail-
ure, even to the point of giving that understanding which is the
best prophylaxis of delinquency. A group of; tests of increas-
ing difficulty we have used with much satisfaction — our num-
bers IX and X, namely, the Cross Line Tests, and XI, the Code
Test — appears to bring out the possession of just this quality.
These tests involve spacial and numerical relationships, and
require the mental representation of a simple form scheme, and
analysis of the parts as the whole is mentally viewed through
use of imagery. On these tests, usually regarded by adults as
easy, some curious results may be observed from many offenders
who are not feebleminded.

In many other ways this important ability may be estimated;
a social situation involving moral sanctions may be orally pre-
sented, as is done by ethical and religious preceptors, and an
analysis required. This latter constitutes a complex test of
comprehension. We offer a couple of interesting orally pre-
sentable situations. Test XXI (Moral Judgment § 76), but warn
that interpretation of results should be made with much cir-

Chap. VI] PERCEPTION (vISUAL) AND ANALYSIS [§ 71

cumspection. The varying mental elements often, though not
always, interfere with final safe conclusions.

§ 70. Foresight and Planfulness. — It was Thorndike who
long ago said to us, that if weakness in any one particular ability
were, a priori, to be selected as most likely to stand often at
the root of criminalism, it would be the lack of foresight. Per-
haps the facts, if they were determinable, might confirm this
suspicion, but it appears to be a very difficult matter to check up
with accuracy the powers of foresight, so much do they vary in
different fields of thought and action. Certainly foresight has
much to do w^ith planfulness, and the latter can be partially
tested in various ways. From our construction tests we can fre-
quently obtain a good register of planning ability. In the han-
dling of oiu" mechanical box, which is offered for perceptual analy-
sis {dde § 71), the planning or lack of it may be noted. Just
so with many other tests; notes can be made on the question at
many points of the performance. A test that commands interest,
and which involves some visual perception, much mental repre-
sentation, and analysis of the representation, and is directly
calculated to demonstrate planning ability, is offered by Terman
(113). A baseball is supposed to be lost in a circular, grassy field
and the subject is asked to think over the situation and plan
and diagram the most economical possible route to be taken over
the field in search of the ball. Nothing can be easier than the
giving of this test and the results obtained are often valuable.

We early considered games as demanding planning and fore-
sight. The only available one, on account of its universality,
has seemed to be checkers or draughts. Of course, if this game
has not been played often enough to offer the subject oppor-
tunity for gaining skill in it, the test is not available. But when
we ascertain this to have been the case we can use it as a test.
The most important result, as in the case of any performance,
is when we have the positive proof of ability. Under our
Test XX we consider the conditions of proof. When ability has
not been shown, we must, to be fair, feel sure that effort was
made.

§ 71. Perception (Visual) and Analysis. — We have made
an effort to develop means of estimating the combination of
visual perceptive and analytic functions. A mechanical box, our
Test V, (see illustration) was gradually evolved, in which the
task could be easily perceived and then analyzed and solved by

§ 71] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

studying the sequence of steps required. This test is undoubtedly
of some value for vocational diagnosis. This same combination
of powers is less directly involved in the performance of other
tests, such as our Construction and Cross Line Tests.

§72. Judgment and Discrimination. — Judgment has to be
displayed notably in the performance of a number of the tests,
particularly those mentioned in the preceding paragraph. As
exercised either through direct or indirect discrimination, we
can test judgment in several ways. The sorting of a series of
weights in the Binet ten-year test, and the asking for judgment
on the length of slightly different lines are good examples. Both
these tests can be carried to any desirable extent. The Binet
eight-year question about the difference between remembered
objects gives suggestion for the development of further and
harder questions that involve the same type of judgment. Ziehen
(114, p. 28) developed earlier this method of determining the
ability to discriminate mentally represented material, and the
difference test is sometimes called Ziehen's test.

A number of other tests of perceptual and sensory judgment or
discrimination are available, beginning with the simple tests of
neurologists for anomalies of nervous conductivity. Whipple
(78) in a chapter on tests of sensory capacity, and Franz (84) in
his chapter on sensation give many tests which can be applied
without the use of exceedingly complicated apparatus. The
discrimination which is under discussion in this paragraph is
supposed to involve very little of the feature of mental repre-
sentation. But as a matter of fact, what really constitutes pain
or brightness or pleasantness, forms in itself a matter of judg-
ment on the part of the subject. The data collectable by these
tests do not belong to the simple anthropometric categories
where they were earlier placed. Perhaps some of these tests
will be shown later to have considerable worth for the study
of offenders, but at present we feel justified in mostly passing
them by.

An interesting judgment test, first developed for vocational
ends, is described by Miinsterberg (ill). It consists in the rapid
visual perceptive judgment upon and sorting of cards, which
present varying numbers of special letters mixed among other
members of the alphabet. Judgment is formed as to which letter
preponderates and the card is sorted accordingly. Accuracy
and time are recorded. We see clearly from this test that some

Plate IV

A Puzzle Box — our Test V

An example of a concrete problem to be reasoned out from perceived

relationships. Each step to the solution, namely, opening

the box, is plainly visible.

Chap. VI] SUGGESTIBILITY [§ 73

fair characterizations of the examinee may be formed, but the
establishment of numerical coefficients worked up on the com-
bination of varying quantities of time and accuracy is to be looked
upon as dangerously artificial.

§ 73. Suggestibility. — Many tests for estimating suggesti-
bility by the sensory illusion type of test (looking for false inter-
pretation of perceptions, such as those of warmth and weight)
have been worked out, but are hardly to be considered desirable
for study of the offender unless carefully undertaken and in-
terpreted by a technician. They offer little for a practical
psychogram.

On the other hand, tests of suggestibility where personal in-
fluence is a factor, are obviously of considerable import in the
study of the delinquent.^ Binet wisely laid much stress on per-
sonal influences in suggestibility, and even introduced a test of
resistance to suggestion into his series, putting it into the 12-
year group because he considered at that age level there was
first developed, on the average, resistance to suggestion. (Psy-
chologists working with the " Aussage " test have concluded
that there are very great differences between resistance to
personal suggestion at different ages in the giving of testimony.)
Binet says heedlessness and lack of attention may cause falling
into the trap. This, as we see it, is exactly how in social life
certain individuals from empty-headedness or lapses of will
receive criminalistic suggestions. The individual through cer-
tain negative aspects of his mental life is more passive and sug-
gestible than he might otherwise be. Proved suggestibility in
one field, however, does not necessarily imply suggestibility
in another. Another point is that deliberate persuasion, with its
straightforward attempt to change judgment, is to be very prop-
erly separated in test work and in judgments of social conduct,
from either direct or indirect suggestion.

We have always seen many reasons for doubting whether we
could reproduce conditions that would lead to accurate deter-
mination of the individual's practical suggestibility in social
situations. Our § 331 on Social Suggestibility should be care-

1 This most captivating psychological problem, individual suggestibiUty
(we deliberately omit consideration of hj^pnosis and other abnormal condi-
tions, and also the psychology of crowds), should be looked into by every care-
ful student of offenders. Very many partial contributions have been offered,
but the most desirable works with which to become acquaioted are those of
Binet (100 and 101), O. Lipmann (102) and Sidis (17).

§ 73] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

fully perused in this connection. We can see at least that
if the individual, with the determined bracing of his will and judg-
ment that is frequently seen in the examiner's office, shows nor-
mal or even more than the ordinary resistance to various types
of suggestion, it by no means signifies that he will not succumb
outside to social temptations. Unpredictable though this point
is, we probably can, with some degree of accuracy, prognosticate
from the converse findings — for instance, it seems certain that
those who show undue acceptance of indirect or direct suggestion
with us are often those who notoriously exhibit the same quali-
ties socially.

In this whole matter of personal suggestion it should always
be remembered that suggestibility within moderate limits is a
perfectly normal quality of mind, and that people of the highest
character and attainments show the phenomenon. We have
never made a specialty of developing these tests, seeing plainly
the unsatisfactoriness and difficulty of safe interpretation for
the psychogram. We perceive, however, that some types of tests
bear good fruit. Suggestibility in testimony has long been a
subject of discussion and many of the contributions to the " Aus-
sage" or testimony problem (§ 60) deal with it. An easy method
of introducing experimental suggestion into our own testimony
test (Test VI) is to ask, during cross-examination of the subject
about what the picture reveals, whether certain things have been
seen which are not there. Our suggestive inquiry concerns such
items as might well be in the picture. We have uniformly told
the subject at the beginning of the cross-examination that many
things would be inquired for, some of which were there and some
not there. For the purposes of a harder test this verbal precau-
tion might be left out, as it is during the examination of the
witness on the stand by the shrewd lawyer. In our responses,
we find, according to the facts of normal suggestibility mentioned
above, much must be often interpreted as neutral. But occa-
sionally such an egregious example of suggestibility is seen, even
when the individual is not feebleminded, or such sturdy and well-
judged responses are obtained, that the test proves of much worth
for our psychological impressions of the individual.

From our series of repeated offenders we have selected the cases
of seven who, being mentally normal, have very markedly shown
themselves to be extraordinarily suggestible socially (§331),
and have compared their results on the Aussage test. None

Chap. Vl] WILL POWER [§ 74

of these was diagnosed lower than having fair mental ability.
In these cases from 4 to 7 of our standard suggestions were used
when asking for a report on the picture. We found that in three
of these cases no suggestions whatever were accepted. One ac-
cepted 2 suggestions, two accepted 3, and in one instance the
individual proved extremely suggestible, falling in with no less
than 5 of the points. As an average this shows far more than
normal suggestibility. The youngest of the group was 14, and
at this age we find the norm for our suggestions is not more than
1 accepted. But the extreme variations show that averages are
of little import. The outstanding facts are that in some cases
of extreme social suggestibility no positive result whatever (vide
§ 331) was shown on the " Aussage" test, while in others there was
distinct correlation between the two. Indeed, in a couple of
cases our suspicions of the true nature of the social difficulty
were first aroused by the findings in this test. But, in
general, the conditions of laboratory quiet are very different
from those of the coercion which so often obtains in social
comradeship.

The story of the individual's social reactions as revealed by
himself or his relatives and friends occasionally brings out the
point of social suggestibility very strongly. We have many
records containing remarkable examples of statements, even by
subjects themselves, in regard to their being unduly influence-
able by other individuals or groups of individuals. This is simply
one more indication of the fact that if the social test could be ap-
plied, which would tell us the individual's actual response under
environmental conditions, we should have one of the best of
psychological tests. The report that we can get, even at second
hand, of the performance under some of these living conditions
has its import, particularly in the matter of suggestibility, for
the psychogram.

§ 74. Will Power. — Whatever may be the equivalent of the
phrase " weakness of will power " in correct psychological ter-
minology (the barest study will show that it implies numerous
defective conditions of mind and body), it is used in the every-
day characterization of offenders, with common-sense, forceful
significance. We may get direct indications of the strength of
this faculty, also, while carrying the subject through a series of
tests. There are great difficulties in testing the will as such, ex-
cept in aberrational cases. No test has been devised that has

§ 74] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

yet received sufficient trial of its validity for discernment of
types and comparative strength of will.

A most commendable effort in this direction is the simple
but ingenious test of Guy C. Fernald (104). Here there is at-
tempt to measure will power through making observations of
conscious, long-continued muscular effort, namely, standing
easily on the toes. The important distinction which Fernald
makes between this and ergographic work, is that the latter is
primarily a measure of fatigue, the muscles giving out long before
the will does; while in his test the strength of the muscles in-
volved is so great that the discontinuance of the task is always
brought about by breaking down of the will. This Achievement
Capacity Test, as it is called, deserves in its original form, or in
modification, much trial in suitable laboratories, such as those
in reformatories, where plenty of time is available. Whoever
uses it, however, should remember the numerous a priori criti-
cisms which have been offered, to the effect that the personal
interest and good intention of the subject are greatly involved.
It might be just the one who would say, " To thunder with the
test," after doing it a little while, who would unremittingly
exert his will to some personally desired end. But after all, a
•priori criticism is not always found valid when practically work-
ing with tests.

§ 75. Apperception. — One of the highest intellectual facul-
ties is that of recognition of the relationship of part to part in a
given event, or situation, or in a sequence of ideas or perceptions.
This process of apperception, according to the complexities in-
volved, involves combining mental material, directly presented
as perception, with what is already in the mental content. The
person with so-called quick perceptions, or good understanding,
is the one who has apperceptive ability in full measure. Accord-
ing to Ebbinghaus (105), whose scheme for verbally testing the
power to discern relationships between separate ideas has been
given wide recognition, we have in the performance of tests
which call out the above powers, the opportunity of getting an
estimate of general intelligence. Of course all of our tests call
out to some degree the ability to put what is already in the mind
together with what is immediately presented, but any test
which more directly serves to estimate this important ability is
altogether worth while. The Ebbinghaus Completion Test re-
quires the insertion of words or syllables for the completion of the

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Chap. VI] APPERCEPTION [§

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sense of a passage from which various parts have been omitted.^
The subject has to draw on his stock of words and ideas about
the relationships of things for the performance of this Comple-
tion Test. For our purposes, although we see the great value of
estimating some of the powers called forth by these completion
tests, certain of the requirements are clearly adventitious. It
is the same old trouble; there is involved in this form of test,
through its use of language, entirely too much dependence on
the acquaintance with words and particularly with language as
visually presented. In testing apperception in this way subjects
who have had the advantage of much language training, have
an immense advantage, which is unfair for our general study of
offenders.

It occurred to me that perhaps the valuable central idea of
the completion test might be utilized without involving the me-
dium of language. Our Test II, originally designed to bring out
this point, has been found too easy and so has been discarded.
More recently a picture representing ten easily recognizable
activities and events was constructed, and from it ten squares
of equal size were cut so that on each piece was a part essential
to the meaning. Then on forty other pieces, all of the same
size and fitting into any of the square holes, were drawn objects
that could be put in place only with injury to the meaning of
the picture. Some of the wrong pieces are not so wrong as others.
Some may cover part of the meaning. We designate errors as
partial and complete, or logical and illogical. The total fifty
pieces represent a stock of ideas from which to draw to complete
the meaning of the picture. This test (see illustration) arouses
much interest, and from a clearly bad or clearly good perform-
ance of it very definite conclusions as to apperceptive ability
may be drawn.^

Testing apperceptive ability by jokes has been suggested, but
not much developed as yet. It is a scheme that offers promise

1 Texts of all degrees of difficulty may be contrived for the giving of this
test. Several may be found in the original article of Ebbinghaus, also as used
by Wiersma (107), but those are all in German. Terman (106) worked up a
couple of forms and has done something to standardize them.

2 This picture has been developed since we pubUshed our monograph on
tests. For a technical description of it, with directions for giving, and an ac-
coimt of the norms estabhshed, vide Healy (378). The skill of the artist,
Mrs. Eleanor Manierre, was necessary to the success of this undertaking. Her
experience in illustrating children's books was just what was found necessary
for the evolution of the test. Much gratitude is due her for her interested
efforts.

§ 75] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

of results when undertaken by means of well-selected pictures.^
Binet's test for nonsense statements in the ten-year group is
along the same line. Anderson is using for the same pur-
pose tests for interpretation of proverbs and of verbal ideational
analogies.^

§ 76. Moral Discrimination. — In forming impressions of
the offender, one would naturally feel the importance of the
actual capacity for moral judgment. Of all the mental furniture,
the power to discriminate between right and wrong would seem
to be most essential for well-doing. Undoubtedly of greatest value
to know would be the mental procedure in the face of an active
moral issue. Unfortunately, the only thing open to ordinary
testing is the general ideational potentiality, and that by no
means reveals the procedure that actually takes place in a liv-
ing situation. The capacity is not the same thing as the prac-
tice in the realm of moral decisions. The tyro will realize that
by questioning the answer will generally be obtained that steal-
ing and assault and so on are pernicious deeds, as considered in
the abstract, and will also realize that the answer gives no crite-
rion of what the subject's judgment will be in the face of oppor-
tunity or provocation.

However, the powers of general moral judgment and par-
ticularly of the comprehension of moral issues involved in a
given situation, are sometimes important to appreciate. F. C.
Sharp (no) has done interesting work with non-offenders on this
subject of moral discrimination, and we have utilized, in modi-
fication, in our Test XXI, some of his methods. A short narra-
tion involving some points of ethical judgment is orally presented,
and a discriminating response is called for.

Professor Sharp's concise rendering of the problems is something
as follows:

(1) In a Russian city last year there lived a man who could get no
work. He had for a neighbor a sick widow with two little children,
who were starving. The poor man took some bread that did not be-
long to him from a baker's shop, because he could get it in no other
way and gave it to the widow and her children. • Did he do right or
wrong?

(2) A settlement was once besieged by a large body of Indians be-

1 An article on testing intelligence by means of jokes from " Die Fliegende
Blatter" has appeared, ?nde bibliography, Testing Intelhgence (379).

2 These tests are used by Dr. V. V. Anderson of the Municipal Court,
Boston. Results on them have not yet been pubUshed.

Chap. Vl] MORAL DISCRIMINATION [§ 76

cause the chief thought that one of the white men had done him an
injury, though he really had not done so. The chief sent word to the
captain of the ^^llage that if the man was given up to him lie would
go away, but if not he would burn the village and kill the people.
The captain and the people knew that if the Indians attacked them
they would be very likely to capture the settlement and, at least,
would kill a good many. They also knew that their fellow citizen
was innocent and that to give him up meant torture and death for
him.

What was the right thing for the captain of the village to do and
why?

What would you have done if you had been captain?

We see at once many difficulties in interpretation of the an-
swers, and have to confess that in only comparatively few in-
stances has the response proved of distinct worth. Occasionally
strong types are met with, either showing much appreciation of
ethical sanctions, or clearly belittling the canons of social moral-
ity, and then only is interpretation fair. One grave trouble is
in noting whether all the details of the situation have been com-
prehended. On cross-examination we have sometimes found
absence of realization of some of the facts mentioned. The test
then turns out to be, as we mentioned above, one of compre-
hension or mental representation of a situation verbally pre-
sented.

An ingenious test for ethical discrimination has been evolved
by Guy Fernald (109). He uses ten slips of paper, each having
printed on it a few words describing tersely some offense, or am-
bition or meritorious act. The task is to sort these in the order
of their moral significance. The idea is good, but through the
use of only a few words the lack of sufficient connotation and ex-
planation leaves great possibilities of variation in the compre-
hension of the signfficance of the deed. At our suggestion Fernald
has developed illustrations representing the same deeds with,
of course, a vast increase of the detailed significant background
of fact and meaning. (Moving pictures represent manifold
possibilities in this direction.) Another trouble in this test is
with the standard of norms. The deed may be considered ob-
viously from the legal, the conventional ethical, the religious,
or the personal emotional standpoint. For instance, the killing
of a moose may be looked at from the standpoint of a hungry
woodsman, of a game warden, or of a nature-lover like Thoreau.
The student of the evolution of morals would have much to say

§ 76] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

on this whole question. Still another trouble, and one that we
have found peculiarly in our own situation, is in the language
factor. In our population the understanding of the written word
in any given language varies too greatly for the idea of complete
comprehension of even these short sentences to be safely used
as an established norm. Perhaps this test may be worked up
past some of these difficulties.

§ 77. Following Instructions. Vocational Tests. — One of
the oldest tests used by neurologists in the diagnosis of general
mental powers, is that of the ability to follow instructions.
Usually the directions for three simple tasks were given together,
orally. The results of the performance gave important indications,
even though the mental process involved was unresolved. Binet
took this same idea in extremely simple form for one of the seven-
year tests. It is obvious that desirable elaboration of this method
could be introduced for vocational or general ability diagnosis.

In instances where information for vocational diagnosis in a
broad sense, as between fitness for being a field laborer and an
office clerk, was desirable, we have used the following test, which
may be regarded as an example of its kind. Our Test XIV, see
illustration, consists of a mechanical box to be opened by care-
ful manipulations following verbal instructions. The form of
the test arouses competitive interest; the performance always
gives some indication of general ability and some specific knowl-
edge of fitness for certain kinds of accurate work.

Other tests could readily be devised if vocational diagnosis
in any given study of the offender was desirable, and how ex-
tremely desirable it may be can be seen from contemplation of
some of our case studies. We are certain that diagnosis of occu-
pational aptitude should properly be a careful part of the study
of the delinquent, because of the frequent relationship between
vocational dissatisfaction and social misconduct. The develop-
ment of this whole line of work promises much, but as yet it is
nearly a virgin field. The best vocational bureaus themselves
advisedly await the production of really dependable methods
of diagnosis and prediction at the hands of practical psychol-
ogists.

§ 78. Special Abilities. — On account of their importance,
and also because they are not always to be considered in a voca-
tional light, special abilities may be dwelt on apart from the
matter of the previous section. Tests for special abilities may be

100

Plate VI

An Instruction Box — our Test XIV

Example of a vocational test. The box can only be opened by

accurately following each step of the instructions given.

Chap. VI] SPECIAL ABILITIES [§ 78

presented and, naturally, in the form of selected tasks. What
emphasis to place on the possession of special talents may be
gathered from the relevant facts presented in our practical study
of delinquents. The need for self-expression forms in some per-
sons the soil from which misconduct springs. The first abilities
that come to the reader's mind are, no doubt, those connected
with the artistic world, where the peculiar mental traits con-
nected with genius and ardent desire for self-expression are
so well recognized. The mere desire to shine in any of these
fields may be exotic, however, and bespeak no corresponding
natural faculty. The only way to determine such ability is to
have people competent in the artistic world sympathetically
conduct a special test. Even if discovered, the presence of artis-
tic ability, as we know only too well, does not guarantee freedom
from delinquency; but that full exercise of native talents does
bring about immensely favorable changes in some careers we also
have reason to know.

Other special abilities may be more easily reckoned with. A
boy may have capacity for mechanical pursuits, powers he has
never had a chance to know he possessed, and which may prove
his saving grace. Not a few girls with real histrionic ability
have become delinquent in the search for self-expression. Their
abilities and desires might have been recognized and utilized,
in w^ays quite normal and moral, and quite apart from the public
theatre.

I am not sure but that I should include under this head of
special abilities the peculiar sagacities and capacities which make
for success in the great out-door world. The capacity of a man
for solitude and hardship, and for overcoming the difficulties of
nature, and the ability keenly to observe and reason on natural
phenomena, and the desire for large freedom, and for long stretches
of muscular activity, mark a man as having peculiar adaptabili-
ties just as much as do his possession of qualities which will make
him an artist. While these traits are hardly open to laboratory
testing, another field of trial may be found in the larger world,
from which we can gather, after all, many facts for our psycho-
gram.

Knowledge of special abilities in the field of imagination may be
worth testing for. Simple devices, such as the well-known ink-
blot test, vide Binet (115) and Whipple (78, p. 430), where the sub-
ject is asked what he can imagine a certain irregular blot looks

101

§ 78] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI

like, have been used. Much more important, of course, is the use
of imagination in the artistic and Kterary fields. Recognition of
the latter is possible by obvious methods, and has led to success-
ful careers. The writing of a story which has been read some days
previously may be demanded, and if the subject is told to give
full sway to his powers, the possession of imagination can usually
be determined from one such production. We have had reason
to recognize practical connection, at first not obvious, between
the possession of the imaginative faculty and a tendency to delin-
quency. It is Stemmermann (117) who tells of a delinquent v/ho
long continued his career of swindling and misrepresentation,
until he found expression for his imaginative powers in the field
of journalism.

A familiar field for use of the imagination in the modem world
is that of invention. It might be more or less easy to test abili-
ties in this direction, and one would certainly like to see something
of this sort done. Terman (118) has suggested a simple way of
bringing out what might be called the first principles of this abil-
ity. His test consists of the offering of five sets of chains of three
links each. The subject is asked to figure out how these could
all be welded into one chain with breaking and welding only
three of the links. By such methods, carried to any desired com-
plexity, no doubt a great deal of the subject's power of imagina-
tion and invention could be learned.

§ 79. Mental Content and Interests. — A questionnaire cal-
culated to bring out the quantity and quality of general informa-
tion in a number of branches of human knowledge frequently
reveals much of importance. As the result of our special in-
quiries. Test XXII, we have at times wondered if this was not
one of the most important of tests, because of its revelation of
the paucity of healthy mental interests to be found in mentally
normal offenders. Of this more in our case studies. The idea is
not new. Whipple (119) has published a " Range of Informa-
tion Test " for high school and college students, consisting of one
hundred words for definition, belonging to various fields of human
knowledge. One would venture to say that the use of this test
would give considerable accurate information about abilities
and interests. Simpler lists of words could be gotten up, such as
Terman (120) has developed for his revision of the Binet scale.
We should strongly counsel the use of this method, realizing that
it should be modified to suit the circumstances found in any

102

Chap. \l] MENTAL CONTENT AND INTERESTS [§ 79

given place where work with offenders was to be carried out.
The mere vocabulary tests of Whipple and of Terman are hardly
as direct as the questionnaire method we have used. Asking for
definitions may frighten the subject from full self-expression,
whereas if one asks him sympathetically to tell all he knows
about a steam engine, or professional baseball, or the civil war,
you may soon arouse interest which in turn may give clue to
abilities that often, for the sake of preventing a delinquent career,
should be practically tested and utilized.

103

§ 80] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VII

CHAPTER VII
Working Methods — Concluded

§ 80. D. Interpretation of Mental Tests.

To present a detailed statement concerning the interpretation
of psychological tests, their standards, norms and variabilities,
is here quite out of our province. For technical instruction in
all these points special works must be consulted, and no one is
qualified to work in this field without professional training. All
that we purpose to give here is some guidance for those who are
psychologically inclined and wish to make some general interpre-
tation for themselves of the results of the tests as set forth in
our case studies. For them the following statement of norms
will suffice for such conclusions as are justifiable.

Psychology is in its infancy as an applied science, and, as may
be gathered from the foregoing pages, the work of studying abili-
ties and functions by means of tests is one of the more recent
developments. On account of this we have had not only to select,
but also to develop tests, and then, what was even more arduous,
to establish some standards of norms for the group of individuals
we work with.

Much space might be occupied by discussion of the possibili-
ties, limitations, and pitfalls of developing and applying stand-
ards, but all that is really necessary to state here comes under
two points; First, we are thoroughly convinced that some sort
of standards must be worked up for each given situation or
social group in which tests are applied. Second, unless there be
remarkable uniformity of school training, environmental back-
ground and emotional conditions, such as obtain readily in testing
students in a college laboratory, interpretation of answers, types
and times of performance can only, in all fairness, be made within
wide limits. The many variabilities possible in the performance

104

Chap. VII] ENXJMERATION OF DISTURBING CONDITIONS [§ 81

of an individual as seen, for instance, in court work, with all the
complications of life bearing on the given result, as well as the
variations depending on social opportunities, we have given some
hint of on other pages.

§ 81. Enumeration of Disturbing Conditions. — It may serve
the purpose of illustrating our particular theme here to give a
bare enumeration of the disturbing conditions, many of them
at first not at all plainly perceived, which may produce a per-
formance in the tests leading to error in diagnosis of ability. The
principal interferences we have noted are: (a) The various pecu-
liar mental states supervening in cases which later proved to be
epileptic. (6) The irregular mental states of hystericals. (c)
Choreic mental conditions, especially when the symptoms are
confined, as they occasionally are, to the psychical sphere, (d)
Any of the tremendously varying mental conditions seen in mild
manic-depressive conditions, (e) Deliberate deception (very rare).
(/) Sheer laziness, as occasionally seen, (g) Complete recalci-
trancy, sometimes combined with deception, (h) Temporary
dullness on account of excessive sex practices, (i) Bashfulness
or other inhibitory emotions, (j) Environmental conditions, e. g.
effect of a warm afternoon or a close room, (k) Fatigue on the
part of the examinee. (Z) Fatigue on the part of the examiner,
(m) Dullness from narcotics or aberration from stimulants.
(n) Dullness from general physical conditions, such as anemia,
exhaustion from recent illness, over-exercise, (o) The effects of
special sensory defects; these are too obvious to need detailed
mention, (p) Emotional conditions resulting from incrimination,
from being charged — whether rightly or not — with offense
{vide § 315).

Fortunately, however, when the above conditions are taken
into account there is extraordinarily little difficulty in the inter-
pretation of most results as bearing on the question of general
classification of the individual in the broad, but useful catego-
ries set forth in the next section, and in ascertainment of those
special abilities and disabilities which we find are of much con-
cern for those who would seriously attempt to treat delinquency
according to its causes. At no time do we expect to see mental
performances set forth for a general group, such as ours, with
such numerical precision that one who has not taken counsel of
experience with the causes of variability can safely interpret
them. But given scientific training in this direction, and the

105

§ 81] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VII

experience which common sense would dictate is necessary in
such a situation, so that the many causes of variabiUty are as
far as possible reckoned with, then, we find by observation of
new workers in the field, interpretation is comparatively easy.

§ 82. Norms on Our Own Tests. — The following statement
shows what may be expected on our own group of tests from in-
dividuals who are to be considered as normal, or as of ordinary
ability, among the general social group which one meets in study-
ing delinquents in a large cosmopolitan center. There is not
the slightest reason to think that this normal differs to any ex-
tent from the normal of a city school in the same community.
It does, however, naturally differ from that of a selected group,
for example, the pupils in a high-grade private school.^ Binet
declared the same difference for his tests. What is subnormal
or feebleminded in our group we generally find has been regarded
as the same by the public school people. Since we deal mostly
with older individuals, we may say that what we schedule as
ordinary or fair in ability, is the equipment possessed by the young
person who shows himself qualified to succeed under the require-
ments of employment which call for what we might roughly de-
nominate average intelligence. Other things being equal, the
members of this group had usually proved themselves capable of
passing one school grade a year.

Smaller type is used for the statements of norms, in uniformity
with the record of results as given in the case studies. Technical
signs are used for minutes and seconds. Interpretation of the
Binet tests is spoken of above. Fuller description of the follow-
ing tests is to be found in our Monograph (70).

Test I. (Illustrated on Plate I.) Beginning at about 7 years any
mentally normal child should be able to do this test in its entirety —
many 2 years younger do it. The time naturally varies a great deal.
A bright 5th grade group, ranging about 11 years, averaged 1' 43"; a
kindergarten group averaged 3' 16". There is purposely a great deal
of difference in the difficulty of working with the triangles and putting
the other pieces in place. Of the normal kindergarten group 14 per
cent, failed on these triangles, none on the other pieces. The triangles

^ An extended study of performance on a number of our tests, partly com-
bined with the Binet system, has been made by Dr. Clara Schmitt (to be pub-
hshed later). She particularly compared the results on our general group of
offenders with those gained from the pupils in a certain large private school,
notable for the high character of its work and attended by children from unu-
sually inteUigent famihes. Some of her results are embodied in our statement
of norms.

106

Chap. VIl] NORMS ON OUR OWN TESTS [§ 82

are put in place by most children of 12 or under by a trial and error
method; very few plan the approach to the problem. The other
pieces, however, most often are at once apperceived in their true
relationship — 9 out of 27 kindergarten children put them in place
without error. As we have said in another place, this test is given to
interest and to get a first general measure of the individual and is not
suited for close methods of scoring.

Test II. Special Picture Puzzle. Even at kindergarten age normal
children are able to do this correctly, though usually with many trials.
Average time, then, 3' 15". At 10 years, 33 per cent, did the test
without any errors, although 18 per cent, still made from 3 to 10
errors. The time then averaged 2' 22". We have latterly given up
the test as too simple for the ages we work with. Our Completion
Test, vide infra, takes its place.

Test III. Construction Test A. This is one of our more important
tests. (Illustration, Plate II.) No normal person over 8 or 9 years
should fail to do it in 5'. At 12 years we find great variation in the
time, showing very distinct differences in ability. Some grasp and plan
the task very readily, performing it in 12" to 15"; nearly all of those
normal mentally getting it done in 2'. To be considered as done well
it should be done within these limits, and without replacing pieces in
ob\dously impossible positions. Of course a planned method is better
than trial and error, but some get through with it rapidly by quickly
percei\'ing the possibilities of the latter. The number of moves used
depends, of course, on the method. Estimation of the method is
certainly more important than the time, within the above limits.
The least possible number of moves is 5.'

The private school group all succeeded from 2d grade up, with
a gradual diminution of the average time, which in the 2d grade was
2' 7"; 33 per cent, failed in the 1st grade, even with 10' trial, and 23
per cent, in the 2d grade. Beginning with the 4th grade 50 per cent,
did it by planning. None in this school did any better than many of
the best in the group of offenders.

Test IV. Construction Test B. (Illustration, Plate III.) This is sim-
ilar in idea to the preceding test, but for most is much harder. It should
be done in 10' by all normal persons from 12 years on. Most of our
normal 12-year-old offenders do it in from 1' to 3', but even when older
persons exceed such time limits it can hardly be maintained as e\ddence
of low ability. Again in this it is the method that is most valuable to
note — particularly the attitude of planning, as put over against
taking the chances on trial and error, and particularly as against the
repetition of impossibilities. This, namely, the ability to profit by
experience, is registered with certainty in the number of moves
made. Errors to the extent of 10 or 15 indicate little, but beyond
that there is carelessness or actual inability to think out the situation.
There are 1 1 pieces to put in — thus normally the task should be
done in at least 26 moves. Occasionally a slap-dash method done by
a bright person involves more moves, but only seldom. It should be
remembered that a planful attack may be very slow.

107

§ 82] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VII

The private school group made no failures after the 4th grade.
The average time then was 2' 10", and that was not decreased in 2
higher grades. In fact, at 11 years the performance was as good as it
was for 2 years later. This type of result, both here and in the
preceding test, is characteristic. We see our brighter young offenders
doing these two tests quite as well as any of the private school group,
or as well as adults. These two tests are more definitely ability than
age tests.

Test V. Puzzle Box. (See Plate IV.) Nearly all of our offenders
above 12 years who have ordinary ability can open this box, well inside
of 10', but very occasionally such a one may fail. Since a considerable
time may be rationally spent in studying the situation involved in the
test, the time, unless very rapid or very slow, hardly counts for much.
There is every invitation to plan the task, and of course with increas-
ing years there is the tendency to do so. It is difficult to say how many
errors are allowable — it is easier to judge of the method by observing
whether the correct steps are interspersed with errors, which should
not be. Upwards of 2 or 3 errors before doing step one makes the
probability quite against planfulness. Very often there is a combina-
tion of trials with some later planning. Miss Schmitt estimated that
39 per cent, of our offenders between 12 and 16 years, who showed
no school retardation, did the test by planning, but 11 per cent, failed
entirely. It is not uncommon, however, for a girl to take very little
interest in this test, usually so inviting for a boy.

The private school group made no failures above the 4th grade.
Average time was steadily lowered to 6th grade, the highest worked
with, and then it was 3' 54". Planning then was done by 70 per
cent.

Test VI. Testimony from a Picture. (See page 85.) The interpre-
tation of this test lies largely along common-sense lines. Beginning
with 8 years, bright persons can give a good account of the picture,
bringing out most of the main points on cross-questioning, if not on
free recital. An ordinary good account as heard from our offenders is
to give 12 or 15 items on free recital, and perhaps 8 or 10 more on
inquiry. More than 2 or 3 erroneous details is a bad record, as is
also to accept more than 2 suggestions. General interpretations of
absent or excessive suggestibility, and of memory failures are ob-
vious. So, too, are the extraordinarily straightforward or dramatic
accounts sometimes registered. There is the greatest variation in
ability to testify and this show^s itself early — many a bright child of
10 has correct and \d\id pictures, not excelled by others of greater
age. (For further comment on results in this test see §§ 60, 73, 331.)

Test VII. Visual Memory of Geometrical Figures. (See page 84.)
This should be done correctly by all from 10 years who have normal
visual memory, as Binet states, but great variations in ability to draw
well are, of course, noticeable.

Test VIII. Learning Arbitrary Associations. (See page 88.) This
test is done exceedingly well by even young children who have normal
ability. Beginning certainly with the 10th year we should expect,

108

Chap. VII] NORMS ON OUR OWN TESTS [§ 82

even among our offenders who are normal, the task to be done with
at the most 1 or 2 errors.

In the private school group 55 per cent, of 1st grade children did it
without any error, 70 per cent, in 2d grade, 80 per cent, in 3rd grade,
and 86 per cent, in 4th grade.

Test IX. Cross Line Test A. (See page 90.) This is done by nearly
all normal persons correctly, either at first or second trial, by the age
of 10. It is an easy task for most, even at the first attempt. In the
private school group there were no total failures above the 2d grade

— a total failure meaning four trials without success. In the 3d
grade 90 per cent, got it at first trial, and at the 5th grade all of them.
Beginning at the 6th grade all of our offenders got it right at first
trial.

Test X. Cross Line Test B. (See page 90.) This is on the same
order as the preceding test, but is more difficult. It should be done
by normal persons above 12 years, certainly on the second trial. Each
trial follows demonstration of ability to draw the whole figure from
memory — this is the same as in giving Test IX. The private school
pupils all did it at first trial in the 6th grade; 94 per cent, at first or
second trial in 5th grade; 84 per cent in the 4th grade. No final failure
(after the fourth trial) was first noted in 4th grade. No final failure
among our offenders was first noted at 6th grade. Between the ages
of 11 and 15, judging mental ability normal by absence of school
retardation, only 4 per cent, of our offenders made a total failure,
whereas 41 per cent, of those who were retarded 2 years or more totally
failed. This is a test which the adult type of mind finds much easier

— as differentiating the faculty of mental analysis from mere memory.
Test XI. Code Test. (See page 90.) This is one of our most difficult

tests, requiring good powers of concentration and analysis. Many
persons who prove themselves able to cope with the world in the
ordinary simpler walks of life do not accomplish this test with less than
3 or 4 errors. To do the task without errors shows some good mental
powers. The average numbers of errors was 3 at 6th grade in the
private school group. It is probably fair to say that the person of
ordinary ability above 14 years in our offending group should do this
test with at most 4 errors, out of the possible 11. More errors are
made by those who come in our group of poor in ability, though not
distinctly subnormal; and fewer errors by those of marked good
ability. In working with offenders on such a test which requires
prolonged effort and does not long appeal to the mentally lethargic,
whether temporary or chronic cases of mental debility, the interpre-
tation of partial failure is not always obvious, and needs the critical
comparison of results on other tests.

Test XII. Visual Verbal Memory. (See page 83.) The passage con-
sists of 20 details which follow in definite logical sequence. Beginning
with 3cl grade pupils — ages 9 or 10 — there is much more difference
between types of individual response to this test, than between re-
sponse by ages. At 10 years the results average nearly as good as for
later years. In the private school group 86 per cent, in the 5th grade

109

§ 82] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VII

gave the sequence quite correctly, and 72 per cent, gave from 15 to
19 details, while 13 per cent, gave the entire 20 details. The latter
result, however, is peculiarly high, for only 4 per cent, of the 6th grade
did as well, and none in the 4th grade. Our offenders above 12 years
of age and of ordinary ability nearly always give correctly the general
logical sequence, and at least 12 of the details are recalled with
accuracy.

Test XIII. Auditory Verbal Memory. (See page 83.) In this test
there are 12 details. Every one knows the facility with which bright
young children learn a passage by ear, so we are not surprised to find
in the private school group 88 per cent, in the 2d grade remembered
at least 9 details with much accuracy of sequence. Below that, the
sequence was very defective. At the 4th grade all got 9 details or
better, 25 per cent, got all the details., and the sequence was almost
perfect. In our group of offenders of ordinary ability above 10 years
we should expect at least 9 items remembered in logical sequence.

Test XIV. Instruction Box. (See Plate VI.) This test should be
done correctly at the second trial by all above 14 years, unless there is
distinct misunderstanding of the figures on the dial, — and even then
there is a fault of perception. Failure to open the box after being
shown twice, would make us question very carefully whether the
person should be recommended at all for office or shop work.

Test XV. Antonym or Opposites Test. (See page 87.) Interpreta-
tion on this test is only fair where there has been a normal chance of
becoming acquainted with the English language. Under such con-
ditions it becomes a very interesting, and occasionally important
measure of the rapidity of associations. For the ages above 10 years
there is no marked increase in ability to quickly respond. We expect
in our offenders of ordinary ability, response in average time of at
least 2" and with certainly not more than 2 or 3 errors. The private
school group at 4th grade gave average time 2", and 61 per cent, no
errors; in the 6th grade, time 1.6", and 87 per cent, no errors.

Test XVI. Motor Coordination Test. (See page 86.) Above 12
years old we expect from individuals of ordinary ability at least 60
squares tapped in 30" with not more than 3 or 4 errors. Various
physical conditions, of course, prevent good performance.

Tests XVII, XVIII, XIX. Writing, Arithmetic, and Reading. The
interpretation of these when schooling has been good is obvious; the
performance should be up to grade. Unfortunately, it is very difficult
to say that schooling has been suited to the needs of some pupils,
especially those with specialized defects of sensory or intellectual
faculties.

Test XX. Checkers. This test has been rarely given, but when a
game is played with care and foresight it is a sure indication of cer-
tain very good mental qualities — powers of analysis and foresight.

Test XXI. Reaction to Moral Questions. (See page 98.) This
test, rather infrequently given by us, may show both some indication
of powers of comprehension of a situation verbally presented, and
powers to analyze an ethical problem. The comprehension and

110

Chap. VI I] DANGERS OF INSUFFICIENl^ DATA [§ 83

analysis, irrespective of the exact solution offered, is most important.
From our group of offenders above 12 years, ordinary in ability, we
get reasonable answers, with some show of analysis of the situation as
correctly represented in their own mind.

Test XXII. Information. (See page 102.) The correct interpreta-
tion of answers to the questions given is obviously dependent on
en^'ironmental conditions as well as on mental ability, but a well-
rounded inquiry in either case serves as an indication of absence or
presence of those normal, healthy mental interests and opportunities
which are so important as a preventive of criminalistic ideas and
imageries.

Test XXIII. Pictorial Completion Test. (See Plate V.) At 11
years tliis test should be readily accomplished with not more than 1
or 2 final errors, and certainly not more than 1 illogical error. Most
of our group of normal offenders by 11 years do better than this, and
even some at 10 years do as well. With age there seems to be no
marked average increase of ability. The median or average perform-
ance for all in the group of those ordinary in ability above 10 years, is
1 final error and no illogical error.

The private school group does just about the same — at 11 years
the mark is set which, for at least 2 ensuing years, is not passed.
In this school, however, a good many below 1 1 years are able to do
the test without error, great variations occurring. The median error
above 10 years is the same as for the offenders.

The average time is about 3' and this does not vary greatly for ages
above 11 years. The erratic performance often seen in psychosis cases
has seemed very notable; indeed, hardly any other test has proved
so indicative of the aberrational tendencies, but, no doubt, some of the
really insane could perform the test readily. We have seen no feeble-
minded person, as yet, able to do it without error, although, on
account of the variance of special abilities which we so much in-
sist on, two or three have come within limits we prescribe as normal.
Looking over the brightest subjects at Vineland we found a young
man of 21 — Binet age of 10 — said to be perhaps the nearest to
normal of any boy in the institution, who accomplished the test with
only 1 logical error, but he took 16' for the task. Then one of the
brighter girls, 16 years old, — Binet age 11 — made only one logical
error, and did it in 3' 30". Both of these came very near to apper-
ceiving all the relationships depicted in the test; all the others of even
this brightest group fell much behind these performances, and none
of our feebleminded offenders has done so well.

§ 83. Dangers of Insuflacient Data. — As a last word on inter-
pretation we may warn against drawing conclusions from insuffi-
cient data as, for instance, the findings on a single test, or without
taking into consideration physical and environmental conditions.
In working with any group of considerable size, curious variations,
perhaps on a single test, will be found which must be interpreted

111

§ 83] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VII

for the individual person or in the light of peculiar conditions.
Then one must not forget the whole question of specialized de-
fects and special abilities, which we have concretely illustrated
in their proper place.

§ 84. E. Classification from Tests.

We have had surprisingly little trouble with the classification
of cases in the scale of mental ability and peculiarity as given
below. Perhaps that is because no preconceived standpoint was
taken, and divisions were not forced. We waited until the data
on about 250 offenders had accumulated, and then the results of
psychological tests were sorted by the method of allowing them
to fall into what seemed to be natural classes. This first work
was done with the help of outsiders who could not be prejudiced
by acquaintance with the cases. The classification, with more
exact definitions and some modifications, has stood the test of
time. In my course to professional people, working with dis-
guised synoptic case studies replete with abbreviations, both in-
structor and students have been surprised at the facility with
which a practical diagnosis could be rendered, corresponding
with the original classification made years before.

It must be strictly understood that such a classification is only
one part of the psychogram and, indeed, in some cases does not
even cover all the facts which can be learned from the giving of
tests. For instance, the possession of special capacities or disabili-
ties, and of peculiar traits of character, which may be learned
during the laboratory examination, is not accounted for in this
scheme, and must be added to the psychogram. Of course, one
would always like to know more of the individual than is expressed
in such categorical terms, but sometimes it is difficult to get a
chance to minutely study individual peculiarities. I should al-
ways insist, however, that an examination which did not go far
enough to enable the observer to place the offender in one of
these rough classifications was entirely inadequate for the pur-
poses of even first impressions. As a matter of fact, in our regular
court work we have seldom encountered a case which we could not
study to this extent.

With slight modification from the original statement in our
monograph on tests, the scheme of classification stands as
follows :

112

Chap. VII] CLASSIFICATION FROM TESTS [§ 84

A. Considerably above ordinary in ability and information — the
latter estimated with reference to age and social advantages.

B. Ordinary in ability and information — the latter estimated
v,iih reference to age and social advantages.

C. NatiA-e ability fair and formal educational advantages fail*
or good, but very poorly informed.

D. Native ability fair and formal educational advantages fair
or good.

E. Native ability distinctly good, but formal educational ad-
vantages poor.

F. Native ability fair and formal educational advantages poor.

G. Native ability poor and formal educational advantages poor.
H. Native ability poor and formal educational advantages good

or fair.

I. Dull, perhaps from ascertained physical causes, including some
cases of epilepsy.

J. Subnormal mentality — considerably more educability than
the feebleminded.

K. Moron.

L. Imbecile.

M. Psychoses.

For accurate understanding some comment on the above is
needed. It will be seen that above the group of subnormal there
are only three large subdivisions, the supernormals, the ordinary or
fair, and the poor in ability. There is some overlapping of defini-
tion, especially in the middle group, but we have found it very
difficult to avoid this. Those who are graded as fair are simply
those who do not make such a well-rounded presentation of them-
selves as to be called quite up to the ordinary, while yet one
would hesitate to denominate them poor. Consideration of any
such point brings us at once to the main question — what forms
our standard of norms for the different classes? To this we can
only reply, that we must work by the rough averages of the social
situation in which we find ourselves. Any one who attempts
to do otherwise and engage in finer calculations will find untold
intricacies. Let us remember that all mental classification is social
classification — even the insane man is one who is first noticeable
for not doing as others do. Let us remember Binet's acknowl-
edgment, that children of the bourgeoisie grade no less than a year
and a half above his published norms. After all, the practical
question is best answered by the fact that psychologically trained
workers coming to our Institute as assistants from time to time
have found little or no difficulty or disagreement with others in

113

§ 84] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VI I

using the above classification. Finer distinctions would bring
trouble.

Our estimation, " Formal educational advantages poor," in-
cludes no implication of cause, it may be due to chronic truancy
or to faulty environment. What we mean by mental subnor-
mality is set forth with some attempt at exactness in our chapter
on Mental Defect. The class entitled, " Dull, perhaps from physi-
cal causes," is intended to form a temporary pigeon-hole for the
class of cases that Witmer (142) and Holmes (141) have done so
much to emphasize. On many of these only a tentative state-
ment is possible. Perhaps with remedy of the physical condi-
tions there will be a show of mental betterment, or perhaps not.
Physical causes include general poor physical conditions, over-use
of narcotics and stimulants, bad sex habits, arrested develop-
ment, and epilepsy. All this is set forth, too, in connection with
our chapter on Mental Defect. It should be remembered from
the start that epilepsy may be correlated with anything from
supernormality to idiocy and insanity, and that sometimes an
apparent mental defect may clear up under successful treatment
for this disease.

Our classification into mental groups above subnormality is
made largely on a social basis — that is, our classification in a
general way is determined by the averages of the class of individuals
we see. It is obvious that if one were to take the findings on tests
for a picked and successful social class, the averages would be
much higher than for a lower social group. We have had to get
not only our own results, but to establish our general norms, and
for the latter we have purposely allowed a wide range of findings.
For example, interpretation one way or another of five or ten
seconds more or less on certain performance testS;, when the total
task takes on the average forty or fifty seconds, seems to us of
little value because of the many incidental causes of variation
which come in. Our so-called B Class consists of individuals who
do not make an exceptionally good or bad performance and who,
as a rule, have been able to keep up to their school grade if they
have had the social opportunity to do so. We have clearly
noted the fact that some individuals who have grouped in this
class might, if gauged by certain exceptional family and social
standards, be considered almost subnormal individuals. For
instance, we have seen a boy whose performance on school work
and on tests was up to the average of our general group, but who

114

Chap. VII] PSYCHOANALYSIS [§ 85

when measured by the unusual mental performances of his ex-
ceedingly brilliant family seemed and indeed was designated a
subnormal individual.

So it comes about that the study of any human individual by a
mere process of classification and registering results on tests with-
out reference to the relationship of abilities or disabilities to
environment, lacks in the common-sense elements which must be
introduced into any investigation which would fundamentally
deal in predictabilities, treatments, and preventions.

§ 85. F. Psychoanalysis.

One would prefer a term other than psychoanalysis for
the heading of this section, a term which savored less of
highly technical considerations and which would not suggest
acrid disputations on theories which have been built up from
the use of this method. Appreciation of the vital principles
involved in the method is not confined to one school, in spite
of the recent tendency to fit the term psychoanalysis into
the mold of one particular scheme of interpretation. Again, in
this matter we are not concerned with general theories. We
want facts which can be used for understanding a given case.

This method in varying measure is available for the study of
offenders, and in accordance with well-known curative principles
brilliant results maj^ ensue. Our interest in the psychoanalj^ic
method has been only aroused by the common-sense explanations
and therapeutic results it has given us. The application to the
study of misconduct is a natural evolution, although its main
use lately has centered about treatment of the psychoneuroses.
Indeed, some of the best technicians speak of it as being fundamen-
tally a study of motives, and this fact is brought out even more
strongly in the title of a recently started periodical, " The Psy-
choanalytic Review — a Journal Devoted to the Understanding
of Human Conduct" (132). From all this it is seen that we may
perhaps best adopt the general term psychoanalysis, even if we
omit very much of the matter discussed under that head. Many
of the facts and some of the principles of this rapidly developing
branch of psychological science are still sub judice, and others we
are not at all sure concern us in our study of offenders.

In developing the simplest statement about the technic and
usefulness of this method for our work we draw at various points

115

§ 85] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VII

upon the voluminous literature.^ From this we soon learn that
the whole structure of the psychoanalytic method rests upon one
foundation — that for explanation of all human behavior tenden-
cies we must seek the mental and environmental experiences of
early life. If one traces back the driving forces of conduct in any
normally minded individual, one finds their first springs so far
away that the intervening links of relationship are not quickly
perceived. Up through the aisles of time the mental individual
has progressed by steps that are now forgotten, and by paths
which may have been dimmed to consciousness in the passing.
The psychoanalytic method, first and foremost, invokes retracing
the steps which progressively formed the whole character; hence it
bespeaks utmost value for students of social misconduct.

It is clear that the technic of the method must take account of
facts and laws conditioning the activity of mental processes. Of
prime importance is the discovery that tracing connected mental
experiences soon leads to that huge portion of the life of the indi-
vidual not for the moment in consciousness. Many times the
chains of causal nexus lead in and out of subconscious life; some
links of experience stand out clear and sharp above the threshold
of realization, and other linked groups of activities remain below.
Some psychologists have laid much stress on the structure of that
vast world of mentality which is not naively perceived as being

1 I am accustomed to ask my students to get, in all fairmindedness, their
first acquaintance with psychoanalysis through sympathetic exposition. Put-
nam's paper on "Etiology and Treatment of Psychoneuroses " (133) and
Meyer's (153) discussion of fundamental issues form splendid first statements
for any one. White's monograph on "Mental Mechanisms" (134) gives a
soimd presentation of many bearings interesting to the general reader. For
a simple historical presentation Freud's own lectm-es (135) at Clark Uni-
versity are to be highly recommended. A clear-cut protest against certain
criticisms is found in Putnam's "Comments on Sex Issues" (136). A much
more technical and thorough presentation of the whole subject is found in
Hitschmann's "Freud's Theory of the Nemoses" (137), recently translated.
Brill's " Psychanalysis " (138) is calculated to offer a free general statement of
the whole subject. Jones (139) has written brilliantly of many phases, and
we would especially recommend here his essays on educational subjects.
Much of the Uterature in German is very difficult and is scattered in various
periodicals and in separate works. The deep student of the subject wiUonly
be satisfied with original sources. A painstaking survey of the important find-
ings, with much original observation, devoted to the purposes of pedagogy,
comes recently from the pen of the pastor and teacher, Oskar Pfister (140).
For a review of the literature see the edition of Hitschmann mentioned above.
Notwithstanding tomes of argumentation, there has been really very httle
constructive criticism of Freud's development of technic. As a possible
example of the latter, reference should be made to Sidis's (145) various arti-
cles. However, he and many other critics use the general methods of psycho-
analysis.

116

Chap. Vll] PSYCHOANALYSIS [§ 85

part of one's individuality; the technic of psychoanalysis has come,
on the other hand, to reckon closely with its dynamics. Latent
memories must be called up; one never realizes how much of the
forgotten, once conscious past, or even of the unconsciously ex-
perienced past there is that can be remembered.

The term psychogenesis is frequently used in discussion of
tendencies traceable by psychoanalytic methods. This term
implies that the given tendency spoken of as originating in the
mind sprang from reactions which were essentially mental activi-
ties. The reactions, of course, are either to environmental expe-
riences, direct or indirect, or to other mental experiences. The
important facts of psychogenesis are, then, only to be learned
through knowledge of the dynamics, the laws of mental activity,
which condition conscious and subconscious reactions. The user of
this psychoanal}iic method has constantly to work with active
consequential relationships. No other part of psychological study
is so keenly alive to the actual forces of mental life.

The exponents of psychoanalysis have ever alleged, despite
superficial criticism to the contrary, that original reaction to experi-
ence was partly determined by structural conditions derived from
hereditary or congenital sources. The following seems a fair state-
ment of psychical genetics. From early environmental experi-
ences, reacting on the original organism, arose a reactive tend-
ency, a character. From now on all future behavior reactions
must have a three-fold parentage — the new experience (oppor-
tunity we called it above in thinking of our offenders), the innate
functional potentialities of the individual, and the reactive tend-
ency or character already formed. Which one of these mainly
engenders any given act of conduct it may be very hard to deter-
mine, but two things are sure — innate conditions are unalter-
able and new experiences are always crow^ding in. Concerning
the reactive tendency, that is the business of psychoanalysis. Thus
we see how much of the field of characterology psychoanalysis may
possibly cover.

Induced introspection is the principal method of psychoanalysis.
The subject in an atmosphere of perfect calm is asked to remember,
to remember; letting the machinery of associated processes have
full sway in pulling up for inspection each link of the chain of
mental causation which reaches gradually into the past. There
are really many chains, and skilled guidance is needed for keeping
the right one centered in the field of view. Many links, of course,

117

§ 85] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VII

are unimportant and can be rapidly passed by. Tangles are met
which must be straightened out, if possible, and sometimes there
are interferences, technically known as resistances, to be over-
come. In these hindrances perhaps the machinery fails to work
well because of deep-set and hardly conscious lack of desire to co-
operate. So quietness and good will, skilled questioning without
undue suggestion, and, above all, sympathetic understanding, are
indispensable to the inquiry.

Some have tried to develop other ways of getting acquainted
with the facts of mental life locked up for the moment in subcon-
sciousness. There has been considerable advocacy of Jung's (142)
method of using association reactions to stimulus words. Putnam
terms this a sort of concentrated conversation. So far we have not
found this scheme pregnant with results for our study of offenders.
Then comes the vastly disputed field of interpretation of symbols
and of dreams. We ourselves see at the present youthful stage of
development of the psychoanalytic method, no reason in our de-
partment of study to deal much with these disputed points.^
The technic best suited for work with offenders undoubtedly is
that of uncontrolled or free association, simply guiding the sub-
ject in the bringing of his related experiences up to consciousness.

Many of the limitations and the possibilities of the application of
this method will at once occur to the reader. Without good will
nothing can be accomplished, but often, however, good will can
be created. If the inquirer is willing to spend sympathetically so
much effort in the services of the subject, that in itself should be
a bid for his good will. If one reads of the long months over which
interviews continue in the difficult cases handled by tne neurolo-
gists, discouragement for this method of study ensues. But we
can offer a contribution on both the above points that puts a dif-
ferent face on the matter. In the first place, we have found that
in working with individuals near the beginning of their careers
the essential facts are much more easily obtainable. Perhaps this
is because in the formative years the subjects themselves are
more naive and pliant, and are looking forward to possible changes
in their careers; and certainly it must be partly because the im-
portant facts of origin are nearer the surface of mental life.. As

^ We have no sympathy with the grotesque fabrication of symbolisms, such
as have been offered for the interpretation of the phenomena of "klepto-
mania," vide Stekel (143), and it is only fair to state that the most authorita-
tive exponents of psychoanalysis decry this exaggerated effort.

118

Chap. VIIJ PSYCHOANALYSIS [§ 85

the years go on, more and more strata of experience are deposited in
the memory, and deeper are buried the beginnings of character
tendencies; it is harder, for geological reasons, as it were, to pull
up the facts into consciousness. Then, too, difficulties arise as
side issues in the form of pride, grudge, hopelessness and estab-
lishment of mental habits.

It is repeatedly urged that mental flexibility is necessary for the
therapeutic success of psychoanalysis, and that consequently age
and unintelligence are barriers. We have purposely worked for
the most part with adolescents. With children we have often
found it possible to get the needed information in a few interviews,
although even at this age rare cases have been met which showed
undoubted mental conflict problems in the background, while
our efforts proved unavailing for ascertainment of the facts. In
working with adolescents, we have found vast differences of
reaction in different individuals, and in relation to the time
which has elapsed since the vital experience occurred. In some of
the older cases we perceive at once the difficulties that the neu-
rologists encounter; careers are set which probably could at one
time have been modified. Very much more work will have to be
done with adult offenders before anything like a final estimate can
be given of the value of the method as a whole for this particular
class. In the case of the comparatively young and intelligent
adult delinquent, we find evidences ourselves that the value is great,
and note corroboration of this in the literature, vide Pfister (140).
For faults of conduct it may not be necessary to go so deeply as
for faults of nervous function, with which most psychoanalysts
have been engaged. At any rate, with much less work than they
have generally prescribed, we have achieved knowledge of facts,
and reached the eminently satisfactory therapeutic results outlined
in some of our sample case studies.

This simple review of the method and intent of psychoanalysis
is not satisfactory without some word of what is revealed by the
use of the method. Full of meaning for us are the following main
discoveries: Very much that is formative of character does not
appear above the surface. Active interreactions of mental ele-
ments may be all unconsciously the motive forces of conduct.
Experiences which come to the individual with a great deal of
emotional context are likely to cause the greatest amount of re-
action. As through life in general so here, experiences, either
inner or outer, related to sex life, in the broadest sense, show the

119

§ 85] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VII

strongest and subtlest reactions. Mental shock, psychic trauma,
is produced frequently by experiences of which dearest relatives
may be ignorant. These traumata are experienced most frequently
in young childhood. Mental conflicts occur on the basis of either
outward experiences, physical sensations, or pure ideation, at ages
so early as to be unsuspected. These conflicts may be entirely
repressed, but do not thereby lose their force and significance for
the formation of character tendencies. Repression of that which
naturally needs expression is followed by reaction, which may
vent itself mostly in the organism or show as anomalies of con-
duct. The cause of habit formations of many sorts is deeper
than appears on the surface, many of them being vicarious ex-
pressions of hidden and even unconscious impulses to action.
Much more might be said, but the above is sufficient to indicate
the scope of the findings of psychoanalysis, aside from an involve-
ment of technical issues.

For our specific ends the general points mentioned above offer
much, but in addition one can add that early mental experiences
and strange, altogether hidden, mental conflicts have arranged the
destinies of many a chronic offender. We are not at all convinced
that the sole source of mental conflict is some experience with the
sex instinct; there are other causes of emotional disturbance
which strike deeply into the mental organism. Taking cases as
they come, we find an immense amount of inner mental disturb-
ance at the background of stealing and other delinquencies. Such
disturbance often forms an attitude of mind showing itself either
as grudge, or hopelessness, or as a tendency to seek relief in mis-
conduct, — all directly leading to a delinquent career.

The therapeutic effects of the application of the psychoanalytic
method to the study of offenders prove in some instances nothing
short of brilliant. Such results would warrant from every stand-
point the expenditure of much effort. The success has always
been alleged to be largely due to the mere exploration itself,
the bringing to consciousness of the causal steps, which were
not known before to exist as such. It is just the bringing of the
facts to light, say some, that does the good. And in our experi-
ence it does seem sometimes as if J:he subject, in pulling up parts
of his mental past and seeing their connections, does say to him-
self, "That's so; now I know why I did this thing." Any of
us can have this explanatory experience by applying the analysis
to every day phenomena, such as memory lapses and slips of

120

Chap. VIl] PSYCHOLOGICAL LMPRESSIONS — THE PSYCHOGRAM [§ 86

the tongue, which the psychoanalyst shows us have deeper roots
in our prior mental life than would naturally be expected. Now
it is to be readily conceived that self-consciousness of the origin
of a fault might prove the first step, and perhaps a long one,
towards its cure.

By merely showing to the subject, through hauling up the
contents of his own mental reservoirs, what his failure is based
on, may not prove sufficient, if environmental or physical con-
ditions, which serve as two of the three instigating causes, are
still irritating as of old. Various reasons will readily suggest
themselves why this should be so. Habits and thoughts and
tendencies of years' standing are not to be lightly overcome if
nothing but added knowledge is to stand up against them. Re-
education and helpful new interests from the outside are also
frequently necessary. For energies which previously found
outlet in socially undesirable behavior, " substitution " must
be made possible by discovery of a junction point where now,
by conscious volition, shunting on to another track can take
place. More of this, however, and more of the whole subject will
be appreciated by study of the concrete issues. We purposely
refrain from introducing more technical considerations and
terminology. We resist also the temptation to illustrate here
the simple points mentioned in this our little primer of psy-
choanalysis, and ask the reader carefully to study the living facts
as given in our chapter on Mental Conflicts.

§ 86. G. Psychological Impressions. The Psychogram.

Logically, the development of the psychogram should be con-
sidered here, but as a matter of fact this ground has nearly all
been covered before. In the first part of our discussion on mental
tests (§ 54) we formulated our plan of inquiry, and the answer
to the problems there propounded forms exactly the psycho-
gram. WTiat is needed is a statement of all psychological points
which offer a likelihood of bearing on delinquency. Under the
six headings given in § 54 the field is plotted. Close statement
of the psychological diagnosis is of course desirable.^ For in-

^ With the development of our science more and more attention is going
to be paid to writing up a psychogram. The best general reference work for
the student on this subject is the volume by Stern (79), from which valuable
ideas may be drawn. From several quarters has come the suggestion that
comparative evaluation of mental traits and qualities be stated according

121

§ 86] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VII

stance, if the individual is a specialized defective, what is the
nature of his defect, and so on.

The first psychological impressions should be carefully written
immediately after the observational work has been done. The
later statement, after all the case material has been worked up,
forms the final impressions or psychogram. Sometimes for
formulation of this a page or two of typewriting is necessary,
but sometimes only a paragraph is required in its proper place
on the sheet which represents the final summarizing of the case.

§ 87. STimmarizing of Case.

Under the head of Diagnostic Summary, in our § 48 on
records, we gave the outline of a logical scheme. In the five
paragraphs we propose to present all of the salient facts which
in any way focus upon the problem of delinquency. This is not
at all for enumerative purposes, but is to be strictly regarded
as a study of antecedent and consequent, both in the past and
in the future. The form of this scheme was a gradual develop-
ment, and has proven so far to be much the best form for
rational presentation of the accumulated facts that we have
ever seen. In fact, we cannot over-emphasize the value that
accrues both to the studied individual and to the observer from
this type of studious representation of the case. By this method
of selecting apparent causative factors we can keep ourselves
freest from the tendency unscientifically to attribute everything
to a single cause, and from otherwise drawing unsafe conclusions.
The only rational way to proceed is to investigate all probable
sources and then fairly and squarely to set the facts down in
relationship one to the other. As Devon says, " Mere discovery

to a numerical scale. For instance, Rossolimo (278) has a scheme for indicating
the comparative strength of psychic processes on a decimal scale — the unit
being the highest known manifestations. In the Trait Book of Davenport
(277) we find it recommended to assign grades to mental quaUties on a scale
of five units, in which one and five (the lowest and highest grades) are as-
signed to the best or the worst found in study of 1000 cases of the whole
population; the grades two and four, distinctly above or below the ordinary,
are for results obtained on the average in one out of 50 cases. Grade three
is for the ordinary. Van Dijck (168) in his psychobiographical studies of
criminals uses a system of plus and minus signs. Woods (279) in researches
into the personal characteristics of royalty proceeds on a basis of ten points
for each quahty. Other minor studies known to us have the same basis.
We would counsel in oiu- field extreme caution in the use of this method, at
least for a long time to come, until there has been estabhshed a very much
greater body of information on norms, even of special classes of persons, than
has yet been gathered.

122

Chap. VII] SUMMARIZING OF CASE [§ 87

of facts means nothing unless they are shown to have causal
connection with dehnquency."

Nothing should make all these points clearer than the careful
perusal of actual summaries of cases. We append herewith
some examples for this purpose.

Mrs. A. C. No. 000. March 3, 1905.

Age 35.

Physically in very good general condition. Strong and vivacious.
Good color. Seven months pregnant.

Mentally: psychosis — for details see psychological impressions.

Delinquencies: misrepresentation; swindling; neglecting family.

Causative factors: (a) heredity. Comes from a family notorious
for alcoholism and general bad behavior, but no insanity known.
(6) puerperal conditions. We have the account of a prior attack of
mental excitation at about the time of the birth of another child;
(c) alcoholism, as indulged in during the last few months.

The outlook for this case is temporarily poor, but perhaps good in
the long run, since she now shows characteristics quite changed from
those of her normal self. She should be immediately taken care of
in some hospital and mthout the excitement of a trial for insanity.
We referred her to the Mental Hygiene Society. The welfare of the
unborn child is to be thought of as well as of the mother's own well-
being.

John Doe. Age 16. No. 111. Sept. 26, 1908.

Physically: very good general condition. Strong, active boy,
slouchy tyge. Sex development, adult.

Mentally, high-grade feebleminded — Moron.

Delinquencies consist in earlier truancy — was once in institution
on account of this; general mean behavior earlier at home; recent
vicious sex assault upon a boy.

Causative factors: (a) mentality as above. The boy has been in an
institution for the feebleminded for a couple of years; (6) lack of
family control. The father was rather an irresponsible character and
the family has broken up; (c) proportionate sex over-development and
{d) alcohol. Up to the day of the assault this boy had been doing
quite well at work, but he was given whiskey to drink and the offense
quickly followed. (The causation of the mental defect was never satis-
factorily obtained. The father was previously a drinking man, but
now holds a good position. The mother is long since dead. She
was said to have had some education.)

The outlook is altogether bad in a community where he can get
alcohol. He might do well on a farm where he was free from tempta-
tion to drink. He has succeeded industrially since leaving the school
for the feebleminded over a year ago. Under the circumstances he
should be returned.

123

§ 87] WORKING METHODS [Chap. VII

Adele B. Age 15. No. 222. March 8, 1907.

This girl is magnificently endowed physically. She is strong and
well and has a considerable measure of good looks. She had an early
puberty and is much over-developed in sex characteristics for her age.
We note a rather mask-like expression, typical of some prostitutes.

Mentally, this girl has distinctly good ability and has a very good
range of interests. She belongs in our B class. Is rather a sugges-
tible type. Considering her advantages she has read many good
books. She has a distinctly refined attitude towards her delinquen-
cies, as shown in her manner of relating them.

Delinquencies: excessive sex immorality since she was ten years
old. She has already been once in a reformatory school.

Causative factors: (a) heredity. Father alcoholic. Mother im-
moral. Maternal uncle criminalistic; (b) mother's influence. She
has been flagrantly immoral herself and has made light of this girl's
transgressions, if she has not deliberately urged them; (c) early
maturity and magnificent physique.

Prognosis: notwithstanding this girl's bad background in heredity
and environmental conditions, she shows certain qualities which speak
in favor of her reformation. Her good mental ability and good in-
terests, and her refined behavior are encouraging. Her physical
over- development at present rather speaks against her chances, but
she may develop self-control. Her suggestibility may be used to
her advantage. This is a case in which better environment under
good personal influences may produce an entirely different result
from that of the past. She is probably worth doing much for.

Mary Doe. Age 18. No. 333. Sept. 26, 1911.

Physical: Very well developed and nourished. Pleasant features
and expression. No sensory defects of importance. Examination
otherwise negative.

Mental: Notwithstanding the fact that this girl never got beyond
third grade, we find her to have quite fair mental ability. We were
astonished to see her good performance on some tests. She has good
mental control and is well oriented in all ways. She has much motor
dexterity. Not the slightest evidence of aberrancy found, although
her relatives say she must be crazy to do what she has done. Mental
diagnosis; good ability with exceedingly poor educational advan-
tages.

Delinquencies: Repeated stealing over a considerable period in de-
partment stores where she has been employed. At one time she was
stealing by a system which she had evolved.

Causative factors: (a) heredity. Parents are dead, but from other
relatives we gain nothing but negative evidence. The whole family
have good reputation; (6) developmental history. This, except for
ordinary children's ailments, is negative; (c) environmental condi-
tions during childhood were not especially good on account of pov-

124

Chap. VII] SUMMARIZING OF CASE [§ 87

erty which in turn was caused by much illness in the family. How-
ever, we do not know this has direct bearing; (d) much more
important is the fact that the girl had exceedingly poor educational
advantages on account of frequent changes of abode and being kept at
home on account of family illness; from this has come (e) a dearth
of healthy mental interests. The girl is a great reader, but only of the
cheapest literature and the sensational daily newspapers; (/) prob-
ably the most important factor is due to mental conflict over sex
affairs. She has had no guiding hand and ever since her childhood
has been hearing of these things from bad sources. Many of her
occupational acquaintances tell her of the easy money they make
in these ways and are able to indulge in dress and pleasures which are
beyond her. Apparently she has always rejected the advances which
had naturally come to her as an attractive girl among immoral asso-
ciates, but has thought much about it. (Note her own story.) As
a definite reaction to this, she has got to stealing; (g) bad companions.
The outlook we should consider distinctly good under different en-
vironmental conditions and if some good woman will give her a
helping hand. The mental mechanism back of her misconduct has
been frequently observed by us and the best of results have been
obtained when constructive measures have been offered under pro-
bation. Change of occupation, friendship with some woman compe-
tent to become her confidant, adviser and helper, and development of
healthy mental interests we feel sure will do what is needed.

125

§ 88] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

CHAPTER VIII

Statistics ^

§ 88. The Basis of Valuable Statistics. § 89. Characteristics of Our Group
of Cases. § 90. Interpretation of Statistical Findings. § 91. Group II.
Summary of Causative Factors by Groups and Totals. § 92. Analysis of
Mental Abnormalities and Peculiarities. § 93. Analysis of Defective
Home Conditions. § 94. Analysis of Mental Conflicts. § 95. Analysis
of Improper Sex Experiences. § 96. Bad Companions. § 97. Analysis of
Abnormal Physical Conditions. § 98. Analysis of Defective and Unsatis-
fied Interests. § 99. Analysis of Defective Early Developmental Condi-
tions. § 100. Analysis of Mental Shock. § 101. Analysis of Stimulants
and Narcotics. § 102. Experiences Under Legal Detention. § 103.
Group I. Statistics of Psychological Classification of 1000 Young Re-
peated Offenders. § 104. Offenses of 1000 Young Repeated Offenders,
(a) 694 Male Offenders, (b) 306 Female Offenders. § 105. Statistics of
Weight Correlated with Age. § 106. Statistics of "Stigmata of Degen-
eracy." § 107. Statistics of Epilepsy. § 108. Numerical Family Table.
§109. Family Conditions. §110. Statistics of Illegitimacy. § 111. Birth-
place of Offenders. § 112. Birthplace of Parents. § 113. Previous Insti-
tutional Life. § 114. Religion. Education. § 115. Alcoholism of
Parents. § 116. Statistics on Heredity.

§ 88. The Basis of Valuable Statistics. — By far the most
important statistics of causation, indeed almost the only ones
worth deep consideration, are those gathered from well-rounded
study, enumeration, and analysis of the factors which stand in
direct logical relationship to delinquency in the individual. One
might easily pick out all sorts of isolated facts, for example,
defective eyesight, or low family wages, and show them to have
certain correlations with delinquency. However, even if the
correlations show higher than for non-delinquents, their signifi-
cance is not in the least proven without the establishment of

1 A pertinent inquiry, partially answered above, would be, why in a text
book there is so httle space given to statistics from other sources. Putting
aside the question of the comparison of foreign statistics with American con-
ditions, we may say that nowhere could be found, except on special
points, what was needed for the elucidation of our problem, namely, that of
gaining understanding of the individual. Perhaps Gruhle (147) comes the
nearest, but this author stops far short of putting together all that might have
been known about the small group he studied. We insist again that statistics
on isolated facts are, in general, unsafe for us. Many case histories scattered
in recent German Uterature contain just the type of information we ourselves
have gathered, but except in dealing with certain small classes no figures for
groups have been discovered. The clearing of the ground by the statistics
gained from just such work as that of Goring (160), which throws a great
light on some single vital point, is most important.

126

Chap. Vlll] CH-\RACTERISTICS OF OUR GROUP OF CASES [§ 89

norms for the social groups from which the dehnquent came,
particularly if, when it comes to facing actual cases, other factors
are found which stand in vastly more direct relationship to the
delinquency. The offender w4th bad eyesight, from a family of
poor earners, may be the victim of obsessional mental imagery,
or of character-destroying habits, or mental defects — any one
of which conditions is known to produce delinquent tendencies
with or without bad eyesight and poverty. Then, on the con-
trary, plenty of individuals from poorly-paid families or with
bad eyesight have not at all turned towards delinquency.
Thus the only efficient method of gathering highly valuable
statistics of delinquent causation is to proceed by scheduling
evaluated facts as they are discerned through study of the
individual offender.

The enumerative results offered in this chapter have nearly
all been produced according to the criticism of values offered
above. Our first gathering of statistics, three or four years ago,
by the accumulation of isolated facts, in the manner of the pre-
vailing methods of criminology, led to nothing serviceable for
a scientific and practical study of delinquency, such as was our
aim. The lesson learned from this attempt was that we ought
not to proceed along any such scientifically dangerous path.
The critique of methods used in working up the individual case
for diagnosis and prognosis is fundamental for the production of
essentially valuable statistics. Since our early abortive attempt,
we have entirely enumerated the factors by first setting them in
rough chronological order, as they apparently produced the career
of the offender, afterwards estimating them as far as possible in
their relative importance. A survey of the method is to be ob-
tq,ined by study of the case summaries (§ 87) and the card sys-
tem of causative factors. We regard the establishment of these
modes of procedure as one of our best contributions.

§ 89. Characteristics of Our Group of Cases. — Our figures
are based on the study of 1000 repeated offenders (Group I) seen
during the years 1909 to 1914. We early conceived the value
of dealing for all enumerative purposes with a homogeneous
group. The phenomenon of recidivism appeared so striking that
it was used as the criterion for selection of the series of cases.
Judgment as to recidivism was based on the grounds already
given in the Introduction. Many facts might be tabulated for
the whole 1000, and some of these are elaborated in the succeed-

127

§ 89] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

ing tables, but careful after-criticism has led to the judgment
that 823 cases only (Group II), are to be regarded as studied
sufficiently well by the completer methods we have insisted on,
to be used for satisfactory comparison of causative factors. Then
in our special study of heredity, for reasons given below (§116),
there was further selection of 668 cases (Group III).

For the most part the values of the facts speak for themselves.
Taken as a whole, the chief importance of the comparative sta-
tistics of causative factors undoubtedly lies in their urgent call
for just the type of study upon which the statistics themselves
were built. The number of cases is too small from which to
draw many statistical conclusions. To be sure, the changes
might be rung on various groups of facts, many of which we have
not even introduced, but to no more purpose than when the same
type of work has been done in other quarters. Some few tables,
such as the age-weight charts, are significant, but we are ever
inclined to caution about the specific application of even major
findings to the individual case, unless they are in the given in-
stance shown to be probable causative influences. Interesting
though it is, for example, to note the physical over-development
of girl offenders, one must logically hesitate to give excess of
physique as a factor unless there is good reason to consider it
as a causal antecedent in the actual instance. Tables showing high
correlations between offense and antecedent merely indicate the
direction in which to look for causes; they do not prove the
existence of any cause in any case.

Early in this volume we dwelt on our choice of ages for study.
Our observations cover offenders from 6 years, at which age
we have noted several cases of strongly developed delinquent
tendencies, to adult life. We have purposely busied ourselv.es
with only a few above 20 years; there are, of course, compara-
tively few recidivists under 10; so our total material clusters
well about the average age, which is 15}^ years.

The proportion of sexes studied by us is about the ratio of
juvenile offenders as they come before a cosmopolitan court.
It represents no selection by us; we have always taken cases
as they have been brought.

Indeed, our material for enumeration has not been selected by
us in any way except on the basis of backsliding. The choice
by others who bring cases to us involves simply the fact of the
offender being a " problem case," the solution of which by the

128

CiiAP. VIIl] INTERPRETATION OF* STATISTICAL FINDINGS [§ 90

ordinary methods of family treatment or court decree was not
readily to be discerned. (Non-repeaters have been seen by us,
but they have been studied much less thoroughly, and have never
been placed in our series, except when later they may have be-
come recidivists.) Selection of " problem cases " for us has in-
volved, without question, our seeing a somewhat unduly large
number of cases of mental abnormality. However, even such
cases hardly present the difficult problems which other more
normally minded individuals sometimes offer, and this fact has
made somewhat for the balancing of our material. Taking it
altogether, notwithstanding years of experience with our large
material, I hesitate even to suggest exact figures on percentages
of types which come before juvenile or other courts.^

§ 90. Interpretation of Statistical Findings. — For the inter-
pretation of many general statistics, local conditions of economic
welfare, nationality, police regulation, truancy, consumption
of alcohol and so on, should be taken into account. My obser-
vations would lead me to believe, for instance, that vastly more
delinquency could be attributed to poverty in London than in
Chicago, that far slighter offenses lead to police interference
in New England than in the West, that truancy is rare in cer-
tain German cities, and so on, A word about our not finding
poverty to be a very large causative factor is here in order. Local
conditions of relative financial welfare in Chicago constitute
part of the explanation — in clinical and court experience here
one rarely indeed sees the physical evidences of poverty which
simply abound in some European cities. Then, on the other
hand, in contravention of the first impulse to attribute much to
poverty, one finds either other members of the same poor family

1 Here it is of interest to compare certain findings and statements of
Goddard (151) and his helpers, drawn from the observation of small groups in
courts by the Binet system. Since we have largely avoided first offenders, and
undoubtedly have seen most of the easily discernible mental defectives ap-
pearing in court dm-ing our connection with it, our results are certainly not
to be taken as fair indications of total percentages, and yet they range lower
than Goddard's estimation. (A very careful research on large numbers by
Dr. Augusta Bronner, that has been going on for some time, is showing noth-
ing like the large niunbers of defectives that have been alleged to appear in
juvenile courts.) Observation of a very large unselected group of offenders,
such as Britton {vide Churchill and Britton, 150) made in his study of physical
conditions, is absolutely the only logical basis of percentages, and even then
the figures may only prove true for the given locaUty. In this connection,
again, I should inrge the weakness of isolated facts, even though so apparently
valuable as those obtained by the Binet tests. For more on this point of
judgment by mental tests alone, note our chapter on Mental Defect.

129

§ 90] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

living righteously, or that the poverty itself arose from an anterior
factor, such as alcoholism or mental defect, which often is the
progenitor of both poverty and delinquency.

As being of greatest importance, we shall first present our
enumeration of causative factors, — under their general heads,
and then as analyzed in detail.^ The latter will include the
findings concerning the equipment of offenders, both mental
and physical. Then will come the table of offenses, and finally
statistics and charts of facts which have significance for students
of criminology in general. The latter are given for what they are
worth; some of them point one way and some another. Certain
of the special findings, for instance, those on heredity, deserve
to carry great weight.

It will be seen in our studies of types of causation that we
fully recognize the fact that certain important factors in the
production of delinquency, such as mental habit, imagery, etc.,
are hardly at all open to enumeration. Statistics will never tell
iJie loliole story.

§ 91. Group II. Summary of Causative Factors by Groups
and Totals in 823 Cases — 560 Males, 263 Females.

Number Number Total
of times of times nnrnher

Groups of Causative Factors. ^^toX^'^ ^^toX^^ of times

„ • - appeared

mam mmor „q factor

factor. factor. as 1 actor.

Mental abnormalities and pecul-
iarities 455 135 590

Defective home conditions, includ-
ing alcoholism 162 394 556

Mental conflict {vide infra) .... 58 15 73

Improper sex experiences and habits 46 146 192

Bad companions 44 235 279

Abnormal physical conditions, in-
cluding excessive development . 40 233 273

Defects of heredity 502 502

Defective or unsatisfied interests, in-
cluding misuse or nonuse of special
abilities 16 93 109

Defective early developmental con-
ditions 214 214 :

1 For most of the work in arraying and enumerating our collected facts and
summaries of findings, we are deeply indebted to Miss Frances Porter, who
has with much inteUigence and painstaking effort carried out a prolonged
task.

130

Chap. VIIl] ANALYSIS OF MENTAL ABNORMALITIES [§ 92

Mental shock 3 3

Deliberate choice 1 1

Sold by parent 1 1

Use of stimulants or narcotics ... 92 92

Experiences under legal detention . 15 15

Educational defects extreme ... 20 20

823 2097 2920

Reference to the tables of analyzed groups of factors will be
necessary before complete understanding of the above summary
can be obtained. However, the numerical proportions of the
various groups, even in their bareness, are of great interest.

There is undoubtedly some unfairness about the relativity of
the times mental conflict appears as a cause. During our first
two years we were not nearly so alive ,to the discovery of this
factor because, although we early listed it as a factor, we desired
longer observation of typical cases before feeling justified in spend-
ing the long time in study that most cases of the kind demand.
To a less degree this same criticism could be made against the
number of times we discovered the influence of bad sex experi-
ences and habits; occasionally these facts are carefully hidden,
but, after all, not so often as one would suspect.

The totals of analyzed minor factors will not agree with the
group totals of minor factors, because under one group head several
registerable conditions may be factors and yet are only counted
once. For example, under home conditions in a single case we
may have alcoholism, poverty and marked lack of parental
control; these are enumerated separately under the head of
analyzed home conditions, but in the summary appear registered
altogether as simply one case where home conditions were defec-
tive.

§ 92. Group II. Analysis of Mental Abnormalities and
Peculiar Mental Characteristics.

Number Number

of times of times

appears appears

as a as a

major minor

factor. factor.

Defective types:

Poor native mental ability 6 5

Mental subnormality 66 2

Feeblemindedness — moron 87

131

§ 92] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

Feeblemindedness — imbecile 5

Dull, perhaps from ascertained physical causes,

including some cases of epilepsy 28 5

Specialized defects, including defect in self-
control 16 8

Aberrational types:

Epileptic mentality — variable 60 3

Hysteria — with well-marked mental mani-
festations 12 2

Psychoses:

Paranoia 4

Dementia precox 6

Juvenile paresis 1

Manic depressive insanity 2

Confusional excitement during pregnancy . .. 1
Major psychoses not further classified by us .34
Minor psychoses not further classified by us
— this includes some cases of so-called men-
strual psychosis 17 1

Adolescent or pubertal, temporary psychoses . 4

Choreic psychoses . 2

Traumatic psychoses ' 3

Hypomania; constitutional excitement ... 2

Amnesic fugues . 1

Temporary psychoses 3

Peculiar mental characteristics:

Adolescent instability, marked cases 30 61

Social suggestibility extreme . 9 6

Love of adventure extreme ......... 5 5

Marked sensual type 6 10

Constitutional inferiority, including marked neu-
rasthenic and psychopathic types 20 2

Extreme stubborn, reckless, self-assertive type .3 3

Marked criminalistic impulses on unanalyzed

mental basis 12

Extreme laziness, in spite of very good physical

and mental endowment 1

Hypersensitiveness 2 1

High mental ability — only in connection with

unsatisfied interests 3 2

Obsessed by mental imagery . 1 5

Racial characteristics extreme, negro, Indian,

or both 3 5

455

Definitions of the terms used above in enumerating defective
types will be found best in the chapter on case studies of Mental

132

Chap. Vlll] ANALYSIS OF MENTAL ABNOR^L\LITIES [§ 92

Defect. A considerable number of the psychosis cases could
not be finally diagnosed in the time at our disposal; indeed,
later inquiry at the hospitals for the insane to which some of
the offenders had been sent often brought forth only a tentative
statement. (For the non-professional reader we should state
that many cases of insanity have to go through a considerable
period of evolution before they can be ultimately classified accord-
ing to categories at present available.) Mental confusion, hebe-
tude, delusions, or other break-down of function forced the recog-
nition of a psj^chosis; the giving of a name would have added
nothing explanatory, and scientifically was most often inadmis-
sible. Cases of insanity with very well marked symptoms very
evidently are recognized and handled as such before they get
into court primarily as offenders. Many of those seen by us may
be said to have had comparatively masked characteristics. So
far as recounting symptoms may be concerned, we have found
mostly weakened functions with slowness, confusion, and inac-
curacy of mental reactions. Delusional states are less frequent,
as are also the excited conditions. To obtain correct ideas of
the correlation of different types of insanity with delinquencies,
the records of the population of penal mstitutions, of general
hospitals for the insane, as well as for the criminal insane, would
have to be studied for this purpose.

For our definitions and the significance of the various minor
psychoses and peculiar mental characteristics, reference should
be made to our case studies. The nature of the work has led to
our seeing an unusually large number of not only border-line,
but also of temporary, pubertal or adolescent and other minor
psychoses. We get also major psychoses in their earlier evolution,
when the outcome is not determinable. No doubt a certain
few of those classified above as minor psychoses will develop
into full-fledged cases of insanity — at least such has been our
experience in the past. The figiu'es in the above analysis of mental
causative factors do not agree with certain totals given in our
psychological classification, vide § 103, because of the fleeting or
minor nature of some psychotic manifestations. This has led
sometimes to our classification of the subject as belonging to
another mental category than that of being a victim of
psychosis.

133

93] STATISTICS [Chap. VI]!

§ 93. Group II. Analysis of Defective Home Conditions.

Major. Minor.

Quarreling and other irritative conditions .... 26 78

Members of family at home alcoholic, immoral, or

criminalistic 62 95

Poverty 4 59

Lack of home control through

gross ignorance 2 '10

illness 2 26

father away much 6

mother working out 21 32

sheer inability of parents to control 11 68

family not immigrated 3

Parental neglect excessive 7 31

Family broken up 20 35

No home, plus

street life 1

wandering life 4

child changed about in institutions and board-
ing places 2 17

Immoral home environment 5 23

162

§ 94. Group II. Analysis of Mental Conflicts.

About sex matters 43 12

About parentage 7 2

Cause unknown 4

About home conditions 2

Cause unknown, but extreme development of anti-
social grudge 4 3

About superstitious folk-lore belief 1

About social significance of own physical defects . 1

58
§ 95. Group II. Analysis of Improper Sex Experiences.

Extremely early improper learning or experiencing

sex life 34 73

Masturbation in excess 12 75

Sex perversions (regarded as antecedent to other
offense; elsewhere themselves registered as
offense) 11

Sex attraction by negro men 1

46
134

Chap. VIII] ANALYSIS OF ABNORMAL PHYSICAL CONDITIONS [§ 97

§ 96. Group II. Bad Companions.

No analysis is needed of the figures under the heading of bad

companions. It is obvious that bad companionship may have

been sometimes within the family circle, but most often else-
where. Sometimes bad companions were of about the same age,
and of the same sex, and sometimes the reverse.

§ 97. Group II. Analysis of Abnormal Physical Conditions.

Major. Minor.

General excessive over-development for age .... 4 33
Marked over-development of sex characteristics for

age ■ 5 18

Puberty markedly premature 9 53

Excessively poor general development 7 42

Very poor nutrition 3 24

Puberty much delayed 8

General poor physical condition 5 23

Anemia 5 7

Heart disease 1 6

Excessive enlargement of thyroid 1 2

Diseases or defects in nose and throat 10 41

Excessively carious teeth 3 19

Marked defective vision ; . . 13 72

Marked defective hearing 1 13

Phimosis 5 5

Local irritative conditions of genitals 1 5

Venereal disease 1

Pregnancy 1

Ptosis . 1

Defective control of bladder 3

Deaf-mutism 1 1

Stammering in excess 2 4

Headaches in excess 3 11

General nervous manifestations (neurotic types) . . 2 15

Gynecological ailment 1

Chorea 3

Epilepsy . 1

Ring worm 1

Tuberculosis 2

Recent injiu'y 1

Migraine 1

Boyish type of physique in girl 1

It is only when physical conditions have appeared themselves
directly as causes, irrespective of mental conditions, that we have

135

§ 97] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

included them in the above enumeration. For example, epilepsy
was a factor in the delinquency of one individual who did not
have any accompanying mental symptoms, and thus it is counted
as a physical cause. Then ring worm caused the rejection of a
boy from school and his consequent life with bad street com-
panions. Of course, in many more cases than given above, carious
teeth were found, but only in the 22 instances could the condi-
tion be counted in any way related to the delinquency. It is the
same with defective vision, and other conditions. The number of
instances in which phimosis was a factor will to some appear very
small, but it is as we have found it with very careful observation.
Venereal disease is very common among the young women we have
seen, but in itself could only be regarded as a causative factor in
one case. Pregnancy once was a factor when there was an ac-
companying minor psychosis. Possession of a boyish type of
physique was an incentive in one case to the girl pursuing a life of
adventure, suitably attired as a boy.

In this group the total of even the major causative factors does
not agree with the total given in the summary (§91); an of-
fender whose physical conditions maybe regarded as responsible for
his career is most often suffering from more than one defective
condition.

§ 98. Group II. Analysis of Defective and Unsatisfied Interests.

Major. Minor.

Lack of general healthy mental interests 9 53

Lack of healthy recreational interests 7

School or vocational dissatisfaction ........ 6 24

Dissatisfaction with racial religion 1

Excessive interest in moving picture shows 9

Social life of saloons 1

Exciting Hterature 2

Excitement of revival meeting 1

Excessive interest in theatres 1

I have no doubt that our findings set forth in the above group
will arouse criticism. One would certainly believe off-hand that
the influence of low types of picture shows, theatres, of bad news-
papers and other pernicious literature could be much more surely
traced than is shown in our figures. One cannot doubt that they
really do have much more influence than our figures would indi-

136

"Chap. VIII] DEFECTIVE EARLY DEVELOPMENTAL CONDITIONS [§ 99

cate, but it is altogether a difficult matter to make any kind of a
trustworthy estimation of such subtle factors. One feels that
frequently the matter is better stated by saying that there is a
lack of healthy interests, and that these other things have come
in to fill up the vacuum. Upon this whole subject it is easy to
ofter impressionistic conclusions, but specific data and proofs are
hard to get. A very interesting point is in regard to saloon in-
fluences, for it is quite evident that the social life of saloons, which
has been made so much of, does not begin to get in its work until
after 17 or 18 years of age. If we had not been so scrupulously
careful in regard to the individual facts of influence, much greater
emphasis would be placed on both the negative and positive fac-
tors listed numerically. For instance, if one were to judge by the
findings on our Information Test, one would say there was over-
w^helming evidence of the paucity of healthy mental interests
being a large general factor. On this point, our chapter and case
studies where lack of healthy mental interests is set forth as a
cause of delinquency, should be read.

§ 99. Group II. Analysis of Defective Early Developmental

Conditions.

Antenatal: Major Minor

Congenital syphilis 26

Mother sickly or poor condition 34

Mother severely ill 6

Mother much worried 16

Mother much abused, generally by drunken husband 31

Mother alcoholic 6

Mother morphinist 2

Mother old 4

Father old 1

Attempted abortion 4

Mother insane 1

Severe mental shock to mother 3

One of twins 3

Mother destitute 8

Mother working very hard 4

Natal:

Markedly premature birth 5

Very difficult labor 18

Postnatal :

Much illness in general 28

Very severe early illness 18

Epilepsy in childhood ■ , 9

137

§ 99] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

Severe convulsions in childhood 15

Severe head injury 21

Early malnutrition severe 6

Impacted teeth, very severe 2

Severe accident 1

Severe rheumatism 1

Mastoid infection severe 3

Gonorrhea severe 1

Early paralysis 4

Severe " brain fever " 5

Severe "meningitis" 5

Severe chorea 7

As in the case of defective heredity, so here the factor never
appears as major, because the more immediate cause is the condi-
tion or peculiarity of mind or body that defective hereditary or
defective developmental factors leave in their train. The diag-
nosis of congenital syphilis was usually made from somatic find-
ings. The laboratory tests have only recently been at our disposal.
There is little doubt that a somewhat larger number would have
proved positive to tests.

§ 100. Group II. Analysis of Mental Shock.

Major Minor

Fright in riot and massacre 2

From killing companion accidentally 1

§ 101. Group II. Analysis of Stimulants and Narcotics.

Major Minor

Alcohol . , . 22

Excessive tea or coffee 43

Tobacco in excess 60

§ 102. Group II. Experiences under Legal Detention.

In most cases where experiences under legal detention have been
a readily ascertained cause of delinquency, we have been sorely
tempted on account of the virulence of the cause to ascribe to it
the major part. If it were not that chronologically some other
cause had antedated the first offense one would feel justified in
doing this. Altogether we must acknowledge that our separation
into major and minor factors of delinquent careers breaks down at
this point. However, we are unquestionably far under-shooting
the mark in our slight ascribing of crime to this cause. For the
varied details of what we mean by experiences under legal de-
tention our case studies on this subject should be read.

138

Chap. VIII] PSYCHOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION [§ 103

(From this point we deal with enumerations concerning our series
of 1000 young repeated offenders, setting forth facts which stand by
themselves, irrespective of whether or not they ham relationship to
ascertained causation.)

§ 103. Group I. Statistics of Psychological Classification of
1000 Young Repeated OfEenders.

A. Considerably above ordinary in ability and information, —

the latter estimated with reference to age and social
advantages 31

B. Ordinary in ability and information, — the latter esti-

mated with reference to age and social advantages . . . 267

C. Native ability fair and formal educational advantages fair

or good, but very poorly informed 69

D. Native ability fair and formal educational advantages fair

or good 69

E. Native ability distinctly good, but formal educational ad-

vantages poor 22

F. Native ability fair and formal educational advantages poor 123

G. Native ability poor and formal educational advantages poor 40
H. Native ability poor and formal educational advantages good

or fair 53

I. Dull, perhaps from ascertained physical causes, including

some cases of epilepsy f . 79

J. Subnormal mentality — considerable more educability than

the feebleminded 81

K. Moron 89

L. Imbecile 8

M. Psychosis 69

1000

Some explanation of the above classification has been given iii
the chapter on Methods. In our numerical studies of these 1000
cases, percentages are obvious. Since the classification necessa-
rily, for practical purposes, has to have a place both for the cate-
gories of mental ability and of aberration, there is some over-
lapping which is not shown in the table. For instance, a choreic, or
epileptic, or dissipated individual may be well up to the ordinary in
ability and still have shown temporary aberrational tendencies
which led to delinquency. If the psychotic manifestations were
past at the time we studied him, our logical classification was ac-
cording to demonstrated ability — although so far as causation
was concerned we carefully reckoned in the aberration. Then in
other instances there may be, as a continuous condition, a slight

139

§ 103] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

aberrational tendency superimposed on quite fair ability. Such a
case might be classified, for example, as D plus M. As is also well
known, a feebleminded person may be insane; thus we get K
plus M. Our clue to classification, as given in the above table, has
been the most predominant mental classification of the individual.
We may call attention to this table, with its overlapping of facts
in the sphere of mental attributes, as showing another example of
the danger of inferring causative factors from the bare isolated
facts of a set classification.

It will be noted that, leaving out all the cases with any appear-
ance of doubt, and all cases where we observed the subject in a tem-
porarily dull or aberrational condition, we found 67.4 per cent,
that should be regarded without question as mentally normal.
Of the 7.9 per cent, dull from physical causes, we have found some
making extraordinary improvement with the cessation of bad
habits or rectification of bodily ailments. Others for whom noth-
ing was done or could be done, eventually may be graded lower.
In the course of years, changes, either up or down, in the classifica-
tion of some of the subnormals also may well be made. As beyond
peradventure feebleminded, we found about 10 per cent., but the
figure will be increased as some of the younger in the lower groups
fail to advance with age. The group of psychoses has already
shown a number of cases of cures and we may expect more.
Further discussion of these cases and classes may be found in our
chapters on mental defects and the psychoses.

§ 104. Group I. Offenses of 1000 Young Repeated OfEenders.

(Not only as charged in court, but as obtained from the story of
parents and others.)

(a) Of 694 Male Offenders.

Stealing 455

Including stealing automobiles, robbing from mail boxes, etc.

Burglary 54

Means breaking and entering. Ordinary sneaking into stores, or
homes, even through a window, is counted merely as stealing.

Pickpocket 11

Only counted as such when distinctly professional tendencies
shown in this line.

Hold-ups 6

There is much disproportion of this offense before 17 years
and afterwards, as shown by comparison with records of
courts for adults.

140

Chap. Vlll] OFFENSES OF 1000 YOUNG REPEATED OFFENDERS [§ 104

Forging 12

Tniancy 225

Onl\- marked cases. Staying away from school a day or two
infrequently, not counted.

Loafing 71

IVIarked cases of refusal to work while living at home.

Vagrancy 14

This ahvays means wandering and loafing and not living at
home.

Runaway 261

This means going away from home and staying more than over
night and usually more than once.

Sleeping out at night 85

This usually means staying in barns or hallways or in vacant
houses, generally in the neighborhood of the home.

General incorrigibility 92

This includes quarrelsomeness, excessive disobedience, imperti-
nence, mischievous conduct, and disturbance of many kinds at
home and in school. When this type of conduct occurs in a place
of employment the individual is discharged, and, of course, not
complained of.

Lying 104

Only when very excessive and when a notorious characteristic of
the indi\'idual has this been counted.

False accusations 5

Only recorded when of an excessive and dangerous sort.
Obtaining or attempting to get money under false pretenses . . 11
Only marked cases, including various schemes of misrepresenta-
tion. Includes some vicious cases; for instance, "black-hand"
schemes.

Begging _ . ^ 7

In Chicago only extreme cases of this kind are brought to court,
and only when misrepresentation is involved.

Bad temper 21

Only recorded when excessive manifestations.

Violence 40

Only when a very marked characteristic. It may be either at-
tacks on person or property.

Cruelty 11

Either to children or animals.

Fighting with weapons 42

Ordinary street fights of boys not included. This category means
much more serious offenses.

Carrying concealed firearms 11

Destructiveness 21

Of a malicious type.

Attempt to wreck train 2

Setting fires . 11

"Flipping" moving trains 4

141

§ 104] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

Desertion from navy 1

Gambling . 14

Only when excessive.

Alcoholism 24

In our study of young offenders, this complaint of alcoholism gen-
erally means the use of intoxicating beverages quite beyond
moderate standards of family life. In many cases it also implies
intoxication.

Use of cocaine 1

Use of opium 1

The use of these drugs by young people is regarded as a delin-
quency, but, of course, only the excessive cases are brought to
court.

Sex offenses with the opposite sex 33

In only this number of cases have boys under 17 been reported so
delinquent. Adults are not usually charged with this offense
unless there is assault, etc.

Masturbation 32

Reported as delinquency only when very excessive.

Sex perversion 29

This includes various sorts of homosexual and other perversions.

Sex assault 15

This includes a few cases of homosexual assault.

Obscenity 10

Only counted when excessive characteristic.

Murder 2

As a rule we have purposely refrained from studying sensational
murder cases. Murderers generally have careers behind them that
are best studied at earlier stages.

Accessory to murder 1

Attempted homicide . . . . • 1

Attempted suicide 4

Exhibitionism 4

This has been reported as a delinquency only when not done as a
childish performance. It means a flagrant offense by an older
individual and in a more public manner.

(6) Of 306 Female Offenders.

Sex offenses with the opposite sex 180

In many other cases where the charge has been "staying out
nights" or "runaway" there has been grave suspicion of sex
delinquency, but not proven.

Masturbation . . 22

Regarded as delinquency only in excessive cases.

Sex perversions 9

Homosexual, etc.

Stealing 97

Obtaining money under false pretenses . 5

142

Chap. VIII] OFFENSES OF 1000 YOUNG REPEATED OFFENDERS [§ 104

This includes swindling and begging plus swindling. Begging, as
such, rarely brought into court.

Begging 1

Burglary 1

Forging , 6

Lying 80

Only when this is a very notorious characteristic of the individual
is this made part of the charge.

False accusations 16

Only when very serious charges have been brought, elaborated and
persisted in.

Runaway 76

Sleeping out nights 33

This usually means staying out somewhere in the neighborhood,
sleeping in barns, hallways or vacant places. .

Truancy 23

Only when a very repeated offense is this counted.

Pretending to be employed 19

Under this category are the cases where individuals have been
living at home, pretending to work in the daytime while really
loafing elsewhere.

Bad temper 18

Only when excessive is this recorded.

Violence 16

Includes attacks on both person and property.

Incorrigibility 39

This includes quarrelsomeness, excessive disobedience, imperti-
nence, mischievous conduct, and disturbances of many kinds at
home and at school. When this type of conduct occurs in a place
of employment, of course the individual is discharged and not
complained of.

Attempted homicide 3

Attempted infanticide 1

Attempted suicide 9

Threatened suicide 2

This only counted when repeated excessively and causing much
trouble.

Setting fire 3

Cruelty to children 1

Alcoholism 8

The mere fact of a girl's indulging regularly in alcohol is regarded
as a delinquency, but intoxication is frequently the result in
girls.

Smoking 1

This reported as a delinquency only when excessive. In fact, in
this case it was a habit of years' standing.

Obscenity 13

Only very marked cases reported as a delinquency.
Sex assault 1

143

§ 104] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

In explanation of the above table of delinquencies the following
points should be made: Numerical comparison of offenses is of
peculiar interest for the study of the beginnings of delinquent
careers, hence we have confined our attention to the 1000 young
repeated offenders we have all along used as a basis for statistics.
Much more extensive statistics could have been compiled from
juvenile court records, but it is well known that the short wording
of a court charge most frequently does not represent the whole
facts of delinquency. In our cases great care has been used to get
an account of the offenses in detail, and this has been compara-
tively easy for us in our direct dealings with parents and others
interested in the case.

In comparing the delinquencies of males and females certain
differences stand out clearly from the numerical comparisons
above. We have attempted for this purpose to have our classes of
offenses cover analogous conduct for both sexes. The set cate-
gories of the law or of the criminological literature have not been
followed. We have attempted to go farther than this and get the
direct first-hand facts and to present them without attention to
set terminology.

It is most interesting to note the differences in the charges of
offense for the two sexes, either as set forth in court, or as a general
social consideration. The attitude of society varies mostly in
offenses against the person. Seduction of a boy by a female is
never charged in court. Exhibitionism by girls is a very frequent
phenomenon, but no charge of that nature has been observed.
Smoking is regarded as vastly more of a delinquency in girls than
it is in boys. This is also true of staying out late at night, or away
from home. Staying out late nights is a common charge for both
sexes, but without other delinquencies it is hardly to be regarded
as an offense. It is practically never charged as a sole delinquency.
Standards in different families in regard to such things as a child
staying away from home over night, or in regard to drinking vary
greatly.

§ 105. Group I. Statistics of Weight Correlated with Age.

For the interpretation of physical conditions as the cause of de-
linquency in any given case, we all along insist on the close scru-
tiny of them as related to other possible causes. Discovery of the
poor nutrition or defective eyesight of an offender does not mean

144

Girls -Mentally Normal

9 10 II 12 13 14 15

— : 1-. 1.—

4«— Uji— ^r-^^

1----J^^^- -^

^_-^_^l_, ^1 .

J-; ^^-^ L__^?

_ f,^ • _

^-»r-

5— — !^, ;^_

Years 6
Weight
lbs.
180

Girls -Mentally Abnormal

9 10 II 12 13 14 15 16

. ^ , 1—-—^,

i Ji^^l 4 _

Plate VII

Age-Weight Charts

Boys-Mentalt/ Normal

Years 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Weight
lbs.
160

170

160

150

140

130

120

110
100

•

.•

■ •

•

„

•

'i'

•

/::.

•-

,/,

•

'.''

. '

•..•

•/

•*.

*.;

•

•,-

•

.*..

.''

■':

...

••

•

J.,

•

'•^

'.'

•

, ,

•

.•

•_

•

■

Boys— Mentally Abnormal

9 10 II 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Weight
lbs.

170
160
150
140
130
120

100
90
80
70
60
50
40

' *'''. [', •

iiiiiiii~iiiii^ii':[^ii^;;:2:!:Tii:iiriiiiiii:
. ,-^_^,-»t^ , . , • —

Plate VIII

Age-Weight Charts

Chap. VIII] STATISTICS OF WEIGHT CORRELATED WITH AGE [§ 105

that either of these faulty conditions should necessarily be re-
garded as the responsible factor. But in massing the collected
facts, conclusions of great interest emerge. For many summed-
up details there is no fair norm to compare with ; for example, we
cannot compare our findings on defective eyesight with any
standard for the general population, but in the case of develop-
ment or nutrition as judged by weight and age we have as fair
a chance to compare massed facts with a standard norm as can
be obtained.

We would immediately insist that both our findings and the
norms are to be interpreted only for the United States — one
can be very sure from observations abroad that the same find-
ings would not obtain there. Then the interpretation of under-
size should properly include knowledge of how many families and
nationalities normally under the average in size are represented.
To a less degree this might be true of over-size, if the accompany-
ing charts did not show clearly the immense sex difference, even
when the normal curve is plotted for the sexes separately.

The discrepancy between the physique of boy and girl of-
fenders is remarkable — that between the mentally normal and
abnormal is to be expected. The difference between the sexes
can perhaps best be appreciated by realizing that on the charts
for the mentally normal almost exactly 50 per cent, of the boys
are on each side of the curve of averages, while no less than 73 per
cent, of the girls range in weight above normal. The meaning of
over-development in studies of delinquent causation is discussed
m §§ 142, 188 ff.

The charts easily explain themselves. The curve of norms has
been taken from Burk's (189) study of massed data concerning
€9,000 American young people. The averages made from this
largest group study of growth seems unquestionably the best
with which to compare our offenders. We could have obtained a
great many more age-weight records of delinquents to plot on our
charts, but decided to confine ourselves to our own homogeneous
and carefully studied series. Norms have been developed only
up to 16 or 17 years, so there was no use plotting cases above that
age.

145

106] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

§ 106. Group I. Statistics of " Stigmata of Degeneracy."

Well-marked stigmata were found in 133 of the 1000 eases as follows:

Anomalies of external ear 67

Anomalies of palate and jaws 63

Anomalies of shape of head. (Including facial asymmetry) 55

Anomalies of teeth 5

Body asymmetry 5

Anomalies of eye 4

Gynecomastia 2

Anomalies of hands 2

Supernumerary mammae 1

Defects of teeth usually ascribed to congenital syphilis were
found in 40 cases. Most of these were typical Hutchinsonian
forms. Minor defects of enamel, small " erosions " of undoubted
congenital origin, are not counted in the above.

It should be distinctly understood that those structural anom-
alies which, it has well been said, could be found by careful exam-
ination on almost every human body, have altogether been left
out of count. The stigmata recorded were decidedly obvious to
an experienced medical examiner. In illustration we note that
the following are the types of defect given in our records: Ear
anomalies were; completely adherent lobule, crumpled helix,
excessive Darwinian tubercle, flattened — relatively formless
ear, and other marked malformations. The dental anomalies were
supernumerary teeth, completely absent teeth, etc. Misplace-
ment that was due to crowding is not enumerated. (Of course,
an expert student of dental development would have discovered
much that we missed in the way of minor data.) Chest and
body asymmetry was not counted unless it appeared to be due to
congenital malformation — spinal curvatures and the many
sequelae of rickets are not stigmata. Anomaly of the hands
means hypertrophy of a digit, and the like.

The writer offers the above facts without comment, except to
state that if the cases of mental abnormality were taken out of our
series, the proportion of marked stigmata would be little, if any,
larger than in the general population.^

1 We are fuUy cognizant of the possibilities of a prolonged discussion at this
point, but we can see no good coming out of it. The fact that Knecht (164)
found 20 per cent, of 1274 German criminals with malformed ears, and that
5 per cent, had cleft palate, and that 14 per cent, of the European prostitutes

146

Chap. VIII] EPILEPSY AMONG 1000 REPEATED OFFENDEliS [§ 107

§ 107. Group I. Epilepsy Among 1000 Repeated Offenders.

The diagnosis of epilepsy was made on the finding that the offen-
der suffered from convulsions with loss of consciousness and other
well-recognized accompaniments of the seizm-es, or from the char-
acteristic phenomena of yetit mat. No subdivision according to
the newer conceptions of epilepsy was attempted, but the possi-
bility of hysteria was frequently taken into consideration. Con-
vulsions in early childhood were not counted as epileptic unless
there was good positive evidence. Following the above rules we
found .

Epilepsy 67 cases.

Possible epilepsy — in these cases there were evidences
strongly suggestive of major or minor epilepsy, but on ac-
count of incomplete history the diagnosis could not be
made with certainty 18 cases.

Then in the immediate families, including grandparents, uncles
and aunts (blood relatives), we learned of epilepsy in:

29 cases where the offender was epileptic.

53 cases where the offender was not known to be epileptic.

Not all the cases of epilepsy are ranged under the head of aber-
rational types — in some of them the disease appeared to be merely
incidental to their otherwise determined mental and moral life.

examined by Tamowsky (165) had cleft palate, whereas we found not a single
case of cleft palate among our repeaters; the fact that Talbot (166, 167) found
stigmata twice as frequent among the inmates of Pontiac and Ehnira as among
non-criminals — all this simply leads us back to the point we made in our
chapter on Orientation, namely, that all these physical signs may possibly
better be correlated with mental defect and also with nutritional and even
environmental conditions than with criminaUsm, as such. The definition of
degeneracy as an embryonic nutritional defect is sufficient to clear the theo-
retical groimd for these latter-day considerations.

147

§ 108]

STATISTICS

[Chap. VIII

§ 108. Group I.

Numerical Family Table in
Repeated Delinquency.

1000 Cases of

No. of

living

children

Only

Two

Three

Foiu-

Five

Six

Charac-
ter of

one de-

delin-

dehn-

delin-

deUn-

others

in family

linquent

quents

unknown

No. of

instances

119

111

117

Family
unknown

644

137

117

From the above table we see among other points that there were
119 cases in which the deHnquent was the only child;
48 cases in which all the children were delinquent in family of more
than one.
525 cases in which only one was delinquent in a family of more than
": one.

The significance of the above figures is great for any who would
attribute to family conditions alone the largest share in the causa-
tion of delinquency. They must reckon with the fact that in so
many cases where there are several children only one has become
criminalistic. Then those who draw other conclusions, e. g., that
the conditions which surround an only child specially make for
delinquency, must take note of our relatively small figures on
that correlation. Sometimes, however, conditions peculiar to
the family, either environmental or hereditary, must be entirely

148

Chap. VIll] BIRTHPLACE OF OFFENDERS [§111

responsible, as can be seen from the instances when several chil-
dren, or even all the children are delinquent. It is clear that our
statistics do not all point one way, and that they emphasize once
more the logical need for well-rounded individual study of cases.

§ 109. Group I. Family Conditions of 1000 Young Repeated

Offenders.

One parent (usually father) deserted 86

Parents separated 114

Both parents dead 57

Father dead 87

Mother dead 154

498
In the above cases there are:

Foster parents or two step-parents in 20 cases.

Step-father or foster father in 105 cases.

Step-mother or foster mother in 109 cases.

In the 1000 cases mother works away from home in . . 165 cases.

§ 110. Group I. Illegitimacy in 1000 Repeated Offenders.

Parents born in the U. S. (white) 7

Parents born in the U. S. (colored) 5

Parents, one negro, one white 3

Parents, German 5

Parents, Itahan 1

Parents, unknown nationality 5

These figures would seem very small as compared with many
foreign statistics. Perhaps had we accurately known all the facts
(to be obtained with difficulty from some of our shifting popula-
tion) rather larger figures would have been obtained, but not very
much larger.

§ 111. Group I. Birthplace of Offenders.

United States 783 France . , 2

United States (negro) ... 27 Sweden

Russia (Jewish) 33 Denmark

Poland 29 Slavonia

Italy 22 Norway

Germany 16 Croatia . .

Austria 13 Bulgaria

England 12 Galicia

149

§ 111] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

Roumania 5 Greece . 1

^ 1 j English 5 Switzerland ....... 1

^^'^^^^ 1 French 2 Unknown 33

Bohemia 3

Scotland 3 1000

Ireland 3

§ 112. Group I. Birthplace of Parents of 1000 Repeated Offenders.

United States 233 Denmark 3

United States (negro) ... 42 Hungary 2

Poland 109 Slavonia .' . 2

Germany 77 Belgium

Italy ". 59 Wales

Ireland 54 Spain

Bohemia 28 Croatia • • •

Austria 17 Galicia ........

Sweden 16 Bulgaria

England 12 Russia (Jewish) 70

Scotland 10 Parents foreign born, but

France 8 from different countries . 74

Lithuania 8 Mother U. S. and father

Norway 7 foreign 41

p 1 f French ..... 6 Father U. S. and mother

^^'^^^^ 1 English 4 foreign 18

Roumania 5 Unknown 85

Holland 4

1000

For fair interpretation of the above statistics of nationality the
cosmopolitan character of the people of Chicago must be taken
into account, although there are several reasons why the propor-
tions of nationalities or races of offenders as seen by us may not
agree with census percentages. In the case of Jews, for instance,
we have studied more than a fair proportion because of the splen-
didly organized Jewish efforts to look after the delinquents as well
as the dependents of their own race, and the desire of their workers
to have individuals studied and handled with the greatest effi-
ciency. For opposite reasons we should be unlikely to see an
equal proportion of certain other races and nationalities.

It would be difficult to present comparable statistics on account
of the selective ages of those we have enumerated — the majority
being beyond school age but under 21 — but the following figures
give some indication of our city conditions: In Chicago the
native white population of native-born parents is only about 20
per cent. ; the native whites of foreign or mixed parentage number

150

Chap. VIII] RELIGION — EDUCATION [§ 114

about 41 per cent.; the foreign-born whites are 35 per cent., and
the negroes 2 per cent, of the total population. The only court
figures available in Chicago are those of the Juvenile Court where
14,183 delinquents (boys under 17, girls under 18) were seen in
the ten years, 1899 to 1909. The parentage of these showed in
about the following percentages: American whites, 14.5; Ameri-
can negro, 4; Foreign, 69.5; Unknown, 12 {vide Breckenridge
and Abbot 318, p. 57).

§ 113. Group 1. Previous Institutional Life.

We had thought of stating in detail the figures concerning the
previous residence of offenders in institutions, but the informa-
tion we get from case studies leads us to see definite unfairness
in this. We might say, what is the truth, that 18 per cent, of our
Chicago male offenders had been in a certain correctional institu-
tion, and another percentage had been in some other institution.
But picking out such an isolated fact, without analysis of the men-
tality and the later environmental conditions of these offenders,
leads to no safe conclusion as to the efficacy of these institutions.
The same point came up when I was asked my opinion about
certain narrower statistics; the working up of the after-careers of
graduates of Elmira Reformatory. Unless one knows the physical
and mental equipment of the individual, and consequently what
chance he has to succeed in the world, no fair gauge of the pos-
sibilities of reformatory work can be obtained from following
his career. What they say at Elmira, might be said of any other
good institution which attempts reform: " Give us reformable
material, and we can reform." The same might be said con-
cerning the work of probation and parole ofllcials. So we have
deliberately left out these statistics, which, without thorough
contemplation of the individual handled, mean little indeed.

§ 114. Group I. Religion. Education.

Similar complications and many more would arise if one pre-
sented statistics of the religious creeds of offenders. One would
have to compare the figures with the local membership in various
churches and with a number of other modifying facts. It will suf-
fice to say that the figures would leave little room anywhere for
self-satisfaction or for sectarian controversy. It is quite evident
that formal religious training has not prevented delinquency in
many of our cases, when other strong personal or environmental

151

§ 114] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

conditions were not, as such, squarely met. Participation in relig-
ious education and religious communion has been quite general
among our offenders, but of course the answer given by pastors of
all congregations is that these have had the word, but not caught
the spirit. Occasionally in certain unstable types there is a
tendency to religious emotionalism and anti-social conduct at
the same time. It is curious that in not over a dozen cases have
we heard expressions of formed irreligious opinions. I should
be far from asserting that religious life does not sustain against
the provocations and temptations of alcoholism, poverty, bad
social companionship, or even that it does not offset some bad
effects of certain minor aberrational tendencies, but certain it is
that, through not taking into account these other backgrounds
of delinquency, such religious experience as most of our offenders
have had has not proved thus sustaining. Many a parish would
be bettered if the fundamental sources of misconduct were studied,
enumerated, and treated in a scientific spirit.

Our figures on education are only of negative value. Practi-
cally every one of our native born, and most of our foreigners,
has had a chance in our school system. That the school system
has not fitted the needs of every one goes without saying. Some
significant points concerning this are to be gleaned from our
case studies. Otherwise, we may say that illiteracy arising through
lack of opportunity plays no important part in the production
of delinquency as we have seen it in our city population.

§ 115. Group I. Alcoholism of Parents in 1000 Cases.

Occasionally intoxicated :

Father 129

Mother 9

Both father and mother 12

Rather frequently intoxicated :

Father 118

Mother 5

Both father and mother 4

Excessive drinking and intoxication:

Father 25

Mother 8

Both father and mother 1

311
Distinctly moderate drinking of alcoholic beverages has not
been counted at all in the above figures.

152

Chap. VIII] STATISTICS ON HEREDITY [§ 116

§ 116. Statistics on Heredity.

Our statistical findings on heredity are of especial theoretical
and practical interest because they are based on studies which
included all ascertainable causal factors in each case. For
our main study of the facts/ out of our 1000 cases of repeated
offenders, 668 only (Group III) were found to have data
sufficient to justify the conclusion that we could fairly evaluate
the causal factors, having at the same time probable knowl-
edge of whether or not there was a criminalistic tendency in
the immediate family. This study was centered on the problem
of the direct inheritance of criminalistic tendencies as such.
In 271 cases there was good evidence that no prior criminal-
istic tendency in the family existed. In 245 other cases epi-
lepsy, or some grade of mental defect, was present. (In order
to be absolutely fair in this matter, the group of subnormals —
see our chapter on Mental Defect for definitions — and those
with special mental defects, were enumerated together with the
feebleminded and epileptic.) In these cases there was such an
obvious mental or physical basis for delinquency that they could
be left out of account, whatever their inheritance showed. The
remaining 152 cases were neither mentally defective nor epileptic,
and did show other criminalistic persons in the direct family.

The positive group of 152 cases would seem undoubtedly large
enough to bring out some facts proving the inheritance of crimi-
nalistic tendencies as such, if this trait is inheritable. But these
facts fail to materialize. The predominating causative factors
as obtained from careful individual study in these 152 cases
have been scheduled as:

Offender distinctly psychopathic or neuropathic, with heredity
of tlds type 42

Offender victim of faulty developmental factors with serious
sequelae 3

Cases in which the environment was extremely faulty — similar
to tha4; causing delinquency where there is no criminalistic
heredity. (It is interesting to note that in many of these cases
the fault}^ environment is undoubtedly the result of defective

1 Dr. Edith R. Spaulding spent several months in collating our data.
Her results have been recently pubUshed (162). In their deaUng with the
variety of data obtained from well-rounded individual studies they form
one of the most important contributions to this subject.

153

§ 116] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

physical or mental conditions on the part of parents, even
when there is no proof of defective transmission to the child) . 61

Cases in which there is some inheritance of defect plus very bad
developmental conditions or faulty environment 17

Cases in which bad environment is combined with faidty devel-
opmental factors 2

Cases in which, aside from criminalistic tendencies, there are
peculiar mental characteristics, not traceable to inheritance . 3

Cases in which the factors are so complicated that they cannot
be discriminated in value for the individual case; however,
these are factors of importance outside of criminalistic heredity 9

Cases not included in the above 15

152

By elimination this leaves, then, 15 cases in which to search
further for criminalistic inheritance as such. In every one of these,
however, other predominant factors than mere inheritance of
criminalistic impulses could be made out. Peculiar outbursts
of temper, hypersexualism as a prevailing trait, premature
puberty, lack of general mental and moral energy, excess of
energy, and lack of normal mental and moral inhibitions, each
figures as the main cause of delinquency in the individual. Some-
times these traits could be traced in the inheritance and some-
times not. All of them might make for delinquency, and do so
make in other cases, even if there are no other criminals in the
family. Dr. Spaulding in resolving these data for us, calls atten-
tion to the fact that at least the last two traits enumerated could,
in a good environment, easily be factors making for genius.

(The proportion of 31 per cent, of alcoholism, noted previously
in our total figures, more than obtains all through this series
of cases with criminalism in the family. In 6 of the last 15 cases
cited there was alcoholism to excess on the part of parents; and
in 86 out of the total 152, that is in 56 per cent., parents were
alcoholics.)

Altogether there seems to be no proof whatever from our ex-
tensive material that there is such a thing as criminalistic in-
heritance apart from some otherwise significant physical or
mental trait, which in the offender and his forbears, forms the
basis of delinquency.^

^ In our chapter where we give cases showing heredity as a cause, there
may be found illustrations and enumeration of what is discoverable, outside
the weU-known inherited background for many cases of mental disease and
defect.

154

Chap. VIII] STATISTICS ON HEREDITY [§ 116

When it comes to the question of indirect inheritance we have
an entirely different statement to make. Our summary of causa-
tive factors by groups showed that in 823 cases, Group II, heredity
appeared as a minor factor no less than 502 times. This means
that while in no case could we feel justified in denominating
heredity the immediate and main factor of delinquency, yet
in 61 per cent, distinct defects in the family antecedents were
noted. (The reader should be reminded that in the normal,
non-criminal population a goodly number of family defects might
be discovered, but, of course, nothing approaching this large
percentage.)

To enumerate in heredity, a matter apart from the above
narrower study, the various defects which have been considered
as possible factors in the indirect development of delinquency
will prove a matter of general interest, although it must be dis-
tinctly understood that we refrain entirely from drawing conclu-
sions regarding the specific results of any given defects. It is
difficult enough to work out and prove the relationship of inherit-
ance to anything but a specific family physical characteristic,
and then only when one family line is studied. But the astonish-
ing extent to which, in general, peculiarities in the ancestors ap-
pear in the background of delinquency can be witnessed by the
following unresolved statistics. Before passing to these, some
critical comment, an urgent minimum, is necessary.

We certainly have nothing like the entire story of defects and
peculiarities in the immediate ancestors, and in the following
enumeration we have not included any others than parents
and grandparents — in order to make the findings as direct and
simple as possible. We have often known similar facts about
brothers and sisters or collateral lines of relatives.

As stated above, alcoholism in the parents was known to exist
m 31 per cent, of Group I. We learned of many other instances
of alcoholism in grandparents or uncles and aunts. In these
records it is remarkable to note the incidence of insanity with
alcoholism. (Of course we recognize alcoholism as the producer
of a defective environment which may be a sufficient cause for
alcoholism in the children.)

There is a small amount of duplication on account of some
individuals coming in more than one category; for instance, one
mother was epileptic, insane and immoral; and more than one
case of suicide was evidently that of an insane person. The

155

§ 116] STATISTICS [Chap. VIII

great list of insane ancestors is also partly the result of alcohol-
ism. Where insanity is enumerated it means that the diagnosis
was well substantiated, and nearly always the individual had
been in an institution for the insane. In our enumeration of
subnormality mere ignorance is not counted as subnormality.
It is certainly true that even when a parent may appear dirty,
careless and brutal this is no real evidence of subnormality.
It has been impossible to draw the line between feebleminded-
ness and subnormality, and when there has been a reasonable
doubt we have included the individual as subnormal. It was
obviously impossible for us to apply tests even when we saw
the parents themselves. Many of the subnormals are foreigners,
and the detection of real subnormality is no easy matter in such
cases. In regard to the fairness of our figures, we may say that
it is no doubt true that a small percentage of our cases was brought
to us because a parent was already known to be insane, and it was
suspected by the remaining parent or the probation officer that
the child might be affected by inheritance. But such cases
form only a small percentage and do not much affect the total
findings. In the 502 cases of Group II, making 61 per cent., in
which heredity seemed to be fairly regarded in some way as a
factor, we find the following important known defects. Since
the information about grandparents has often been vague we
have included only what we have heard about insanity or suicide
or criminality for them.

Including father, mother and grandparents there were:

82 cases of insanity.
12 cases of suicide.
79 cases of criminality.

Enumerating only father and mother we found:

39 cases of epilepsy.
10 cases of migraine.

19 cases of feeblemindedness.

60 cases of subnormality, a certain proportion of which were prob

ably feebleminded.
57 psychopathic cases in which there was very marked instability.
10 neuropathic cases with marked symptoms.

20 cases of marked constitutional inferiority.

112 cases in which gross immorality on the part of the father or
mother was known — this includes many cases of maternal
prostitution.

61 cases of desertion.

156

Chap. VIII] STATISTICS ON HEREDITY [§ 116

18 cases of extremely bad temper.

6 cases of drug addiction.
16 cases of extreme cruelty.

8 cases of extreme laziness.

In the following modification of one of Dr. Spaulding's tabu-
lation charts a different point of view is taken. Here in the 668
cases, Group III, an endeavor was made to range the immediate
causative factors of the delinquency in relationship to heredity
regarded as possibly an important factor.

157

§ 116]

STATISTICS

[Chap. VIII

3
09

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O
O

T-H

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158

Chap. IX] METHODOLOGICAL CONCLUSIONS [§11"

CHAPTER IX

General Conclusions — Methodology

§ 117. Methodological Conclusions. § 118. Bearings of our Findings on Clas-
sifications. § 119. Causal Types may be Differentiated. § 120. Study
of Mental Life Most Direct Way of Getting at the Causal Factors. § 121.
Social PredictabiUty of the Given Case. § 122. Intricacy of Causation.

§ 117. Methodological Conclusions. — Our general conclusions
are concerned with methodology and therapy as sociological
generalization. First in importance, we find complete proof of
the necessity for intimate study of the individual offender. Next,
our observations bear on the problems of methods of investigation,
of gathering the facts for diagnosis and prognosis, of classifying
individuals and facts for the purpose of treatment and general-
ization. Clearly, many points of value concerning the delin-
quent do not appear on the surface, and will always have to be
sought for by carefully developed methods of individual study.
Peculiarities of mental equipment, and other sources of tenden-
cies to misconduct cannot be investigated thoroughly by any-
thing short of scientific inquiry. Characterology and differential
psychology rest upon deep foundations.

One might see thousands of cases, as some judges do, and
develop very shrewd ideas concerning the general springs of con-
duct, and yet (often perforce, from press of work) continually
overlook the essentials of successful treatment. We can see
that for practical purposes order must in some way be established
out of a multitude of superficial observations. Practical people
of necessity become theorists. But our case material shows
most clearly that causes are not to be widely met by any theory
arising out of snap-shot diagnosis. The roots of the recidivist's
career are not uncovered by touch-and-go methods. It is not by
chance that this individual falls by the wayside and another
does not. Hence, w^hatever it involves, the depths and structure
of causation must, for the sake of efficiency, be unearthed in
the individual case.

Not only causation of past action, but the hope for the offender's
future should be a matter of deep concern. We find it necessary
to make a diagnosis of special capabilities and adaptabilities

159

§117] GENERAL CONCLUSIONS — METHODOLOGY [Chap. IX

in order to gain the foundation for constructive and remedial
work. It is socially as valuable to do this as to Jaiow the defects
and negative sides. Emphasis should be placed not only on
finding out what the individual cannot do, or what are the
sources of his tendency to misbehavior, but also what he might
successfully do, or be interested in, under different internal or
external conditions. We have had plenty of evidence that un-
fulfilled and even creditable desires and ambitions have been
factors in some cases of delinquency, and that in others unrec-
ognized talents have been the keynote to successful therapy.

With these words we can refer to our special chapters on work-
ing methods, treatment, and statistics, and especially to our
concrete case studies for further and more specific statement
of the conclusions built up from practical observations. Prog-
nosis — the outlook or predictability, under various possible con-
ditions — is hardly to be treated under the head of general con-
clusions. The understanding of what may be expected to happen
is only to be safely gained from the study of actual case types.
From the background of the knowledge of types, it is not difficult
to discern with considerable accuracy the social outlook of a case,
w^hen once all the essential facts are gathered and evaluated.

§ 118. Bearings of our Findings on Classifications. — Stu-
dents in the field of criminology are frequently asked what classi-
fication of crimes or criminals they accept. In our practical
work we have let facts gradually answer this for us, and it devel-
ops that, for the ends of diagnosis and prognosis, no classifica-
tion along systematic lines is adequate. We must indulge in
some explanation of this statement. Taking for example the
frequent use of a general term, " the criminal," ^ in the litera-
ture of criminology — " the criminal " being an undersized man,
or an atavistic phenomenon, or a product of economic conditions,
as it may be — one would almost think that the offender was
some species of animal, which could be accurately described by
markings and habits. But any such ascribing of nature and
traits in general would seem to us, after our practical work, to

1 We cannot get away from the feeling, which has grown by our continuous
study of cases, that this constant use of the word criminal in a generic sense
is one of the most curious features of criminological hterature. We might just
as weU speak in this way of the "hunter." All sorts of people are himters
and criminals, and they hunt many sorts of creatures and commit many sorts
of crimes, and all sorts of reasons are back of their hunting and their commit-
ting of crime. We are astonished to note such a good writer as Wulffen (98)
recently giving way to indiscriminating use of the word.

160

Chap. IX] FINDINGS ON CLASSIFICATIONS [§ 118

be absolutely theoretical and superficial. There are many kinds
of criminals, with all sorts of traits, and one would urge great
caution in speaking of them in any way as a single group.
As Goring (190) has just proclaimed from his authoritative re-
searches, " The physical and mental constitution of both criminal
and law-abiding persons of the same age, stature, class and in-
telligence are identical. There is no such thing as an anthropo-
logical criminal tis-pe."

As a matter of fact, it is easily seen that there are a few well-
differentiated classes, such as the definitely feebleminded, or
the insane, or the senile dements, who readily commit crime.
One could not go as far as Quinton (149) in the statement that
there are as many classes as there are criminals, but one does
concur in his point about the danger of a theoretical classification
obstructing individual study. Human beings have many-sided
natures, and the variabilities in the proportion of this or that char-
acteristic are immense. Even when classified on one side alone,
for instance, in regard to mentality, we find complexities arising
so that there is no fitting into single pigeon-holes. For example,
the offender who is congenitally defective may also be insane;
the epileptic may be either intellectually superior or a dement;
certain individuals may be one thing one day on the mental
side, and another to-morrow. In the legally important group of
pathological liars, some are epileptic, some hysterical, some
partially defective, some have mental conflicts, and so on. When
it comes to sizing up the individual, and classifying him with a
word, this indeed may be an impossible task.^

Any classification of offenders or offenses, if it is to be of practi-
cal service in treatment, must surely take account of at least the
immediate causes. And as for dealing with this conception of
causes by a cut-and-dried classification, that appears at once out
of the question. But lest we seem indifferent to the presentation
of facts, let us say that it is perfectly clear that our specifications
for an adequate study of offenders call in the end for much sharper
focusing of the findings than any systematic classification has
offered.

^ An extremely good point is made by Saleilles (123, p. 118) when he insists
on such a distinction as that between crime and criminaHty. The former is
not necessarily the issue of the latter. He maintains that both scientifically
and legally the idea of the social fact, crime, should be dissociated from the
conception of criminalism, which is a psychological affair. Lombroso with
his class of "juridical criminals" had earlier developed the same idea.

161

§ 119] GENERAL CONCLUSIONS — METHODOLOGY [Chap. IX

§119. Causal Types may be Difierentiated. — Out of the
chaos, which some of our previous statements might seem to
imply exists in the study of deUnquents, we rejoice to see strongly
marked causal types or classes emerging. These evidently are
not to be factitiously categorized, but nevertheless represent
the centering of clear-cut practical issues. Now we see mental,
now social, now physical factors uppermost as each t^^pe appears,
and one observes greatly mixed causes which insistently have to
be interpreted for the individual case itself. Our card schedule
of causative factors shows sufficient illustration of this. The main
factor gives a clue to the most logical grouping. The minor
and antecedent issues, may, however, have their bearing on direct
treatment or on public measures of prevention. Any grouping
of similar factors may be fairly denominated causal groups,
standing by themselves simply because they represent answers
to our formal inquiry concerning the causes of delinquency.
These represent pragmatic and not theoretical groups.

We find there is much over-lapping of the types and groups,
and that there is occasional difficulty in differentiation. There
are border-line cases of feeblemindedness; the influence of bad
companions, of mental conflicts, of physical defect, may not be
separable from other influences. Different ways of looking at
cases may lead to some little confusion. For example, grouping
by abilities according to the psychological examination may
neglect the fact that there is some psychotic tendency, especially
when there are temporary and variable symptoms. Of course
there is endeavor to avoid all this, but sometimes the relative
importance of several factors is not discernible. We find much
evidence of the truth of Galton's oft-quoted dictum, " Natural
groups have nuclei, but no outlines." Luckily the main groups
have central types sharply established, and for the most part
the facts crystallize readily about some center.

As we have gone on with the grouping according to ascer-
tained factors in individual cases, we have seen that many sub-
types can be discriminated and related to various prognoses.
This comes out distinctly in our case studies, and turns out to be
the logical center for the making of case summaries. As an
example, we might take the instance of an epileptic offender.
Now apart from the question of the disease itself, we must take
up as a subhead his environment. Let him there be tempted to
alcoholism, and we have a combination that at once determines

162

Chap. IX] SOCIAL PREDICTABILITY OF THE GIVEN CASE [§ 121

a bad prognosis in the matter of his dehnquent tendencies. But
if his home control is good, we can pass to another point, the form
of his disease. If he has epileptic lapses with wandering, the
prognosis is bad, and so on. This brings us to the conclusion
that even though his epilepsy be justifiably regarded as the main
antecedent, still that factor unconsidered in the light of sub-
conditions is not enough to base the prognosis on, nor enough
to form the unit of statistics which shall give accurate data
concerning ultimate causes and remedies.

§ 120. Study of Mental Life Most Direct Way of Getting at
Causal Factors. — Finding direct mental determination of delin-
quency demonstrates prime consideration of the mental life of
the individual as being the straightforward way of discriminating
most causal factors. Not only is this shown by the undue pro-
portion of feeblemindedness, epilepsy and insanity among delin-
quents, but also by the mental disappointments, irritations and
conflicts which very frequently are at the roots of offending careers.
Our groupings by weight of the facts, show much more neces-
sary allegiance to psychological than to any other classification
of both offenders and causes. Not that even here we achieve
consistency, since we deal now with static abilities, now with
functionings, now with mechanisms, and now with content.
We are forced first to the use of a differential individual psy-
chology, and then, as best we can, later, to the formulations
of group psychology, as well as to analysis of mental mechanisms
and mental content.

A corollary to be drawn from the above conclusions is, that
every evidence goes to show that progress in investigating, col-
lecting and demonstrating the underlying factors of delinquency
is to be made only by development of the case-study method,
without prior attention to classification. Most arguments being
urged for the adoption of this method in professional teaching
hold here, and are doubly valid, for there is as yet no accumula-
tion of psychological knowledge by which one can safely pro-
ceed by principles alone in the determination of the causes of
misconduct.

§ 121. Social Predictability of the Given Case. — A fair ques-
tion here is whether, after diagnosis of the causal type, our follow-
up work has proved the predictability in any considerable pro-
portion of cases. Assuredly it has. By the use of the well-rounded
methods of arriving at conclusions that we have insisted upon,

163

§121] GENERAL CONCLUSIONS — METHODOLOGY [Chap. IX

one gets an outlook upon the whole situation that very frequently
affords an entirely safe basis for prognosis. Such prognosis is
not to be offered, however, until all the facts which are likely
to have a practical bearing are in. There is nothing occult or
difficult about this arriving at conclusions when once the case
has been thoroughly studied. It is the prediction based upon
half-truths which invites suspicion about methods. Naturally
the closeness with which prediction can be made varies greatly,
and nearly always stands in some proportion to the variation of
environmental conditions. For example, of this person we may
certainly say: With his innate defect there will not be normal
resistance to anti-social impulses and suggestions, consequently
the strictest guardianship, impossible for his hard-working parents
to give, is necessary. Of another: In this case there are good
working powers of mind and body, but healthy interests are all
undeveloped, and unless some environment furnishes them, the
past with its transgressions most likely will be repeated. Of
another: There is a mental conflict present, a grudge-forming
process, which must be unearthed, or it will probably crystal-
lize and permanently warp the subject's character; — mere
punishment will add strength to the process. These and many
other general prognostications, sharp enough in their statement of
practical issues, and closely leading up to the details of treatment,
can be safely asserted after careful study of the case as a whole.

§ 122. Intricacy of Causation. — The discovery of great in-
tricacy in causations appears so momentous for the treatment
of the individual, for those who are concerned in any way with
general causes, and for the projection or interpretation of any
statistics, that we have diagramed group connections of some
simple findings to bring out sharply their vital interrelation-
ships. We show in this at three levels the delinquency, the
offender as a member of some general class, and the causal ante-
cedents back of his tendency to delinquency. The combina-
tions are made from only a few of the ascertained facts and types
and could, of course, by the addition of facts, be made infinitely
more complex. The combining lines represent either sequence
or conjunction of the portrayed elements.

We observe from the diagram that classification on any level
tells very little of what is of practical importance on other levels.
For example, petty thieving may be committed by any one of
the types of offenders on our diagram, who may in turn have

164

Chap. IX

INTRICACY OF CAUSATION

[§ 122

been influenced by any of a number of different remotely ante-
cedent or immediately inciting factors. As an instance, the
feebleminded individual, the least difficult of all to group, may be
with his deficiency the result of several possible causes, may be
directly incited towards crime by inward or outward influences
apart from his defect, and may commit any of the diagramed
offenses.

Prior conditions

V V Y Y Y

Defective
-heredity^

The

Antecedents^ AlcohonlM
Conditions

Prior conditions

Y y V Y y

Broken - up

home

The JMentally

Offender I norpiai

The

,, < Vagrancy

Uffence

"Petty
thieving

DIAGRAM OF SEQUENCE OR CONJUNCTION OF SOME SIMPLiE ANTECEDENTS AND

CONSEQUENTS

The criminal is not in himself to be grouped according to any
logical system, and mere classification of either the antecedent
or the consequent of his tendency leads only a short distance
along the path of scientific and practical aims. This is the first
lesson to be learned from the diagram. The second is, that
each nucleus of fact cannot, in any fair-minded way, be inter-
preted as being or having a sole antecedent or a sole consequent.
The diagram is worth pondering over with this in mind, before
spending time on the estimation of the responsibility of alleged
main causes, or the values of even partial panaceas.

On the other hand, when it comes to the particular case, we
find the greatest help from this articulating and viewing the facts.
It leads to evaluation of causes by which adjustments become
actually possible that otherwise would be blunderingly missed.

165

§ 123] GENERAL CONCLUSIONS — TREATMENT [Chap. X

CHAPTER X
General Conclusions — Treatment

§ 123. Our Fundamental Ideas of Treatment Are Derived from Observations.

§ 124. Punishment is Necessary. § 125. Defective Self-Control No Excuse
for Legal Freedom. § 126. Punishment Should Not Harm the Offender.
§ 127. Mental Life and Moral Dangers During Custody. § 128. Effect
upon Offender of Attitude towards Him. § 129. Danger of Deceit in Treat-
ment. § 130. Advantage of Beginning Treatment Early. § 131. Causa-
tion Often Not Obvious, § 132. Organization of Courts for Better Treat-
ment. § 133. Treatment of Physical Causes. § 134. Treatment of Mental
Causes. § 135. Treatment of Environment. § 136. Treatment in In-
stitutions. § 137. Good Treatment Can Only Come Through Under-
standing and Following Up.

§ 123. Our Fundamental Ideas of Treatment are Derived
from Observations. — Shallow indeed is treatment of the offender
that fails to reach any of the roots of misconduct. Such failure
is seen in neglect of the therapy indicated by the mental factor,
which is the immediate root. It is like the old quarantine for
yellow fever which entirely overlooked the mosquito.

Our words on treatment are rightfully placed in the chapter on
conclusions, since our ideas on this subject are exactly the result
of observations. It would be altogether out of place here to run
the entire gamut of treatment in institutions, under probation,
and so on — most of these details must be coordinated with the
exigencies of the given situation. We shall, however, deal with
general measures and general opportunities, insisting on the great
importance of knowledge of specific needs for the success of any
treatment. Some indication of the varieties of these specific needs,
shown as essential by individual studies, may be seen in the case
histories in Book II.

§ 124. Punishment is Necessary. — First of all, let us deny
that our studies tend to show any desirability of eliminating pun-
ishment as such, or that they prove in any way that punishment of
offenders is not a deterrent to some who might otherwise commit
crime.^ It may be positively affirmed that there is much evidence

1 We have been rather disappointed not to find in our case studies any
facts from which one could form an opinion on the desirabihty of capital
punishment. We have become, moreover, skeptical as to whether the for-
feiture of life can fairly be regarded as the worst retribution society offers.
Certainly there are other issues, however, in the question of dealing the death
penalty than observation of the effects of such a legal provision upon offenders.

166

Chap. X] DEFECTIVE SELF-CONTROL [§ 125

that the thought of penal consequences, in persons of normal self-
control, often makes for self-restraint. It certainly is the sincere
opinion of many offenders that if punishment were more swiftly
and surely carried out, its deterrent effect would be commensu-
rably greater. Who can doubt that to hold up the picture of
future suffering and painful retribution which would far outweigh
the pleasure accruing from the deed, is an effective argument to
any one who can keep the idea in mind. (Observation of the effects
of simple rewards and disciplines in modifying the conduct of many
of the actually insane or feebleminded leaves no room for doubt
that even in these cases the apprehension of future discomfort is
often a deterrent of misbehavior. But, of course, here the con-
ception must be unusually well established and the possibility of
consequences easily perceivable.) We are altogether inclined to
agree with Conti (285), who, after looking over our American
institutions, still feels that reformation as the sole basis of a penal
system is an untenable principle.

§ 125. Defective Self-Control No Excuse for Legal Freedom. —
Any idea that the state ought to lessen its hold upon offenders
because of the fact of their diminished or partial moral responsi-
bility cannot be logically substantiated by our findings. In this
matter again there is the greatest need for individualization.
To put a concrete case: the authorities who freed the epileptic
inmate of a reformatory because he was epileptic (Case 78), acted
most unwarrantably. The individual who is liable often to be
only partially responsible, and who has developed criminalistic
impulses is the most dangerous of citizens. To adjudge the law
to have no hold upon him because he is not always entirely re-
sponsible, and then to set him at large because he cannot be
proven out-and-out insane, is to perpetrate a grievous fault
against society. There is all the more reason for retaining control
of this individual because he cannot exercise normal inhibitory
powers.

Then we also perceive other important points in this matter. It
is certainly true that the offender may exercise considerable
effort to bolster up the powers of self-control, if he is properly
kept under surveillance and the idea of legal retribution stUl pre-
vails. I mean that, with full appreciation of the offender's per-
sonal background and with attempt at all needed therapy, there
may well go hand-in-hand the deliberate idea of building up in-
hibitory powers by maintaining the conception of possible future

167

§ 125] GENERAL CONCLUSIONS — TREATMENT [Chap. X

penalty. Even in the cases of short periodic relaxation of will
power {vide § 310) there is no reason why the idea of retribution
should not be invoked to aid in moral reformation, though the
conduct has a definite physical basis which demands consideration.
To excuse an offender of this sort and do nothing further about
the case, is not exercising full powers that make for social welfare.
It is just here that probation, parole, suspension of fine or of other
sentence, together with the development of constructive measures,
should be brought into play.^

§ 126, Punishment Should not Harm the Offender. — But
following these disclaimers, we should like to make one of the
strongest pleas of our chapter against carrying out the idea of
punishment in such ways that the mind or spirit of the offender
suffers harm. There is no doubt that from the moment the police-
man claps his hand on the offender, the notion of punishment
does rule, and it is because this idea is so immediate and so pre-
vailing that fartherseeing modes of treatment are not even con-
sidered. One of the most appalling discoveries made in the
study of offenders is that in attempting to protect itself, society
so frequently ends by making matters worse. Yet nothing should
be easier to perceive than that all sorts of punishment must be
carefully safeguarded if they are to leave no ill effects. The
possibility of breeding evil by punishment is seen in several ways.

§ 127. Mental Life and Moral Dangers During Custody. —
The danger begins with the moment of arrest. One has traced
only too often the boldly formed anti-social grudge that dated
from the moment of ill-treatment by an officer of the law. The
danger continues through all jaUings and court procedures, and is
much more an affair of the mental and moral than of the physical
life. After learning some of the genetics of criminalistic tenden-
cies, sanitation and physical features of the building where offend-
ers are detained appear quite secondary in importance to the
moral possibilities of the place. (Note our observations, § 226, on
experiences during custody as causing delinquency.) Fortunately
the equipment that maintains physical health conserves to a cer-
tain extent the moral well-being of prisoners, although they are by

^ The disadvantages of any system where hard and fast measures of pro-
cedure are outUned, may be seen in the difficulties lately experienced in the
attempt to adjust the German criminal code to scientific knowledge. The
appHcation of scientific study to the individual involves many matters upon
which it is difficult to generaUze, and room must always be left for the devel-
opment of scientific knowledge.

168

Chap. X] M0IL\L DANGERS DURING CUSTODY [§127

no means identical. Lest there be any mistake as to how the ill
results originate, even in the case of grudge formation on the part
of offenders, it may be said that one has never heard that any
mere experience with walls and bars set the offender's face against
society; the morbid influence has always been engendered from
human associations.

It is no lack of wisdom that leads the shrewd policeman to say
to the young offender, " You 'd better keep out of jail, because
if you 're not a crook when you go in, you will be when you come
out." Wliat a very strange anomaly it is, that society should take
the person from whom it desires better actions, and place him
under conditions which offer every chance for the creation of
worse tendencies. One cannot conceive of a more foolish, un-
economical piece of work. Just what is it that creates the bad
effect? In scores of cases, now, we have heard the calm statement
that the offender's real career began with what he learned from
others in the police station, or county jail, or even in the detention
home for juveniles. There is no local setting for this, we have
heard it everywhere; and it simply means that, as in any idle
crowd, what the worst knows will soon be the property of all.

The problem of moral contagion is undoubtedly the most im-
portant one to be reckoned with in handling offenders. Efforts to
prevent further immoral or criminalistic experiences and communi-
cations should preface all other phases of treatment. Placing any
but the most hardened under typical jail conditions, where evil
intercourse is rampant, whether before or after sentence, can be
safely proved to be one of society's insanest extravagances. One
sees difficulties in individualization here; the usual application of
an age limit helps but little, for with the liberal interpretation of
juvenility by the American law many a dissolute criminal with
untold potentiality for harm is deliberately placed among genuine
children. Unfortunately, some offenders of 15 or 17 years are
aheady men and women in physical development and knowledge
of the underworld. However, the difficulties of moral diagnosis
are not practically insurmountable in the vast majority of in-
stances, and isolation from even probable bad influences under
detention could and should be made a part of the offender's
regime from the first.

The throwing of unknown personal quantities together in any
form of jail life is pernicious in its possibilities at any time, as we
know from much tracing of cause and effect, and is unutterably

169

§ 127] GENERAL CONCLUSIONS — TREATMENT [Chap. X

wretched in the more formative years of life. The development
of a community of interest among offenders as such, is unfortu-
nate both inside and outside penal jurisdiction. It is worth much
endeavor to prevent delinquents leaguing in any way together
against society, because the strength of their offensive and de-
fensive union more than equals the force of their totality as sepa-
rate individuals. The helpful ties that are formed from acquaint-
ance and friendship in the business world are similarly operative
here. Many a secret plot solaces the hours of confinement, and
confederacy outside prison walls keeps plenty of criminal careers
going which would otherwise spontaneously terminate. It is
obvious that officialism, ill-treatment, and unfavorable chances
are likely to cause banding together of offenders. It is less under-
stood that group classification, uniformity of institutional condi-
tions, and non-understanding of individual needs may also produce
undesirable gregariousness.

The highest exponent of treatment en masse, is the prison build-
ing where, even if the aim be not to depress all consciousness to a
bare vacuous level, such largely is the effect. No better illustra-
tion of the childishness of our efforts to ameliorate criminalistic
conditions can be found than the planning of buildings which
does not first and foremost take into account the conditions and
possibilities of mental life. Especially does this appear absurd
when we consider the fact that future actions depend directly
upon the conditions of mentality. The immediate surroundings
that may be necessary to make one man better may be very dif-
ferent from what is desirable in another's man treatment. May
we see the day when carefully worked up studies shall be available
on this subject!

Another general condition to be vastly deplored while society is
detaining the offender may be simply named mental vacuity.
What can any one conceive to be the mental content of prisoners
when they are unoccupied? " What the h — do you suppose we
think of," was the laconic answer of an intelligent old-timer.
We have much evidence of what detained girls think about —
and talk about when they get a chance. And as for the males, no
greater proof can be conceived of the truth of the empty mind
being the devil's workshop, than what we have learned to be the
thoughts brewed during the unoccupied moments of prison life.
To take the simplest case : it seems clear that the result of throw-
ing a group of arrested young boys together without the most

170

Chap. X] EFFECT OF ATTITUDE UPON OFFENDER [§ 128

effective occupational control, is similar to the idle gatherings of
criminalistic gangs which inhabit a deserted barn for some days.
Even when school or vocational treatment is instituted for offend-
ers, the idleness of Saturday and Sunday, with or without con-
gregation, is a highly dangerous moral period.

One might well have prefaced the above short recital of condi-
tions to be prevented, by a statement which more than one keen
observer has offered, namely, that general principles for the treat-
ment of the offender will have to be vastly more developed before
society tlirough its own efforts will cease to be pushing itself in
this matter continuall}- further in the hole.

§ 128. Effect Upon OfiEender of Attitude towards Him. — To
come now to more positive considerations we may, even at the risk
of reiteration, emphasize once more the importance of attitude
towards the offender. Here, however, attitude is to be spoken of
only in its general relationships. Eschewing for the moment the
question of personal contact, let us think of the effect of legal
formalities, as such, upon the offender. It is most interesting to
note that even young delinquefits assume towards the law that
sporting attitude which they conceive to be its own towards them.
Even a little lad says, "I '11 take my medicine when the judge
hands it out," and an older feUow blurts out, " It 's one to ten
(years) for assault with a deadly weapon and that 's all there is to
it. I took my chance and lost." Set rules induce just this give-
and-take attitude, not only on the part of the offender, but also
on the part of officers of the law. A game of penalties is played —
a gambling chance is taken on the avoiding of specified results.
The theory 'of set punishments in the law ^ is altogether easy for
the criminal to comprehend, and this gives him a sense of playing
a game where he is pitted against obstacles which his skill may or
may not be able to avoid.

The folly of short-term punishments without any constructive
measures being undertaken in any way is too obvious and has
too often been deplored by good authorities, to need reiteration.
In the case of older adolescents it particularly serves to famil-

^ The building up of the criminal law upon theories which are not based
upon thorough-going ascertainment of the facts, either statistical or per-
sonal, is simply evidence of the immaturity of oiu" knowledge of the whole
subject. The contrasted opinions of learned men, such as Saleilles (123), who
beUeves in the individuahzation of punishment, as set over against Koehler
(157) and Allfeld (158), who stand for firm adherence to definite penalties for
definite crimes, may also be explained by the lack of thorough research on
the outcomes and possibilities of various forms of treatment.

171

§ 128] GENERAL CONCLUSIONS — TREATMENT [Chap. X

iarize in an unfortunate way with prison life. The result of this
treatment on them is one of the best arguments for extension
to 20 or 21 years of the juvenile court methods.

Quite another feeling on the part of the offender, vide § 36, may
without any doubt very often be engendered by an honest and
studious attempt at interpretation of his delinquency. We have
endeavored to set forth these possibilities in other places. Here
it will suffice to say that efficiency in handling these grave human
problems will ever depend largely upon the emotional and intel-
lectual reactions which are aroused in the ofi^ender during the
whole course of his treatment under the law.

§ 129. Danger of Deceit in Treatment. — We cannot decry too
strongly the use of any kind of deceit in dealing with offenders.
We have many observations to show that lying on the part of
those in authority creates in the offender a unique feeling of dis-
trust towards the world that stands greatly in the way of his moral
recovery. The stronger the natural expectancy of truth from any
given source the greater is the emotional upset and reaction in
behavior to prevarication. Parents, teachers, court officials, all
ought to scrupulously avoid misstatements. Every one ought to
recognize that the first step towards getting the right kind of in-
fluence over a person is to treat him with the utmost squareness
and openness. Young and old, all detest being met by a falsehood.
We have seen cases of mental conflict and serious delinquency
(§ 240) that have arisen largely from a basis of deceit, even well
intentioned. It may be just the best type of person who has the
most sensitive temperament and who reacts socially most strongly
to falsehoods. As a preventive measure this is a matter for serious
consideration in the case of the adopted child, who notoriously
resents year-long deception about parentage.

§ 130. Advantage of Beginning Treatment Early. — The over-
whelming importance of beginning treatment of the offender as
early as possible in his career has been carefully elaborated in our
opening chapters. This, together with the employment of per-
sons with the right tj^e of understanding, are two of the most
fundamental considerations. Eventually, it seems clear to me,
the way will be opened for the work of efficiency students who
will have a scientific background for safely estimating results of
treatment as offered under the auspices of various courts and in-
stitutions. It would be trite to say that here in America our offi-
cials who have to do with this most business-like affair must be

172

Chap. X] BETTER TREATMENT IN COURTS [§ 132

taken away from political influence. We might better state that
the first step must be educational, with the establishment of such
institutes as may train all who handle delinquents for their grave
professional duties.^ How grave these duties are we realize when
we remember that mistakes of treatment are tremendously reactive
upon society. The offender who is harmed or who develops a
grudge WTcaks vengeance in return.

§ 131. Causation Often Not Obvious. — In many cases of
delinquency, features are discovered that at first sight are not
obvious. Only through appreciation of these features is there
any straight path to understanding and developing possibilities
of treatment that offer high chances of success. Much of what
there is to be discovered that is useful can be discerned in our
chapters on causal types. The newer ideas, such as represented
by the Hungarian Law and the recent Ohio provision, which con-
template careful study of minor offenders after trial and before
sentence, are steps towards better things. But unless the spirit
of scientific inquirj^ is caught in observational institutions, these
new legal provisions will still be ineffectual.

§ 132. Organization of Courts for Better Treatment. — The
organization of courts that shall enable the most efficient treat-
ment of delinquency must include two fundamentals which are
wanting now: One is extension of the juvenile court method and
juvenile jurisdiction to offenders up to the age of 20 or 21 years,
with powers of committing proper cases (perhaps through the
adult criminal courts) to penal institutions. My years of daily
work in courts have served to enforce upon me, what everybody
knows, that most boys and girls do not cease to be boys and girls
at 17 or 18. As we shall say in our discussion of adolescence,
§ 336, the formative period of life is variable in different individ-
uals, but is almost never ended at the limit fixed now as the
juvenile court age. Practical workers, as well as scientific students
of adolescence, perceive remarkable changes of character taking
place between 18 and 20. Every safeguard that society can throw

^ In Germany courses on forensic and penological medicine have long
been offered. In Paris the "Institut de medicine legale et de psychiatrie"
was estabUshed a decade ago. This type of instruction deals for the most part
with questions of responsibihty under the law. The Imperial Criminalistic
Institute at the University of Graz, Austria, offers instruction in all branches
of criminology. The com-se offered at Harvard by the psychological depart-
ment in the summer school, and given by the author, has been, so far, the
only systematic instruction in this coimtry on the cUnical study of delin-
quents as such.

173

§ 132] GENERAL CONCLUSIONS — TREATMENT [Chap. X

about these important years by virtue of the parental method of
the juvenile court, with its properly gathered knowledge of causa-
tions and results of previous efforts, should be continued.

The other fundamental is that any court handling an offender
should have direct jurisdiction over the contributing agencies to
his offense. The greatest travesties in justice occur through this
omission, found almost everywhere. The failure to do justice to
the total situation involved in the case betokens the utter weakness
of this branch of social effort. The conveying of a complaint and
of evidence to another court, to be tried perhaps weeks hence,
without the intimate knowledge of the facts concerning the pri-
mary offender and his case, is psychologically and practically
a very weak proceeding.

There are many other fundamental needs in criminal procedure,
which members of the legal profession see, but the above two are
matters of organization where decisive human factors are not
taken into account.

§ 133. Treatment of Physical Causes. — The actual therapy
may be discussed under several heads — physical, psychological,
educational, religious, and so on. Treatment of the physical ail-
ments and incapacities of the offender is often an absolutely indis-
pensable condition for his moral success. A physical irritation
may be immensely formative of character {vide § 174). More
often there is some disability which tends to prevent giving or re-
ceiving satisfaction in employment and education. A good ex-
ample is that of a young man who had been committed by courts
some five or six times, and had been sent out as many times from
institutions, without anybody ever paying attention to his vision,
which only equalled about one-fifth of normal, to say nothing of his
general physical make-up, which was such as to preclude his suc-
cess at most kinds of labor. When he failed again and again in his
utterly poor environment, society passed him along with the
offenders of the day through the mill of the law, and that 's all
there was to it. It is clear that whether physical conditions stand
directly or indirectly as causative factors of delinquency, they
should never be ne^lected.^

1 Much is to be learned about the medical correlatives of delinquency from
the extended reports of the Chicago House of Correction where Mr. Whitman
(156) and Dr. Sceleth organized some years ago an unsurpassed medical
department. Survey of the wide range of defects and ailments observable
from a routine medical standpoint, to say nothing of all the psychological
and social factors in the background of criminal tendencies, leaves no room

174

Chap. X] TREATMENT OF MENTAL CAUSES [§ 134

§ 134. Treatment of Mental Causes. — Specific possibilities of
psychological treatment arising from ascertainment of the mental
background of delinquency are suggested elsewhere in this work.
General educational features of treatment are better mentioned
here. There can be no doubt that educational treatment is essen-
tial for many delinquents, even though they be adults. Leaving
out the mental defectives, there is still a great deal of intellectual
retardation among offenders. The kejTiote to success in educa-
tional effort is the offering of such material as will arouse healthy
mental interests, and add to healthy mental content. The mere
giving of formal education, as such, affords hardly any part of
the solution. The school-room, for the delinquent, should be the
avenue to higher vocational possibilities, to better recreational
resources, to appreciation of right methods of thinking. Ethical
comprehensions may often be skilfully developed in connection
with the learning of other material. All through there must be
individualization, and understanding on the part of the teacher
of the genetic issues which may be met.

We are chary of discussing religious education or religious treat-
ment in any form, on account of the strange controversial aspects
immediately arising. In any case, however, one finds no sound
argument against the application of efficiency studies to this form
of treatment — that is, if such studies can be fairmindedly car-
ried out. Religious teachers of many faiths are undoubtedly ac-
complishing results, and many people who receive their impulses
to service from religious faith are, in various situations, dealing
wonderfully well with the special problem of individual delin-
quents.^ But whatever is already done in this field could be
vastly increased if the ground for such work could be cleared of
impediments. Religious workers themselves frequently do not see
what stands in their way. They should ask that their failures be
analyzed for them, and out of the analysis might come to them
more instead of less hope. They would be able to build up better
constructive measures if they understood various fundamental

for belief in anything ia any field even remotely suggesting a panacea. We
say this becaiise every now and again there is recrudescence of the notion of
some wonder-working reformative medical treatment of the offender. Some-
times it is special sm-gery (usually, of course, of the head or brain), and some-
times it may be hypnosis of the deUnquent that is proposed.

^ I fail to find any accmate studies of the result of prior religious education
of offenders. Perhaps they are not feasible. The biographical studies of
Begbie (159) contain striking information about the possibihty of treating
certain cases which otherwise must inevitably fail.

175

§ 134] GENERAL CONCLUSIONS — TREATMENT [Chap. X

needs. Here, as in the case of school education, the formal train-
ing is not sufficient in many cases; an understanding of perplexi-
ties and disabilities must be obtained and met.

§ 135. Treatment of Environment. — Environment is a fit ob-
ject for treatment in very many instances of delinquency. There
are a thousand and one ways in which it may be defective, and a
thousand and one ways in which it may be altered. We would
refer to our chapters on environment for concrete observations
on the subject. It has always to be taken into account as a forma-
tive influence, at least until the individual is thoroughly crystallized
in his habits. The point here again is, first to start out from the
standpoint of what the individual really needs, and sometimes of
what he definitely wants. Merely to blame the environment with-
out constructively altering it is, of course, thoroughly weak.
Many times have I seen parents and officers and school people
complaining bitterly about an offender, when not one single meas-
ure that could be of constructive benefit had been developed in
his environment. The tremendously important correlations be-
tween alcoholism and delinquency which we, as well as many others,
find, show an example of neglect by society of environmental con-
ditions which fairly eat at the heart of civilization.

§ 136. Treatment in Institutions. — Institutions have a great,
fundamental opportunity, inasmuch as they offer a controlled
environment. Of course the reformatory is built up on this idea.
The difficulty is, that, following the establishment of a plant there
has been too much complacence. It is one thing to develop an envi-
ronment, and another thing to know that it fits the individual. As
a matter of fact, there is a great deal of evidence that institutions
do not fulfill the needs of a goodly number of inmates. Where
effective results are achieved they are due largely to the fact that
offenders are steadied through certain unstable age periods. The
efficiency of institutions could be greatly increased if they were
divided into smaller units, where offenders could be classed much
more nearly according to the possibilities of their treatment. This
classification should be studiously developed upon a psychologi-
cal basis for the most part, for the many reasons which are estab-
lished throughout this volume. It should begin with segregation
of mental defectives, to whom standard treatment is not fitted.

In any reformatory type of institution it seems perfectly clear
that great practical benefit might accrue from much more indi-
vidualization of understanding and treatment than obtains even

176

Chap. X] GOOD TREATMENT ONLY BY UNDERSTANDING [§ 137

in any ordinary school system. The results obtained in these in-
stitutions, we can safely predict, are nothing like what they might
be if measures more appropriate to the needs and possibilities of
different offenders were skillfully reckoned with. A general pro-
fessional understanding of this whole topic must be developed for
the sake of improvement of efficiency. There is the greatest need,
as our observations show, for teachers understanding the special
problems of offenders, who, as a class, present an unusual number
of special problems. The individuals who are the victims of
various mental and nervous habits, who have speech defects, who
belong to the class of specialized mental defectives, and so on, all
are going to receive large benefit only through highly individualized
methods of training. One might pick out certain other points; for
instance, the phenomena of puberty and adolescence, as we
have sketched them elsewhere in this volume. The necessities
of the adolescent period are far from being obvious, but they are
vital for society. All these should be understood enough so that
they may be reckoned with by those in control of young offenders.
Altogether, we might rationally demand for delinquents in charge
of the state the same sort of careful scientific study and treatment,
even if more difficult and complicated, that is accorded to plants
and animals under governmental auspices.

§ 137. Good Treatment Can Only Come Through Under-
standing and Following Up. — In this country we have estab-
lished several notable systems for the treatment of offenders;
the reformatory, the juvenile court, the junior republic, and the
big brother movement.^ But all of these will remain just bits of
machinery, and will never do thorough work in the treatment of
offenders unless they develop something more than the mechanics
of procedure. The juvenile court as an institution, without in-
telligent personalities and methods, can do nothing, although at
times it seems almost a word to conjure with. As a matter of fact,
recidivism is rampant there as elsewhere. The junior republic,
with its splendid ideal of personal development, may be abso-
lutely unfitted to certain types of offenders. As one highly intel-

^ In this connection, although it undertakes for the most part social
study and prevention of dehnquency, rather than primarily the treatment of
the offender, should be mentioned the work of the Juvenile Protective Asso-
ciation, one of the best balanced efforts now being carried on anywhere in this
field. As estabUshed in Chicago, the organization at present is doing its work
by notable, scientifically efficient methods, and this partly because the
need of thorough understanding is (recognized when it comes to any question
of handling the individual case.

177

§ 137] GENERAL CONCLUSIONS — TREATMENT [Chap. X

ligent lad said to me of it, " Did n't you know that was the worst
place in the world you could send me to? " The reformatory,
which it has been the pride of America to establish, is often very
far from accomplishing its projected aims, because a systemi has
been built up as if there was a universally applicable scheme of
treatment. Even the big brother movement, which represents,
both here and abroad, the high-water mark of effort to reduce
delinquency, is as a movement only a little better than other
things. Merely the idea of one man to one boy, or one woman to
one girl, will never solve the problem, if the man or woman has
hot a deep appreciation of all the needs and perplexities of the
offender, and does not attempt to adapt treatment to these
things.

As one makes more and more studies of the formative period of
life, and watches cases go on to success or failure, one sees clearly
that a great feature of treatment is the careful carrying over of
offenders through the period of adolescent instability. A little
touch here and a little touch there to the young individual is not
sufficient; there must be that prolonged studying of the case that
offers the best chance of forfending the growth of delinquent ten-
dencies. Natm*al development involves a period of impression-
ability and instability during those years when many important
social facts are first met. To tide safely over these times of stress
is to do more than later can be accomplished in decades.

A very weak point in practically all social and moral therapy is
the lack of follow-up work. Criticism may be extended to parents
who have no patience to deal systematically with a problem child,
to court admonitions which imply the ability of human nature to
change itself in a trice, to public administration which sends back
old offenders from institutions to an environment where they are
almost sure to fail again. (The wastefulness of the latter, after
spending so much for punishment or reformation of the individual,
I call attention to elsewhere, § 203.)

All through safe and sane consideration of the various aspects
of the treatment of the offender should run the idea of the human
family, with full sensing of interdependence. Complete vision of
community of interests is not easy to attain, but once clearly
arrived at, the application by society of wholesome paternal and
fraternal control of treatment of offenders will win approval.
The honest inquiry which precedes good parental reaction to filial
misconduct will then be comprehended as imperative for the best

178

Chap. X] GOOD TREATMENT ONLY BY UNDERSTANDING [§ 137

interests of society. Offenders can never be treated properly
unless their problems are understood. No machinery of court or
institution, however well organized, can ever take the place of
deep humanistic understanding. The girl put it well who blurted
out to a certain judge, " You and your officers are here to do your
duty, and I suppose you are going to send me away, but before I
go I want to tell you one thing; you don't at all understand me."

179

BOOK TWO
CASES, TYPES, CAUSATIVE FACTORS

Foreword] CASES AND CAUSES TREATED [§ 138

FOREWORD

§ 138. Cases and Causes Treated in Book II. Complexities. § 139. Our
Concrete Data Available for All Concerned. § 140. Plan of Presentation
of Cases and Causal Studies.

§ 138. Cases and Causes Treated in Book II. Complexi-
ties. — This second division of our work presents the concrete
outcome of our eminently practical attempts to understand the
offender and the forces which work through him to produce delin-
quency. Here we deal with both individuals and causes. As
before stated, it disturbs us little to find the array of facts too rich
to permit the use of hard-and-fast lines of classification. Nor are
we nonplused by discovering the complexities of causative fac-
tors in the individual case. Indeed, it is often by perception of the
issues which emerge from the interweaving of factors that the
greatest hope for the whole situation in handling the offender
arises. For example, we may discover that some individual (§271)
who is subnormal according -to formal educational tests, has very
special abilities which may prove to be his social salvation if he
is properly handled. Or by delving deep below the surface, we
may ascertain that a second offender (§ 235) is burdened in his
inner consciousness by mental conflicts or problems, the solution
of which offers the direct remedy for his conduct. Or in another
case (§ 188 ff.), one finds certain conditions of physical develop-
ment, unalterable in themselves, which have to be unhesitatingly
met as important facts if delinquent tendencies are to be thwarted.
In other words, there is generally much more to the case, espe-
cially for remedial purposes, than can be learned by superficial
observation of the individual, or by enumeration of the apparent
conditions of his environment.

It is also true that for other phases of dealing with the offender,
segregation in particular, there are deeper facts which will help
to more accurate determination of the outlook, and consequently
to scientifically based decisions concerning treatment. In de-
velopmental or family history, for instance, we may find a back-
ground of conditions which permanently burden the delinquent,
and which could not be detected by a simple examination. Our
case histories abound in particulars of this kind, many of which

183

§ 138] FOREWORD [Foreword

are definitely applicable to our knowledge of possible outcomes.
One might observe a big young vagrant (§§ 256, 350), and never
understand in the least what to do about the case, if knowledge
was not forthcoming of the antecedent early years of convulsive
attacks. And concerning the victim of border-line aberrational
tendencies: it should make a vast difference to prognostic opinion
whether this individual (§ 343) came from a defective line of ances-
tors or not. Thus, for their bearing on questions of permanent
segregation or prolonged treatment, we need even this more pes-
simistic type of facts.

§ 139. Our Concrete Data Available for all Concerned. —
We present our concrete data for the use of judges, officials of
probation, parole or pardon departments, for institutional oflScers,
professional people, and all others who should have close scientific
understanding of what makes for criminalistic proclivities. All
concerned should have at heart the two aims on which the con-
crete facts bear, namely, the protection of society and the im-
provement of the criminal himself. One may venture to insist
that all workers anywhere in this field should have at least an ac-
quaintance with all the types of individuals and causes which find
place in this practical study of delinquency. Theories may be dis-
pensed with, but not the scientifically grouped facts which throw
light on handling individual offenders. There is a good deal of
broad human interest in the material we have to offer, and special
phases of it bear on many a particular human situation. As a
single illustration, we might point out that legal people all should
have definite understanding of the existence of certain types which
play an unduly large part in court work — (a) the mental defec-
tives in general, and especially those with particular abilities,
such as (a) industrial capacity (§ 272) which can be utilized to keep
them out of social difficulties, or (jS) unusual verbal capacity (§§
273, 276), which may cause them to be great trouble-makers;
(6) the several types of border-line psychoses in individuals who
consequently are morally only partially responsible; (c) the
highly interesting cases having the hidden mental conflicts often
in the background of definite anti-social careers; and (d) the
strange class of pathological liars and accusers.

This does not mean that judges and other officials are to spend
time qualifying to make diagnoses themselves. Their prime need
is to cultivate appreciation of the facts and of essential values.
The movement is already well on foot, particularly in Germany and

184

Foreword] PL.\N OF PRESENTATION [§ 140

America and with indications of it elsewhere, to have indispensable
studies of offenders carefully made and reported on. The coming
years are bound to see much growth in this feature of court and
institutional life. It is to be hoped that with the advent of even
greater foresight such studies may be commenced in still earlier
formative years, preceding any appearance of the individual in
court.

§ 140. Plan of Presentation of Cases and Causal Studies. —
All chapter and section headings in this division represent the
various groupings of causative factors as observationally ascer-
tained. We have not followed classification lines according to
individuals, offenses, or anything else — we have previously shown
(§ 122) the inadequacy of this plan. And particularly have we
avoided dwelling on data of mere general interest, such as climatic
and racial correlations, about which nothing can be done. Again
it must be remembered that our causes are always the causes of
delinquency. If we were regarding the individual simply in his
mental qualities, our schedule of related causations would show
very differently. For comprehending the causative factor cards,
which we frequently append by way of graphic illustration to a
case study, this practical limitation should be kept in mind. Our
presentation of cases and causal types follows no preconceived
logical order; the subdivisions correspond to nothing but prac-
tical issues.

We again would emphasize that living material shows much
overlapping of types and causes, and that it is exactly this ad-
mixture of facts which must be comprehended in order that jus-
tice may be done to the whole situation. It has been frequently
pointed out by many authorities that there is no wall of division
between the normal and abnormal, either in defect, aberration or
development; in our material this fact is always patent. But
nevertheless most cases have outstanding characteristics that are
clearly marked.

Despite the difficulty which we seem to be bringing down upon
our heads by introducing all this idea of complexity, we really are
opening the way for clarification of decisions concerning practical
measures. We ask for studious consideration of the cases that
this point may be clear. The true picture of the whole case, we in-
sist, is the only one scientifically desirable, and the only way of
getting a true picture is through shedding on the subject the light
of keen analysis.

185

§ 140] FOREWOED [Foreword

The logical method of dwelling proportionately longer on
numerically more important types has been only partially followed
by us. We have merely outlined, for example, characteristics of
the obviously feebleminded and insane offenders, and have only
in summary dealt with well-known environmental factors. This
has left us more room for discussing the less generally understood
features of causation, features that frequently present the greatest
constructive possibilities.

Our portrayal of facts is based, as may be seen, on prolonged
studies of cases. We realize that many types of individuals and
causes need, at least for specialists, more elaborate study records
than we can afford space for here. Publication of such detailed
observations will form part of the future development of the science
of clinical criminology. We have stopped short of the anecdotal
method, that is, we have not related many an interesting study
of some single striking case because it was too unusual. And
nearly always we have purposely avoided presenting the most
exaggerated types of offenders, and of extreme delinquencies, for
instance, murder. We are in this work primarily dealing with
genetics, and the commission of desperate offenses usually comes
after many years of delinquency have added the force of mental
habit and accumulated environmental stress to the original
source of misconduct. The individual thus far along in his career
is like the case of chronic disease in which many secondary condi-
tions have arisen that obscure knowledge of the onset and " mate-
ries morbi." But even within our set limits, if we had talent and
space, our case studies might ring true to the requirements of that
best type of biography which focuses upon the beginnings of
careers.^

For professional people it need hardly be said that the per-
sonalities of all our cases are fictitious and that facts of time and
place are effectively disguised. The fictitious details, however,
have been carefully selected with a view to not damaging the rec-
ord of causation. Measurement of height is net, but weight is
subject to deduction of about 5 lbs. for clothes. In the case of

1 We do not deny that occasionally it is quite possible to have biographical
material of considerable interest in criminology, even as related to treatment,
without attempts at well-rounded estimation of the individual and his driv-
ing forces. All studies, however, would be immensely strengthened by more
complete data on many points. One finds himself unable, for instance, on
account of such omission, satisfactorily to diagnose certain types of appar-
ently recoverable chronic cases in Begbie's (159) interesting work on moral
regeneration.

186

Foreword] PL.\N OF PRESENTATION [§ 140

the youngest offenders, subtracting 4 lbs. is more nearly correct.
The record of the physical examination which showed normal
conditions is, for the most part, omitted.

For those with special interest in the psj'chological phases
of our work, we have, in many case studies, inserted in smaller type
the results on tests, which may be interpreted by reference to
§ 82 in our chapter on methods. Why there has been great varia-
tion in the tests given is easy to see. We have had to deal with
many ages, and all classes of mental ability. We needed to have
one sort, of information in one case, perhaps about vocational
aptitude, and another sort, perhaps concerning the general level
of intelligence, in a second case. The wide range of knowledge
desirable is discussed under the heading of mental tests (§54;
vide also § 34) . The undesirability of any cut-and-dried system
is clearly demonstrated by a survey of our material.

Not so much has been said about treatment as would be justi-
fiable if this book were WTitten for any single class of those who
have to do medically, educationally or disciplinarily with offend-
ers. Our task is mainly to present the essentials of diagnosis
and prognosis, but since many points of prognosis are only to be
decided in the light of possible treatment, general considerations
of therapy have been treated. The time will come, we feel sure,
when on the basis of carefully rendered diagnosis, really scientific
work will be devoted to studying the possibilities of individualized
treatment under the various conditions in which offenders may
be found. While treatment in reformatory institutions has
been more considered in the light of observed results than has
any kind of court work, still institutional efforts in general are
very far from having been developed with the scientific impetus
that their importance would justify. Here, too, is a field that
lies fallow for the cultivation of better discriminations and better
methods.

The bibliographic references, as in Book I, have been selected
with much care from extensive reading. Students of special
problems are offered here and there an introduction to the most
important material on the given subject, whether as gauged by
its recency, its originality of research, or the fact that it valuably
summarizes previous work in the field.

187

§ 141] HEREDITY [Chap. I

CHAPTER I
Heredity

§141. Studies of Heredity Need Critical Methods. — In the
light of the enormous Kterature on heredity, and especially of
the recent excess of writing on this subject, we have been, dur-
ing the years of our research, carefully on the lookout for data
that shall stand scientific scrutiny.^ The whole problem of
human conduct is so complicated by environment and other
genetic factors, that only now and then., do we get satisfactory
positive evidence of the part that heredity plays in the background.
We have dealt with our general findings, § 116, in the chapter
on Statistics — it remains to give instances of some of the def-
initely inherited subfoundations of criminalism. Inheritance
of certain types of feeblemindedness, epilepsy and insanity is
such a well-established fact, and is covered so well by many
published researches, that nothing need be said here about all
this, in spite of the close relationship of these abnormalities to
criminalism. There are less well-known inherited conditions also
in the background of anti-social conduct.

From our experience we would warn at this place once more
against the danger of drawing easy conclusions about heredity
being the main factor back of misdeeds simply because some
progenitors or other members of the family were guilty of delin-

1 We have also searched the hterature for recent careful studies on the
inheritance of criminahstic tendencies. Apart from the researches on the
inheritance of various mental and nervous defects or aberrations that are so
frequently correlated with dehnquency, we find nothing in the least convinc-
ing — nothing to add to Aschaffenburg's summary (1, Eng. ed. p. 129) of
work done on the subject, or to his words, "This makes it possible to dis-
pense with the hjrpothesis that criminal tendencies, hke artistic talents, for
instance, are transmitted from parents to children. I expressly say that we
can dispense with it for it cannot be refuted or proved." Our statement on
heredity, under Statistics, § 116, and the results of a special research (Spauld-
ing and Healy, 162) on cases seen in the Juvenile Psychopathic Institute
should here be consulted.

188

Chap. IJ ^INHERITANCE OF EXCESS OF ENERGY [§ 142

quency. Both mother and child may be prostitutes, and both
be victims of environment. Grandparents and parents and
children may be liars, or thieves, or misdoers in other ways,
and very little cause of their conduct be protoplasmic carrying
over of special traits. Some changes or reformations that may be
witnessed through alteration of environment, make one very
skeptical about deciding the role of inlieritance in criminalism,
unless other proof than that of similar misconduct in successive
generations is brought forth. We feel certain that absolutely
the only fair way to study inheritance in criminalistic families is
to ascertain the various causes of misbehavior in individual
cases, and then to reckon up these with known heritable condi-
tions.

Nothing is more unfair than to offer family charts alone in
proof of inheritance of criminality. Without detailed environ-
mental and developmental history they prove nothing, no matter
how many criminal histories they may indicate. Studying the
significance of delinquent tendencies, which may arise through
any of a large number of possible biological, mental, or social
factors, is altogether different from studying the heritage of a
Hapsburg lip or the heredity of feeblemindedness. Facial fea-
tures are altogether simply derived, and even feeblemindedness
arises from merely a few general biological causes. The unsafe-
ness of interpreting from graphic representation and isolated
facts is ob\dous from the above considerations.

§ 142. Inheritance of Excess of Energy. — We may have
overlooked much in our individual studies, but at least the
things we are about to tell of are typical of what may be seen,
and the details speak for themselves. Inherited excess of phys-
ical development, strength and energy, with accompanying
seK-will and self-assertion, as it leads to delinquency, may first
be dealt with.

Case 1. — A bright girl of 16 years. English parentage. Father
is dead. The girl has been guilty of much misbehavior. She
has stayed away from home on numerous occasions, going to
work when and where she pleased, unbeknown to her mother,
threatened physical violence, showed extreme temper, and in-
dulged in sex delinquency.

Physically, we found her in tremendously good condition —
very well; symmetrically developed. Very strong. Weight, 152
pounds. Height, 5 feet, 1 inch. Notable is her mature type of

189

§ 142] HEREDITY [Chap. I

face, with its decidedly good features and firm chin. She has
defective vision, and headaches, perhaps from eye strain.

Although she refused to do the tests for us, we could fairly
judge her to have ordinary mental ability. We learned of her
accomplishments in other directions, and she showed signs of
the possession of quick intelligence. Her school work is fairly
well done. She showed under observation a great many indi-
cations of mental energy and will, she formed quick opinions of
persons — perhaps taking a sudden grudge against them. She
said that she would purposely do the tests wrong if she did them
at all. She cares much for her physical well-being, and is said
in some ways to be decidedly lazy, but not at all so on the mental
side.

The family history is said to be remarkably free from taint,
even of alcoholism, on both sides. The father was a good man.
This child was fourth in fifteen pregnancies, eight children being
alive, several of them sickly. Her development was normal
except for two very severe illnesses, once with some gastrointes-
tinal disorder, and again with scarlet fever during childhood.
She menstruated at 13 1-2 years.

Interest in the hereditary aspects of this case was immediately
awakened by viewing the mother. She and the daughter were
cast from exactly the same mold. This woman of a little more
than 40 years, with her fifteen pregnancies, and much trouble
on account of poverty, the death of her husband, and other
family troubles, is stUl enormously strong, healthy, fiery and
emphatic. The powerful physiognomy of the girl was inherited
straight from this vigorous personage. The mother freely told
of beating the daughter, and displayed much temper in recount-
ing the girl's delinquencies. In fact, she stated that on account
of certain things her daughter had said about her she really
feared she would choke her to death if she got hold of her again.

The girl met us in the same straightforward way as the mother.
" I can't see why mother thinks I 'm so bad, since she 's just like
me." She went on to tell us that she did what she did just be-
cause she wanted to. She knew all about what she was doing,
even about sex things. Her mother had told her much. " I 'm
not weak — I just do as I want to."

After careful warning and obtaining for her another position,
this girl kept exactly on the path she had previously pursued,
and there was nothing to do but send her to an institution. Ordi-

190

Chap. I] INHERITANCE OF IRRITABLE TEMPER [§ 143

nary treatment could hardly be expected to succeed in this Unpe
of individual, when even fifteen pregnancies and much hard
work had not worn out just the same sort of vigor in the mother.
Of course, as the card of causative factors shows, there were
other elements in the case, but the background of the trouble
was certainly the inlieritance of a remarkable physical organiza-
tion, the substratum of her mental qualities and her delinquency.

Mental peculiarities:

Very strong type. Self-will, self-assertion
excessive. Reckless.

Case 1.
Girl, age 16.

Physical conditions: Over-development
and prematurity.

Heredity: M. same type.

Adolescent instability?

perhaps a factor.

Delinquencies :
Leaving home.
Threatening violence.
Sex.

Mental:
Fair ability.

§ 143. Inheritance of Irritable Temper. — As throwing light
on the question of inheritance of such traits as bad temper and
irritability, one finds many evidences of inheritance of physical
characteristics, some of them plain inferiorities and some only
vaguely definable, which may underlie the irritability and " ner-
vousness." (A point to keep in mind in this connection is that
outbreaks of temper may be an epileptic equivalent, § 250.)
However, where one hears about bad temper both in parents
and children, there is always the possibility of parental reactions
in the household having been partially responsible for the character
of the child. In one instance this could well be ruled out.

Case 2. — We studied a very attractive Irish-American boy
at the request of his mother, who had had much trouble with
him on account of exhibition of bad temper combined with
violence. We found a nervous, active, strong-featured boy with
no defects whatever discernible, except enuresis, which still per-
sisted at 13. On the mental side there was not the slightest
difficulty in classifying him as normal in ability, with a good range
of information. There were varying reports from teachers, one

191

§ 143] HEREDITY [Chap. I

of them stating he could do only second-grade work. But this
we were able to prove was due to his reaction toward her. So
far as we could ascertain, everything about development and
heredity was negative, except that the boy is the image of his
father, who was a very active, good-hearted, and remarkably quick-
tempered man. He has been dead six or seven years. The other
children do not physically resemble the father, and are more
quiet and stable. Our youngster had got into very serious trouble
through fighting with weapons. In spite of all this we felt that;
the prognosis was distinctly good. At present, in the beginning
of adolescence, there is undoubtedly lack of developed inhibi-i
tory powers to overcome the traits which he had derived in such;
full measure from his father. '

Mental peculiarity: Terrific temper. Active, Case 2.
fiery type. Lack of Boy, age 13.

self-control . (Enuresis) .

Heredity: F. same type.

Adolescent lack of self-control.

Fighting. Mental :

Violence + . Fair ability.

§ 144. Inheritance of Hypersexual Tendencies. Case 3. — A
short summary of this case will show the significant facts of
heredity which have to do very definitely not only with physical
structure, but also with sex impulses. A girl of 16 years, in splen-
did physical condition, very strong, weight 121 lbs., height 5 ft.
1 in., over-development of structural sex characteristics for her
age, had already been delinquent enough to have had two mis-
carriages. With the exception that she bit her nails excessively,
there were no findings of physical abnormality. On the mental
side we diagnosed her mental ability as rather poor and educational
advantages poor. She showed no aberrational tendency what-
ever, and very willingly cooperated in tests.

The heredity in this American family is decidedly interesting.
The mother's father was a saloon keeper. The mother herself
was notoriously gay when young, so much so that she had to
leave the small town in which she was brought up. She then
met and married an alcoholic reprobate, by whom she had no
less than fifteen children, six of whom are living. Several of the

192

Chap. I] INHERITANCE OF HYPERSEXUAL TENDENCIES [§ 144

children are said to have had con^'^ulsions when very young, and
four of them are said to have died from this cause. No other
tendency to convulsions is known in either family. In spite of the
father's alcoholism, he had fairly good health, but he failed to
support his family, and his wife worked out a great deal. From
reliable sources we learn that this woman is a very fine worker
and is well liked. She is tremendously active, full of life, rather
witty, and much given to smutty talk. Recently she has parted
from her husband. This woman, now about 45 years old, having
had children part of the time at the rate of about one a year,
shows herself to be fairly intelligent, hard-working, still very
strong, and inclined to the erotic.

It is important for treatment in such cases to note that our
girl, who had early shown such an excessive desire for the oppo-
site sex, in spite of much warning and many good advantages
offered, finally showed that she never had done so well morally
as when she had to do very hard work. The miscarriages left
no bad physical effects, and when she was working out in a place
where she had to do big washings she controlled her sex tenden-
cies much better than previously.

Physical over-development

: general and sex

Case 3.

characteristics.

Girl, age 16.

Heredity : M. early sex delinquent,
fine physique.
F. ale.

Home conditions:

M. careless morally.
Poverty.

Lack healthy interests.

Delinquencies:

Sex +

Mental:
Poor in ability.

Still better evidence of the same type of inheritance in early
development of certain physical characteristics is shown in the
following instance.

Case 4. — This is a boy of 15 years, German parentage, who has
caused his hard-working mother an excessive amount of trouble.
Physically we find him to be well nourished and developed,
with remarkable sexual over-development for his age. Weight
120 lbs. Height 5 ft., 4. He has a well-shaped chest. The boy

193

§144] HEEEDITY [Chap. I

is to some extent a mouth breather on account of partial occlu-
sion of the nose. Dull-looking eyes, dark underneath. We note
his general dull, sheepish expression, thick lips and sensuous
face. Slouchy in attitude. No sensory defect.
'. Mentally, we classify him as having fair ability and fair ad-
vantages, although showing an element of mental dullness,
perhaps from debility caused by his bad sex habits. Although
Jiis record on some things was good, his work was irregular and
unequal.

Results on Tests: (As stated previously, records on our own tests
throughout Book II may be largely interpreted by reference to § 82.)

I. 3'. Repeated trial and error on the triangles — a very stupid
attitude at the beginning of his tests.

III. 5' 17". 25 trial of impossibilities. Only 3 retrial of obvious
impossibilities. This curious result was brought about by his not
taking in our original statement that the pieces must exactly fill up
the frame. He did the test immediately again without error.

IV. 1' 20". 11 moves — -the smallest possible number. Contrast
this splendid performance with the above.

V. 3' 43". Between step 1 and step 2 he interspersed 3 errors.

VIII. All correct.

IX. Correct at 2d trial.

X. Correct at 1st trial.

I XI. He got the idea very quickly but was very inaccurate in his
work, making 7 out of 11 possible errors. Strangely, some of the
^ore difficult parts of the code were correctly done. His mental
control seemed quite inadequate to the performance.
i XII. 13 out of the 20 items given with a fair amount of accuracy
4nd understanding.

! XIII. 11 out of the 12 items given correctly and without attempt
^t verbal accuracy.
I XV. 1 failure. Average time 1.8".
I XVI, XVII, XVIII. In school work equals 7th grade.
; XXII. Simple history items and contemporary items given cor-
rectly. Is a reader of books and mechanical magazines, and desires
to be an electrician.

XXIII. Pictorial Completion Test. 3' 17" and no final errors.

This boy is said to come from very good stock indeed on both
sides, with the exception of the father, who was the only black
sheep in his good family. No insanity, epilepsy, feeblemindedness
or familial disease is known on either side. Our boy was first-
born of four children, the two middle ones having died in infancy.
A younger brother of eight is showing none of this boy's peculiar
traits. The pregnancy occurred during a very unhappy time on

194

Chap. I] INHERITANCE OF HYPERSEXUAL TENDENCIES [§ 144

account of the father's misbehavior. The birth was normal|
and the development was quite heahhy. Enuresis persisted!
until a few years ago. From perhaps one to four years the boyj
showed excessive bad temper, throwing himself upon the floor
in rage. The father and mother married when very young
He proved at once to be a drinking man, and although well
able to do so, has failed a great deal of the time to support her.
Even during this pregnancy she had largely to support herself,
evidently out of pride, being unwilling to apply to her family.!
But his drinking, however, was not so bad as his excessive sex,;
delinquency continued over many years. At present he is serv-'
ing a long term for engaging in immoral practices with two young*
girls. '

This boy already has a record of many delinquencies. He has
been a runaway from home, previously showed a boyish tend-
ency for the possession of guns, and engaged in Indian warfare
and the like, which got him into trouble. Recently he has been
loafing on the streets much, and often stealing. Already he
has been committed four times. The worse feature about hi^
case is his sex delinquency. This has been engaged in to such
an extent in schools and institutions that he is everywhere re-
garded as a most serious menace. Again and again he has de-
liberately taught smaller boys the worst kinds of sex practicesi
His mother, thoroughly aroused about the whole matter, is at
her wit's end to know what to do to check his tendency. Many
others who have had him in charge also have failed utterly with
him. These tendencies were shown many years ago. The mother
states that already at 3 or 4 years of age, long before he had
engaged in any bad habit, he was showing extraordinary phys-
ical signs of sexual activity.

Now in adolescence the boy is much inclined to lie in bed, and
although because of his ability he has had many good positions
offered him, he does not seem to be able to keep at them. H
is comparatively recently that his more shameless teaching of
others has taken place. At one time when he ran away he is
said to have lived in a hut with a man who was thoroughly bad^
but the association was quite voluntary on the part of the boy*
It was interesting to note that the mother realized that this boj*^
was as desperate a problem in general life as he was in the family^
She was most earnest in her desires for something thorough to
be done to prevent his injuring others.

195

§ 144] HEREDITY [Chap. I

Physical: Sex over-development +. Case 4.

Developmental: Abnormal early ^^y' ^^^ ^^•

development of sex.

Heredity: F. great sex offender.

Mentality — dull and lethargic,

probably from bad habits.

(?) Prison type of repression.

Stealing.
Runaway.

Sex offenses +, including Mental:

homosexual. Fair ability.

Case 5. — Another case of a little boy of eight years, Austrian
father, Scotch mother, already notorious on account of sex-per-
vert tendencies, might be used as complete evidence of remark-
able heredity of sex traits if it were not for the fact that environ-
ment, as commonly found in these cases, cannot be ruled out.
Most frequently one finds on the part of the parents defects
which produce bad environment, and thus complicate the problem.
This little lad was physically and mentally normal, but a very
impudent and turbulent specimen. He had already associated
with some of the vilest human characters. He had shown very
marked sex tendencies, himself being already a seeker of the bad.
The mother, despite one's sympathy for her, must be regarded
as a careless individual. The father was an exceedingly bright
man, known to possess much ability, very large and strong. He
had been married several times. Besides this he was frequently
immoral with other women. He has already served two terms
in different states on account of bigamy. The mother desired
the boy placed under better circumstances, and a remarkable
result was obtained after a few months of treatment in a better
home. The boy seemed to lose his bad tendencies.

In another instance we had most remarkable testimony from
several reliable sources concerning excessive sex tendencies on
the part of a whole family — father, mother, at least one grand-
parent, and others in the generation of the boy whom we saw.
Mentally he was a normal lad, a great deal of a reader, and at
15 1-2 years had already the stature of a big man, with complete
adult sex development.

We have seen indication that the trait, evidently sometimes

196

Chap. I] INHERITANCE OF HYPERSEXUAL TENDENCIES [§ 144

inlierited, of hypersexiialism may be passed over from a parent
to a child of the opposite sex. The following case seems to prove
the point clearly.

Case 6. — This is a girl of American parentage, 14 years old,
\'ery strong, good nutrition, strong type of face, rather prominent
chin, no sensory defects. No signs of over-development. Men-
struated at 13; complains much of headache and dizzy spells
at these times.

On the mental side we had no difficulty in diagnosing this
girl as well up to the ordinary in ability and information, although
in her early life her school advantages had been poor. More re-
cently she had taken a course in a business college. No aberra-
tional tendencies whatever were discoverable. Our series of tests
were done rapidly and uniformly well.

The developmental history is not completely ascertainable,
but there is fairly good evidence that there was no serious trouble,
or the relatives whom we saw would have known about it. The
mother has been dead since the girl was four years old, and later
there was a step-mother who was deserted by the father. The
relatives of the girl's own mother are of a distinctly refined
type, not at all like this child in ruggedness. There is an older
sister who is much more delicate. We have a definite state-
ment that no insanity, feeblemindedness or epilepsy is known
to exist in either family. The general character of the father is,
simply, that he has been crazy after women all his grown life.
As a married man he eloped with one of the girls he later married.
All his family know full well his traits.

The girl who is the subject of our study has already had many
sex experiences, and when boys have not been available she has
indulged in homosexual affairs, even to the extent of attacking
a little girl in her bed. Her relatives state that she will at times
grip them in a tense, peculiar manner for a moment and set
her teeth. It is interesting to hear from other sources that the
girl seems to have no inclination whatever to associate with
bad girls. This is indication that her sex tendencies are prima-
rily autogenetic. The girl spoke freely of her own traits, of her
desire to kiss other girls, and of her earlier affairs with boys.
She says that since she learned of the danger of having a baby
she has never been with boys. Before that time, and in a general
way, she thought, she says, it was not a right thing to do, but
did not realize much of what she was doing.

197

§ 144] HEREDITY [Chap. I

Mental or physical peculiarity:

Case 6.

Sex tendencies excessive.

Girl, age 14.

Heredity: F. sex offender.

Home conditions: tlirough these early

acquaintance with

sex immorality.

Sex delinquencies +

Mental:

including homosexual.

Good ability.

§ 145. Inheritance of Physical Traits. — - The inheritance of
other physical traits and characteristics, especially of the nerv-
ous system, which may have much to do with the production
of crime, is so well substantiated that it hardly needs to be men-
tioned. We know, for instance, that an early onset of puberty,
morally a dangerous event under certain environmental condi-
tions, may be a family characteristic. Then, we have seen some
very convincing examples of the inheritance of a lazy disposi-
tion in physically well-endowed people. In the case of one girl,
unusually strong and capable, and for whom a great deal was
done in an effort to save her from going to the bad, there seemed
always to stand in the way a very definite temperament, show-
ing itself as an innate tendency to take the easiest path. Although
this girl lived far away from her father, in a different climate and
among totally different people, she was said by those who knew
both to be exceedingly like him in practical attitude toward life.
The physical substratum of this physical and moral inertia, in
the face of abundant good health, is hardly to be surmised.

The inheritance of inferiorities of mind or body, even outside
the realm of feeblemindedness or insanity, is so well known that
we need not give examples. Those of our cases of constitutional
inferiority which have developed on the basis of inheritance may
be studied. The many other points which our various individual
studies suggest concerning the problem of inheritance, can re-
ceive such elucidation as our present knowledge affords, through
reference to the many technical works upon the subject. The
effect of alcoholism of parents upon the offspring is discussed
under the head of alcoholism, § 194, and in our chapter on statis-
tics, § 115.

§ 146. FamiUal Biological Defect. — At this place we should
call attention to a possible misinterpretation of causative factors.

198

Chap. I] FAMILIAL BIOLOGICAL DEFECT [§ 146

If several of a family fraternity are found mentally defective it
is generally inferred that their characteristics are derived from
ancestral strams where such defect must have been potent. But
this is not always the case, for the results of the union of two
elements, growing under definite conditions, may be regularly
the production of characteristics which are not somatically
innate in either one of the ancestors who carried these elements.
The following family history is illustrative of this point.

Case 7. — We have studied four members of a fraternity of
nine, five of whom are defective. The father and mother are
both honest, fairly intelligent and reliable people. They utterly
deny the existence of mental defect on either side. In neither
family has any one been in an institution. All brothers and sisters
of the father and mother are self-supporting and their few chil-
dren are all said to be normal. We can imagine no reason why,
in the face of other frank revelations they have made, the parents
should conceal family facts, and they corroborate each other.
Certainly if one were to go by Mendelian proportions, one would
expect a trait which shows itself in five out of nine children to
be prepotent in the ancestral history, and therefore to be well
known as family characteristics.

The father and mother were married at 23 and 21 respectively.
The mother is a healthy, strong woman, and the father has held
a federal position for some 20 years. Since our acquaintance with
him he has been incapacitated for 2 years with tuberculosis.
When we first knew him, 3 years previously, he was recognized,
although quite able to work steadily, as having the disease in an
incipient stage. How long he had it prior to that time is not
known. He has been non-alcoholic. There are no signs of s}q)h-
ilis or of any other constitutional disease in the family. No
children dead. The children's characteristics run as follows:
I. Girl, 19, reached 8th grade. Supports herself. Compara-
tively healthy. II. Girl, 5th grade at 14 years. Never seriously
ill. No convulsions. Decidedly good-looking. Became a tre-
mendous sex delinquent. When studied by us she graded only
as a moron, but it is possible, since she had a record of 5th grade,
that she was in a temporarily poor condition. She later was re-
ported as doing well morally and being a good worker, but un-
doubtedly is subnormal mentally. III. Boy of 16, imbecile.
When outside of an institution is much of a menace on account
of bad sex habits. Severely ill with spinal meningitis at 2 1-2

199.

§ 146] HEREDITY [Chap. I

years, but before then seemed to be defective. IV. Boy of 12.
1st grade. Cannot write; speech defect. V. Boy of 9. 3d
grade; seems normal. VI. Girl of 7 years. 1st grade and seems
normal. VII. Boy of 5 years. Had spasms three times dm-ing
infancy. Does not talk plainly. Evidently defective. VIII.
Boy of 4 years. Only just commenced to talk. Did not walk
until he was 2 1-2 years. Once had convulsions. IX. Girl of
15 months. Walks and runs about- very well. Seems normal.
In this family history of defect the possible influence of the
father's chronic disease, tuberculosis, must remain for us merely
a matter of conjecture.

200

Chap. II] FACTORS IN DEVELOPMENTAL CONDITIONS [§1-17

CHAPTER II
Factors in Developmental Conditions

§ 147. General Statement. (A. Antenatal Conditions.) § 148. Physical
Conditions During Pregnancy. § 149. Abuse During Pregnancy. § 150.
Mother Mentally Troubled. § 151. Insanity and Epilepsy of the Preg-
nant Mother. § 152. AlcohoUsm During Pregnancy. § 153. Morphinism
Dm-ing Pregnancy. § 154. Congenital Syphilis. § 155. Old Age of Par-
ents. § 156. Attempted Abortion. § 157. Twins. § 158. Mother Work-
ing During Pregnancy. §159. Maternal Impressions. (B. Natal). §160.
Premature Birth. § 161. Difficult Labor. (C. Postnatal.) § 162. General
Statement. {D. Senility.) § 163. Nature and Causes of Offenses of Old
Age.

§ 147. General Statement. — As may be seen by our analysis
(§ 99) of defective developmental conditions which, in our young
offenders, could be regarded in any way as causes, we divided
the developmental period into antenatal, natal and postnatal, in-
cluding in the latter the usual developmental period of childhood.
Some general discussion of this whole matter is needed. All
these causes in early development are merely antecedents of
present conditions which are to be found in mind and body.
They are to be regarded as causes only inasmuch as they do
produce discoverable effects or peculiarities; they can never be
in any way regarded as directly responsible for delinquency.
From this it may be easily seen why, although we would not
in any way undervalue this group of causes, in our classification
such antecedents never emerge as major factors. To make it
clearer we may state, for instance, that old age of the father at
the time of conception could not be scientifically considered as
having any relationship to delinquency unless the individual
produced from this conception was mentally or physically in-
ferior. Or some head injury in childhood, which is often alleged
to stand in relationship to delinquent tendencies, cannot be rec-
ognized as a cause imless one finds evidence of possible resultant
physical trouble or mental instability. But the obviously vary-
ing import of the factors as they are discussed will make this
whole matter much clearer, and will show the need for individual
interpretation of earlier conditions.

201

§ 148] FACTORS IN DEVELOPMENTAL CONDITIONS [Chap. II

A. Antenatal.

§ 148. Physical Conditions During Pregnancy. — It will
be noted (§ 99) that in 40 instances, or 5 per cent., of our ana-
lyzed cases we learned of ailments during pregnancy which
were severe enough to lead us to consider them probable ante-
cedent causes. What we discovered abnormal in the offspring
— anything from mental defect to the various signs of physical
inferiority — was very likely, and in some cases without doubt,
due to the antenatal conditions. Sometimes our evidence was
made strong by the fact that this given individual differed from
the others of the same fraternity, all of whom had been born
after a normal pregnancy.

It is hardly necessary to give each specific condition of the
mother which may cause trouble. It is obvious that a wasting
chronic disease, or a severe acute ailment, might be sufficient.
Among our cases are instances of a child being born of a mother
suffering either from cancer, tuberculosis, extreme debility from
a recent illness, and so on. We have seen two cases where
children were born when the mother had puerperal eclampsia.
Both came from highly intelligent families, and were the only
members of the fraternity or family who showed mental abnor-
mality. One has specialized mental defects, and the other is a
subnormal, unbalanced individual. In both, tendencies to anti-
social conduct have developed. One showed defects of the
teeth which are ordinarily accredited to the effects of syphilis.
The latter could without much doubt be ruled out — a fact
especially interesting to syphilographers. A similar dental con-
dition was found in an individual born of a cancerous mother.
Other severe illnesses, such as typhoid fever during pregnancy,
without any doubt leave influences, as we have observed, upon
the offspring, which may result in mental abnormality later con-
nected with delinquency.

§ 149. Abuse During Pregnancy. — This is a factor that is
much more difficult to evaluate, and we have only included it
when the history showed it to be an exaggerated case. If a woman
is half starved and brow-beaten, or actually beaten, as women are
sometimes by brutal and drunken husbands, she is likely to
become herself a poorly-nourished individual, and to poorly
nourish her infant. We have known of a number of extreme

202

Chap. II] INSANITY AND EPILEPSY OF PREGNANT MOTHER [§ 151

cases of this kind : a woman lying in bed perhaps for days as the
result of mistreatment and lack of food.

§ 150. Mother Mentally Troubled. — It is still harder to
gauge this, and in the vast majority of cases we have not included
it at all as a cause, but when one hears of worry to the extent of
causing malnutrition and much physical disturbance it can be
fairh' considered that the unborn child is a probable sufferer.
An extreme case of this kind which very likely resulted in the
mental defect of a child, who is a tremendous delinquent, runs as
follows: An immigrant woman of good physical strength, who,
according to her account, comes of a healthy and mentally normal
family, had a terrible trouble in the 6th or 7th month of preg-
nancy. She came home one day to find her home destroyed and
her husband and four children burned to death as the result of
an explosion. But the difficulty of proof of cause, even in this
case, is great, since we cannot trace the family history. This
mother at first seemed reliable, but as the years have gone on
she has become very unreasonable, perhaps simply as the re-
sult of her very great and continued troubles. She has always
insisted that her other children were normal, and that there was
no feeblemindedness in either family. The mental shock caused,
of course, physical debilitation. Clearly, we should put down
this as the probable main factor of the feeblemindedness which
is the more direct cause of the delinquency.

Excessive worry, such as that connected with a husband's
illness and death during pregnancy, may very rationally be sup-
posed to so interfere with the mother's physical conditions as
to affect the child. It would be more difficult- to prove the con-
nection between such a shock, vide § 159, as the mother being in
a big train robbery. In one case like this we were unable to find
that the child really was left with any definite physical or mental
signs which would make the claim of causation clear.

§151. Insanity and Epilepsy of the Pregnant Mother. — It
is often impossible to know in what proportion the abnormali-
ties of the offspring of a mother who is pregnant when insane
are due to heredity or to antenatal condition. In all but one
case we have ruled out the latter, but there we learned of the
mother being terribly negligent of herself, and very likely this
negligence helped to produce the child that was not up to normal.
The child of an epileptic mother who is having attacks during
pregnancy is much more likely to suffer from defective ante-

203

§ 151] FACTORS IN DEVELOPMENTAL CONDITIONS [Chap, II

natal conditions. It is well known that there is toxemia at the
time of convulsions and, of course, the unborn child must di-
rectly suffer from the poisons which are circulating in the mother's
blood.

§ 152. Alcoholism During Pregnancy. — Difficulty that there
is in understanding the bad effect of alcohol upon germ cells
is not paralleled by its obviously easy influence upon the growing
fetus. Alcohol circulates with great ease through such mem-
branes as separate the mother's blood from the embryonic circu-
lation, and thus the growing brain cells are bathed in it in pro-
portion as the mother takes it into her system. There is much
to prove that cells in the younger stages of growth are more plastic
and more readily affected by alcoholic poison. So the drinking
mother stands a very good chance, by all accounts, of bringing
forth children with defective or unstable nervous systems. We
know the relation, in turn, of these abnormalities to human
inefficiency and to criminalism.

Proofs of the above as a cause are, very naturally, vitiated by
the fact that a later defective environment practically always
is also a factor. Indeed, in cases where we heard of the mother's
alcoholism during pregnancy, we found that there was so much
else that might account for the child's bad conduct that we have
been obliged to refrain from ever including this as a main factor.
As in the case of probable alcoholic deterioration of germ cells
(vide § 194) proofs of actual deterioration will have to come through
direct physiological, rather than through social and psychological
studies.

§ 153. Morphinism During Pregnancy. — It is certain that
morphine taken by the pregnant mother affects the unborn child.
The infant sometimes will not survive unless it is given some
allowance of the morphine which it has been previously receiving.
In a couple of our case histories of constitutional inferiors, mor-
phinism of the mother appears in the background, but, of course,
there is difficulty in knowing how fairly to interpret the inferiority
which we find. The mother herself may have been a morphin-
ist because she was already an abnormal individual.

§ 15.4. Congenital Syphilis. — The germ of syphUis is now
known to infect the embryo and to cause its results in this way,
rather than by deteriorating the germ cells of the parent, as was
formerly supposed. The after-effects in the further developed
individual may be seen in numerous organs of the body and in

204

Chap. II] CONGENITAL SYPHILIS [§ 154

the central nervous system. The diagnosis must be left to the
physician who nowadays is not satisfied with the old pathog-
nomonic signs, but requires tests made from the blood. The
length of time the disease is active in an individual who is born
with it varies greatly, both with and without treatment.

It is clear that when the central nervous system is much af-
fected, or when there is a sensory defect as the result of con-
genital syphilis, the relationship of the disease to delinquency
may be close. Feeblemindedness or epilepsy or some forms of
insanity, may follow^ from this congenital disease; the relation-
ship of these mental troubles to crime is elsewhere shown. There
is a tremendous variation in the possible effects upon the nerv-
ous system which runs all the way from idiocy or juvenile
paresis to mere headaches or nervous instability. One case
(§ 300) we studied was that of a boy who had long unsuccessfully
been tried under probation and who was readily found to be
suffering from juvenile paresis with the usual physical signs.

We expect sometime to see these harmless blood tests for
inherited syphilis done on all children who come under public
care, in order that any who are infected may receive appropriate
treatment as early as possible. Such protective measures will
yet come to be regarded as a sacred duty. If only one case out
of 50 among dependents and young delinquents was found suf-
fering from the disease, the possible outcome of treatment might
readily pay for the effort. The fact is that when numbers have
been tested, as in a few European centers, a very considerable
percentage has been found infected. For our American popu-
lation it would be unwise to predict at all what would be found
among the young people who come under public care.

It is a matter of much public interest to know what is the after-
history of children with inherited syphilis, as gauged by the
study of large numbers. Study of this kind involves much effort
and only recently have results been obtainable. The findings ^

• 1 Several researches involving arduous labor in following up cases of con-
genital sj^hilis have recently appeared and are worthy of careful attention.
Peiser (269) reports on conditions of general health in cases of congenital
syphilis which have been treated. He maintains that general physical condi-
tions are by no means so imfavorable as frequently assumed, if the individual
survives infancy, and most of them do. Among those treated at the Breslau
clinic dm-ing a 10-year period, 39 per cent, were later foimd in excellent gen-
eral condition and 37 per cent, in fair condition. Hochsinger (270) traced
263 children whom he has had under his charge for many years. He found that
14 per cent, died during the first year, and 25 per cent, grew up to be healthy
adults. If puberty is passed without manifestations, there is every probability

205

§ 154] FACTORS IN DEVELOPMENTAL CONDITIONS [Chap. II

lead us inevitably to the conclusion that syphilis in the parents
which is passed along to the offspring has a more injurious in-
fluence upon the physical and mental development of children
than is observed in any other disease. Several writers who have
followed up cases state that even when there are no ordinary
physical manifestations of the disease itself, the children are
found physically and morally inferior. Vas (271) reports that
even when the mental development was satisfactory many
parents complained that the children were extraordinarily nerv-
ous and naughty. Hochsinger (270) notes a great deal of trouble
with moral development in these cases.

The exact relationship of syphilis to epilepsy and feeblemind-
edness has been worked up by modern methods in some places.
The result has been unexpectedly small, but, of course, varies
greatly according to the community from which the patients
are drawn. In Denmark, vide Thomsen (272), it is clear that in
less than 2 per cent, of 2000 cases of mental deficiency was con-
genital syphilis of etiological moment. Such a small finding as
this is of great interest to us, but it involves only a very small
part of the whole problem of the possible connection between
the disease and future delinquency.

§ 155. Old Age of Parents. — There seems to be good evi-
dence that a child born of a mother long after she has had other
children, and after she has begun her involutional period may be
physically or mentally defective. We have seen several such
cases. Old age on the part of the father has only seemed to figure
in one case, if we compared the individual with his fraternity.

§ 156. Attempted Abortion. — It is extremely difficult to know
to what extent attempted abortion may be a cause of deficiency
on the part of the child. Certainly in many cases we have heard
of it without there being any defect, and yet in others the case
seemed clear, but mostly when there was a hemorrhage. Again,
one would have to be very careful in evaluating this as a cause.

§ 157. Twins. — It sometimes happens that one of twins is

that the individual will permanently escape them. But he found only 51
individuals absolutely normal out of 208 cases who had been years under
observation. None of the children with pronounced symptoms soon after
birth grew up to be healthy. There are many cases of defective mental and
moral development as well as physical. Vas (271) reports on a large number
of children as observed a few years after passing through the pohcUnic. One-
tenth of these had convulsions; one-third suffered from habitual headache;
enuresis was comparatively common, and there was much complaint from
parents of bad behavior.

206

Chap. II] MATERNAL IMPRESSIONS [§159

smaller than the other, and seems to have suffered the result of
nutritional "crowding," leaving it very defective in comparison
to the other.

§ 158. Mother Working During Pregnancy. — The effect of
hard work must be interpreted according to the conditions. The
unborn child of many a peasant woman seems to thrive while its
mother labors, but we have heard many times of what was un-
doubtedly over-work, which may very largely have affected the
infant.

§ 159. Maternal Impressions. — The effect of so-called pre-
natal influences or maternal impressions (namely, some condition
or activity of the mother's mind) in molding in any way the mind
or body of the unborn child has yet to be proven.^ This is in no-
wise controverting the well-known serious effects of disease, sor-
row, or worry shown in nutritional disturbance, or the effects of
lack of food, poisoning, etc., during pregnancy.

Very many times we have heard mothers or even fathers, hark-
ing back from the fact of their offspring's delinquency, state that
the cause was to be found in some of the mother's mental experi-
ences during her pregnancy. But in every such case we have
also heard of, or found, other more direct influences (quite suffi-
cient in hundreds of instances to produce delinquency when such
maternal impressions were lacking) . So there was neither the log-
ical necessity nor the scientific right to seize upon this supposed
cause. An example of the type of explanation we hear offered
would be the case of a thieving and runaway constitutional inferior
of 16 years whose father insisted that the boy's disposition came
as the result of the mother handling money in covetous spirit
during this pregnancy. As a matter of fact the boy struggled with
very irritating physical conditions during his childhood and then
later was taken in hand by the worst sort of rascals and instructed
in pernicious habits. But of course the father did not realize
either of these other points. And so it has gone in all cases where
we have heard of prenatal influences in explanation of criminality.

Superficially it suggests direct causation to argue, for instance,
from the child's thieving back to the fact that the pregnant mother

^ I particularly like the scholarly and temperate summary of Thomp-
son (224), one of the foremost students of heredity, on this subject. Perhaps
in the present stage of our scientific knowledge it is better to be a httle less
sm-e than recent, widely distributed statements, vide West (225) . However,
these much more nearly approach known truth than fulsome injunctions to
mothers about mentally influencing their embryonic children.

207

§ 159] FACTORS IN DEVELOPMENTAL CONDITIONS [CffAP. II

was forced to harbor a thief in her home. But never have we found
such an explanation standing alone as a probable or possible cause.
For the same reason we are logically forced to neglect the state-
ment, often heard, that some given child at conception was not
wanted, and therefore shows anti-social traits.

B. Natal.

§ 160. Premature Birth. — The prematurely born child has a
poor start in the world, but it is not necessarily permanently handi-
capped by it. In our type of studies premature birth could not be
included as any possible cause of delinquency unless there were
physical or mental evidences of defect which may have been in
turn the result of premature birth.

§ 161. Difficult Labor. — In this, again, the results are not
easy to interpret. We have as a matter of enumeration put down
the cases where we had history of extremely difficult labor, which
may possibly have caused intracranial conditions that later tended
to produce delinquency. But altogether the interpretation is
most unsatisfactory. Certainly there is no reason to suppose that
instrumental delivery in itself results in mental defect, any more
than merely prolonged labor where the head is for a long time
compressed. We have the same difficulty about evaluating
asphyxia in the new-born. This, together with prolonged labor
and the use of forceps, has been blamed by several authors for the
subsequent appearance of nervous disorders and mental defects.
The only comparative study which I have been able to find is
that of Hannes (250), who investigated the after-records of three
series from the same maternity hospital, cases of asphyxia, artifi-
cial delivery, and normal spontaneous birth, 150 of each. He
found no significant difference whatever between the outcome of
these three series. He concludes there is no ground for the belief
that forceps have any permanent injurious effect. He also sees
every reason to believe that if an asphyxiated child is resuscitated,
and has no complication during the first week, it will not subse-
quently suffer from this cause.

Of course there are exceptional cases where the effect of acci-
dents at birth is very plain, or where the individual has perma-
nently suffered from intracranial hemorrhage within a few days
after birth, but Hannes seems to show clearly that in general
one cannot fairly place much stress upon untoward birth condi-
tions as such, if they are properly handled.

208

Chap. II] NATURE AND CAUSES OF OFFENSES OF OLD AGE [§ 163

C. Postnatal.

§ 162. General Statement. — All the conditions enumerated
in § 99 as defective features of early development can be
directly interpreted without further discussion. The bearings
of cranial injury, chorea, epilepsy, etc., are discussed under their
appropriate headings. They are effective in the production of
delinquency only as they cause some form of mental abnormality.
In an undue number of cases we have learned of convulsions dur-
ing childhood, quite apart from the positive demonstrations of
epilepsy. Then brain fever and meningitis have figured in our
cases to a much larger proportion than would be found in the ordi-
nary population. The relationship of both of these to possible
brain-cell injury is clear. In numerous other cases we have heard
of extremely defective conditions of nourishment and general
health during infancy. It is hard to interpret these for our pur-
poses. Neither is any connection of rickets with mental condi-
tions certain. When we have heard of illnesses, such as cholera
infantum, with evidence of accompanying involvement of the
central nervous system, for instance, coma or convulsions, it is to
be fairly thought that there may have been some damage to brain
cells.

It is easy to appreciate that illness during the normal period of
school life may have social as well as direct physical significance.
If the individual's schooling is ended at 14 years, whatever the
acquirements or non-acquirements, as it is in many we have
studied, then previous periods away from the school-room may
prove a distinct disadvantage, which can, in turn, cause tendency
towards delinquency.

The effects of stimulants and narcotics in early development
are mentioned in Chapter V, Book II.

D. Senility.

§ 163. Nature and Causes of Offenses of Old Age. — In

dealing with the offenses of old age we may see for the first time
a practically valuable correlation between age and the type of
offense. Although directly due to mental aberration, the delin-
quency is properly chargeable to unfortunate features of physical
involution of the individual. We ourselves, as students of genetics,
have particularly easy sailing here because so many of the senile

209

§ 163] FACTORS IN DEVELOPMENTAL CONDITIONS [Chap. II

delinquents are first offenders, as will be shown later, and there-
fore the causative factors are immediately at hand.

Comparatively few of the offenses of old age are committed by
individuals previously considered demented. With far-gone senile
dementia there often comes much bodily weakness. Or even if
not, there is excuse in an obviously childish person for childish
type of misconduct. In instance, we might cite the case of a
man, cultured and of previously good reputation, who purloined
flowers at intervals from a public park when he was about 80 years
of age. His general dementia was so evident that no policeman
ever felt justified in taking him even to the station house. But
yet, though delinquency in old age be the only expression of
senile dementia, it evidences just this. It is a phenomenon unques-
tionably dependent upon the defective physiological conditions
of blood vessels and brain cells which lead to a break-down in the
efficiency of the mental processes. Study of such cases shows that
the trouble comes from defect in force of will power and ethical
discrimination.

The several main considerations concerning this whole subject
can best be dealt with categorically as follows:

(a) Type of offenses peculiar to old age. Beyond 60 years of
age, when the general tendency towards anti-social behavior is
markedly diminished,^ we find certain types of misconduct spring-
ing up in unexpected places. Comparatively few women at this
period of life engage in offenses, and these usually for petty steal-
ing. Most of the offenders are old men, and their delinquencies are
nearly always sexual. Bresler (266), who has contributed the
only extended writing upon this subject, makes many points clear
to us. He strikingly shows that while the proportion of general
crime after 70 years is only 3^ to 3^ as much as in the previous
decade, sexual offenses are 3^ as many. Aschaffenburg (l, Eng.
trans., p. 154) puts it differently. He says that grand larceny
after the 70th year is only i^o^ part of what it is between 18 and
21, relating the delinquency to an equal number of persons of
the given ages. But convictions for indecency and rape are
almost 34 ^s many, proportionately to the same number of
persons.

1 On this point the convincing figures of the "Statistik des Deutschen
Reiches" N. F. LXXXIII, II, (concerning the proportion of crime by ages
and number of inhabitants) may be consulted. Aschafifenburg (1, Eng.
trans., p. 155) gives the figvu-es in detail.

210

Chap. II] NATURE AND CAUSES OF OFFENSES OF OLD AGE [§ 163

Now this peculiarity of old age finds other social expression,
which Bresler has delved out of national statistics. He shows that
in the 5 yeare from 1900-1904 the marriages of girls of 20 years
and under run as follows: 401 married men between 40 and 50;
1521 married men between 50 and 60; 1762 married men over 70.
These figures must have increased significance in the light of the
fact that there are considerably fewer men living over 70. But,
of course, there are somewhat modifying circumstances, such as
an increased number of widowers, and so on. Still, even so, Bres-
ler's figures are very interesting.

(b) Many senile delinquents are first offenders. It has been
generally noted by all who have had much experience that many
old men who commit sexual offenses have never before been in
collision with the law. Indeed, some of them are people of high
previous reputation, professional men, and men of distinctly re-
ligious procli\^ties. This point is also much more convincingly
dealt with statistically. Notwithstanding the greater chances
which a long life offers any one for at some time becoming an
offender, Bresler shows that the proportion of first offenders in-
creases from 50 years onward. The maximum number of first
offenders are punished from 18 to 21 years. Of the offenders
between 40 and 50 years of age, 49 per cent, are punished for the
first time. Those between 60 and 70, 60 per cent.; those over
70 years, 67 per cent. Beginning with 60 years a greater percent-
age of first offenders among convicted criminals are found than at
any other period save between 18 and 21. Pathetic instances are
known to all of us of men who have fallen from a previously high
estate by indulging in uncannily morbid sex offenses. It is un-
necessary for us to take space to relate the details.

(c) The mental condition of aged offenders. There can be little
doubt that in every one of these aged offenders some mental
changes have taken place. The alterations are mostly in the field
of will and of the ethical sense. Every one has recognized the
lowering of emotional tone in old age. Whether these changes
should come under the category of legal insanity is not a matter
for us now to discuss. As we have frequently stated, such problems
are only solved according to general social (legal) plans and prin-
ciples. Aschaffenburg (263) maintains that every case which he
has ever seen has shown senile mental decay. Kinberg (52), as
the result of his prolonged experience with prison cases, demands
that there shall be obligatory psychiatric examination for every

211

§ 163] FACTORS IN DEVELOPMENTAL CONDITIONS [Chap. II

offender over 60. Krafft-Ebing (267) long ago in his work on
forensic psychology maintained that the main trouble in these
cases is involutional degeneration of the brain. Anatomical
changes bring about both weakened ethics and decreased resist-
ance to sex feeling.

(d) Local physical irritation and treatment. A significant fea-
ture of these sexual offenses is that they mostly occur after 60
years of age, when sexual powers normally have waned or prac-
tically disappeared. The explanation that senile brain degenera-
tion causes lowered ethical discrimination does not to some satis-
factorily explain the great increase in sex stimulation, which
only can account for the nature of the delinquencies. There are
several points which here have to be considered.

The fact is that there is a marked tendency towards the selec-
tion of children for these offenses. More occasionally abnormal
acts are indulged in, including exhibitionism, the latter repre-
senting the most impotent procedure. Krafft-Ebing suggests
that the peculiar sex objects selected are indication of weakened
potency. Another general tendency of the same period of life is
toward the use of obscene language. This has been specially
noted as a phenomenon of advancing age. But none of this tells
perhaps the whole story.

It is undoubtedly true that in some cases there is much actual
sex stimulation and apparent sex power. It has been more re-
cently suggested that a considerable share of these unfortunate
tendencies of old age are immediately due to local irritative con-
ditions in the pelvis, particularly as brought about by the charac-
teristic senile enlargement of the prostate gland. Percy (268)
makes a special point of this. While he, and other surgeons per-
haps, take into account too little the well-known brain degenera-
tion of old age, still one sees no reason why local irritation may
not be all the more productive of offensive tendencies because of
lowered inhibitions. The reported cases of complete alteration
in this respect after operation must be regarded cautiously as
proving the original factor, because of the great moral influence
that an important operation might have. Elsewhere we have
had to insist on this point in connection with surgical measures.
There is the possible element of suggestion, and there is the shock
which might very well stimulate will power. When a man's con-
duct is sufficiently anti-social to demand a serious operation,
there is pretty likely to be contrition and constructive appercep-

212

Chap. II] NATURE AND CAUSES OF OFFENSES OF OLD AGE [§163

tion following the operation, even in cases of mild dementia.
We eagerly await the accumulation of more proof on these
points.

In regard to treatment we can but see every reason for carrying
out surgical measures whenever indicated. With the physical
benefit, we may hope for conunensurate moral improvement.

213

§164] PHYSICAL conditions: PECULIARITIES, AILMENTS [Chap. Ill

CHAPTER III
Physical Conditions: Peculiarities and Ailments

§ 164. General Considerations. § 165. Ocular Ailments. § 166. Ear Troub-
les. § 167. Nose and Throat Obstructions. § 168. Teeth. § 169. Speech
Defects. § 170. Deaf-mutism. § 171. Minor Nervous Disorders. § 172.
Phimosis. § 173. Enuresis. § 174. Other Physical Irritations. § 175.
Syphilis. § 176. Under-nourishment. § 177. Excess of Physical Vigor.
§ 178. Menstruation and Pregnancy. § 179. Headaches. § 180. Head
Injiu-ies. § 181. Other Physical Ailments.

§ 164. General Considerations. — It is far from my purpose
to go at length into the question of bodily characteristics of
criminals taken as a class, or even of alleged special physical
types. Much discussion has arisen over various data collected
on this separate point, but it is almost valueless for any one who
sees the practical, scientific necessity of reviewing all probable
causes before arriving at conclusions. Again we might remind
the reader that studies, even of the brain and skull, such as Ser-
noff's (195), leading to supposed discrimination of types, are
fatally weak if complete differentiation is not made, for instance,
between mentally defective and mentally normal criminals.
Of course we should expect the former frequently to show anomalies
of brain and skull, and we well know from recent studies by psy-
chological tests what a considerable proportion of prison popula-
tions these mental underlings form. The large, well-substan-
tiated correlations that should at once be grasped by the student
of criminalistic genetics are, first, that the mentally weak readily
become members of the chronic offender class, and, second, that
innate mental weakness is very often accompanied by signs of
physical defect or anomaly. Nowhere in the extensive literature
do we find any evidence whatever that mentally normal delin-
quents have typically peculiar bodily characteristics.

As we stated in our chapter on statistics, where our specific
findings on bodily conditions may be reviewed, statements about
the physique of American prisoners or other delinquents must be
compared with American norms. More than that, for the fair
deduction of conclusions they must be compared with norms for
the classes of the population from which the given criminals
come. The oft-quoted findings of Elmira Reformatory, where

214

Chap. Ill] GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS [§ 164

SO many thousands have been physically examined and found
exceedingly wanting, unless these delinquents were to be com-
pared with others of the same family, nation, or environment,
have no value for proving that the physical conditions were re-
sponsible for the criminality — and that is one point at issue.
From different parts of the country we get differing facts, as we
might well expect. Sleyster (196) recently reports from Wisconsin
that 1521 adult criminals studied by him there at the penitentiary,
as a class are well nourished, that they are only 1.8 inches below
the average American height, that they weigh about the same as
the average American for their height, that their chest measure-
ment is quite fair, and so on. Can any one doubt the good phy-
sique and keen senses that go largely to the making of a desperado
in our western states? The gist of this situation is undoubtedly
best stated by Goring (160, p. 370) from his most careful re-
searches: " The physical and inental constitution of both criminal
and law-abiding persons, of the same age, stature, class and in-
telligence, are identical." In many places the prisoner is, on the
average, markedly differentiated from the normal population by
defective physique — and so is the general social class he is drawn
from. Then, of course, the possession of a certain type of phy-
sique, as in Fagin's gang, may be an asset for engaging in a certain
type of offense.

In any study and discussion of the general criminal physique,
it must never be forgotten that calculation of average types is
probably largely spoiled by the fact that it is the criminal weakest
in mind and body who is most frequently arrested and rearrested,
entirely out of proportion to the total number of persons com-
mitting crime.

The good to be derived from deciding on what are the physical
characteristics of whole groups of delinquents — and only by
grouping them rationally can any good at all come — is in the
establishment of accurate bases for social action, either in provid-
ing for treatment, legal or otherwise, of the person, or in treatment
of living conditions, such as poverty and slum life. Even then
the facts will always have to be locally surveyed — witness the
difference there must be between need for medical treatment of
prisoners in the just-mentioned Wisconsin prison and at Elmira.

With the above comment on generalities, and with reference to
our chapter on Orientation for some statement of our relation to
anthropological criminology, and to our chapter on Treatment

215

§164] PHYSICAL CONDITIONS : PECULIARITIES, AILMENTS [Chap. Ill

for other matters connected with physical conditions of delin-
quents, we may return to our particular business — the individual,
and the gaining of knowledge concerning the causation of his tend-
encies. At once we may restate the fact, concurred in by all
careful students of criminalism, that no one single measure of
relief or alteration of physical conditions, whether it be correction
of eye strain, circumcision, operation on the head, or what not,
offers the chance of any considerable amount of total recon-
struction in the crime situation.

On the other hand, it ought to be generally realized, in all
common sense, that any physical peculiarities, defects, or diseases
of the offender which stand in the way of social success should
be as efficiently treated as possible. It is of the utmost benefit
to society to equip its members who are costly failures with the
foundations that are necessary for betterment of conduct. The
treatment may require any of a large number of measures; per-
haps removal to a more suited environment, perhaps a surgical
operation, perhaps segregation in a special colony. One of the
best things that we can do in this chapter is to state most of the
defective physical conditions (this does not include the stigmata of
inferiority or degeneracy elsewhere touched upon, § 106, § 295)
which appear to be in any way causative of delinquency. The
handicap which many of these are to the individual's well-doing
is so obvious that, for the most part, case histories need not be
given. The importance of certain physical conditions is alto-
gether so clear that giving small space to their consideration will
not be charged to indifferent concern about their treatment.

In thinking of the possible effects of treatment we must
always remember, even when physical conditions are diagnos-
able as probable causative or contributory factors, that mental
habits may have been formed. These will leave sufficient cause
for continuance of the effect, namely, delinquency, even when
some original causes may be removed.

Physical conditions concerned at all with the causation of
delinquent tendencies could rather readily be divided into those
which cause weakness and those which cause irritation. In
thinking of how the bodily condition acts in a causative way,
both possibilities should be kept in mind. Of course plenty of
inimical bodily conditions, such as large tonsils, may be found
in delinquents, and, while offenders should receive treatment as
well as anybody else, many of such troubles cannot be said to

216

Chap. Ill] OCULAR AILMENTS [§ 165

have any traceable relationship to the misconduct. Several
physical findings of great importance for understanding the
causative development of criminal careers belong properly among
developmental abnormalities (§ 182 If.), wheie we shall discuss
them.

§ 165. Ocular Ailments. — In our estimation of causes of
delinquency it appeared that defective vision could be regarded
as either a major or minor factor in over 10 per cent, of the cases.
Vision, to be sure, was not perfect in many other instances, but
in these it was hardly to be regarded as any cause of the delin-
quency. There are several sides to the resultant effects of bad
eyesight, so far as delinquency is concerned.

Eye strain notoriously leads to irritability, discontent, head-
ache, various feelings of bodily discomfort — all of which may
be contributory to the individual's delinquency. Now eye strain,
it should be remembered, is not always to be readily measured
by what the individual can see on a test chart. Defective vision
may exist without strain, and strain may result from not readily
discerned defects, such as astigmatism. This latter may be pro-
vocative of such unconscious irritations as we are interested in.
These irritations are just such feelings as are likely, especially
dm-ing the adolescent period, to cause a reaction in anti-social acts.

Another important side of this question concerning eye trouble
should be thoughtfully considered by those who work for the
prevention of delinquency. This consists in the relation which
defective vision bears to the acquirement of education and in-
terests. We all acknowledge that we must considerably rely
for the prevention of the development of delinquent impulses
upon not only giving the individual the foundations for earn-
ing a livelihood, but also upon developing desire for wholesome
recreations and pursuits. With poor eyesight the carrying out
of both these desiderata is seriously impeded, and the pathway
to undesirable tendencies is left abnormally easy of passage.

Engaging in satisfactory occupations may be interfered with
to various extent by defective vision. We remember the exagger-
ated instance of one lad placed out on a farm, who was returned
by the farmer as of no account because of his carelessness. This
boy was then found to be so nearsighted that he was not able
to clearly see the holes in which to drop the seed corn. In voca-
tionally training individuals in reformatories this factor of vision
should ever be kept in mind. I have noted the instance of a

217

§165] PHYSICAL conditions: PECULIARITIES, AILMENTS [Chap. Ill

young fellow with exceedingly bad eyesight, partially corrected by
glasses, being taught in a reformatory the craft of engraving.

It must not be forgotten that children who have never known
what it was to see any better may not understand the basis of
their own troubles. They may never complain to the teacher
or parent. They merely react with disgust or recalcitrancy,
whether in school or at work, if the demand upon their vision is
beyond easy fulfillment.

Strabismus is one of the ocular troubles which may cause a
tendency towards delinquency. There may be annoyance through
eye strain and also through the jeering of comrades. We have
seen some distinctly good moral results from the straightening
of eyes by operation.

In less measure, one might offer the same statement about
ailments of the eyelids, when vision is somewhat attended with
discomfort. At the risk of being anecdotal we may speak of a
curious case where capital was made of such a physical ailment.

Case 8. — A boy of 14 had chronic inflammation of the eyelids,
and a consequent stoppage of the tear ducts. As a result of this,
the little fellow by squeezing his eyes could cause tears to run
down his cheeks. He and his family found this a source of con-
siderable income. The boy haunted the down-town districts
at an hour when people were in sympathetic mood, coming from
restaurant dinners and the theatres, and, offering chewing gum
for sale, he would be seen profusely weeping. This often brought
to his pocket quarters or even half-dollars in place of the usual
nickel, and the boy was thus able to enjoy a right royal income.
When sent to the eye infirmary his parents at once objected to
his receiving any treatment. It is quite fitting to relate that these
parents themselves more recently have had to bring this boy to
court for delinquency. He is somewhat subnormal mentally,
and after his prolonged experience of earning money easily has
been quite unwilling to work at any honest occupation. This
type of a cause of delinquency belongs in the same category as
some mentioned in oui chapter on abnormalities of develop-
ment, where capital has been made of the possession of ex-
ceptionally small physical stature, vide § 185.

§ 166. Ear Troubles. — Markedly defective hearing is not
nearly so frequently found among delinquents as defective vision.
Even then we cannot regard it as of any importance, except
when it has interfered with education, or with the development of

218

Chap. Ill] NOSE AND THROAT OBSTRUCTIONS [§167

wholesome interests, or with occupational success. The peculiar
characteristics, often recalcitrant, of the deaf person, are well
known. The varying conditions of hearing which arise from
middle-ear infection and otorrhea are notoriously irritating.
This having good hearing one day and poor the next, causes
both sufferer and teacher, or any one else associated, readilj'-
to become provoked. Tinnitus aurium, ringing in the ears, in
several instances of delinquency we have found to be a great
soiu-ce of irritation, as might naturally be expected. It has
been more than once pointed out that such annoyances may lead
towards the establishment of chronic mental troubles. Inflamma-
tions of the mastoid cells, those which lie in close contiguity to
the ear, with the continual throwing off of poisons into the sys-
tem may be of importance in our studies. Frequently such
inflammation arises from middle-ear infection and sometimes is ac-
companied by the annoying subjective noises of which we have
just spoken. Low-grade inflammations that reach up through the
mastoid bone to the meninges may occasionally cause even dis-
turbances in brain function,

§ 167. Nose and Throat Obstructions. — Occluded pharynx
or nostrils, adenoids, and excessively large tonsils may readily
be sources of physical weakness and general malaise. The re-
sults are so obvious and have been dwelled on in so many works
on hygiene that we need not discuss them here, except to say that
one can be very certain that these conditions may occasionally
be at the basis of such delinquent tendencies as grow from weak-
ness and discomfort. The trouble may begin with a distaste
for school work. While, of course, adults suffer much less from
these conditions, yet there may be interference with success at
employment. No doubt there has been much exaggeration in
general of the effect of the above conditions. We are much in-
clined to agree with Gulick and Ayres (201) who, after having
made a most extensive survey of the conditions among large
numbers of school children, become very conservative in a general
statement about the matter of the final results of such physical
defects as large tonsils and adenoids. They show clearly that
these troubles tend to disappear with increasing age. But, of
course, no one doubts the value of removing actual obstructions to
proper breathing, or tissue which is definitely engendering disease.

Mouth breathing is usually caused by the above conditions,
but may in other cases only be a habit. In either instance the

219

§167] PHYSICAL CONDITIONS : PECULIARITIES, AILMENTS [Chap. Ill

expression of the mouth breather gives him a distinct disadvan-
tage, inasmuch as the first impression the employer or other ob-
server gains is one of inefficiency.

§ 168. Teeth. — It should go without saying that extremely
carious teeth are not only a menace to the general good health
of then- possessor, but also stand in the way of normal social
achievement. It is to be emphasized that it is not the local
discomfort, or the inability to properly masticate, so much as
it is the constant absorption into the system of poisons generated
by decay, which does damage. It might be difficult to estimate
the social results of taking care properly of the teeth, although
some have attempted this task,^ but there can be no gainsaying
the common sense that should lead to proper dental treatment of
a delinquent whose mouth conditions are thoroughly bad.

Within a few years some little stir has been made concerning
the relationship of dental impaction to the production not only
of nervous troubles, but, it has been suggested, also of delinquency.
There have been only a few contributors to this subject.^ Dental
impaction, it must be understood, means the crowding of teeth
in the jaws before eruption. The diagnosis in many cases is only
to be made by use of the skiagraph. The gist of the whole sub-
ject is that while no doubt there may be considerable peripheral
nerve irritation as the result of impacted teeth, and this may
result in unfortunate reflex conditions which are not consciously
perceived, still the proof is quite wanting that there is any marked
connection between this and bad behavior. All the dental sur-
geons we have consulted are extremely skeptical of the alleged
facts. The skiagraph also may show chronic abscesses about the
roots of the teeth, and these may be the cause, in turn, of
chronic systemic poisoning of mild degree.

§ 169. Speech Defects.^ — From time to time we have been
tremendously impressed in the study of certain cases with the
influence which a speech defect has had upon the personality
of the offender. We agree entirely with several authorities

1 The interested student should consult the attempt of Wallin (212) to esti-
mate psychologically the effect of dental treatment.

2 The principal wi'iter has been H. S. Upson (213) who has proceeded in an
investigation by careful methods. The only instance known to me of de-
Unquency treated and "cured" by the rehef of dental impaction is reported
by Hohnes (214).

^ A speech defect is a totally different affair from a language defect. The
former is a trouble with the articulation of words. The latter is a mental
defect; it is treated by us in § 278.

220

Chap. Ill] SPEECH DEFECTS [§ 169

who state that the tendency of stuttering is to make the individ-
ual highly anti-social. The victim of this annoying disorder
looks upon himself as very different from others of his kind, and
is easily won by suggestions of anti-social behavior. It seems
to be not always that the individual wishes to wander off by
himself, although that is sometimes the case, but he finds comfort
in the society of those who will readily put up with his disorder
without comment, and who make little demand upon him. We
have seen just this tendency result in miserably inferior associa-
tions on the part of otherwise normal young fellows. Thieving,
vagrancy and homosexual practices have in consequence been
indulged in.

Character deterioration has been made much of by specialists
in speech defects. These maintain that the emotional disturb-
ances and discouragements lead all the way to a definite psychosis
and marked suicidal tendency.^ From our own vivid experiences,
for which we cannot afford space, as well as from the emphasis
placed on the subject by others, we are convinced that a stutter-
ing offender needs, above anything, encouragement and special
treatment. We grant the difficulty in the way of the latter, ac-
centuated by the double fact that treatment must be prolonged
and that it requires the exertion of much will power, in which,
of course, many of our offenders are lax. The whole matter is
another argument for teachers with special knowledge to do
imperatively needed work in reformatory institutions.

We grant at once that both stuttering and other speech de-
fects may be one of the signs of essentially degenerate or defective
traits. For adequate diagnosis and prognosis much more must
be known of the individual than that he stutters or lisps. But
by no means all people with speech defect are defectives in other
abilities. We can all point out examples of the complete or par-
tial overcoming of this disorder, and indeed the attainment of
social success without entirely overcoming it. No doubt in such

1 From the extensive literature on this subject we may select the following
as specially bearing on the relation between speech defects, particularly stut-
tering, and character defect. Coru-adi (215) in a striking, short article calls
attention to the relation between stuttering and mental retardation, with its
consequent feehng of inferiority. Hoepfner (216) specifically deals with the
pecuhar character of the stutterer and his tendency to anti-social development,
both on account of inner and outer conditions. Scripture (217) in his recent,
most practical work on this subject also strongly emphasizes the pecuhar
mental disposition and conduct of the person suffering from speech defect.
Many sides of the whole subject are dealt with in Gutzmann's (218) mono-

221

§ 169] PHYSICAL conditions: peculiarities, ailments [Chap. Ill

cases the encouragements and mental training of a good early
environment have had much to do with the outcome. In some of
our delinquent stutterers we know there has been nothing but
jibes and discouragements.

Aside from treatment of this trouble itself, one of the main
points in handling a delinquent stutterer is to find for him a
suitable occupation where a daily stint of work can be done
without it being continually borne in upon the sufferer's con-
sciousness that he is a defective individual. Work that requires
as little association with fellow beings as possible, such as farm-
ing, may in consequence be most desirable.

§ 170. Deaf-mutism. — It should be easy for any one to be-
lieve that such an affliction as deaf -mutism might lead to extreme
recalcitrancy, because of the dissatisfactions and irritation which
follow attempts at social intercourse. Perhaps it is fortunate on
this account that so many thus afflicted are taken care of in in-
stitutions. In some cases the inherited or acquired cause of the
affection, generally one of the nervous system itself, has also left
in its train a thoroughly unstable nervous make-up. The individual
then is, of course, a constitutional inferior, presenting the typical
signs, and should be treated as one. Such offenders may be
terrible trouble-makers, as have been some cases studied by us.

The peculiarities of two of these cases, though deaf-mutism
be comparatively rare, illustrate so well various features met
with in the study of personalities of offenders that they are worth
recounting. This can be done in short.

Case 9. — This was a boy of 15 who had been 'creating a great
deal of trouble for years. His delinquencies may be summarized
as; deliberately associating with extremely bad companions,
quarrelsomeness, violence, great disobedience in school, running
away from home and institutions, vagrancy, stealing. Besides
the deaf-mutism we found physically a great contrast between
general poor development and premature sex development. This
was a marked anomaly.

In tests for mental ability he showed himself very keen and
dexterous. We otherwise noted him as excitable, nervous,
irritable, obstinate, changeable, and lacking in self-control.
He was all this in spite of prolonged care in a model institution.
He was born with the defects in his nervous system which pre-
vented hearing. Altogether, he might be classed as a constitu-
tional inferior. Outside of the fact that both his parents were

222

Chap. Ill] MINOR NERVOUS DISORDERS [§171

deaf-mutes, his family history' is unknown to us. The poor
moral and social prognosis in such a case of extreme instability
was quite evident; of course probation would fail. The last
heard of this case was that he was again under arrest in another
city for obtaining money under misrepresentation.

The other case involved malingering.

Case 10. — This was a boy of 15 who, after getting into various
difHculties, engaged in a street robbery. At this time he was
found in fair physical condition. He had been taught to speak
in an institution. As a result of early illness he had very defec-
tive hearing, but his. speech when he chose to use it was quite
understandable. We graded him as being perhaps somewhat
mentally dull on account of his auditory trouble, but even by
the little work he was willing to do under observation he was
found to be not feebleminded.

Our decision in this case was important, because one feature
of the boy's malingering concerned itself with his pretending
to be mentally defective. He had conceived the idea that if he
were considered irresponsible he would be sent to an institution
desirable from his standpoint. Our opinion was partially framed
on the report from his old' school, which told of the boy's ability
and cunning. One difficulty in this case arose from the home sur-
roundings which were atrociously bad and poverty-stricken. It
was easy to see in this case that prolonged treatment in a re-
formatory institution was necessary, unless some one would be
willing to try him by giving him a chance in a better home.

§ 171. Minor Nervous Disorders. — Most of the external signs
of mild nervous disorders in offenders, whether they be habit
spasms, great restlessness or what not, are accompanying phe-
nomena, and not really any causes of delinquent tendencies. (It
is in line with many professional observations to state the fact
that neuropathic disorders are often found, entirely out of nu-
merical proportion, among Jewish offenders.) The underlying
nervous trouble must be sought out if moral betterment is to be
expected. No doubt many of the observed sjonptoms grow from
a neuropathic basis that not infrequentlj^ also engenders criminal-
ism. Even for moral success the cases of offenders showing nerv-
ous signs should be placed in competent professional hands and
a sufficiently prolonged adjustment with proper environmental
conditions be undertaken. There is little room for doubt that
many a criminal career would be prevented if neuropathic chil-

223

§ 171] PHYSICAL conditions: peculiarities, ailments [Chap. Ill

dren were properly recognized as such and adequately treated
early in life. Arguing to this point we may offer in bare summary
two cases, the contrast between the outcomes of which has high
significance.

Case 11. — A little boy of 10 years, already remarkable for
his unreliability and his repeated running away from home
(during which times he had gotten into sex-pervert practices)
was found to be a highly nervous individual. He had previously
suffered from rheumatism and, judging from the history, mild
chorea. We also found traces of an old endocarditis. The main
signs of disorder at present are what might best be termed general
nervousness. By tests his mental ability was found fair: his
advantages had been poor. So erratic was he, however, that
the temporary diagnosis was neuropsychosis. The environ-
mental conditions included poor parental oversight and poverty.
Any one could see the type of treatment this boy needed. This
was not carried out, and four years later, after a varying career
of unreliability and petty stealing, committed more serious faults
and had to be committed to an institution by the court.

Case 12. — The contrasting case is that of a boy of 13 who
was rapidly becoming an out-and-out delinquent. The general
charges were extreme disobedience, incorrigibility and stealing.
This boy was found to be definitely a psychoneurotic. He showed
various habit spasms and other nervous conditions at the time
we saw him, and previously had been a very marked sufferer from
morbid impulsions which had led him to extraordinary behavior,
such as kicking himself while he walked, retracing his steps to
touch posts, etc. General physical conditions were not extremely
poor. Mentally he was found by tests to be a supernormal in
ability. In the background there was defective heredity. The
father, a gambler, was accustomed to gross sex immoralities. Dur-
ing the pregnancy the mother was much abused and had insuffi-
cient food. Home control and general advantages, particularly
on account of poverty, were decidedly poor. This was a case
which was promptly taken in hand, with the result that some
months of life in a good environment in the country lowered his
tendency to nervousness and gave the needed basis for the cessa-
tion of delinquent tendencies. With a small amount of atten-
tion from time to time this case, which easily might have de-
veloped seriously, has been carried along fairly satisfactorily.

Chorea (St. Vitus dance) is frequently accompanied by mental

224

Chap. Ill] PHIMOSIS [§172

sjonptoms and is discussed by us under the head of minor psy-
choses (§ 308).

§ 172. Phimosis. — As the result of assertions concerning the
rehition of phimosis to disorders of character, we have been
constantly on the look-out for proof. It is quite proper for surgeons
and others to be always seeking possible causes for the genesis of
criminalistic tendencies, but on this point only a slight amount
of corroborative evidence is to be adduced. (We must caution
the reader that the word phimosis means a very definite condi-
tion, namely, imperfectly retractable prepuce.) The number of
times phimosis was found may be seen in our statistics (§ 97), and
it should be stated that never was it found as the sole physical
trouble. Under these circumstances it would not be safe to in-
terpret any correlation with a given delinquent tendency, or
with the results of treatment directed simultaneously to several
conditions. The difficulties in the way of honest conclusions
about any single factor are demonstrated by the following case,
which, however, well shows the value of constructive measures.

Case 13. — This is a case of a boy, which for our immediate
purposes, may be summarized on a causative factor card —
with the additional statement that he has been in no more trouble
with the authorities since he had the benefit of surgical treatment
during a short stay in an institution. This treatment, how-
ever, was not circumcision alone; his nose conditions also were
looked after. Unfortunately, we cannot rule out of the result
the effect of the idea of punishment, which sometimes, even in
such cases, constrains to better behavior.

Physical conditions:

Case 13.

Teeth very crowded (earlier impaction?).

Boy, age 14.

Very nervous.

Deflected nasal septum — entire occlusion.

Phimosis in excess.

Poor development and nutrition.

Heredity: Father terribly alcohohc.

Antenatal: Mother much troubled.

Masturbation as a very young child.

Smoking.

Stealing.

Assault with weapon.

Mentality:

Sex, with girls.

Ability fair.

225

f 172] PHYSICAL conditions: peculiarities, ailments [Chap. Ill

We have no doubt that phimosis in young children does cause
irritability and nervousness, and the reaction may be bad be-
havior. But by the time the individual gets under the auspices
of court people, either this phimosis, as such, has disappeared, or
bad impulses and habits of thought, quite beyond the reach of a
surgeon's knife, have been established. This may be so with any
physical condition which was originally a cause, and certainly is
true in the considerable number of cases where we have noted
that circumcision has been followed by no change of character.
Then we must not leave out of count our Jewish offenders; they
display just the same types of conduct. Now all this is not deny-
ing that in very rare instances we have felt sure that the opera-
tion in young boys did result in a very considerable change of be-
havior. Nor do we assert it should not be done whenever there
is any fair chance of it doing good. Where the trouble exists,
however, it should be surgically met early in childhood. One is
astonished to find so little reference to it in professional works on
examination and hygiene of school children. These books ought
to insist that all physical, as well as environmental causes,
should be met, by way of prevention, in early childhood.

I have to confess only a very moderate amount of faith in this
operation done for the cure of the habit of masturbation in ado-
lescents. Usually this treatment then either fails to strike the
cause, or is too late ; the grooves of habit in the central nervous
system have generally been already worn deep.

In females there is an analogous phimosis recognized as provoca-
tive of nervous symptoms — and hence of bad behavior. Even
conservative gynecologists have advocated a slight operation,
somewhat similar to that in the male, for suitable cases. But, as
in Dudley's (220) statement about masturbation in girls, often
what is called 'a guarded prognosis' is to be offered; — the
operation may be followed by a cure, if supplemented by positive
and proper moral instruction and judicious hygiene.

§ 173. Enuresis. — Lack of control of the functions of the
bladder is found with astonishing frequency in delinquents, taken
as a class. This is, of course, due in part to the considerable pro-
portion of mental defectives among offenders. (Many of the
feebleminded have trouble controlling themselves in this way.)
It is also partly due to the characteristic lack of self-control found
in the constitutional inferiors, neuropaths, those who have a
special defect for self-control, and other tj^es of offenders.

226

Chap. Ill] OTHER PHYSICAL IRRITATIONS [§174

Sometimes it accompanies bad sex practices, or the weak will
which leads to these. Then there are the few who suffer from
the local causes of enuresis. In nearly all cases the trouble tends
to become less with the beginning years of adult life.

Ordinarily this trouble can be said to be rather the accom-
paniment of delinquent tendencies than any cause. But yet in a
few instances the shame and discomfort connected with this dis-
order has stood very clearly in relationship to anti-social be-
havior. In one plain case we studied, the nature of the trouble,
which had resulted in a good deal of mental conflict, had not
dawned on the family nor the school people. They noted the
growing delinquent tendencies, truancy and its accompaniments,
and they knew of the difficulty, but had not appreciated the psy-
chological lines of causal connection.

Lack of control of functions of the rectum belongs, of course, in
the same category, and we have seen the same results, but this
trouble is much rarer.

Physicians have loud demands made upon them for the cure of
such disorders, particularly because of the household discomfort.
The cure is sometimes difficult and even impossible, unless the
morale of the individual can be built up. In medical literature
much has been written on the subject of enuresis.

§ 174. Other Physical Irritations. — It should be clear enough
from the standpoint of common sense that in the study of the
genesis of tendencies to bad behavior and to bad habits of thought,
to say nothing about the beginning of bad physical habits, we
should hark back to any physical conditions which may appear
to be the first roots of the trouble. Practically, as a matter of
fact, over and over again parents or guardians have called our
attention to the former existence of these antecedent conditions.
Most important for us, after the abnormal conditions of eyes and
ears, is irritation of sex organs. In a word it may be said that this
irritation and undue stimulation may be caused by local unclean-
liness, or inflammation, acidity of urine, local enlargements, and
chafing of clothes. It is quite unnecessary here to give cases;
for details we may refer to standard works on children's diseases
and gynecology (unfortunately one has rarely seen any mention
of these things in works on child hygiene). It will suffice to say
that I see no reason to discredit the opinion of observers who tell
me that they have witnessed definite character tendencies de-
velop upon a basis of local irritation, though I would insist that

227

§174] PHYSICAL CONDITIONS : PECULIARITIES, AILMENTS [Chap. Ill

in most cases there must have been also in the individual a
foregoing neurotic or psychopathic tendency.

Local irritation in any sensitive parts of the body from rupture,
tight sphincter, chronic inflammations, etc., even in adults notori-
ously leads to chronic bad temper and anti-social behavior, which
may undoubtedly at times assume criminalistic proportions. Many
medical authorities have noted cases of the kind, and accounts of
the various ailments may readily be found in medical works.

My appreciation of the effect of physical irritation upon charac-
ter dates from the life story of a patient told to me long ago. A
certain man revealed to me his appreciation of his own character,
which was notorious for meanness and misconduct bordering on
criminalism, and asked how it could have been otherwise. For
years he had been suffering from an excruciating irritation vv^hich
was always in the background of his consciousness. It seemed
highly probable that he was right in believing that a long-standing
fissure with pruritus ^ was responsible for his anti-social conduct.

In chronic offenders or in any problem cases there should be
thorough questioning and examination for any physical causative
influence. Many a person shows a mean disposition, or anti-
social conduct, without hardly knowing why, and in occasional
cases there is physical cause unrecognized as such.

The theory of so-called reflex irritation from bodily abnor-
malities, causing mental tendencies as well as physical reactions,
gains full expression in the idea that the enlarged prostate of old
men is an inciting cause of sexual offenses. Trouble in establish-
ing the fact, here again, is met by the coincidence of the local
condition with failing mental powers. We discuss this latter point
under senility (§ 163). Even the asserted cures of cases do not
prove the theory, for such a severe operation as the removal of
this gland is quite likely to give a shock or to arouse appercep-
tions that may themselves result in better moral tendencies —
quite without any specific action. However, it may be, as
suggested, just exactly the concatenation of the constant and
subconscious irritation of this abnormal condition with the
lowered inhibitory powers of old age that brings about the bad
behavior. The argument then is that there is only one of the two
ailments which can be altered, and all that can be done should be
done to prevent further social damage and personal disgrace.

1 Gant (155) and other medical writers state frequent observance of the
disturbing influences upon conduct which this class of ailments causes.

228

Chap. Ill] UNDER-NOURISHMENT [§ 176

§ 175. Syphilis. — The effects of s^'philis, either congenital or
acquired, have relation to the production of delinquency only as
there is some disability or irritation produced. The individual in
general may be rendered more inefficient through weakness, gen-
eral or local, or some sensory function may be impaired, or the
central nervous system maj^ be affected. The result of the latter
can be feeblemindedness, as in some cases of congenital syphilis, or
can be any of the well-known psychoses or minor aberrations which
in some follow acquirement of syphilis. However, the resistance
of the individual to the disease and the effects of treatment must
never be lost sight of, for it is certainly a fact that many a case of
congenital lues develops fairly normally, and that only a few of
those who have acquired the disease become mentally affected.
Paresis (dementia paralytica), everywhere recognized as a form
of insanity which gives rise to criminalistic behavior (§ 299), is
caused by S3T)hilis. Certain forms of epilepsy develop on a syphi-
litic basis.

In the above ways the relation of syphilis to criminalism is
frequently masked, because the individual is primarily classed as
mentally defective, insane, epileptic, and so on. This is true also
of our cases. However, it would not be fair to take the figures
gained by tests for this disease among offenders ^ as indication
of its extent as a cause of delinquency. Very frequently, as among
prostitutes, syphilis comes in the wake of the delinquency. But
taking the question altogether, and including the congenital
aspects, there is no gainsaying that the annals of criminalism
would have far fewer black pages if this important disease were
stamped out.

§ 176. Under-nourishment. — A problem somewhat distinct
from that of underdevelopment in relation to criminality (vide § 185)
is that of undernourishment and debilitated physical conditions.
Disgust with school work or with steady employment follows
naturally from the bodily weakness, — the accompaniments and

1 The many-sided importance for society of investigating properly this
question of syphihs among offenders has been shown by some recent careful
studies with the Wasserman test. The New York State Reformatory for
Women {vide Kneeland 324, p. 189) reports 48 per cent, syphilitic among
446 inmates, and the Massachusetts Reformatory for Women {vide Spauld-
ing, 222) 44 per cent, of 239 inmates. Among the definitive prostitutes at the
latter place 63 per cent, were thus diseased. We look forward to similarly
careful reports from institutions for men, but expect the proportion of
sjTjhihtics to be very much smaller, because so many of the women are
primarily sex offenders. Reports from foreign prisons are of httle use for us,
and different locahties in our own country may show greatly varying results.

229

§176] PHYSICAL CONDITIONS : PECULIARITIES, AILMENTS [Chap. Ill

sequels of truancy and loafing need not here be mentioned. (Pos-
sible causation of mental dullness is elsewhere discussed — § 282.)
In these cases the outlook is often quite different from what it is
when the difficulty is developmental and unalterable. Proper
treatment should be assiduously undertaken, without considering
the individual permanently limited, as if he were not always
to be a weakling. There is very often great trouble in logical
separation of undernourishment as a cause of delinquency from
the frequently accompanying poverty and alcoholism, and the
undue ingestion of stimulants and other unhygienic practices of an
ignorant family. No doubt the great success of industrial schools
in bettering bodily conditions is due largely to separation from
actively pernicious prior methods of living, as well as through in-
creasing nutritional values of the food taken.

The following card shows the causations in a case, of which we
knew well the surrounding circumstances, and indicates compli-
cations which are practically always encountered when focusing
on the question of poor nutrition.

Case 14. — This boy, age 12, weighed 63 lbs.; height 4 ft., 33^ in.;
hollow-eyed, tired-looking.

Physical conditions : Case 14.

Long under-noimshed; partial nasal Boy, age 12.

obstruction.

Heredity: Father not bright, gambler, deserter.
Sister feebleminded.
Sister paralyzed.

Home conditions: Poverty. Mother works out.
Much bickering.

Bad companions.

Temperament: Very nervous and irritable.

Truancy -(-•

Runaway -|-.

Petty stealing -f . Mentality:

Sex offense with girl. Ability good.

At 14 years, 8 months, this boy weighed 85 lbs.; height 4 ft.,
8 in. He was still tired-looking. Poor musculature. His delinquent
tendencies had been growing less. He then was having much
difficulty getting employment on account of his small size.

230

Chap. Ill] EXCESS OF PHYSICAL VIGOR [§ 1~7

§177. Excess of Physical Vigor. — Excess of vigor is justi-
fiably considered in rare cases as a direct cause of delinquency.
There are some individuals, misplaced in an environment which
does not call forth all their powers, whose very superabundance
of animal spirits makes for criminalistic tendencies. This phenom-
enon stands out more self -evidently when we discuss it under
the head of over-development, as judged by age, in our section
on physical abnormalities of development (§ 188). There the main
point is the lack of correlation between physical over-growth
and child-like t;y'pe of mental powers. But even in an adult,
mentally normal, too great a surplus of general or special energy
under the conditions of an ordinarily civilized environment
may occasionally lead directly to anti-social conduct. The
exceeding restlessness and restiveness of a tremendously vigorous
man or woman may, of course, lead to misdeeds.

The excess of certain special physical vigor, best denoted by
the term hypersexualism, is entirely another matter. This may
be, of course, very hard to differentiate from the results of strong
mental stimulation when there is mental over-stress in the direc-
tion of sexual things. (We discuss this subject as a whole else-
where, § 243.) Certainly, however, in men, and more rarely in
women, there is sometimes a physical foundation in organic
over-development, or over-energizing of related nerve centers.
The result in behavior may be excessive impulsions, perhaps
paroxy^smal. The relationship to the commission of offenses,
ranging up to very serious ones, may readily be appreciated.
Operations, self-desired, have been successfully undertaken on
women to relieve this condition.^ We are inclined to believe that
society might be better off if occasional cases of the same nature
in men were treated by preventive surgical measures.

When excess of energy in the direction mentioned above is
combined with a defect of mentality, as it unfortunately some-
times is, particularly in epileptics, society is apt direly to suffer
the consequence. The most vigorous man sexually of whom we
have ever heard, was a large and strong epileptic, feebleminded

1 What can be accomplished by an operation depends entirely upon the
nature of the case; there are many modifying circumstances. It is only fair
to say that it is the rare instance when a hypersexual woman can be bene-
fited by anything short of an extensive operation. This is not the place to
cite professional hterature on the subject, but we may add that a few cases
of uncontrollable erotic paroxysms have been reported as cured by a mod-
erate surgical proceeding.

231

§ 177] PHYSICAL conditions: peculiarities, ailments [Chap. Ill

individual (vide § 256), who committed at least one typically
degenerate murder.

§ 178. Menstruation and Pregnancy. — Although both of
these conditions, especially the former, may have definite rela-
tionship to delinquency, it is not the condition in itself through
being an irritating or weakening factor, which causes the delin-
quent tendencies. The individual is only influenced towards
delinquency because the mental state at that time is not quite
normal. Properly, then, we shall discuss these subjects under
the head of minor psychoses (§ 310, § 311).

Premenstrual restlessness and sex stimulation, as we have
elsewhere stated, § 310, may be correlated with sex offenses and
also other delinquencies.

§ 179. Headaches. — Although belonging in the category of
minor nervous disorders, headaches have a definite relation to
delinquency because of the irritating and even disabling effects.
When an offender really suffers much from them, any one who
would reform his conduct should take thorough cognizance of
the possible effects of this trouble upon behavior. The only
thing necessary to say about treatment is to state that head-
aches come from a wide variety of causes and the underlying
trouble must be carefully searched for.

§ 180. Head Injuries. — No injury to the head any more
than to any other part of the body will affect character or be-
havior unless the brain and, through this, the mind is affected.
The finding of even a considerable scar on the scalp of an offender,
even with evidences of injury to the cranium, is not any proof
of damage significant as a cause of delinquency. Cases where
there has been resultant mental change will be properly discussed
in the chapter on minor psychoses (§ 309). To seize on statistics
showing the strange frequency with which a history of head in-
jury is obtainable concerning offenders is not our method of
procedure. But the bare facts as we find them (vide § 99) and
as others, such as Sleyster (196) who says that 11 per cent, of
592 penitentiary prisoners have suffered injury to the head, find
them, are indeed striking.

§181. Other Physical Ailments. — A glance at our statis-
tical analysis of causative abnormal physical conditions (§ 97) will
show that various other ailments may be fairly regarded as causa-
tive factors of delinquency. The boy with ringworm, for instance,
was rejected on this account from the schools in two cities, and

232

Chap. Ill] OTHER PHYSICAL AILMENTS [§ 181

began his criminalistic career through this expulsion. The man with
tuberculosis was unable to work, and in his idleness, and perhaps
through his prescribed over-feeding, developed lewd thoughts
that led him to use the mails for sending obscene communica-
tions. The boy with heart disease cannot work steadily; his
leisure gives him opportunity for working up the thieving schemes
that have made him easily the leader of a criminalistic gang in
his wild neighborhood. The young man with the venereal dis-
ease developed such a morbid attitude towards himself that he
became willing, even in modern America, to assault a pyre little
girl, in compliance with the old superstition that by so doing his
disease would be cured.

The general physical changes of old age, senility, have signifi-
cance as the mind and character are changed. The subject is
treated in § 163.

233

182] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

CHAPTER IV
Developmental Physical Abnormalities

§ 182. General Statement and Definition. — An important
feature of our practical findings is concerned with the several
developmental abnormalities which clearly stand in causative
relationship to delinquent tendencies. Our specific data on this
point persuade one that altogether too little attention has been
given to this subject by students of the genetics of criminalism.
It is true that some European criminologists have dealt with
poor physical development, and several writers have suggested
that the phenomena of adolescence (vide § 336) may in-
clude several of these anomalous developmental conditions.
But nearly all this has been without careful attention to case
studies. In the light of what we afterwards found, I feel indebted
to Franz Boas and W. T. Porter for the emphasis which they
both placed upon this topic in discussing with us the beginning
of our research. Their insistence on the possibility that abnormal
development might be one determinant of delinquency led us,
already partially convinced, to lay special stress on the obser-
vation of data concerning this point.

By physical abnormalities of development we mean physical
conditions which are disproportionately correlated with the age
of the individual. Of course, if we observe a very large man or
a very small man we do not say that, as an adult, he is suffer-
ing from a developmental anomaly, although such may have
been the cause of his being an uncommon physical specimen.
Moreover, with adult opportunities for self -adjustment his case
is not of great practical interest for us as students of criminalism.
But when a growing individual is so slight that he cannot com-

234

Chap. IV] GENERAL STATEMENT AND DEFINITION [§ 182

pete fairly with his fellows who are classified with him accord-
ing to age, or when a boy or girl prematurely develops the phys-
ical basis of adult impulsions, then we have a right to speak
of developmental abnormalities as involving social and moral
issues. We find that these imperfect correlations lead to such
defective social adjustments and moral stresses as may determine
criminalism.

It should be thoroughly appreciated that the physical anomaly
may be only temporary; the individual may grow larger or stronger,
or, in the opposite type of case, may never develop further than
the dimensions which appear excessive for the given age. A
characteristically overgrown girl of 12 may be a perfectly nor-
mal women when she is 20, and the same is true of the over-
grown boy. But none of this alters the fact that during an
exceedingly important period of life, when the powers of adjust-
ment are by no means as strong as they will be later, there was
a determining amount of mental and moral stress.

It should also be definitely understood that in our discussion
of this subject we are not including cases in which the cause of
the delinquent tendencies can be attributed to aberrational
or defective mentality, even though in instances of the latter
there may be causally important physical abnormalities of de-
velopment. We describe elsewhere the anomalies of involu-
tional development which play also a part, fortunately a minor
part, in the production of criminalism. We deal with this sub-
ject, § 163, under the head of senility.

In our estimation of developmental anomalies we have often
wanted to know, for the sake of comparison, how our findings
on premature development and over-development compare with
the status of young offenders elsewhere observed, but we have
been able to find no adequate studies of this feature of criminal-
istic genetics. A large share of this whole subject, since it deals
so much with youthful development, and especially the devel-
opment of sex characteristics, might be thought to belong properly
under the head of studies of adolescence. However, in the
cases now under discussion there are certain extra physical fea-
tures, which bring about a stress that is certainly no part of
ordinary adolescent life. The many writers on adolescence .
fail to discriminate a great deal that is pathological or anoma-
lous from what is usual in the stress and storm belonging to this
period.

235

§ 183] DEVELOPxMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

§ 183. Statistical Findings. — To get this important matter
concretely before ourselves, we have carefully gone over our
related observations. We find that of our statistical Group II
(vide § 97) of 823 cases, 13 1-2 per cent, have some anomaly of
development as one of the probable causes of their delinquency.
Even these figures leave out entirely the mental defectives and
the aberrational types, in which the pivotal fact, so far as crim-
inalism is concerned, has sometimes been abnormal early develop-
ment or an over-development of sex characteristics. We have
scheduled our youthful offenders with these anomalies in the
classes given below — enumerating them only when the anomaly
was fairly to be considered a cause of delinquency. This point
must be insisted on because in other instances there may have
been, for instance, poor development or over-development when
it seemed to have no logical relationship to the misconduct.

Males Females

(A) Very poor- general physical development ... 26 0

(B) Delayed puberty plus poor development ... 7 0

(D) General sex characteristics undeveloped, with

normal puberty 2 1

37 1

(E) General physical over-development 6 0

(F) Over-development of both general physical and

sex characteristics 0 17

(G) Premature puberty with general physical over-

development 9 19

(H) Premature puberty without over-development 4 14
(7) Premature puberty with distinctly poor de-
velopment 4 0

23 50

Some words of explanation are necessary for understanding
the above table. The figures cover only youthful developmental
anomalies which are discernible as causative factors of delin-
quency. All cases where mental defect, epilepsy, or psychosis
was the major factor have been eliminated. Our lines of demar-
cation of under-development, over-development, delayed and
premature puberty are gauged very broadly. Over-development
of general or sex characteristics is naturally most readily recog-
nized, and is only included by us when the anomaly was very

236

Chap. IV] VERY POOR GENERAL PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT [§ 185

marked. Most frequently it may be said that the individual was
an anomaly in his own family circle. Poor development also is
readily recognized by ordinary observational standards. When
the under-sized individual at all approached the normal his lack
of development was not considered causative. In our given
cases we had special reason to know that his poor development
stood in the way of his moral and social success. What con-
stitutes a premature or a delayed puberty is not to be so roughly
adjudged. We have discriminated according to the following
criteria.

§ 184. Developmental Age Norms. — In dealing with the
problem of abnormally early or late puberty it is not scientif-
ically accurate to consider averages. Wide time limits must
be taken as representing the normal. In the case of girls, as might
be supposed, the age of first menstruation is the best known of
any facts connected with the onset of puberty. Englemann (34)
in a careful study of this subject states that the average age in
the United States for first menstruation is at 14 years (earlier
than the average in Europe). In a vast proportion the age of
first menstruation centers closely about the average, so that
one may safely regard puberty beginning at 12 years or earlier
as an unusual phenomenon, and likely to throw considerable
stress socially upon the girl.

The age of puberty in boys is not nearly so well known, nor
so readily distinguished. Until the recent research of Crampton ^
we had little that was accurate to guide us, but yet, after all, in
such work as ours we have not felt the need of recording any-
thing except extremes. In general we may say that if signs of
puberty which appear normally at 14 1-2 to 15 years are already
present by 13 years or earlier it is a possible danger sign. Most
individuals at this earlier age are not yet mentally equipped
to stand the burden of this new life.

§ 185. (A) Very Poor General Physical Development. — Of

all our topics m the present chapter, under-development has

been most emphasized as a cause of crime, particularly by foreign

criminologists. In this country it certainly does not play the

part that it does abroad. Morrison (223, p. 102) states that from

his long experience with English offenders he judges that phys-

1 To the work of Crampton (229) we woiild refer all students for defini-
tions, criteria of growth, and positive statement of numerous observations.
The work of the past has been impressionistic, but Crampton's effort has
been to establish accuracy.

237

§ 185] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IY

ical inferiority is one of the most important causes which pro-
duce criminality. As he sees it, there are several reasons for this.
The inferior offender comes from a class who have to live by the
labor of their hands, and who, when deficient in strength, are in
a position of disadvantage. Through ordinary industrial selec-
tion the weak ones tend never to be incorporated properly in the
army of labor. As a consequence they find pauper life easy, and
even crime not uninviting. With our much more fluid social
conditions and the greater chances of employment, this is not
nearly so true. But even in this country there are still plenty of
discouragements and proofs of social inefliciency forced upon
the victim of physical inferiority.

Distinguishing the difference between social demands made upon
the sexes, as well as their respective temptations, we can fairly
say we have never seen a single instance in which poor general
development seemed to be the important cause of delinquency
in a female. On this point our statistical charts, § 105, should be
consulted. But we would not deny the possibility of finding it
as such elsewhere.

It would hardly seem necessary to mention the type of physical
condition which seriously interferes with normal school life and
normal employment, yet short case summaries may serve to
show the various complications of antecedent and consequent
amid various environmental circumstances.

Case 15. — A boy of 15 1-2 years, who earlier was a great
truant and mischief maker in school, later became much of a
runaway from home, stealing from his mother, not working,
and living at times a most irregular life in the business districts.
Physically very poorly developed. His height was 4 ft. 9 in.,
and he weighed only 79 lbs. Moderate hypermetropia. Slight
tremor of hands. Bites finger nails much, and is distinctly a
nervous type. Examination otherwise negative. Mentally we
found the boy to be rather bright, as shown by his work on tests,
general reactions, and range of information. He also showed
some artistic ability.

In the background there were important factors, (a) At the
time of this boy's conception the father was suffering from a
chronic illness from which he died while the mother was in mid-
pregnancy. Consequently (b) antenatal conditions were very
defective on account of worry and trouble. (The older children
were born when the father was well and are very different both

238

Chap. IV] VERY POOR GENERAL PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT [§ 185

morally and phy:?ically.) (c) Years ago this boy began the
excessive use of stimulants, which he craves. He has been ac-
customed to taking an excess of tea and coffee and smokes
a great deal, (d) Home control was bad on account of the
mother having to work out ever^y day and consequently he (e)
fell in with bad companions. (/) On account of his small size
he has never been able to get desirable work.

This boy has been in at least four different institutions and
has run away from some of them, as well as from home. He was
tried on a farm, and did not do well. He finally disappeared.

Many other cases bearing on the same point could be given.
The under-developed individual frequently comes from an atro-
cious environment, often is the result of defective heredity or
congenital conditions, early seeks the use of stimulants, and feels
himself utterly unable to cope on even terms with others. Noth-
ing is more natural than that cunning, vagrancy and low forms
of enjoyment should be resorted to in the individual's endeavor
to get out of life what he can by the easiest means.

Occasionally one meets a case in which under-development
points the way along a profitable path in crime, as in Fagin's
gang, where the small-sized fellow was of special use.

Case 16. — Boy of 11 years, a truant and a thief; already
considered by the police authorities to be an expert pickpocket.
We found a little boy of net weight 47 lbs., height 4 ft., 1 in.
Examination brought out no defect. The boy was a humorous
type, old in expression, quick in movement. He had noticeably
small hands. On the mental side we graded him as having fair
native ability. His motor dexterity was noteworthy. In fact,
he was proud of showing his ability in this direction.

This delicate, fairly bright, and naturally dexterous little boy
had had years of instruction in stealing, and on account of his
success took to it with delight. He demonstrated to us very
cleverly the skill with which he could insinuate his small hands
unnoticed into people's pockets.

In such a case one could be quite sure that only prolonged care
would reform. Of course poor home control was a large factor
in the case. Even an ordinary term in a boy's industrial school
would not be long enough at this boy's age to overcome the tend-
encies. The instabilities of adolescence in such a case must be
reckoned with, and prolonged care be given accordingly. As a

239

§ 185] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

matter of fact, this boy proved to be a model in the institution
where he was sent, but, after a year and a half, return to the
old environment brought renewal of old habits, and he had to be
sent back for another period.

§ 186. (B and C) Delayed Puberty with Either Poor or Nor-
mal Development. — Nearly all cases which come under these
headings clearly belong to the category of constitutional infer-
iority, discussed at length elsewhere (§ 290 ff.). We have not seen
delayed puberty figure as a cause of delinquency among girls.
The retarded older boys show a strange mixture of childish and
adult characteristics, which is perhaps just what might be ex-
pected. The following case is a fair example.

Case 17. — A young fellow of almost 17, weight 121 lbs., height
5 ft. 6 in., is just entering puberty. He has unusually good mental
ability, and a good range of information, but his emotional reac-
tions are absurdly childish. He cries upon the slightest provoca-
tion. He is well behaved and affectionate at home, but he cannot
stick at anything, and whenever he gets tired of doing the same
thing for long he finds it very easy to steal and run away, making
his own living elsewhere by working for a time. This boy did excel-
lently in school, graduating from 8th grade at 123/^ years. From
that time on he has grown more unstable morally, becoming
lately rather bold in stealing, but never showing viciousness.
One of his escapades illustrates well his traits. Working on a
farm where he was much liked, he suddenly stole about $20 and
ran away. He was easily caught. He stated that the deed was
committed under the impulse of homesickness. A chance was
given him to work at another place and pay back the money. He
did this faithfully in his customary spirit of penitence. No
other factors in the background stand out convincingly as causes,
and the whole case seems to hinge mostly on this instability of
character correlated with very backward puberty.

In such a case, where the marks of constitutional inferiority
are not clear, the prognosis, judging by our experience with others,
is good if the fellow can be tided over his unusually late adolescent
period amid decent associations. This affords another lesson for
us always to individualize cases, and not to estimate possibilities
and probabilities in chronological terms, when they should be
reckoned according to physiology.

§ 187. (D) General Sex Characteristics Undeveloped, with
Normal Puberty. — The only bearing this phenomenon has for us

240

Chap. IV] GENERAL SEX CHARACTERISTICS UNDEVELOPED [§187

is in the two types of eases where non-development of general sex
characteristics brings to the individual some suggestion of a path-
way in dehnquency. In the case of a girl or woman with mascu-
hne contour, especially if there is unusual muscular strength,
mascuHne t^-pe of dehnquency or adventure may suggest itself.
We have studied a notable case of this kind where male disguise
was assumed and male emplo;yTnents were readily followed in
adventurous spirit for wrecks at a time. Old country annals of the
unusual in criminalism give many such instances among brigands
and other classes of offenders. Then there is the masculine type
of woman who plays the male role in homosexual love affairs,
Platonic or complete perversion.

The other type comprises the young man or adolescent youth
who retains his childish general physical characteristics, and is
ordinarily designated as effeminate. It does not seem to be gener-
ally recognized that there may be abnormality in the correlation
of the various signs of adult masculinity. Such, however, is the
case. There may be complete normal pubescence (growth of
pubic hair as an indication of puberty) with retention of childish
(effeminate) contour of face or torso, and even retention of child-
ish voice tones. Most unfortunately, occasional individuals of
this type, by reason of some maldevelopment of sex instinct, and
sometimes by reason of their attractiveness for individuals with
predilection for unnatural sex behavior, are readily recruited to
the ranks of sex perversion. {Vide Case 114.)

In considering care of individuals of this last class, temptations,
inner and outer, should be considered. Chances for developing
the healthiest possible mental and physical interests should be
given. The excessive stimulations, as well as direct temptations,
found in city life are inimical. Students of social vices know well
the astonishing amount of tendency in this direction.

Case 17 a. — As an example of the dangers we could cite the case
of a boy nearly 17 years old, weight 110, height 5 ft. 4 in.; fairly
nourished, but very small bones, delicate fingers, childish shoulders
and torso, normal pubescence, high voice. This lad up to within
a month or so, had been singing soprano parts on the stage. He
had been frequently approached, even on the streets, by a certain
class of men who have recognized in him a special type towards
which they are attracted. This lad has apparently rejected all
advances, but has gained worldly wisdom on the subject, and
manufactured altogether from this experience and his own recog-

241

§ 187] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

nition of his innate peculiarities, an anti-social attitude, which
bodes ill for both his mental and moral future.

Treatment of such cases, even when they have dipped into bad
practices, is not necessarily hopeless. From appropriate moral
and social measures, which must be highly individualized, we have
seen splendid results ensue.

§ 188. (E) General Physical Over-development. — We need
barely touch this subject except as applied to males, because when-
ever the same physical phenomenon has been observed in females
there has always been corresponding over-development of sex
characteristics which heavily complicated the case. Even when
excess of general size and strength in girls or women has seemed
to be a main factor (vide § 142), sex affairs always complicate,
which leads us to negative conclusions about the responsibility of
general over-development alone. No doubt some of the vigorous
female offenders instanced by Lombroso (230) have been incited
to criminalism through their tremendous physique, but such cases
are decidedly rare in this country and need only this bare mention.

Concerning general physical over-development as a cause in
youth of delinquent tendencies, which may stand at the begin-
ning of a whole criminalistic career, we have very specific data.
Here, once again, in considering the possible results of proper
treatment we are confronted with the essential fact of the forma-
tion of mental habit (vide § 234). Specific thoughts and tempta-
tions being once aroused, avenues of action clearly opened, and
unfortunate associations with other delinquents formed, even if
there be offered a chance to tide over part of the adolescent period
with fitting mental activities, there may not be a satisfactory
outcome. What I have said elsewhere about much of the good
results of industrial school training being due to carrying the
individual over what is a normally unstable period of life, applies
here, when an anomalous physical condition adds to the ordinary
difficulties of this period. What we have ourselves seen of the
effects of proper treatment in cases of this kind should be highly
instructive to all students of the subject.

Case 18. — A boy of 14 years, 9 months, was studied by us after
a considerable career of delinquency. He had already run away
from home six times, once having been gone 3 months. On these
occasions he had made his way hundreds of miles, generally towards
the western plains. He had been arrested at least twice for steal-
ing; once that we know of he had taken small things from a store,

242

Chap. IV] GENEIL^L PHYSICAL OVER-DEVELOPMENT [§ 188

another time he had helped hhnself to a neighbor's horse and
buggy with which he had gotten a start on one of his expeditions.
His intelhgent parents were in a quandary about him.

We found this young boy to be a strong, alert, bright, and enor-
mously over-grown lad, with no ascertained physical defect.
Weight 145 lbs., height 5 ft. 10 in. On the mental side he showed
himself to be well up to the ordinary in ability. Naturally his
school record was defective on account of his being away so
much, but he had entered 6th grade. We were much interested
to note that his interests strongly centered about out-door and
ranch life.

The quandary of these good parents seemed to us entirely
uncalled for: there was only one sensible way to look at the case.
Here was their son, whom they regarded as a young boy because
of his years, already towering above them. In his physical make-
up he was at least five years ahead of the children he had been
called upon to associate with, and the confines of the small city
apartment which the family occupied were altogether too narrow
for his actual requirements. The circumstances of life provided
by his parents were totally unfitted for him. On our advice he
was given a chance to play a man's part on a far western ranch, and
this at once checked his criminalistic career. A return a couple of
years later showed him with a still greater development, and, of
course, still unfitted for indoor city life. The fact that this boy
had a roving frontiersman for a grandfather might be considered
in evidence of the inheritance of roving instincts. But as we
have elsewhere (vide Spaulding and Healy, 162) pointed out, what
really was inherited was the physical basis of such instincts.

Physical over-development -|- -1- -1-. Case 18.

Environment: unfitted. ^o^' ^^ y^^^^' ^ "^^^-

Heredity: grandfather, very active
physically, a frontiers-
man.

Stealing. Mentality:

Runaway -}- -f. Good ability.

Case 19. — A boy of 153^ years, we saw at the end of a tre-
mendously aggressive career of delinquency, which he had begun
before he was 12 years of age. His offenses consisted of much

243

§ 188] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

truancy, staying away from home over night, petty stealing, then
burglary, and running away from home. We found a boy with
man's stature, and no observed defects except carious teeth and
two slight physical stigmata. Weight 125 lbs., height 5 ft. 7 in.,
strength great, bones large, carriage slouchy. It was quite easy
to decide that he had fair mental ability; he even did rather well
with school work, in spite of very irregular attendance. Certain
other mental characteristics were very notable. When guided by
those he liked in an institutional school, he was found tractable
and even helpful. Under other conditions he showed great insta-
bility and recklessness. In court he exhibited absolutely no feel-
ing in regard to his record of bad conduct, and simply desired to
be sent away to an institution by the judge, as he had been tliree
times before, in order, as he said, that he should not have to work
hard.

This boy came from a poor, but non-criminalistic family, and
had been mixed up with bad companions in his neighborhood,
but it seemed to be clear that physical conditions and adolescence
were largely responsible for his behavior. Reckoning with these it
might have been foreseen much earlier that a long period of protec-
tive disciplinary treatment would be necessary. The outcome of
this case is of great interest to us, and proves as much as we could
hope to have proved when observing the various admixture of
conditions in any case. At about 17, with his chronological age
gradually catching up to his physiological conditions, this young
fellow has grown more stable, and, so far as known, gradually
ceased to be an offender.

Adolescent characteristics 4- .

Case 19.

Physical over-development.

Boy, 15 yrs. 6 mos.

Bad companions.

Truancy.
Stealing.
Burglary.
Runaway.

Mentality:
Fair ability.

§ 189. (F) Over- development of Both General Physical and
Sex Characteristics. — In one sense, the subject as discussed at
this point belongs to the problem of abnormal, early maturity.
But since very special complications for the individual are in-

244

Chap. IV] OVER-DEVELOPMENT — GENERAL AND SEX [§189

volved in a premature appearance of puberty, as well as in over-
development during adolescence, the subject of prematurity
itself Avill be dealt with separately in the next section.

Adding to our statement above that mere general physical
over-development has little connection with delinquency in young
women, we may now say that when there is over-development of
general sex characteristics, the relationship to delinquency is very
marked. This latter over-development does not necessarily imply
a very early puberty. Perhaps we should state that what we mean
by general sex characteristics is marked over-development for
the age of the ordinary signs of female maturity, particularly en-
largement of the hips and bust, and general rounding of the figure.
Again in this matter our estimations have been made on the
broadest lines: we have only included cases of very marked over-
development. It should be remembered that delinquent tenden-
cies caused by this type of over-development may arise both from
within and without. Well-developed young women are very prone
to have an unusual amount of sex feeling and sex consciousness,
and just such a person is regarded as especially attractive by the
opposite sex. It would hardly seem to be necessary to illustrate
by cases these obvious facts, but a couple of very short summaries
may serve to clinch the point.

Case 20. — Girl 16 years, weight 160 lbs. Regular, strong
features, bright eyes, decidedly good-looking, altogether large
and mature type. First menstruated when 13 years old. Men-
tally, distinctly good native ability, but defective range of inter-
ests and information. Delinquencies, very repeated sex offenses.
Now pregnant. This girl comes from a very pious and stern family
where there has been attempt to utterly repress her instincts.
Although apparently she has many ladylike feelings, she is hot
tempered and is extremely defiant.

Case 21. — Girl of 16. Delinquencies, repeated sex affairs over
two or three years. Ran away to another city. Violence even to
the point of desperately engaging in a street brawl. Weight 153
lbs. Height 5 ft. 2 in. Tremendously well developed in strength
as well as form. Large, well-molded, regular features. Very firm
and alert expression. Menstruated first when over 13 years old.
On the mental side she proves herself to have normal ability. Is a
very marked type, talkative and responsive, but lies without a
shade of emotion. From her own account of herself she evidently
is the bold, willful, quick-tempered, headstrong, and physically

245

§ 189] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

brave individual that her family portray her. She has been mar-
ried to a very decent young man, but finding home life too tame,
she leaves him whenever she wishes. Life in an institution,
whether as ordered by the court earlier, or which she has been per-
suaded later to voluntarily seek for a couple of months, has not
caused the slightest abatement of her native tendencies. Other
factors in the background complicate the case. She comes of a
distinctly neuropathic family, with high temper, alcoholism,
hysteria, and probable epilepsy all playing a part. Previously she
has never had anything but the best of health, but within the last
year there have been attacks of hysteria when she would long re-
main rigid, with arms extended. Lately on account of flagrant sex
delinquencies she had to be sent again to an institution. (In insti-
tutional life she again proved herself willful and vicious.)

There are several subtypes, some quite different from the above,
which come under our present heading. One is the lazy and easy-
going, over-developed girl, either frank in sex desires or perhaps
indulging in glib talk about religion and personal reformation.
Some of stronger character definitely battle long against their
own inclinations or temptations.

Consideration of treatment for this class brings us to some vital
points in social welfare. It is ostrich-like not to see the critical
dangers surrounding over-developed girls, under many of the con-
ditions of social life. It is fortunate that these untoward condi-
tions confront only a small minority of adolescent girls, for it
may be readily appreciated that this type is a menace in more
than one social stratum. When a typical case is recognized what
can be offered in the way of treatment?

It is perfectly clear that the large share of delinquent girls of
this type cannot be safely taken care of in their old environment.
Even if families wake up to the need of more efiicient control, still
there are constant suggestions in the presence of old associations.
The main consideration here, as ever, is complete study of the
needs and possibilities of the case. This is rendered all the more
necessary because there is little chance for prolonged segregation
of many cases; there are few institutions which can tide a girl
even through 3 or 4 years of instability. Occasionally short segre-
gation with the repression that ordinary institutional life affords
will be found sufficient, but in many cases this is not enough.

Leaving out of account, for the moment, the question of very

246

Chap. IV] OVER-DEVELOPMENT — GENERAL AND SEX [§ 189

early marriage, which in our particular civilization is rarely justifi-
able, we can find to offer as constructive and off-setting measures
just two tjTpes of treatment. One involves the using up of physical
energy, the reducing of restlessness and animal spirits by physical
labor. By this one does not mean ordinary enjoyment of out-door
life; we have seen cases in which out-door life has built up even
more physical feeling. As in the case cited in § 142, excessive
labor may be the price of personal salvation, and of the protection
of societ3\

The other point in treatment has to do with better mental and,
particularly, more wholesome recreational interests. As pointed
out by Jane Addams (231), it is in connection with recreation that
the ordinary girl finds the most suggestion towards delinquency.
Many of the modes of recreation of to-day, whatever they may
have been in the past, are conducive to the development of offen-
ses against the better social order. In natures such as these
under discussion, where great outlets are needed for self -activity,
vigorous pleasures of the more innocent type must be definitely
offered. The attempt at substitution of religious for sex impulses
may be rarely wholly successful, and often is in part, but it be-
hooves all to know that any form of substitutive repression and
inactivity is likely to result in the hypocrisy we have often seen,
when there is glib talk about being good, while secret actions are
the opposite.

Just what mental and recreational interests will prove most
valuable depends naturally upon the capacity of the individual.
It is safe to say that for any girl who has normal self-control, who
is not suffering from mental defect or aberration, activities and
interests sufficient to outweigh physiological sex impulses can be
found by skilled and understanding people. Great difficulty is
found with the indolent members of this group, and for some of
these we should be quite willing to recommend, under medical
supervision, a course of asceticism. We have not heard of individ-
ualization anywhere being carried to this extent, except as a very
temporary matter, but it has been personally indulged in by many
good people, and there is no reason why it should not be con-
sidered as a method of treatment. -

The whole idea of segregation and repression for young women
of this type is often scouted by those who say that this means fly-
ing in the face of nature. The chief answer to this is that these
individuals under modern conditions are frequently a great menace

247

§ 189] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

to the welfare of society. They are tempters of the opposite sex,
purveyors of disease, and spreaders of vicious knowledge among
other girls. Society has a great deal at stake in protecting itself
and the individual. Even if we proceed somewhat against nature,
and even if some happiness of the individual is sacrificed, the
effect of a proper segregation is better than the opposite.

It is many times proposed that early marriage is a proper
solution of these cases. Nature has matured these individuals,
and fitted them for adult sex life. Among uncivilized peoples and
in simpler phases of civilization early marriage is readily enough
carried out. But with us economic and many other conditions
are all against this. We have many times heard from families
that though they perceive the benefits of early marriage for the
over-developed daughter in the family, it is impossible to be
carried out, because either no one is in love with her, or the only
one who would marry her was too disreputable, too youthful,
financially incapable, or otherwise undesirable. The customs
governing marriageable age are imperfect, when based chrono-
logically, as are the laws concerning working age, or any formal
limitation of what is a matter for individualization. Occas-
ionally a girl of 16 may be the physical and even the mental equal
of many a woman of 30, just as some boys at 14 or 15 are en-
dowed with adult working strength. Years may add steadiness
and discretion, but already there is maturity.

We can leave this problem of treatment, with the statement
that the suggestions apply perhaps even more to the cases of
early puberty plus physical over-development, those which will
be discussed in the next section.

§ 190. (G) Premature Puberty with General Physical Over-
development. — In the case of girls, the conditions implied by
this heading include over-development of the sex characteris-
tics already spoken of. With boys it usually means very early
general physical development, and often includes premature
post-pubertal signs, such as deep voice, appearance of hair on
face, etc. At this point again a little discussion of the whole
subject is in order. We may repeat that the material of this
chapter differs from consideration of adolescence (§ 336 if.) as
such. Adolescence has its bearing quite apart from the added
stresses of physical anomalies of growth at this important period.

Our charts of developmental conditions (§ 105) shown by
weight correlated with age seem to indicate the much larger

248

Chap. 1\] PREMATURE PUBERTY [§ 190

part which over-development plays in the production of delin-
quent tendencies in girls than in boys. These charts, it should
be remembered, merely give the isolated facts, but even our
analyses of causations show the importance of over-development.
It is rather astonishing that so little attention has been called to
this subject in the literature. However, judges of wide experi-
ence, and others who see adolescent delinquents, often make the
observation that many young people, girls in particular, do go
astray on account of over-development.

The excessively early maturing of an individual is a physical
Xihenomenon to be distinguished from its mental analogue,
precocity, w^hich brings none of the special problems concerning
delinquency in its wake. Indeed, it is just the lack of correla-
tion between physical and mental qualities which causes the
trouble. In other words the prematurity does not extend to the
psychical sphere. It is easily seen to be antecedently probable
that the effect of early development, whether of general phy-
sique or sex functions or sex characteristics, is to be considered a
highly dangerous influence in the life of a young individual.
Without the development of those mental qualities which give full
power to social inhibitions the temptations arising from inner
and outer conditions unduly stress the individual.

In the class of cases immediately under discussion we are
dealing not only with prematurity, but also with over-develop-
ment, which makes a double social and moral burden upon an
immature individual. Here it should be stated again that both
these conditions are, for our purposes, estimated as factors only
when in well-marked exaggeration. In the consideration of the
combination of prematurity with over-development we should
remember that the onset of puberty does not necessarily bring
about immediate development of other mature characteristics,
either sex or general. The age of first menstruation is not the
age of the development of the womanly contour which is evi-
dence of still further maturity. It is true that Williams (35),
who has made a special study of menstruation in girls, says
that the early appearance of this function is generally indicative
of vigor and vitality in excess of the average. (Perhaps the nutri-
tional theory explains the much earlier average age of menstrua-
tion (§ 184) in this country than among the Europeans from
whom our people have sprung.) Certainly our own experience
tends to show this true in many cases, although there are ex-

249

§ 190] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

ceptions, and enforces our own perceptions of the dire need which
exists for the utmost parental or equivalent protection, with the
developing of safe-guarding interests and occupations to suit the
needs of this period of great stress. The same considerations
in a different measure are applicable to the prematurity and over-
development of boys. For studies of this sex we would again
refer to Crampton's (229) valuable work.^

The question of heredity in relation to prematurity and over-
development is of great interest, and satisfactory data might
be extensively gathered if one were to make a special investiga-
tion. As we have stated in our chapter on Heredity (§ 144) we
have often heard, where there was excessive and premature
development with tendency to sex delinquency, that a parent
was peculiarly disposed towards sex indulgence. And some-
times it has been stated that the parent had matured early and
was unusually developed physically.

The following cases are selected to bring out several of the
most significant points. The first one, which gives us a social,
physical, mental, and moral comparison of twins, is of great value.

Case 22. — Maria X. This girl of 12 1-2 years was brought
to us by her straightforward New England parents. They were
intensely disturbed about her delinquency, and blamed them-
selves for not having been foresighted enough to have prevented
it. They are both healthy. We obtained at that time no
facts of significance in regard to heredity. The last two children
were twins, and one of them was the subject of our study. The
girl has been all her life in a lively manufacturing town. Her
developmental history is said to have been absolutely normal
and free from illness, except for the fact that she has twice had
convulsions. The first attack came when she was 9 and the
second when she was 10 1-2 yrs. During her recent years she has
been notably larger, stronger and better developed than her twin
sister. She menstruated when she was just 12. Her sister has
not yet done so. There is a difference between them also on the
mental side, but this is much in favor of the sister, who is a full
grade higher, and seems considerably brighter. (As we observed
this sister, she is a typically slim and physically unattractive girl,

1 Recently there has been much more attempt to study accurately the
highly important relationship between prematurity and mental conditions.
We have noted Crampton's (232, 233) papers, Foster's article (234) on physi-
ological age, and King's (235) study of physiological age and school standing
as a basis for classification of pupils.

250

Chap. IV] PREMATURE PUBERTY [§190

quite normal for her age.) The parents tell us that Maria has
been discovered to have been long engaged in sex delinquencies
with young men.

On the physical side we found an extremely well-nourished
girl of 4 ft., 11 in. In general sex characteristics she is astonish-
ingly developed; attitude and bearing strong and upright; well-
muscled arms. We also noted that she had a pleasant face,
good features, beautiful skin, and the broad hips and prominent
bust of a well-developed young woman. One observer states that
the girl has the most beautiful neck and shoulders she had ever
seen in a young girl. Vision slightly defective. Speech rather
hesitating, with a hardly perceptible stutter at times. Tonsils
and adenoids had been removed. Other examination negative.

The summary of our psychological findings is that the girl
showed a good deal of mental irregularity and lack of control.
To be sure she was under some emotional strain, but, even so,
her ability could hardly be called better than poor. After we
heard the storj' of her delinquencies we were inclined to believe
that perhaps she might be dull by reason of excessive sex prac-
tices, or at least that her mental processes were under poor con-
trol for that reason. Even more noteworthy than the result on
performance tests, was her absurdly small range of informa-
tion. She was not sure who was the president of the United
States, and did not know what the Fourth of July celebrated.
^'NTien telling us her story, we found her attention had to be
frequently called to the matter in hand, although we observed
nothing definitely like fetit mat.

Of course Maria's mental condition as well as her physical
make-up was a matter of grave interest and importance for prog-
nosis and treatment. She was reported thoroughly dutiful,
and a good worker at home. Sometimes she tells fanciful stories
for the sake of deceiving others, but is not a great liar. The
mother says the girl seems almost to wander in her mind at times,
but after we heard of her behavior we did not wonder at this. We
felt, too, that her habits might account for the fact that she had
not yet passed into 5th grade, in spite of having gone to school
between 7 and 8 years.

The freely told history of delinquency revealed to us the most
extensive amount of sex indulgence with others that we have
ever heard of from a child, except in the case of some feeble-
minded girl. For two years, between school and home, she has

251

§ 190] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

been engaging in sex misconduct with various boys and young
men. On account of her charms she has even posed for pictures
of the nude. She wrote suggestive notes to boys in school.

The most remarkable social feature of this case is the fact that
the twin sister had accompanied this girl back and forth from
school, but had taken no interest in what was definitely going
on between her sister and members of the opposite sex, and seems
to have been in no moral danger at any time. She had simply
waited for her in this or that place, and either did not wish to
tell tales, or did not concern herself enough to inform her parents.

We never felt certain of the diagnosis in this case, especially in
regard to abnormal psychological features. But the physiological
aspects stand out in great prominence, especially in comparison
to the make-up of her sister. The social bearings of her unusual
development are obvious. It was evident that Maria needed the
utmost protection and control, and her parents now realized this.
Our card of causation as asccFtained at this time runs as follows :

Over-development and premature puberty. Case 22.

Remarkably attractive Girl, age 12 yrs.
physically.

Mentality: Dull, perhaps from epilepsy, or
sex practices.

Parental neglect — unwitting.

Mentality:
Sex H — I — h- Dull as above.

The parents soon decided it was impossible for them to properly
control this girl on account of the extreme tendencies she had
developed. They placed her in an institution. A year or so later
she returned home. Recently we have again been consulted
about her. It seems that after a few months at home she again
became a sex delinquent. Study of her case now shows that
she has frequent attacks of petit mal. They are described by
Maria herself, and have been observed by her parents and others.
There is no longer, any doubt of her being an epileptic. The
family now give a history of epilepsy in a maternal great-uncle
to Maria, of fainting attacks in Maria's maternal aunts; also
a paternal uncle had convulsive seizures following an accident.
At 16 Maria is no longer so disproportionately over-developed,

252

Chap. IV] PREMATURE PUBERTY [§190

and shows little of her old attractiveness. Again we find it
necessary to recommend an institution.

This case illustrates two of the points we have elsewhere made
in regard to over-development. Premature development and
over-development are found with astonishing frequency in cases
of epilepsy (§ 254). Secondly, early over-development does not
always mean great size later.

The following history of a young woman whom we have
known for several years brings out again the point that over-
development at 12 years may mean normality at 19 or 20. Also
it brings out that the young adult has the mental power to control
a physical and social situation which may be overwhelming in
earliest adolescence.

Case 23. — This girl when seen by us at 15 had already had a
long career of sex delinquency. She willingly began her affairs
at 10 years of age, and actually supported a " cadet " by pros-
titution when she was 12 years old. We found her to be magni-
ficently endowed with strength, general development and good
looks. She w^eighed 151 lbs., height 5 ft., 1 1-2 in. No physical
defects of any kind noted. General development of a mature
woman. She menstruated first at 11 years.

On the mental side she demonstrated herself to have decidedly
good ability and an unexpected range of interests. We partic-
ularly noted her apparent mental instabilities, which we felt
best able to characterize as social suggestibility. From what
we were able to learn about her we had reason to believe, however,
that she was suggestible for good as well as for bad.

This girl came from a family not showing, as far as we could
learn, any marked mental dullness, but thoroughly immoral on
both sides. Her own beginning sex tendencies were allowed full
sway by a dissolute mother, and a male relative had proposed
to start a house of prostitution with this girl. When we saw her
she had already been in a reformatory school in one state and
had belonged to the " street-walker " class in several cities.
Notwithstanding all this, the girl's good mental qualities, her
range of interests, her previous lack of chance in a better social
circle, and even her social suggestibility led us to believe there
might be a favorable prognosis.

This girl was taken by a high-minded and practical woman,
entirely away from her old associations, and the outcome of the

253

§ 190] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

case has been wonderfully successful. Now at 19 she appears
a very normal young woman. She is no larger and perhaps weighs
a little less than when she was 15. Her good mental qualities
have been well utilized and she has steadily been making a bril-
liant record in arduous studies leading towards her chosen diffi-
cult profession.

Over-development excessive : Premature puberty. Case 23.

Home conditions: Mother immoral, etc. ^^^' ^^ y^^'

Heredity : Father alcoholic. Mother immoral, etc.

Delinquencies: Mentality:

Sex -|- -|- -h. Good ability.

Case 24. — A girl of 16, who is said to have been in scores
of sex delinquencies. The father says she is just the mother
over again. His wife left him when this child was three years
old. One other child is said to be a good girl, but has convul-
sions " when she eats certain things." We found a strong girl,
with decided over-development of sex characteristics for her
age. Weight 145 lbs. Fairly good features. Bright eyes. Good
color. Severe visual defect in one eye for which she has worn
glasses. She had menstruated by the time she was 12.

The girl's mental powers showed her to be poor in ability,
but hardly defective enough to be called even subnormal. Her
use of language was good, considering her social station. She
was polite, and might be considered decidedly attractive in some
circles. In this case it was very difficult to say which was the
major factor. The causative factor card ran as follows:

Early sex teachings :

Boys, et al.

Case 24.
Girl, age 16.

Over-development, premature puberty.

Home conditions:

Father rules by repression.
No healthy recreations.

Heredity: Mother immoral.
Sister epileptic.

Sex offenses -| — \-.
Stealing.

Mentality:
Poor in ability.

254

Chap. IV] PREMATURE PUBERTY [§ 190

The problem of prematured and over-developed boys involves,
naturally, very different features. Here, for the most part, it is
restiveness and desire for self-expression and for general physical
activity that has to be met. In some cases there is early ac-
centuation of sex impulse, but it is quite likely to be a minor
factor as compared to the overt tendencies of girls in this direc-
tion. The two cases cited below are fair examples of the prob-
lems involved.

Case 25. — We were asked to see a boy of 15 1-2 after his
arrest as an adult for a petty misdemeanor. He was then living
away from home, as he had many times before. He had been
more than once previously arrested. His well-to-do and unus-
ually intelligent parents gave a very clear story of his life. They
have a very attractive home in a neighboring state, but he merely
visits them and lives with them as inclination dictates. His
delinquencies began by his running away from home for a number
of days when he was only 9 years old. Since then he has mis-
appropriated and stolen at times, apparently as the result of
the conditions of actual poverty in which he sometimes gets
while away from home. He has worked at the most arduous
occupations, sometimes as a stevedore, and even as a coal passer
on a transatlantic liner. His affectionate parents, as we had
reason to perceive, were very sympathetic in their attitude,
quite commanded his love, and had done much for him. The
boy had even been taken on foreign travels.

We found this boy with the physical make-up of a strong man.
Height 5 ft. 10. (He was already a head taller than any other
member of his family.) Large boned. Lean, and well muscled.
Weight 145 lbs. Fingers broad and misshapen, probably from
his early hard work. No sensory defect. Badly deflected septum.
Chin small in proportion to his other large features. Sex devel-
opment completely adult. On the mental side the boy presented
nothing peculiar. He was a fluent reader. He did arithmetic
equivalent to the 5th grade, despite excessive truancy. Normal
emotions. A very frank pleasant fellow with decidedly good
orientation as to his own career and place in the world. We
found not the slightest evidence of anything pathological in his
mental condition.

Speaking of himself, he tells us that it is just his natural crav-
ings, "My crazy roving habits," that lead him to his delin-
quent running away from home, and then to occasionally taking

255

§ 190] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

things when he is hard up. Often he is too utterly ashamed of
himself on account of his unkempt condition to turn up at home
even when he is near there. He wanders all over the country,
and even abroad, taking care of himself by the labor of his hands.
The boy believes that his innate sex inclinations are partly re-
sponsible for his restiveness, and at times has given way to grati-
fication, but, of course, this feature has been greatly minimized
by his hard labor and even semi-starvation. His excessive
general development was already marked at 10 years, but no
accurate data upon the beginning of pubescence could be otained.
Early in his school life he hated to be with small children.

It is a matter of no small interest that this intelligent boy
early took his case in his own hands, and prescribed his own
treatment. He perhaps did more for his own salvation than
his parents, who desired to give him luxuries and to further his
career along commercial lines. The fact that he needed a place for
himself in the forest, on the mountains or the plains should have
been as obvious years earlier, as it became now, after our study.

Over-development extreme with premature Case 25.

puberty. Boy, 153^ yrs.

Adolescent instability for years.

Early school dissatisfaction on account of above.

Love of wandering.

Delinquencies :

Running away -t- + +. Mentality:

Petty stealing. Fair ability.

§191. (H) Premature Puberty without Over-development. —
In order to show that the problems of prematurity may occur
without general over-development we offer the following cases.
The point is important because it is generally considered that
prematurity is accompanied by over-development either of
general physical or of sex characteristics.

Case 26. — We studied this girl when she was 143/^ years old.
For more than two years she had been engaged in sex immorali-
ties, beginning with boys and more recently continued with men.
Physically we found her very strong and well, of distinctly boyish
form. Weight 130 lbs., height 5 ft., 5^ in. Regular features and
thick lips. A frank bold type. The fairly intelligent father gives

256

Chap. IV] PREMATURE PUBERTY [§ 191

US a full account of the case. The mother became after marriage
free in morals, and separated from him. This girl lives with him.
One sister became immoral, but three older children have never
caused any trouble. The girl we saw menstruated before she was
13. According to the father, the whole trouble with her is that
she is naturally inclined to sex immoralities. Our study of her
mentality showed her to be rather poor in ability, but we could
not denominate her subnormal. She had gotten to the 5th grade,
in spite of her delinquent tendencies.

This case is rather notable for the premature onset of puberty
and of sex feeling without development of general physical sex
characteristics. The prognosis was plainly unfavorable. She
was placed in an institution for a long period and while there is
said to have learned well and behaved properly. After a year she
was released, being then about 16 years old. At once her old
proclivities strongly showed themselves, in spite of normal ad-
vantages and probationary care. Renewed delinquencies made it
necessary for her again to receive institutional protection.

Premature puberty. Case 26.

Physical or mental peculiarity. ^^^^' ^^/2 yrs-

Marked sensual type although not
over-developed.

Heredity. Mother immoral.

Home conditions — earlier defective.

Bad companions earlier.

Delinquencies: Mentality:

Sex + + +. Poor ability.

Case 27. — Boy of 14 years and 3 months. Much truancy, con-
siderable petty thieving, incorrigibility at home, out much at night.

Physically, stoop shouldered, a mouth breather, but no obstruc-
tion in nose or throat. Very defective occlusion of the teeth par-
tially accounts for his mouth breathing. Has a peculiarly weak
physiognomy, with retreating chin. No sensory defect. Poor
color. Weight 119 lbs. Height 5 ft. 6 in. Complete adult type
of sex development. Well-shaped head.

On the mental side we found a quiet, subjective, suggestible
type. He complained of slight feelings of faintness, perhaps
mostly from weakness. Has been to the 5th grade in school.

257

§ 191] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

From the results on tests we decided that he showed mental dull-
ness, probably from poor physical conditions and bad sex habits.
It is difficult for him to carry through a long task of any kind.

He is said to have been a very bright young child. Other mem-
bers of the family are very well endowed mentally. He had a very
severe sickness at 9 years, following a heat stroke. Heredity nega-
tive. Age of first pubescence not obtainable.

In this case there was not only a marked lack of correlation be-
tween age and onset of puberty, but the boy was too much of a
weakling to have this burden thrown upon him. He was led into
the practice of bad sex habits early. The whole case was felt to
be one for hygienic treatment. It is interesting to note that as
time has gone on, and the case has been taken well in hand, that
there has been great improvement in behavior.

Premature puberty — very marked

Case 27.

Physical conditions poor.

Boy, 14 yrs.

Developmental. Early severe illness.

Bad sex habits.

Bad companions.

Truancy.

Petty thieving, etc.

Mentality:
Dull from physical causes.

§ 192. (7) Premature Puberty with Distinctly Poor Devel-
opment. — Cases of the kind denoted by this heading have still
other points of difference, and involve other moral and social
complications. The young person who is already somewhat
socially incapacitated by general poor physical conditions is badly
equipped for standing the extra burden of an early puberty. The
peculiar significance of this unfortunate combination of circum-
stances varies, as may be seen from the following cases.

Case 28. — Boy, 11 years, 4 months. This boy has long been
thoroughly delinquent, a great truant, and has engaged in petty
stealing from home and stores on numerous occasions.

We found him defective in nutrition and general development.
Weight 62 lbs., height 4 ft. 3 in. Poor strength. No sensory de-
fect. Large tonsils. Very evasive expression. Ears poorly formed.
Other physical signs negative, except considerable development of
pubic hair and other signs of puberty. A most unusual case and
in sharp contradistinction to general poor development.

258

Chap. IVJ PREMATURE PUBERTY [§ 192

Mentally, fair in ability. Was in the 4th grade at school. He
is one of three children ; an older boy was delinquent. The father
deserted years ago. INIother works out. This boy has been hang-
ing about a disreputable store where girls go, but he denies sex
delinquency with any one. He has been left much to his own
resources. Uses tobacco.

The outlook was, of course, poor in his old environment and after
probationary oversight for a time he got into more difficulties.

Home conditions : Father deserted.
Mother works out.

Case 28.
Boy, 11 yrs. 4 mos.

Physical conditions :

Weakly type.

Premature puberty. Very marked case.

Smoking.

Delinquencies :
Truancy.
Stealing.

Mentality:
Fair mental ability.

Case 29. — A boy of 15 years who has been under arrest many
times, was finally seen by us because a police officer was inter-
ested in doing something for him. His delinquencies had been
going on for many years, and consisted in much truancy, street
loafing, sleeping away from home, and stealing. He has long asso-
ciated with some of the worst people to be found in city life. At
last he was arrested in company with a notorious seller of cocaine,
and had packages of the drug on his own person. Despite his
small size he has been able, perhaps by his deep voice, to convince
judges in adult courts time and again that he was over juvenile
age. He has received at least one sentence to the House of Cor-
rection. Registration of birth was looked up, and his real age
found to be as above. (Falsehood is not only a common charac-
teristic of this boy, but also of other members of the family, so
cooperation has been difficult.)

On the physical side one finds him to be very poorly developed,
but fairly nourished. Weight 98 lbs., height 5 ft. No sensory
defect noted. Is decidedly anemic. Poorly developed and asym-
metrical chest, with prominent sternum. Narrow, high palate.
Teeth very much crowded, showing earlier impaction. Shifty,
evasive and tired expression. Small mouth and sharp chin.
Constant fine tremor of outstretched hands. Reflexes normal.

259

§ 192] DEVELOPMENTAL PHYSICAL ABNORMALITIES [Chap. IV

Completely adult type of sex development. Slight mustache.
Circumcised several years ago. About a year ago he had gonor-
rhea and chancroid. Speech is thick and hoarse, of the nasal
quality found among low street types. Head well shaped; cir-
cumference 54, length 183/2> breadth 15 cm.

A summary of our mental findings is that this boy shows evi-
dences of having fair mental ability, although results on formal
educational tests equal only 2d grade work. He has, however,
plenty of information about ordinary street interests, shows a
certain smartness in that direction, and much acquaintance with
criminalistic affairs. Of the normal interests of boyhood his in-
formation is practically nil, although he knows some of the ordi-
nary facts of historj^ and geography. He claims to have gone to
school very little. We found he was an excessive liar, and his irra-
tional behavior in the face of proffered help by interested police
officers threw open the question as to whether he was not pos-
sibly aberrational in t>T)e. Whether or not he was a user of cocaine
we could not at first determine, although he had it in his posses-
sion. The final mental diagnosis was held in abeyance. (Later
it came out that he was a cocainist.)

There was very much more in this case than the mere fact of sex
precocity with poor development. He came from an atrociously
bad environment, and a degraded and alcoholic family. He has been
an excessive user of stimulants, e. g., coffee, before taking cocaine.
For our present purposes we may regard him, however, as being
largely the product of a thoroughly disorganized adolescent devel-
opment. The disparity between his premature sex development
and his backward physical development equalled certainly 5 years.

Home conditions atrociously bad. Case 29.

Mother alcoholic, etc. Boy, 15 yrs.

Stimulants, early use of, now cocainist.

Physical conditions — very poor in general.

Premature puberty, marked case.

Heredity. Mother alcoholic. Other
facts not known.

Mentality:
Delinquencies: Fair ability.

Stealing. Probably constitutional

Vagrancy, etc. inferior.

260

Chap. IV] PREMATURE PUBERTY [§ 192

It is unnecessary to give cases of girls in whom there is premature
puberty phis poor physical conditions; the two may be combined
in various ways. Many debihtating conditions or ailments may
evidently be correlated with prematurity.

The treatment of this whole group should include measures of
hygiene and environment and nourishment which shall build up
the body and strengthen the will. Definite ailments are to be taken
care of medically. The sex prematurity is to be thought of in
the light of its being a developmental peculiarity of an individual
who probably has unusually poor resistance to temptations.
Unfortunately many of these cases come from families defective
in morals as well as in financial status, and much of their tendency
to delinquency arises from home conditions. Over and over again
we have seen attempts to handle these cases in the old environ-
ment followed by failure.

261

§ 193] STIMULANTS AND NARCOTICS [Chap. V

CHAPTER V

Stimulants and Narcotics

ALCOHOL.

§ 193. General Opinions. — The many-sided relationship of
the use of alcohoHc beverages to criminalism is so completely es-
tablished that we hardly need to dwell on the general question,
important though it is. All court officials are well acquainted with
the concrete facts, and many statisticians and others have gathered
the larger data.^ We must acknowledge at once the difficulties
which lie in statistical investigation of the subject in many direc-
tions. Pearson and Elderton (240) have, if nothing more, shown
this clearly, and also Hoegel (241) has dwelled with force upon the
point. But impossible though it may be to accurately determine
the influence of alcohol in the production of this or that especially
attributed condition, still taken either en masse or studied in con-
nection with the individual offender, which is our special point

1 From om- bibliographic studies we offer the student a short Ust of the
most available recent important statistics on the connection between consmnp-
tion of alcohol and delinquency. We concern ourselves strictly with scien-
tific and not propaganda material. Under the auspices of the French Min-
istry of Justice for some years an investigation has been carried out by means
of reports from judges who are compelled to state whether the convicted per-
son committed the offense under the influence of hquor, or is a confirmed
alcohohc. The Journal officiel (41) from time to time has pubhshed these
reports and Yvernis (42) summarized them m 1912. Boas (237) in 1908 gave
a good short summary of many researches in statistics. Macdonald (238) in
1909 presented an interesting summary from many countries and cities.
Aschaffenburg's (130) fair-minded and illuminating chapter on the subject is
now available for readers of Enghsh, as also is Lombroso's (239) more general
statement of the subject. Nothing more convincing is foxmd than the state-
ments of the diminution of criminahty in Ireland as the result of Father Mat-
thews' abstinence campaigns. According to Baer (256) this wonderful man in
the five-year period from 1837 to 1842 reduced the consumption of spirits in
that coimtry 50 per cent. The crimes dropped from 64,520 to 47,027, and the
executions from 59 to only 1 in the year.

The most important reference work on alcohol and alcoholism is that by
Abderhalden (253), who offers a bibhography, with descriptive notes, of the
tremendous number of contributions to the subject.

262

Chap. V] VARIOUS WAYS IN WHICH ALCOHOL IS A FACTOR [§ 194

of view, the facts will easily justify the cold assertion of Aschaffen-
biirg (l, p. 228) that if we could by one blow do away with the
use of alcohol, the number of annual convictions would be reduced
one-fifth. And this does not, of course, include at all the rela-
tionship which we discern so plainly between alcoholism and future
delinquency in the family. For our purposes, the whole problem
in its general features may be left, and we can push forward to our
discussion of the relation of the use of alcohol to the case of the
individual offender.

§ 194. Various Ways in which Alcohol is a Factor. — In study-
ing the individual, alcohol as a causative factor appears not only
in respect to its immediate use, but also in the home, in the envi-
ronment, in the developmental history, including antenatal life,
and in heredity. These points should be taken up one by one.

(a) Heredity. Logically, the whole question of possible defec-
tive inheritance arising through alcoholism centers about injury
to germ cells, whether the alcoholic condition of the parent be
chronic or occur at the time of procreation. The greatest diffi-
culty, which most authors have not reckoned with in studying
heredity and alcoholism, is the fact that many drunkards are such
because they are already defective individuals with tendency to
pass down defective traits, especially mental defects, irrespective
of alcoholism. Few, if any, of the students of the subject have
taken this point sufficiently into account.^ And here again gross
statistics may well be misleading on account of the point which
we have had elsewhere to bring up so strongly, namely, that the
character of the parents may be reflected in the child's behavior
rather through environment and development, than through
hereditary influences. The study of the relationship between
mental defect, as such, and criminalism must be kept quite apart
from our present subject. Many points in the general problem
are still sub judice, but various fragmentary researches are grad-
ually being accumulated, and the general bearing of the findings
so far unquestionably is that alcohol may be in many instances a
directly deteriorating influence upon germ cells, and so fairly be
regarded as a cause of defective inheritance.

We would submit the statement that our own findings, in spite
of their total significance, cannot be used in proof of defective

^ A fine example of controlled experiment is that by Stockard (264) who
has most cautiously studied the effect of alcohol on the germ cells of animals.
He finds that the degeneracy caused by alcohol may be passed on by degen-
erate offspring.

263

§ 194] STIMULANTS AND NAKCOTICS [Chap. V

inheritance from alcoholism, because of the mix-up with possible
inheritance of defective characteristics, and the direct influence of
alcoholism upon the environment.

(6) Alcohol and Procreation. The effect which the parent, being
under the influence of alcohol at the time of procreation, may
possibly have on the offspring stands on the border line between
defective heredity and defective environmental conditions. The
time is probably not yet ripe for a definite statement upon this
subject, but certainly one may assert the probable correctness
of the view of those who hold that an undue amount of alcohol
in the circulation of either parent at the time of procreation may
be a cause of degeneracy of the offspring.

(c) Antenatal Conditions. We have already sufficiently dis-
cussed this point in § 152. There cannot be the slightest doubt
that the ingestion of alcohol by the pregnant mother may have a
very deleterious effect upon the nervous system of the unborn
child.

(d) The Developmental Period. Very fortunately alcoholism in
children in our country is a comparatively rare phenomenon. We
found (§ 101), in spite of our group of repeated offenders coming
largely from alcoholic families, that only in 2.7 per cent, were
the offenders themselves users of alcohol, and practically all of
these were only occasional partakers. The exceedingly bad
results of alcoholism in children as seen in certain special regions
of Europe are well known. It is to be remembered that com-
paratively intense poisoning results in children, and that after-
effects are manifested in the nervous system. Outside of actual
ingestion of alcohol, many chances for defective development are
found in the household of drinking people who afford their chil-
dren a bad environment.

(e) Environmental. We would not presume to be able always to
accurately distinguish between hereditary, developmental and
strictly environmental effects of alcoholism or drunkenness on
the part of the parents. But considering the general question of
alcoholism in the environment, we have before us one of the most
striking causative factors of delinquency. It will be noted (§§115
and 116) that we readily obtained information about drunkenness
in at least one parent in 31 per cent, of our 1000 cases, and in 56
percent, of the cases where there was other criminalism in the family.
It must be understood that this means drunkenness, not merely
the moderate drinking which so frequently in a household makes

264

Chap. V] VARIOUS WAYS IN WHICH ALCOHOL IS A FACTOR [§ 194

for irritation and bickering and hard feelings; sometimes in turn
leading to delinquency on the part of a child. In these latter
instances it has been quite impossible to fahly determine the part
which alcohol played, but it is a matter of general knowledge
that in some individuals alcohol incites a quarrelsome disposi-
tion. Illustrating a t^^^ical family history, and the complexity
of conditions involved in clux)nic alcoholism, we may cite the
following.

Case 30. — In this family we have had the opportunity of
carefully studying one member, observing two more, and knowing
much of the records of the others over many years. The father
and mother were immigrants. They have five grown-up children,
all of whom were born in this country. The father is a laborer who
cannot ^\Tite, but in all probability is not a mental defective. The
mother can read and WTite. She has been accustomed to working
out at times. For many years both of these parents have been
hard drinkers. The father has been sentenced a number of times
for drunkenness and violence and also for larceny. The mother is
a person whom a little liquor is said to make crazy. She has re-
ceived short sentences upwards of 50 times. According to her
historj'', and as seen by us, she is probably a case of alcoholic
paranoia. She readily develops a grudge against her neighbors,
becomes violent, breaks windows, etc., and often moves her
household. Home conditions have thus included poverty, lack
of control, quarreling, and many changes.

This couple have had 12 children, 7 of whom died during child-
hood. Of the 5 who have survived, 4 have been extremely de-
linquent. They have been guilty of stealing, burglary, picking
pockets, and one girl has been sexually immoral. The two older
boys have both served long terms besides short ones. We know
that some of the children are bright, and probably not one is men-
tally defective. They all have learned fairly well in spite of their
interrupted schooling, and when willing to work have been good
earners. The case history of the youngest runs as follows.

Seen at 14 this boy was poorly developed and nourished.
Weight 76 lbs., height 4 ft. 7 in. Asymmetry of forehead. High
Gothic palate. One tooth erupted out of alignment. Adenoids.
Mouth breather. Dull eyes, and drawn expression about the
mouth. Very slouchy attitude. On the mental side we found
him well up to the ordinary, and much brighter than one would
expect from his physical conditions and environmental chances.

265

§ 194] STIMULANTS AND NARCOTICS [Chap. V

Already this boy had been in several charitable institutions,
and had been in trouble with the courts on numerous occasions
for picking pockets and other stealing. After being taken care
of for a while he was returned each time to his own environment
with all its general bad associations. When less than 19 he was
apprehended once more, and a charge of 21 recent burglaries
was brought against him.

In this case it would be safe to say that alcoholism had directly
caused the criminality of the father, the criminality and mental
condition of the mother, the defective developmental conditions of
this boy, and had created an atrocious environment which was
in itself sufficient to account for delinquent tendencies. We
can thus safely reason from cause to effect without interposing
heredity and defective germ plasm, although the latter may
have caused part of the trouble.

Many other cases of this same kind could be given, though
few with so virulent criminalistic tendencies. We are glad to
have observed a few cases in which alcoholism of a parent has
been the cause of extreme reaction against it by a family of
vigorous children. The condition of the latter gives us social
proof that all germ cells may not be deteriorated by alcohol,
and that the substructure of alcoholism is not necessarily pre-
potently inherited, and that alcoholic defects of the environment
may by some be met and overcome.

It should hardly be necessary to enumerate the different fea-
tures of a defective environment which may be caused by alcohol-
ism of the parent. The main defects are poverty; lack of control;
neglect of proper nourishment, clothing, or other hygienic con-
ditions for children; crowded housing, with all its miserable
physical and moral incidents; neglect of attention to schooling
and mental and moral development; irrational disciplinary be-
havior, expressed in variations from indifference to great irri-
tation about small things; immodest behavior and use of ob-
scene language on the part of a parent, which we have frequently
found to be one of the main causes of a girl going wrong; lowered
moral inhibitions, which sometimes lead as far as attempted
rape of a daughter; quarreling and bickering and development
of grudge in the home. These several latter conditions are not
often thought of, but for any one who studies individual offenders
they stand out prominently as factors which decide careers of

266

Chap. V] EFFECT OF ALCOHOL ON ADOLESCENTS [§ 195

boys and girls. All these things and still others have to be reck-
oned with when there is alcoholism of a parent.

Our careful and conservative statistics are altogether com-
parable to findings elsewhere. Naturally in this matter, as in
many others, the fact of alcoholism in parents would vary
greatly in different regions and different countries. Figures
gathered by Hoppe (242), Gruhle (147), and Wulffen (2) show
that among criminals of all ages an astoundingly large percent-
age have had alcoholic parents. The collection of statistics on
this point by Gruhle from different countries is particularly
worth consulting.

(/) Relation of Delinquency to the Use of Alcohol by the
Delinquent. This subject must be subdivided for logical con-
sideration. We are especially concerned with it, and must take
up its main phases.

It may be reiterated that only 2.7 per cent, of our analyzed
cases of young repeated offenders were users of alcohol. This is
significant since, as repeatedly insisted on in our earlier chap-
ters, we are dealing with the genetic factors of criminal careers.
Any finding that a larger per cent, of older criminals are alcoholic,
bears very little on this question, since they may have acquired
alcoholism. To be sure, later alcoholism is an added factor mak-
ing for the continuance of criminalism, but the personal drinking
was very unusual at first. Perhaps it is good reasoning to say
that the hereditary, developmental, and environmental factors
which made for early criminalism, made also for later alcoholism,
but certainly the criminalism starts first in the vast majority of
cases. We speak now for our own population and social condi-
tions, realizing that these facts vary somewhat in places where
drinking among children is much more frequent. As primarily
students of the individual offender we should at once again plunge
into the question of types of personalities and of causes, rather
than discuss generalities or even types of drinking.

§ 195. EflEect of Alcohol on Adolescents. — The effect of a
little wine or beer upon an adolescent girl in breaking down her
normal social and moral inhibitions is notorious. The effect is
produced by premeditation of companions of both sexes who
desire to lower the intended victim's levels of behavior. Many
well-founded social studies of the connection between drinking
in dance halls and saloons, and beginning prostitution are now
available. One of the most simple and direct is to be found in

267

§ 195] STIMULANTS AND NARCOTICS [Chap. V

the report of the Vice Commission of Chicago (243). In our own
study of cases we have learned the facts over and over again, and
they amount to just this: there was a desire for company and
pleasure on the part of the girl; even in bad company there would
be resistance to the many suggestive influences thrown about
her, except for the directly decisive part played by a physiopsycho-
logical condition — with the use of liquor to which she was
unaccustomed, a feeling of not caring possessed her, and the step
was taken. In example is the following.

Case 31. — A very attractive girl of 15, over-developed in sex
characteristics for her age, had found herself able to earn very
much more in theatre life than she could elsewhere. She came
of normal and healthy stock on both sides and was herself well
endowed mentally as well as physically. Her earnings helped
greatly her widowed mother, who carefully watched over her.
All went well until the drinking men and women with whom she
went out one night finally induced her to do likewise. She
then and there started a career of sex delinquency which never
has been thwarted except by her being held in some institu-
tion. In spite of much being done for her in succeeding years,
this fine-looking girl has repeatedly entered the same life through
the same avenue, namely, partial alcoholic intoxication.

Alcohol — social di-inking.

Case 31.

Over-development of

sex characteristics.

Girl, age 15.

Bad companions

connected with stage life.

Delinquencies :

Sex + +.

Mentality:
Good.

The type of trouble which adolescent boys get into from drink-
ing varies considerably, especially according to their background
of mental ability. The following case illustrates several points.

Case 32. — This is a boy whom we have known over several
years. When first seen at 16 he was found small in size and
considerably undeveloped so far as sex characteristics were con-
cerned, but of good strength. 102 lbs., 4 ft. 11 in. No sensory
defect. A frank, alert, responsive, intelligent, nervous type
with much artistic ability. Already he had been in trouble a
good many times on account of running away from home and
stealing in petty ways, and he had also committed at least one

268

Chap. V] EFFECT OF ALCOHOL ON MENTAL DEFECTIVES [§ 196

burglary. He was said to be a very affectionate and pleasant
boy. For years at home he had been allowed a little beer and
occasionally a taste of brandy, and was accustomed to drinking
tea and coffee three times a day. He showed a definite desire
for stimulants. At 8 he began to smoke, later this habit became
excessi^-e, but in the last year or two there has been very little
of it. The father is much the same type, a moderate drinker
of alcohol, a large user of tobacco — a nervous man who loses
his temper readily. No epilepsy, insanity or feeblemindedness
is known to exist on either side. One elder brother is an irritable
fellow who often gets into fights. A sister also is delinquent.

On account of his ability good people have attempted to help
this boy. At times he has responded, but then again has been
unable to hold himself long at work or at school. At one period
he did succeed in keeping one place for seven months. The
main feature of his case has always been his instability, which
unfortunately has not passed away with the first years of adoles-
cence. There has been constant desire for stimulants, with in-
creasing symptoms of moral and social unreliability. The many
splendid chances which have been offered him have been un-
availing, and he has become a dissipated wanderer and half
vagrant.

Back of the use of stimulants, which has steadily lowered the
social status of this young fellow, there undoubtedly was a nerv-
ous organization which demanded their use. Whether this
peculiarity of his nervous make-up was due to heredity, or to
his earlier use of stimulants during a more plastic developmental
period, it is hard to say. The outlook for such a case is not good,
and splendid human material seems to have gone to waste. How-
ever, after years of wandering, such previous failures have been
known to settle down and become more stable.

§ 196. Effect of Alcohol on Mental Defectives. — The problem
of alcoholism, whether as viewed by medical people, institutional
officials, planners of social reforms, or by courts who have to deal
with drunkards as offenders, must include consideration of the
various personal types of alcoholics and their potentialities. We
recently have begun to hear something about the feebleminded
alcoholic, and we shall hear still more, for it undoubtedly is true
that many of the social outcasts who are merely denominated
drunkards are basically mental defectives. It may be put down
as a cardinal fact that no social treatment of the drunkard is going

269

§ 196] STIMULANTS AND NARCOTICS [Chap. V

to prove availing which does not reckon with the mental and
physical conditions of the individual, and which does not offer
prognosis and treatment in the light of these, as well as of social
conditions. More of this question of individualization later.
The mental defective, and the epileptic who suffers from psy-
chical disabilities, are both prone to become drunkards. The
alcoholic feeling of exaltation or superior strength, the illusion
of the moment, appeals strongly to all inferior types. In the
British public inebriate asylums it has finally been found that
a considerable number of the inmates are feebleminded. Lack-
ing such public institutions here we have not any figures to offer,
yet it is a well-known fact that many drunkards are defectives.
To effectively alter the situation they must be dealt with as
defectives and not primarily as drunkards. The effect of alcohol
upon a weakminded person can readily be discerned in some of
our cases, such as the following.

Case 33. — Boy of 15, well developed and of fair strength.
No sensory defect. 123 lbs. 5 ft. 3 1-2 in. Well along in pubes-
cence. Over-development of sex organs. Mentally, feebleminded.
He has already been several years in a school for the feebleminded,
where they have succeeded in teaching him to write well and to
add up simple numbers. Technically he is a middle grade moron
with a good deal of industrial capacity. Before he went to the
school for the feebleminded he was a truant. He came from a
family who gave him decidedly poor control; father alcoholic,
mother dead.

This boy had learned so well that he seemed capable of mak-
ing his own way in the world and was released from the school.
He obtained a position in a factory which he did not hold for
long, and later went to work for a milk dealer. He did well there
for some months, got tired of it, worked in an amusement park,
and then obtained employment with another milk man. Here
he did his work properly, and indeed during all this time, a matter
of a year or so, he had made his own way in the world without
trouble. One day he was given a half a bottle of whiskey which
he consumed then and there. Within an hour or two after
drinking this he violently assaulted sexually a little boy who
came to the place for milk.

We could give other instances of young men who have con-
siderable industrial capacity, even though not quite up to normal

270

Chap. V] TREATMENT [§197

in general intelligence tests, who could very probably maintain
themselves in society if it were not for the temptations and
results of alcoholic drinking. Particularly have we frequently
noted the disastrous combination of epilepsy and drinking. In
these cases, whether or not the alcohol incites more frequent
attacks, there is a marked lowering of mental and moral tone.
Epileptics who, but for perhaps a moderate amount of intoxi-
cants, might maintain themselves just above the border line of
social incapacity and immoral living, become vagrants, prosti-
tutes or other social outcasts. This point should be so self-evi-
dent that we need take no space to cite any of the many cases of
the kind we know, but we may refer to § 256 and § 257 for some
indication of the atrocious crimes which epilepsy plus alcohol
produces. This part of the subject may be summarized by saying
that many of the troublesome drinkers who cost society dear
are primarily inferiors, suffering from ailments or defects of
mind and body, and that alcohol just turns the balance against
their maintaining themselves as non-criminalistic citizens.

Other examples of abnormal physical and mental conditions
which offer undue chance for the break-down of moral equilibrium
through the influence of alcohol may be found in the weaknesses
of various chronic diseases, such as tuberculosis, and in the well-
known weakened inhibitory states of senility. Some criminal-
istic behavior which is typically senile, such as exhibitionism,
may be directly incited through ingestion of alcohol, particularly
by old people.^ The aberrational mental states actually caused
by alcohol are considered under the head of Psychoses, § 320.

§ 197. Treatment. — Although we shall make no attempt
to give the medical treatment of inebriety and alcoholism — for
this special treatises ^ must be consulted — yet for all concerned
in handling offenders we would emphasize certain points. In
the first place it should be thoroughly realized that any treat-
ment planned for alcoholics, whether as such, or as criminalistic
offenders, whether undertaken in a special colony or within in-
stitutional walls, bears very little promise of fruitfulness unless
the background in personal characteristics and in environment

^ Ladame (244) has an article on the relation between alcohol and exhibi-
tionism.

2 For instance, the recent English contribution by Cooper (245), the well-
considered statements of Neff (246) (368) from his long experience in Massa-
chusetts, and the recent studies in the psychology of intemperance by Par-
tridge (247).

271

§ 197] STIMULANTS AND NARCOTICS [ChaP. V

be taken into account. Isolation, or deprivation, or agricultural
labor, or any other proposed preventive and hoped-for correc-
tive measure, carried over any special length of time may be
quite beside the mark of cure. Nothing will be largely effective
which does not allow for individualization of treatment.

Some indication of the suggestive values for treatment, and
yet limited possibilities of set classification of alcoholics may be
shown by the following: Williams (248) classifies inebriates
into (a) suggestible individuals who drifted into drinking, and
who were not really inebriates until the occurrence of tissue
degeneration from prolonged use of alcohol; (6) individuals
who get into drinking ways because they possess the suggesti-
bility that is the result of not being ethically trained to overcome
the impulsive tendencies of childhood; (c) those who have a
weak nervous make-up that by way of longing turns towards
the satisfaction of narcotics. Pettey (249) says chronic alcohol-
ics may be subdivided as follows:

A. Regular drinkers.

(a) Daily consumers who create their own need — the larger

class,
(fe) Those of defective physique cra^dng stimulants,
(c) Pure dissipation by those deficient in moral fibre.

B. Periodic drinkers.

(a) Dipsomania — periodic insanity taking the form of un-
controllable desire for drink (rare).

(&) Moral cowards — these drink to drown troubles.

(c) Unstable character with bad environment — drinkers
who lose control of themselves when slightly under the
influence of alcohol.

{d) Bad environment; with ever present, but resisted appetite.

From these efforts at classification we can see some of the
complexity of the subject. But when we realize what a variety
of individuals, with all sorts of innate potentialities, may com-
pose one of the classes, such, for instance, as Pettey's daily con-
sumers or Williams' suggestible, drifting individuals, it becomes
clear that general schemes of treatment prescribed by law cannot
be satisfactorily carried out. Nothing short of some method
of indefinite sentence, leaving the treatment and time to special-
ists, will accomplish much. But what about the return to or-
dinary social conditions? It must make the gods laugh to see
this costly effort by police, court, and sanitarium methods followed
up by public opportunity and even suggestion to repeat the of-

272

Chap. V] TREATMENT . [§ 197

fense for which the arrest was made and the treatment given.
At any rate, until the large class of defectives and inferiors is
handled in some different way, or their opportunities for relapse
are suppressed, the old deep connection between alcoholism and
crime will ever obtain.

\^'Tiat attitude the law shall take in regard to responsibility
for acts committed under the influence of liquor is strictly a matter
of a given legal policy, and will vary as the fundamental con-
ceptions of the purpose and possible efficiencies of criminal codes
may vary. The fact is that, aside from complete stupefaction,
the effect of alcohol upon separate mental functions, including
the will, is a highly individual matter. The loss of normal will
power is logically, as in the German code, the stage of intoxica-
tion in which the person becomes actually irresponsible. It is
perfectly clear to students of the subject that, even leaving out
of count the recognizable innate inferiors and defectives, merely
one or two glasses of beer will dispossess some persons of their
volitional and moral powers to an extent that a whole evening
of drinking will not affect another. So the quantity taken will
not tell the story of lost responsibility, nor will any other im-
mediately applicable criterion, short of the physical helplessness
which prevents deeds of all kinds.

The many complicating features for treatment in a single case,
even before the advent of sottish habit formation, and without
a background of mental or physical inferiority, are worth illus-
trating. Here, too, let us take an early career, that we may
observe fundamental driving forces.

Case 34. — Young man, 22 years, big, strong, bright eyes,
unusually good features. Son of Slavish parents. He looks
anything but a drunkard, but is unduly restless and nervous.
Mental ability well up to the ordinary. He did well in school.
Is affectionate and kind. He holds a good position where he has
two assistants; has worked in the same place for 6 years. The
heredity is negative except that most of both families are drink-
ers; no bad drunkards among them. The father is very fond of
his beer at home, and the boy has had it in small quantities ever
since he was 12 or 13. He is the eldest of 9 children. The mother
is a good woman and much distressed over this fellow's delin-
quencies. He drinks only on Saturdays and Sundays. He began
to use whiskey a couple of years ago with companions, but before
that had been drunk.

273

I 197] • STIMULANTS AND NARCOTICS [Chap. V

About his own case this unusually fine-looking fellow explains
that there is not the slightest reason for his drinking except that
when Saturday comes he just seems to forget himself. He began
frequenting saloons with others, but now goes alone. He sel-
dom has any other place to go, and feels as if he is forced to pass
the time away drinking. No real craving at any time. He just
goes to the saloon to spend a few hours. He has a drink or two,
and that would be all right, but always then wants more. He
works only half a day on Saturdays, and he thinks it would be
better if he worked all day. He went with a nice girl, but she
put him aside — she was quite right in doing so, he thinks. She
ought not to marry a drunkard. He has promised his parents
over and over to do better, but when he goes out it always ends
up by drinking. His companions all drink, but don't get drunk
as he does.

He came home intoxicated 6 or 7 months ago and since that
time is nearly always intoxicated on Saturday nights or Sundays.
He has stopped drinking entirely for a week at a time and then
gets intoxicated worse than ever. His parents think his mind
must be weak because his promises are so readily broken. No-
body has done anything constructive in the case, there has merely
been extensive scolding by the parents and others. The young
man has been athletic at times, but has no special interests, and
reads no books. He makes much of the companionship side of
drinking, but acknowledges that now-a-days he seeks the in-
toxicant by himself.

In this case we have the following main factors: early moder-
ate home drinking; possible inheritance of unknown defective
qualities from drinking ancestors; influence of companionship;
the invitation of social life in neighborhood saloons; lack of healthy
mental interests; an already created need for alcohol through
long indulgence; loss of will power after a glass or two is taken.
All this overcomes an apparently very well endowed young
man.

As to his treatment; of course there should be complete with-
drawal of the intoxicant, and building up of the system so that
future abstinence can be tolerated. This will have to be away
from the scene of previous mental and social associations. Treat-
ment thus means loss of position. But then the return home;
there is a difficulty. The young man and his family want a
specific against alcohol. Finding nothing offered they go away

274

Chap. V] MORPHINE [§ 198

sorrowing, and the young man thinks he can gradually stop. The
prognosis is absolutely bad. Not only personal conditions,
strong fellow though he is, are against him, but also social cir-
cumstances. Society, which does not alter the latter, will have
to stand the brunt of his downfall.

§ 198. Morphine.

Morphine in its relation to criminality is vastly more subtle
than alcohol. (We include the use of opium with that of its
derivative, morphine.) In the first place, it is often quite diffi-
cult to obtain the facts about the use of the drug, and, next, the
effects are not nearly so obviously connected with misconduct.
The use of morphine is comparatively infrequently an actual
cause of crime, but in some cases it is a direct factor. The re-
sultant effects of habitual use of this drug are fairly uniform, so
that one may offer general statements, rather than take space
for citing cases.^

Morphine is taken for its quieting effect, which is very different
from the stimulation of alcohol or cocaine,. I think it may be
fairly said that the two main classes of users of morphine are
neuropathic individuals of good mental endowment, who some-
times regulate so well the use of the drug that they can go many
years without a vast amount of bad effect ensuing, and secondly,
prostitutes and social failures who desire to deaden their sensi-
bilities and appreciations of distressing circumstances. It is
not always an easy matter to be sure that any individual in
question is an habitue of morphine, even by medical examination,
when the drug is being taken. Signs of physical distress show
themselves, for the most part, only upon withdrawal of the
drug. Occasionally before then indications of the effect of mor-
phine may be discerned, but by no means in every case.

The contentions concerning the legal questions of sanity and
responsibility of the alcoholic apply also to the habitual user
of morphine. Morphinists, without question, are to be regarded
as affected mentally by the drug. That the aberrational tend-
encies are not shown on all occasions, is no argument against
the fact, any more than is the usual appearance of a normal men-
tal state in the paranoiac. How much leeway for aberration or

1 The best available literature on the connection between criminality and
morphinism is in the treatise on drug addictions by Crothers (260), and his
special article (261) on "Criminality and Morphiaism."

275

§ 198] STIMULANTS AND NARCOTICS [Chap. V

irresponsibility is going to be allowed to the drug user under
the law which bases retribution upon " responsibility " is, as we
said of alcoholics, a matter to be established by general theory
or social policy.

There are certain typical psychic conditions and peculiarities
recognized as caused by morphine. In summary, we cannot
do better than enumerate these mental states: Prolonged use
of morphine causes (1) a distinct loss of energy. (2) This, as
observed in the psychical sphere, appears as a lowering of the
powers of attention, self-control and volition. The weakness
of the latter frequently is severe enough to be called paralysis
of the will. (3) Deterioration of moral judgments and general
character. (4) Tendency to morbid impulses of mind and body.
(5) Mental vagaries bordering on delusions. (6) Occasional hal-
lucinatory and delusional states. (7) Rarely, well-defined psy-
choses.

So far as criminality is concerned, morphine may be effective
in several ways. Often there is development of the unexpected
in the individual. A woman of good reputation is found out to
be a thief; a previously honest man becomes a swindler. In one
case we knew a woman morphinist with quite sufficient income,
who trained her adopted daughter to be an expert shoplifter.
In general there is a growing laxity of chara.cter; the person
becomes less industrious and less particular in the general habits
of life, and in moral standards, perhaps occasionally showing
abnormally erotic symptoms. The evolution of unfortunate
traits may take years; if the morphinist is of strong will they
may not be shown at all.

Sometimes the beginning of the downfall is in some stress
which is made easier by drug indulgence. A typical situation in-
volving a very grave social offense I had reason to know well. A
foreign-trained veterinary surgeon, who failed to succeed in this
country, became a morphinist. This man, after a period of meet-
ing his misfortunes by morphine, gradually induced his wife and
then successively his three oldest children all to become addicted
to the drug. The descent of this family from self-respect, normal
earning capacity, and general decency of living, to poverty and
degradation was the most characteristic exhibition of the effect
of the drug that one could witness. The moral deterioration of
this intelligent father who involved his family in an unconquer-
able habit, was on par with the lowered powers of self-control

276

Chap. V] COCAINE [§ 199

which led to gradual carelessness about the cleanliness of hypo-
dermic needles, so that multiple abscesses developed over all
their arms and legs.

Criminalism is developed onlj'' as the morbid mental condi-
tions become more intense, or when the supply of the drug is
not obtainable. Economic stress plays its part here. Petty
thieving offers the best chance of obtaining a new supply, so is
the most frequent delinquent result of morphine habituation.
Perhaps, however, we should class the main delinquency as the
lying, which is so notoriously characteristic of morphinists. The
tendency to lying can well be understood in the light of the
psychical deterioration we have mentioned above. It may go
hand-in-hand with the development of vagaries, and include
even self-accusations. The " dope-fiend self-accuser " is well
known to experienced police officials.

§ 199. Cocaine.

Cocaine stimulates mentally and physically. The cocaine
user who appears in court after taking his stint of the drug fre-
quently passes muster as having unusually good mental ability.
Cocaine increases the " nerve," renders the user more apt at
repartee, and if he is not mentally weakened by its chronic use,
or is not too much under the influence of it, his talkativeness
hardly partakes of incoherency. When the cocainist is senterced,
and seen perhaps at a House of Correction after some days of
deprivation, the underlying mental state of weakness and aber-
ration is clearly perceived. The drug induces unwonted bold-
ness on the part of weak individuals, and it is the sense of exal-
tation and exhilaration which makes it eagerly sought for by
inferior types.

A case which we have given in short elsewhere. Case 29, was
reported to us as being certainly that of a cocainist. This was
a boy of distinctly inferior type, coming from a notoriously bad
en^^ronment, who had cocaine in his possession. He was an
excessive thief and vagrant, associating with the lowest com-
panions. He glibly gave an account of the most miserable forms
of life in the underworld. Already at 15 he had had two venereal
diseases. Offered a helping hand by a manly police officer, he
was so weak willed that he could not lift himself out of the mire,
although he steadily maintained that he wished to do better.

277

§ 199] STIMULANTS AND NARCOTICS [Chap. V

His word was absolutely unreliable. In court this boy took on
the toughest attitudes, and volubly insisted that he was being
persecuted by the police. He had been already 4 times in the
adult courts through always giving his wrong age, and, although
small in size, had twice served terms in adult houses of correc-
tion.

Chiefly notable about him was his poor physical condition,
his lack of will power, his excessive lying, and his attitude of
boldness.

It is well recognized that some criminals, and rarely others,
take this drug to give them physical steadiness and temporarily
heighten their mental capacity. Occasionally a criminal will
become so far influenced by it that he loses all foresight and self-
control, and is ready to shoot to kill upon the slightest provoca-
tion. If we saw the case cited above a few years later we should
probably find him a most dangerous fellow, carrying weapons,
and willing to do anything desperate.

Many authors have noted the volubility of chronic cocainists,
and many accounts are given of their literary proclivities.^ In-
deed some writers have deliberately used it to increase their
fluency. The trouble with the acquired verbal ability is that it
readily passes over into prolixity and incoherency; this charac-
teristic is frequently noted in works which treat of the subject.

The cocainist's tendency to prevarication is excessive. So,
too, is his general moral degradation. Nothing demonstrates
the latter any more clearly than the readiness with which users
of this drug unlawfully sell it to others, dragging them down
too, in order to obtain funds for their own supply.

§ 200. Tea and Coffee.

It might be a difficult matter to show how even the most ex-
cessive use of tea and coffee could cause criminalism in an adult,
but the relationship of anti-social tendencies in a child to the
overuse of these stimulants is quite clear. They cause an amount
of excitation and unsteadiness of the nervous system, and a
general restlessness which makes the individual unable to com-
fortably maintain school life. Truancy is the natural reaction,
and from this arises the usual range of temptations and undesir-

1 In the work on drugs by Crothers (260) there is a good chapter on
cocainism, and the same author has also pubMshed a separate article (262)
on the subject, both of which treat somewhat of criminalistics.

278

Chap. V] TEA AND COFFEE [§ 200

able tendencies. The same is true of life in the home. With an
excessive use of stimulants there is very apt to be irritability,
disobedience, and family friction. These in turn may induce
anti-social reactions. In a considerable number of cases we
have noted this. For instance, in the following:

Case 35. — Boy, 10 years, 9 months. Weight 55 lbs., height
4 ft. 2 in. General and neurologic examination negative, except
that right pupil is twice as large as left. Two years ago he fell
from a second story, striking the back of his head, and rendering
him unconscious. Bled from ears and nose. Eyes said to have
crossed at that time. Was in the hospital for 3 weeks. Nowadays
complains of many headaches, mostly on one side. Is a weak
and irritable type.

Mentally we find him to be about fair in native ability. He
is only in second grade, but has been out of school much. We
regard him as perhaps being somewhat dull from physical causes.
He gets into much trouble in the school-room on account of
recalcitrancy.

This boy comes from a family which shows many peculiari-
ties. The father was a hard drinker, once sentenced for disorderly
conduct, later committed suicide. An older brother was earlier
a delinquent, but later made good. One sister attempted suicide.

This boy has been found very difficult to handle through his
stubbornness. There has been lack of home control on account
of the mother being away working. He has been accustomed
to get up early in the morning for his coffee,, go back to bed, and
get up later to make more coffee when his mother had gone
away. He began it very early. She states that they could not
afford to have meat, and so they had to have coffee. He has
been accustomed to drinking about 7 cups of coffee and 2 of tea
in a day.

Seen 4 years later, we still note his poor development. Now
at almost 15 years he weighs only 53 lbs., height 4 ft. 7 1-4 in.
He is a restless, repressed type, with overuse of the facial muscles.
The pupils are still unequal. Vision slightly defective in one eye.
Other examination negative, except that we note his club-shaped
finger tips. He speaks in staccato voice, is nervous and furtive.
His people at home say he is not right mentally and that they can
do nothing with him. As a matter of fact they abuse him. Home
conditions bad in many ways. A man in the same house has
recently committed suicide.

279

§ 200] STIMULANTS AND NARCOTICS [Chap. V

The boy has been stealing and in a burglary. He has only
reached 3d grade. In spite of his terrifically poor school record
we find him to have good ability in many ways. He does a num-
ber of our difficult tests very well indeed, showing good powers
of reasoning and mental representation. Evidently he has paid
very little attention to reading for he does about 2d grade
work in it. Is known in his neighborhood to have a good deal
of mechanical ability. Has made a machine-like contrivance.
This boy still uses tea and coffee at the rate of about 6 cups a
day, and our impression is that much of his trouble still arises
from that cause. A good proof was that when placed out in
the country and deprived of these stimulants he began to im-
prove immediately on the physical side.

The standard rule in pharmacy is that the effect of a drug is
proportionate to the weight of the individual. If this is true for
tea and coffee, as it probably is, one can best think of the result
upon this small boy in terms of what a proportionate amount
would do to an adult.

It is unnecessary to give other examples, because all cases of
this kind read alike. It is perfectly clear that the unsettling of
the nervous system which occurs in young people by the exces-
sive use of these stimulants is a direct factor making in many
environments for delinquency.

§ 201. Tobacco.

Much that we have said about the use of tea and coffee would
apply to tobacco. Almost the only way in which tobacco makes
for delinquent tendencies is by causing an unstable nervous
system, and this it certainly does when indulged in excessively
by young people. There have been many exaggerations of the
bad effects of smoking. Only in occasional cases where tobacco
was begun very early have we found the individual directly led
through the use of it into anti-social behavior. An example is
the following.

Case 36. — Boy of 13 years. Weight 89 lbs., height 4 ft. 10
in. Entire physical examination negative except for a very u*-
regular pulse and a systolic heart murmur. The boy gets out of
breath easily. Mentally we found him to be distinctly bright.
He comes of a family where the mother works out, the father
having deserted years ago. He does pretty much as he pleases.

280

Chap. V] TOBACCO ' [§ 201

His delinquencies consist in stealing and truancy. He is an
excessive smoker, which perhaps accounts for his heart irregular-
ity. He smokes a pipe and some cigarettes every day. This
boy made so much improvement in the institution to which he
was sent that he got into no further trouble.

Under the head of mental dullness from physical causes (§ 285),
we have given the case of a girl in which smoking seemed to have
direct effect upon her mental conditions. We have also cited
(§ 328) a remarkable case of psychosis apparently induced by
tobacco in the form of snuff. The typical signs of overuse of
tobacco are nervousness and tremor, while mentally the individual
shows inability to concentrate attention, or to engage in any
prolonged task. A feeling of restlessness goes with the objec-
tive nervous sjTnptoms. The treatment of this condition, the
same as of the overuse of tea and coffee, consists in building up
the individual physically, and entirely or partially stopping the
babit. There can be no denying that very many individuals after
having been overusers of such stimulants have been able to stop
or modify their use so that there has been no permanent delete-
rious effect. In this there is a great difference from the effect
of alcohol or of the habit-forming drugs.

The following is a point that must never be forgotten, a point
that is important for treatment as well as for diagnosis of delin-
quents. The overuse of tobacco and of tea and coffee most fre-
quently signifies a defective underlying condition which is the
fundamental cause of theu- several unfortunate tendencies. To
pick out tobacco as the cause of a person's moral or social in-
efiiciency, simply because it is the most visible fault or weakness,
bespeaks a very shallow method of approach to the subject.
If one digs deeper one finds out why these things are craved,
and that there is some feature of the background which has a
stronger connection with delinquency than the more easily
observed fact.

281

§ 202]" ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VI

CHAPTER VI
Environmental Factors

§ 202. General Statement. § 203. Treatment of Environmental Factors.
§ 204. Method of Presentation of Data. § 205. Parent Alcoholic. § 206.
Immoral Home Environment. § 207. Irritation at Home. § 208. Mem-
bers of Family Immoral or Criminalistic. § 209. Severity and Harshness
of Parent. § 210. Incompetent Parental Control. § 211. Home Uncon-
geniality. § 212. Parents Separated. § 213. Crowded Housing Conditions.
§ 214. Poverty. § 215. No Home. § 216. Parental Neglect. § 217.
Bad Companions. § 218. Theatres. § 219. Social Allurements. § 220.
School Irritation. § 221. Unsatisfactory Vocation.

§ 202. General Statement. — Generalization about environ-
mental factors as causes of delinquency is not our immediate
business. We are students of the individual, and evaluators of
causal factors in the specific case. That this does not imply neg-
lect of the environment as a cause may be witnessed by our gen-
eral statistics, § 93, where defective home conditions alone are
numerically a close second to the mental conditions responsible
for delinquency among our repeated offenders. In this matter,
once more, we strongly counsel against reckoning up the total
dynamic value of any cause apparently making for delinquency
by regarding it as an isolated fact.

If we desired to pick out one topic we might go much farther
in our consideration of home environment, for instance, as a
causative factor of delinquency. It would be easy enough to
credit the home which the delinquent comes from with being the
main cause. Since he lives there of course his troubles mainly
originate there. If all offenders came from institutions then we
could just as well blame the institutions as we may now blame
the homes. We show clearly, and others have shown, that in
the majority of cases offenders are bred under bad home con-
ditions. But it is pertinent for the scientific observer to ask
what makes the homes defective. It is altogether possible
that some anterior cause is directly responsible both for the
poor home and the moral failure of the offspring. Such causes
would be alcoholism, feeblemindedness, epilepsy, and so on.
We recognize a common factor back of both defects in many
of our cases.

282

Chap. VI] GENERAL STATEMENT [§ 202

We see altogether many reasons for not throwing entirely un-
qualified stress upon environment, either in most individual cases,
or as a general cause. The make-up of the personality is the larg-
est part of the story. Many of the families in which there is a
delinquent are doing as much for their children as other families
of the same grade of intelligence or economic capacity, whose
children are turning out well. Indeed, as may be shown by our
interesting family tables, § 108, very often other individuals in
the same family, and under the same environment, are doing quite
well morally. Without drawing on the many concrete illus-
trations which could be given, bearing positively as well as nega-
tively on this point, it may at once be clearl}^ appreciated that
delinquency is the product of a personal reaction to a given envi-
ronment. And the reactions of differently constituted persons to
the same environment vary immensely.

It is not always easy to keep a clear-minded balance between
opposing arguments on causation, for instance, those of the
heredity specialists versus the environmental enthusiasts. We
have attempted everywhere to be open to both sides, even in
trying to show that the feebleminded individual, who may other-
wise pose as a " born criminal," (vide § 371), is almost free from
delinquent behavior in the right kind of an institution. Which,
in his case, is to be regarded as the main cause of delinquency,
as well as in many others, might be very difficult to answer if it
were not for the fact, which we must always remember, that
conduct is the direct outcome of mental life. Any defect or
peculiarity of the latter is thus to be regarded as much more
immediate in the causation of behavior than any other condition
of life.

No contention on opposing points is necessary or desirable. In
many cases it is the environment that can be more easily altered
than an}i:hing in the individual's personality. In a fewer number
of cases the opposite is possible, and an individual can learn to
conform without change of surroundings. Which modification
is best to aim at can only be answered by the careful survey of
the facts we have everywhere urged. Among repeated offenders
we have in some cases found, apparently, that environment was
solely to blame. But in illustration of the complications which
there are in the solution of the problem, even when environment
is to be regarded as the main factor, we offer throughout this
chapter various cards of causal factors. I have little doubt that

283

§ 202] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VI

offenders who do not become repeaters much more frequently have
environmental conditions alone at the root of their breach of
conduct.

The story of the effect of bad environment in producing de-
linquency is only to be told by giving an account of the psychical
effects of the unfortunate conditions. Poverty, and crowded
housing, and so on, by themselves alone are not productive of
criminalism. It is only when these conditions in turn produce
suggestions, and bad habits of mind, and mental imagery of low
order, that the trouble in conduct ensues. The construction of en-
vironmental measures calculated to prevent delinquency must be
looked at in the same light. A public playground is no incentive
towards good conduct unless better mental activities and better
mental content are fostered there. In illustration we might tell
of conditions which have arisen where such a meeting place has
been afforded boys and girls, which otherwise they would not
readily have had, and where many ideas of delinquency were
concocted and spread. All problems connected with bad envi-
ronmental conditions should be carefully viewed in the light of
the mental life.

We have felt so strongly that the effect of a bad environment
was only to be measured in terms of possible harm done to the
mental content that we have repeatedly ventured prognoses on
this basis. We have said, for instance, that a girl who may have
been through the depths of immorality can yet rise above all,
if there has not been mental contamination. We are convinced
that physical experiences do not necessarily mean permanent
mental degradation. Cases well studied and evaluated by their
mental aspects (vide Case 23), and watched over a number of
years prove this point. We would sharply contrast the prognosis
in an individual whose delinquencies have been merely the result
of environmental conditions, and those who may not have been
offenders to anything like the same extent, and yet whose mental
attitude and mental content are indicative of a deeper-set
tendency.

Parenthetically, by way of giving another illustration on this
point of the psychical aspects of environment, we may mention
the fact that a prolific source of delinquency arising from home
conditions is the use of bad language on the part of parents. Many
times, both from boys and girls, and particularly from children of
rather finer fibre, we have heard the ingenuous statement that

284

Chap. VI] TREATMENT OP^ ENVIKONMENTAL FACTORS [§ 203

the main source of their deUnquent tendency has been vile language
heard at home.

We should always like logically to separate physical from psy-
chical environment. Occasionally this can be successfully done,
but frequently the two conditions thoroughly overlap. As we look
over a long list of environmental conditions which we have found
as causes, it stands out clearly that most of the defects can be
classified properly only under the head of conditions which have
directly had mental influence on the offender.

§ 203. Treatment of Environmental Factors. — The definite,
highly important, struggle against environmental conditions for
the prevention of further delinquency, should be based only on a
knowledge of how they have affected the delinquent. Some
circumstance in the environment, perhaps generally exploited as
cause of delinquency, may be directly assailed when it was not in
the least a factor. Much expense in time and labor can thus be
wasted. The well-directed procedure first establishes the rela-
tion between cause and effect; it does not proceed from a possible
cause to a perceptible fact, which may really be due to another
cause. The knowledge that 60 per cent, of all repeaters come
from bad homes does not prove that any particular repeater
comes from a bad home, nor does it prove that the bad home in
any given case produced the delinquency. There should be evalu-
ation of the personal traits of a bad young man from a bad home,
as well as a bad young man from a good home, if effective recon-
structive measures are to be undertaken. Treatment of environ-
ment, as many a wise probation officer clearly perceives, turns out
to be another highly individualized problem.^

There is not the slightest doubt in my mind that effective pre-
ventive treatment of delinquency under the law will never be
carried out until there is completely adequate power over the
environmental contributors to delinquency. A prime necessity, in

^ The best philosophic conception of crime from the environmental stand-
point is undoubtedly that given us in such good hterary form by Tarde (122).
Natm^Uy, many writers on criminaUstic subjects have dealt with social causes,
but there have been few attempts at extensive survey of American condi-
tions. Various comers of the field have been looked over by different stu-
dents. Some larger areas have been surveyed, notably by the Vice Commis-
sion of Chicago (243), by Kneeland (324), in his study of vice conditions in
New York, by Hayford (325) in the Immigration Commission report on im-
migration and crime. The study by Breckenbridge and Abbott (318) is the
best presentation that has been offered of the problem of home conditions
which surround juvenile offenders. Mary Conyngton's report on the Relation
between Occupation and Criminahty of Women (370) is a recent contribution.

285

§ 203] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VI

turn, for carrying this out is that the same court which comes to
understand and adjudicate the affairs of the offender shall have
authority to remedy as much as possible the external source of the
trouble. Without this the procedure, even in juvenile courts,
frequently becomes nothing more than a farce.

The environmental circumstances of released prisoners is a topic
that requires the greatest consideration, regarded merely as a
causative factor of delinquency. Treatment of these conditions is
as yet a very slightly appreciated need. Comparable is the new
social service work done in connection with hospitals — the
principle being that if the hospital has given its services as far as
the convalescent stage, it is a matter of the greatest economy to
carry them still further, and see that the patient is restored to
social efficiency. Now the hospital patient's inefficiency is mostly
a negative quantity. The ex-prisoner's failure is a positive
menace. Society has undertaken to treat him for his misconduct;
it desires his moral well-being and general welfare. The penal
failure, which is everywhere witnessed to by recidivism, can
best be prevented by after-care methods that are based on full
appreciation of the offender's needs and possibilities. Perfunc-
tory parole work is to be regarded as a weak effort. The same is
true of aid to discharged prisoners by whatever agency — suc-
cessful relief must be based on understanding of the individual
and his relation to his environment.

§ 204. Method of Presentation of Data. — In presenting the
main points of defective environmental conditions, case histories
are unnecessary, and many details, while important, are so obvious
that they hardly need mention. The use of our causative factor
cards will bring most of the concrete issues to light. As we said
before, since practically all offenders live with a family, in some
sort of a home, very many environmental factors, whatever they
may in turn be caused by, center about the home. We focus on
home conditions first in our discussion.

§ 205. Parent Alcoholic. — The influence of an alcoholic parent
on home conditions that produce delinquency is one of the plain-
est facts observed in the study of criminalistics. It should be
necessary but to enumerate the physical and the psychical envi-
ronment which emanates from alcoholism of the parent to show
the relationship. Alcoholism of the mother is undoubtedly worse
than that of the father in this matter. A child of an alcoholic
parent is prone to be confronted in the home by any of the fol-

286

Chap. VI]

PARENT ALCOHOLIC

[§205

lowing: — poverty; lack of parental control ; cruelty; immodesty
and obscenity; sex immorality, amounting sometimes to rape and
incest; familiarity with social disorder and crime. From what
might be thought to be minor conditions resulting from alcohol-
ism, such as quarreling and home irritation, and the use of such
language as many a drinking man indulges in, we have seen delin-
quent careers straightway arise. From our scores of cases the
following cards illustrate a few of the conditions.

Home conditions: Mother alcoholic. Case 37.

Early puberty. ^""1, 16 yrs.

Physical conditions — over-development +

extremely defective vision.

Heredity: Mother very weak willed.

Mental:
Runaway. (Unsuccessful under probation Ordinary in

Sex. and sent to institution.) ability; B.

Home conditions: Much poverty, irritation.
One brother epileptic.
One brother thief.
Father as below.

Heredity: Father alcoholic, wife beater,
deserter and epileptic.

Forging. (Much help on probation.

Stealing. but never successful.)

Case 38.
Boy, 17 yrs.

Mental:

Fair ability, poor

advantages.

Home conditions : Mother dead.

Case 39.

Father alcoholic -| — |-.
Step-mother shiftless.

Boy, 15 yrs.

Bad companions with street life.

Early truancy.

Stealing. Mental :

Later, burglary. Ordinary in ability, B.

287

§ 206] ENVIKONMENTAL FACTOES [Chap. YI

§ 206. Immoral Home Enviromnent. — Whether or not the
parents show active criminaHsm or immorality, the moral condi-
tions surrounding the home may naturally be a vital point in the
production of delinquency. Thus a home in association with a
saloon, or in contiguity to a vice district is likely to develop delin-
quents. Women who support themselves keep rooming or
boarding houses sometimes where rather questionable people con-
gregate; it may be difficult to avoid secretly bad characters. We
have known such homes to be absolutely disastrous to a young
man or woman.

§ 207. Irritation at Home. — One hears extensively of the
effect of quarreling and nagging and teasing as causes of delin-
quency, both from offenders and their relatives. A young man's
reaction to a father's quarrelsomeness, which perhaps the mother
endures, may be delinquency. Sometimes there is a mental con-
flict set up from this cause, as when a child suppresses the tend-
ency to direct reaction. The irritation may come from home
quarreling with others than parents. A very frequent irritation
is the abnormal social reaction which obtains between a step-
parent and child. It is a matter of interest to know that sometimes
an insane person being kept at home proves irritative enough to
create a tendency towards delinquency.

Home conditions : Father earlier alcoholic Case 40.

and deserter. Boy, 15 yrs.

Now very abusive.
Another boy ran away on

account of the father.
Mother works out. (Another

brother under sentence.)

Heredity: Father as above.

Truancy.

Stealing.

Runaway. (Several times in Mental :

Burglary. institutions.) Ordinary in ability; B.

§ 208. Members of Family Immoral or Criminalistic. — The
only way in which it is necessary to illustrate this point is in
showing the relationship there may be between criminalistic
home conditions and mental abnormality.

288

Chap. VI] INCOMPETENT PARENTAL CONTROL [§ 210

Home conditions: Father and mother fla- Case 41.

grantly immoral. Girl, 14 yr.s.

Lack of parental control.

Heredity: Mother epileptic, probably insane.

Maternal grandfather mentally peculiar.
Father immoral, mean and vicious.

Bad companions.

(Unsuccessful on probation Mental :

Sex H — \-. and sent to institution.) Fair in ability.

Home conditions: Father saloon keeper and Case 42.

alcoholic. Boy, 17 yrs.

Three brothers criminalistic.

Heredity: Much mental dullness among children of
3 sisters, ten delinquents among them.
One brother of this boy epileptic, one con-
genitally blind and one a dwarf.

Bad companions — at home and elsewhere.

Stealing +. Mental:

Away nights. (Often under arrest.) Fair ability.

§ 209. Severity and Harshness of Parent. — The effect of se-
verity on the part of a parent may have a direct reaction in delin-
quency. As we have had to reckon with such behavior, it runs
all the way from mere repression to putting the child out of doors,
or actual fighting. The immediate reaction of one boy to a father
who kicked him was a stabbing affray. Excessive strictness on
the part of a parent when no normal outlets are provided for the
boy's or girl's activity may, of course, directly lead to misconduct.

§ 210. Incompetent Parental Control. — Poor parental con-
trol arises from weak will on the part of parents, or through
their actual irresponsibility or semi-responsibility, or through
their having some sensory defect, even such as deafness, or on
account of family illness. Then, too, it frequently occurs as the
result of there being many children in the family. Both igno-
rance and poverty may cause lack of proper control. The number
of cases in our series in which the mother was working out
may be seen by reference to analysis of home conditions (§ 93).

289

§ 210] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VI

The children who are obliged to shift for themselves because the
mother is out working during the day, or who live in a boarding
house with a father who works all day are apt to be living under
very dangerous conditions.

§ 211. Home Uncongeniality. — One of the most peculiar
i phases of family life that has come to our notice as a cause of de-
■ Hnquency is the uncongeniality that arises through a young indi-
vidual desiring to better himself. This ought not to lead to delin-
quency, but sometimes the irritation caused by the thwarted
desire creates such reactive tendencies that the ambitious one gets
into court. We have seen now several such instances. The elders
in a family are perhaps of a peasant type, immigrants without
education, not caring for social advancement. A son, or even a
'daughter, becoming in this countrj^ educated and ambitious, finds
;old country customs and ignorance irritable to the highest de-
igree. Family quarrels, even violence may ensue.
; This factor of irritation because of ambition rarely appears
; alone, nearly always it is in connection with the hypersuscepti-
Ibility and instability of adolescence. We have known well-en-
;dowed boys to show the irrational reaction of becoming violent
■and otherwise intolerant in their own homes from very slight un-
' congeniality. There may be repeated attacks of temper which
finally lead to arrest. Such a case is not to be readily understood
by mere court-room procedure. Wise probation officers have
over and again, however, been able to size up the situation and
help towards readjustment. Mere punishment without appre-
ciation in the case of such sensitive adolescents is likely to prove
disastrous for them and, of course, is in turn inimical to society
at large.

§ 212. Parents Separated. — A very fruitful source of delin-
quency is found in the separation of parents, either with or with-
out divorce. One cannot deny that in some cases the character
of one parent is such that the child would better not be with
that one. And then one would not argue from our large findings,
§ 93, on families of offenders being broken up from cause other
than death, that it was the mere breaking up which created the
delinquent tendency. Equally back of both delinquency of the
child and the separation of the parents there may have been an
anterior factor, such as alcoholism or immorality. The fact stands
out very clearly, however, that the child who is not controlled
under the united efforts of both father and mother is at great

290

Chap. VI] CROWDED HOUSING CONDITIONS [§213

disadvantage, and readily acquires anti-social tendencies. The
breaking up of a family is in itself an act of anti-social portent,
and seems the blackest from the standpoint of the child's moral
welfare. ^Vliere a child goes from one parent to another, and thus
feels in an entirely different social situation from that of children
in happier families, the reaction is very likely to be dangerous to
society. So not only in their personal habits, but also in their atti-
tude towards the marriage relation, parents influence their off-
springs' behavior.

It is altogether insufficiently comprehended that children are
immensely susceptible to the influence of the conduct of their
parents. It is not that they often copy the type of action of the
elders, but there may be sorenesses of spirit and hidden mental
conflicts about parents' misconduct which unconsciously seek
relief in other kinds of misbehavior.

§ 213. Crowded Housing Conditions. — The material founda-
tions of social life deeply influence morality. In the matter of
the many decencies that depend upon housing conditions this
stands out very clearly. A considerable cause of sexual vice is to
be found in the spacial circumstances of home life. The mere
huddling of people together would do little harm if it were not for
the mental results of such conditions. I mean by this that it is
asking too much to expect people who are brought up under condi-
tions which necessitate bodily exposure and premature acquaint-
ance with sex affairs to respect related types of conduct which
make for the welfare of society. Again, in this matter, we speak
from experience. We find that children who have seen cohabita-
tion between parents, for instance, are deeply influenced by it,
and that exposure of the body under our modern civilized condi-
tions, where such exposure is not common, creates mental imagery
that may be all against sex morality. We say nothing of the actual
sex practices which unfortunately tend to occur between members
of the same family under crowded conditions, these are obviously
and hideously bad; there are other more subtle features to consider.

After all, respect for parents, and for the integrity of family re-
lationships, and for the human body itself, is largely the basis of
the morality of our civilization, and nothing so easily militates
against this respect as crowded living conditions. It is hardly
necessary to enlarge upon this, hardly necessary to show the rela-
tionship of tenement house life, and of crowded shanties, and of
irresponsible boarders in the home, to the development of per-

291

§ 213] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VI

verted sex instincts among children. This is another subject we
cannot take space to do justice to, but we may be allowed to say
that until communities realize the dangers from crowded housing
there is simply bound to be a considerable quota of prostitutes and
other loose-living people emerge from these conditions.

§ 214. Poverty. — The general relation of poverty to criminal-
ism it is not necessary to expatiate on. We have endeavored in
different places to point out the particulars. There can be no
doubt in the mind of anyone who has compared by observation
conditions of European cities with ours that poverty here is
vastly less a factor in delinquency. Frequently we have had
to call attention in a given case to the fact that one could throw
the blame on family ignorance, fully as much or more than on
the family poverty which was present. But perhaps a counter
argument might be made that against the existence of ignor-
ance itself there are no active influences possible under the con-
ditions of poverty. However that may be, the fact is that fre-
quently conditions of poverty must be alleviated in order that
delinquent tendencies may be checked. This is seen and amelio-
ration, if very partially, accomplished through the modern sociali-
zation of courts, those which have operating in connection with
them various helping agencies.

§ 215. No Home. — An adolescent without a home is under
the most favorable circumstances for the establishment of crimi-
nalistic behavior. Studies we have made of youthful itinerancy
when the wandering has been even in company with one parent,
have led us to see that there is very little hope for the develop-
ment of moral life under such conditions. The homeless child
that for any reason is changed about from place to place, or from
institution to institution, gets in much the same unsettled mental
state as the wanderer and gains the same feeling of the insta-
bility of his social milieu, which is not comportable with the
establishment of good conduct.

§ 216. Parental Neglect. — The subject of the effect of paren-
tal neglect as productive of delinquency is altogether too trite
to be dwelled on in detail. The one point in this subject to which
we would draw intimate attention is the factor of non-under-
standing as a feature of parental neglect. So very frequently
have we become acquainted with cases in which the source of
delinquency was not in the least comprehended by parents,
that we feel strongly on this point. Even when parents have

292

Chap. Vl] BAD COMPANIONS • [§ 217

attempted discipline and have warned, there may not have
been the least understandins; which was necessary for the appli-
cation of adequate therapy. In fact, very frequently there does
not seem to be the glimmer of appreciation that any understand-
ing was necessary. The adults, forgetting their own formative
period, have projected their adult point of view absolutely.
The unfortunate feature here is that very frequently the situa-
tion in this respect is irrcA^ocable. The parents will not under-
stand. Their usual response is that they have put up w^th the
situation as long as they can, and have become so provoked, or
so nervous about it that they can do nothing more. If the
environment in this way is unalterable, then there is nothing
further to do about it except to attempt to get the delinquent
to take himself in hand with understanding of the causes of his
own trouble, or to obtain for him better understanding in another
environment. The better understanding is quite possibly gained
for him in good institutional life, as we have had reason to know.
The above feature of parental neglect is beyond the power of
any court proceeding to alter.

§ 217. Bad Companions. — As observed in any phase of court
life, bad companions play an immense part in the production
of criminalism. To be sure there are quite solitary individuals
who have developed an anti-social grudge, or who have deliber-
ately entered upon a professional criminalistic career, but the
majority work up their impulses gregariously. Bad companions
may be considered as part of the psychical environment, and
may exert influence under many varying conditions. We have
as a matter of interest enumerated the following types of bad
companions: (a) As found in the home. This may be either
the father or mother, but far more often is either brother or
sister. All sorts of criminalistic and vicious behavior may thus
receive its first incentive in what should be the most protected
environment; (6) School companions; (c) Street companions.
There are various types of these — loafers, occasional thieves,
gangs of thieves, and gangs in general; (d) Companions found
in institutions, where some of the worst of moral contagion takes
place. We have spoken of this elsewhere; (e) Influence of one
criminalistic companion, particularly an older person; (/) In-
fluence of a person of the opposite sex. There are all sorts of
possible variations here on the sex impulse; (g) Influence of
stage people; (h) Influence of a feebleminded companion. This

293

217]

ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS

[Chap. VI

is rather striking because the influence is usually supposed to
be the other way, but, as a matter of fact, a feebleminded indi-
vidual who has learned vicious ways, may be a tremendous
teacher of bad conduct.

We have shown in our statistical summary, § 96, the part
which we found bad companions actually play as a causative
factor. Neither there nor here does the subject seem to call for
further analysis or case studies. The effect of a bad companion
is altogether too clear to need illustration, but we should state
that almost never have we found the effect of bad companions
to stand alone. Weakness in the situation has appeared else-
where, either in the individual's own personality or in some neglect
which centers about home life. Any overwhelming influence of
a bad companion, as a peculiar phenomenon, itself needs explana-
tion. The following cards give some inkling of adventitious
facts.

Bad companions. Influence of one young
thief.

Poor parental control. Large family.
Poverty.
Delinquencies :
Stealing.
Sneak thief.

Case 43.
Boy, age 14 yrs.

Mentality:
Fair ability.

Bad companions.

Defective vision.

Delinquencies :
Stealing.
Gambling.

Headaches.

Case 44.
Boy, age 13 yrs.

Mentality:
Good ability.

§ 218. Theatres. — Possible effects of theatrical presenta-
tions in producing criminalism is obvious when it occurs at all.
High-priced plays are as a rule not seen by adolescents, and it is
doubtful if theatres ever influence towards criminalistic conduct
except at this impressionable age. Melodramas urge to action
much as moving pictures do. We were interested at one time
to know that the most popular play ever seen by a series of

294

Chap. VI] SCHOOL IRRITATION [§ 220

young offenders was one that had to do with convict life, but
there was never any evidence that the play had induced bad
conduct. There cannot be the slightest doubt that the stimu-
lation of certain shows is towards misconduct in sex affairs; the
influence is direct.

The main point of contact between theatres and delinquency
is in connection with the life of the stage itself. The attraction
which it has for immature young women and young men, and
the freedom of intercourse which it brings about, and the per-
verted notions of sex morality which center about this life are
frequently disastrous. But except in the case of young men who
steal or young women who run away in order to enjoy some
phases of this exciting life, the delinquencies are nearly all con-
fined to sex affairs.

§ 219. Social Allurements. — The various allurements of
social life which stand out in the causation of delinquency form
a great variety which are too long to recount. We find, for in-
stance, a defective boy who is a great runaway always going to
the sho'ps down town. We note a strong young man, who is
turning alcoholic, finding the social life of the saloon his chief
source of downfall. Dance halls nowadays are notoriously great
factors in breaking down morality. In the study of the indivi-
dual each of these must be estimated for just what it is worth.

The allurements of fine clothes as worn by others or as seen in
shop windows is, to those who have a native desire for finery,
an undoubted temptation which may result in some form of
dishonest acquirement.

§ 220. School Irritation. — As part of the psychical environ-
ment we must very properly reckon with this factor, although
in the study of the individual the prime cause would undoubtedly
be the personal peculiarity which leads to the irritation. We
find the specialized defective (§ 277 ft'.), for instance, developing
anti-social tendencies because he was kept with small children,
although in many respects he had mental powers corresponding
to his age. Others on account of nervous trouble or physical
ailments, including uncorrected sensory defects, are irritated
by the confinement of the school-room. Conditions of hearing,
which are more difficult to correct than vision, may cause great
irritability and recalcitrancy. Then we might cite the case of
the boy who, as educationalists say, was not book-minded. His
traits required that he do things with his hands; his delinquency

295

§ 220] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VI

was the result of impulsions which arose in this way. Attendance
at a school where there was poor teaching and poor discipline,
or where language was taught that was not the general language
of the community — have all figured as causes.

§221. Unsatisfactory Vocation. — On some occasions we
have found hypersensitive adolescents to whom the vocations
they were following were highly irritative, and who showed
delinquent tendencies as a result. In others there has been
fancied possession of some special talent, with constant com-
plaint, accompanied by recalcitrant behavior because they had
no chance to use this special talent. In reckoning with adoles-
cents, matters which in older years would be less productive of
irritation, are properly taken into account. Adolescence is the
age of hypersusceptibility as well as the age of high develop-
ment of criminalistic tendencies. So the adult point of view in
regard to affairs which later would not be irritative, is not a safe
guide for the student of causations.

296

Chap. Vll] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [§ 222

CHAPTER VII
Environmental Factors — Concluded

§ 222. Lack of Healthy Mental Interests. § 223. Influence of Newspapers.
§ 224. Influence of Pernicious Stories. § 22.5. Influence of Pictures,
Especially Moving Pictures. § 226. Experiences During Custody.

§ 222. Lack of Healthy Mental Interests.

We have been exceedingly impressed by what we have learned
concerning the paucity of mental interests of individuals who
start criminalistic careers. If we were believers in statistics, as
such, we could offer extensive findings on this point. In our
routine inquiry into not only actual activities of adolescent of-
fenders, but even through evidences of their lack of knowledge
of what should be every young person's birthright in the way
of wholesome interests, we have found the most astonishing
deficiencies. These unfortunate individuals are generally un-
accustomed to playing games that have interesting mental con-
tent, they rarely are found to read the type of books which lead
them into constructive activities. They have, almost univer-
sally, very slight knowledge of the modern scientific interests,
such as electricity, which fairly possess the minds of more fortu-
nate young people. Such normal activities as that of collecting
objects of interest ^ are rarely met with.

Impressive though these findings have been, and though they
clearly bear in the individual case upon the production of anti-
social tendencies, yet one would be careful in drawing large
conclusions concerning the lack of these activities in offenders
as compared with what we might find in other members of the
same family or the same social group. It is true that in certain

1 Norms for the collecting activity have been more or less gathered, but
not, of course, for the non-dehnquent members of the same social groups that
our offenders come from. Stanley HaU (320), Earl Barnes (321), and Carohne
Burk (322) have aU made studies on the collecting instinct in children. They
show that it is very common. Ehzabeth Howe (323) also has an interesting
short paper in which she raises the practical question of the utihzation of
this activity. We do not intend over-emphasis of "collecting" ; we merely use
it by way of concrete illustration of the lack of healthy mental interests in
■offenders' early Uves.

297

§ 222] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VII

instances we have known the offender's healthy young activities
to have been suppressed beyond the normal of others in his sphere,
but no general theories therefrom can be safely adduced. But
certainly if one were to think of very many of these cases in terms
of what could be done to prevent the growth of anti-social ten-
dencies, the consideration of the development of healthy mental
interests should be uppermost.

The emptiness of home life in the above matters is partly due
to poverty, but undoubtedly ignorance, again, is more directly
responsible. Many families who have no greater means look
after the mental content and the general activities of their chil-
dren with at least some conception of the fundamental principle
that mental vacuity is pernicious. Then, too, we have on nu-
merous occasions become acquainted with family life where the
funds were ample and yet the young people's activities had never
been developed along wholesome lines.

Even in this matter, where we feel convinced there is one of
the greatest origins of delinqiient tendencies, personality must
once more be taken into account. What would offer sufficient
satisfaction for one type of mind, might be quite inadequate
to supply activities to another. The fact of this variability, as
well as proof of our main theme by results obtained by treatment,
lead us to offer some short sketches taken from among hundreds
of cases which we could cite.

Case 45. — A boy of 15, of foreign parentage, small in stature,
but otherwise normal physically, and of fair mentality, was out
much on the streets with bad companions. He had repeatedly
been stealing and was connected with several burglaries. He
comes from a family of ten children. Father a laborer. At least
two older brothers were delinquents. This boy had been mostly
to a foreign-speaking school. He reads the sporting pages of the
newspaper and some cheap novels, but nothing else. The only
books at home were his school books. He played ordinary ath-
letic games with the other boys. His knowledge of scientific
items was practically nil. His parents were deceitful and un-
trustworthy, characteristics which this boy strongly resented.
He begged for a chance to get away from the city, where, as he
said, there was nothing for him to do but to get into trouble, and
where all activities centered about the street life. Given a chance
elsewhere, he took hold of his new interests with a vim, and as ob-
served over a period of years has done absolutely well.

298

Chap. VIl] LACK OF HEALTHY MENTAL INTERESTS [§ 222

Home conditions. Parents severe,

Case 45.

unsympathetic,

Boy, 15 yrs.

and untruthful.

Large family.

Lack of healthy mental interests,

either recreational or occupational.

Bad companions.

Stealing.

Mental:

Burglary.

Fair ability.

Case 46. — Another very different type of case was that of a
very strong, well-developed boy, of more than ordinary ability,
who was the only member of his family that had become delin-
quent. He was one of 9 children. The father and mother are
thoroughly good people, but have had a hard struggle financially,
and feel keenly their inability to give this boy what he really
needs. The home life has satisfied the others, but not this lad
who has always been very active in mind and body. When sent
away to a model public institution on account of a minor delin-
quency, he was a great favorite and grasped greedily all the
opportunities which were there afforded him. His intelligent
mother was bitter on that point, for he came home more spoiled
than ever. At 15 he was quick and bright and self-assertive,
but not shrewd enough to keep out of mischief. At last he stole
several hundred dollars, which he was about to use for the pur-
poses of travel, when he was caught.

From this case we learned an important fact for the treat-
ment of similar individuals. It appeared that a gentleman in
business knew of this lad's home circumstances, and his ability,
and had given him in an office a position which was created for
the purpose. There was almost nothing to do all day. The boy
stayed a couple of months resisting temptation before he finally
succumbed.

A few words from his own story show the need for supplying
such minds with activities. " I 'd like to be an electrician if I
could. I don't care for office work. I 'd like to know about
machines. When I was younger I used to go with a bunch of
bad kids, but since I was out at that place I know enough to
keep away from them. Mr. Y. did not have work for me. I
was just sitting around there nearly all day. I would do about

299

§ 222] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VII

a half-hour's work all day. I got tired of reading the papers. I
was thinking I would rather be working hard and doing more.
I can't stand sitting around. I 'd rather be blacksmithing or
anything. I was just crazy enough to think I could get away
with that money. I was thinking of going somewhere west of
here, anywhere, and was buying those things ready to start."

Lack of sufficient mental interests at home, Case 46.

and where employed. Boy, 15 yrs.

Home conditions — large family and poverty.

Adolescent instability
Lack of foresight.

Truancy. Mental:

Stealing. Ability above ordinary.

Neglect of education may well be considered under the head
of not providing an individual with sufficient mental interests.
If, as a simple instance, the ability to read easily is not acquired
there cannot be the opportunity there otherwise would be for
the gaining of healthy ideas. To some extent the same is true
of the gaining of dexterity in other activities. But it is not
only in the matter of teaching the ability to handle mental tools,
so to speak, that the schools can do good in this respect. It would
be well if there were a more definite attempt to increase in early
school life the acquirement of such mental interests as might
save many from delinquency. This could include recreational as
well as occupational interests.

If one were to go into a household where the children had
sufficient in the way of interest to keep them healthily occupied,
one might make a long list of very simple and inexpensive arti-
cles which serve the purpose. The question of getting the right
things is more one of intelligence than of amount of money spent.

This question of supplying healthy mental interests has impor-
tant bearings for those who are shut out in any way from normal
participation in what is ordinarily offered by way of occupation or
recreation. I am not sure but that a goodly share of the reason
for the feebleminded falling into evil ways is because they in an
ordinary environment are not afforded suitable mental interests.
We have had the good fortune to witness some striking examples
of the effect of suitable mental interests given to individuals who

300

Chap. VII] INFLUENCE OF NEWSPAPERS [§ 223

had been largely deprived of them. One boy, who was notorious
for indulgence in vicious misdeeds, was found to have a harassing
ear trouble. This had largely precluded him from being inter-
ested in ordinary school life, or from enjoying other social advan-
tages. Then it was discovered that he had a talent for drawing.
He was so thoroughly delighted with his new-found abilities and
with the opportunities given him, that, although he has not
been a startling success, he ceased to be a delinquent from the
very day of the discovery. The career of this young man, over
the years we have known him, is the sharpest possible contrast to
his previous life, as far as conduct is concerned. The main change
has been through finding for him an interest and outlet in self-
expression which was utterly denied before.

We can afford no fm*ther space for study of this subject because
its bearings and details should be clear enough to the student. We
are inclined to think that herein lies a most important consider-
ation for the treatment of offenders in any situation, especially
if they are taken early. A deep psychological fact is involved
when we consider the possibility of introducing mental activi-
ties which may win the day against less desirable ones. Diffi-
cult though this may be in handling offenders in a poor environ-
ment, as many probation officers know, yet the ideal is always
worth striving for. The good mental activity, if suitable to the
needs of the person, can frequently be calculated to drive out the
bad which is not, by comparison, always of commanding interest.
This should be a fruitful matter for consideration in all industrial
schools and other institutions. The best possible way to prevent
the growth of delinquent tendencies is to give the individual an
equipment of better interests which may command his thoughts.
The same principle works even in the treatment of defectives.
In the best institutions for these unfortunates it is most notice-
able that the development of satisfactory interests for them so
commands their attention that they are not at all the criminal-
istic persons which they would be outside. The above few con-
siderations do scant justice to this most important topic.

§ 223. Influence of Newspapers.

Consideration of the question of the influence of newspapers
in producing anti-social conduct has brought forth results sur-
prising to ourselves. It would seem, a priori, that the great

301

§ 223] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VII

amount of material which the newspapers publish relating to
delinquency must certainly very definitely harm the readers.
Fenton (295) in his highly interesting study of this matter pro-
ceeds from this standpoint. He shows that a very considerable
proportion of the news space of the ordinary daily paper is taken
up by accounts of criminalistic and other anti-social affairs. But
when it comes to anything like the proof of this supposed effect
in a given case it appears singularly hard to obtain. General im-
pressions from many sources are readily forthcoming, but no
satisfactory exact data, and yet, of course, this does not deny cer-
tain eminently bad influences which such literature may have.

From our own studies we get the following results. In no one
single case can we in the least show that the reading of newspapers
was a strong cause of criminality. We have inquired about mental
influences in many hundreds of cases, and, while other factors
stand out clearly as affecting mental processes, this one does not.
Nor do our results contradict anything that other authors have
actually been able to show. Hellwig (296) in his well-balanced
consideration of the subject comes to just the same conclusion.^

Before passing on to a word about the bad influence news-
papers can be shown to have, it may be worth while theorizing a
little about why they do not appear as any great cause of crimin-
alism. We know in the first place that most criminal careers are
begun before there is extensive reading of the newspapers. Young
offenders as a rule, we find, care for little but the comic portions.
They are just as much interested in accidents as in criminalistic
material, and only rarely have we met the slightest indication
that a newspaper story of a criminal has developed hero worship.

We should be inclined to believe that there are good psycho-
logical reasons why newspapers do not have anything like the
same bad effect as literature of the dime novel order, or as per-
nicious moving and other pictures. There is ordinarily no glamour
whatever about the story of a criminal as told in the papers.
He is nearly always a sufferer, being either hunted for or under
duress. He is often shown with a haggard face, and his suffer-

1 Fenton, despite liberal quotation of impressions, was unable to give a
single carefully studied case where newspapers had been found to be the
main source of a tendency towards a delinquent career. It seems strange that
none of his correspondents was able to give satisfactory data. We are genu-
inely siuT)rised at this as well as at the results of oiu- own inquiry. The stu-
dent will find in the thesis of Fenton (295) and in the article by Hellwig (296)
the best sources of information, and many references to the other literature.

302

Chap. VII] INFLUENCE OF NEWSPAPERS [§ 223

ings are recounted. This is altogether different from the history
of a bandit as told in cheap novel form. Then the constant crowd-
ing of the newspapers with all sorts of ideas can but tend to
militate against the influence of any single story. There is no
chance for following up and living in a life story as there is in a
novel, or in a story as told by moving pictures. We should also
remember that many newspapers have the best sort of personal
counsel in large type in the very same edition where the grue-
some is carefully depicted. Perhaps these facts account for the
unexpectedly slight proof of bad influence.

Now in regard to what bad influence newspaper presentation of
pernicious subjects really does have we may consider the following.
No one can possibly doubt the general lowering of good taste
and, perhaps, of moral tone, that must come from daily education
in the more notorious and less decent aspects of life. Beyond this
we must look to specific cases for proof. Perhaps newspaper
stories of expert criminal methods may be, as Fenton suggests,
somewhat educative — but, of course, only to those with a pre-
dilection for criminality. And even here one must remember that
through individual enterprise and the teaching of " schools of
criminals " the development of methods is far greater than repre-
sented by the meagre details given in the newspapers. Informa-
tion and news of all kinds peculiar to their pursuits spread among
the denizens of the underworld in ways quite apart from news-
paper activities.

The effect of suggestion may occasionally be seen, but we have
never observed it except in unbalanced persons. An abnormal
young man becomes a self-accuser as the result of reading about
a robbery and murder. People on the verge of suicide may sud-
denly carry out the idea as the result of reading of the self-de-
struction of some one else. We have no doubt of this, although
even here, we have had no proof of a single case. The suggestion
has always come in our cases from other sources. We have
several times known a newspaper account of a girl adventuress to
cause unstable adolescent girls to seek like notoriety, but never
was out-and-out criminalism induced. Weakminded people, in
general, are very prone to accept suggestion. One source of sug-
gestion inevitably must be the newspaper, but we are thoroughly
convinced by our own inquiry on this point, as well as by the
failure of others to definitely prove it, that, as compared with
other possible sources of pernicious influence, the newspaper plays

303

§ 223] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VII

a comparatively small part. If it were otherwise, the enormous
amount of reading of newspapers that goes on would result in an
obvious connection with the production of delinquency.

Of course we have frequently met with a show of personal pride
in an offender at being written up in the newspaper. However,
this was always after the deed and we have never actually known
that the desire to be written up had anything to do with the pro-
duction of an offense. " Getting into the newspapers " prob-
ably figures in sensational impulses to which many young people
as well as some older ones are prone. We have never seen sugges-
tion from newspaper reading so clearly manifested as in " black
hand " schemes. But where these were imitatively attempted it
is likely that the desire for the sensational " write-up " was the
main motive. Of course, deep-laid plots of blackmail have their
instigation in other things than newspaper suggestion.

§ 224. Influence of Pernicious Stories.

One of the most exploited causes nowadays of criminal behavior
is the pernicious printed story. Quite in contradistinction to the
supposed effect of newspapers, we can prove this fact by nu-
merous cases. The subject is dealt with by us partly under the
head of mental imagery (§ 233), and there, in its psychological
aspects, it properly belongs. The influence of bad literature is
established only through definite mental processes; specifically,
by virtue of arousing certain imagery which spurs to action.
The hold that such imagery has on the individual, following un-
fortunate acquaintance with harmful literature, may be most
powerful and frequently recurrent. (We should at once state that
some of the most striking cases of the unfortunate development of
recurrent criminalistic mental pictures originated in viewing actual
cuts or photographs in a text, and are properly to be considered
partly under the head of the influence of pictures.) We have
come to learn that the perusal of a connected story of an exploit,
or a career, may strongly impress itself upon the mind — so
strongly as to incite to like activities.

As in all cases where comparisons of influences can be made, we
find that the greatest possible effect is via the several aspects of
sex life. The elements of universality of experience, emotional
context, and sensory stimulus account, of course, for this. Erotic
stories read in youth are universally recognized as forming ineradi-

304

Chap. VII] INFLUENCE OF PERNICIOUS STORIES [§ 22-i

cable mental content. All who have inquired widely have heard
from men and women that they have always regretted reading or
hearing such-and-such stories. There can be no doubt of the ex-
citing influence of the erotic narrative and, indeed, this fact is
widely made use of for a definite purpose. The relationship of
such literature to the moral break-down of young men and women
in sex affairs is so well recognized that it would be superfluous
to offer cases. It is ground already covered by Havelock Ellis
(186) and others.

The influence of blood-and-thunder literature is still another
matter. It has been suggested that there is quite a proper use for
such writings of the better sort in vicariously disposing of anti-
social instincts for adventure. Very likely this is true, for who
has not been pleasantly satisfied by the reading of " Treasure
Island." The influence of particular criminalistic characters in
fiction has been studied by Sighele (297), who is apparently able
to prove that the depiction of these characters has, at least, had
considerable influence upon the behavior of rather unbalanced
individuals.

The type of influence, however, which is most prevalent in
American life unquestionably arises from perusal of those cheap
novels which deal with bandit and detective life. Judges in
juvenile courts learn frequently of the effect of such reading upon
even quite normal lads. Fenton (295), in his thesis on newspapers
brings out the influence of cheap novels with considerable force.
It is easy enough to learn from many young and old offenders that
one of the chief formative influences of their careers was this read-
ing matter. We can get at the facts in several ways. It is a very
common occurrence in any place where adolescent offenders are
searched to find these stories in their pockets, well thumbed over.
The fires of the spirit of adventure are not only kindled, but are
kept going by this fuel. A definite habit and craving for this
type of reading is developed just as the individual develops a
habit for alcoholic stimulants. The force of the effect can best be
studied in our § 233 on mental imagery.

In our classification of causative factors it was nearly always
found difficult to say whether the principal reason for the influence
of such literature was not negative rather than positive — was
not rather through the absence of opportunities for wholesome ac-
tiv^ity and adventure, than through the effect solely of this litera-
ture which came in to fill a vacuum. This was not always the

305

§ 224] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VII

case, but certainly it was true in the vast majoritj'. However we
have seen instances (Case 171) where an innately adventuresome
spirit was fed by exciting literature and grew beyond any ordi-
nary means of satisfaction.

In this matter, as in the question of any kind of influence or
suggestion upon the individual, personal peculiarities form part
of the reason for the effect. It is certainly true that a very small
minority of all who have read blood-and-thunder stories have
been moved to act in similar fashion. Then, too, such stories are
not dynamic for adults. This literature stirs to action young indi-
viduals who have peculiar plasticity in a given direction. Affected,
however, may be those of distinctly good mental parts.

Except in the instances where there is definite obsessional men-
tal imagery involved, the reading of blood-and-thunder literature is
rarely found to be the main factor. At least in all our cases there
have been other negative and even other positive causal conditions
implicated in the results. The following is an illustration :

Poor home control. Mother works out. Case 47.

Father careless type. Boy, 14 yrs.

Lack of home discipline.
One brother delinquent.

Lack of healthy mental interests,

except in reading.

Pernicious literature. Boy is a great reader, but

takes mostly to bandit
and detective stories.

Picture shows, where boy sees same things.

Poverty.

Truancy.

SteaHng 4" +■ Mental:

Burglary. Good ability.

This boy gradually became more stable after being sent to a
corrective school a short time.

§ 225. Influence of Pictures, Especially Moving Pictures.

There is an entirely sufficient psychological reason why, of
all forms of presentation, pictures should have the strongest
influence. In nearly all people visual memory and visual imagery

306

Chap. VII] INFLUENCE OF PICTURES [§ 225

play the most dynamic part in mental life. It is the thing seen
which is represented again in consciousness with the greatest
force and with probably the greatest frequency. The strength
of the powers of visualization is to be deeply reckoned with when
considering the springs of criminality. When we inquire from
the offender, young or old, concerning that portion of his mental
content which seems to urge him on in his career, we always
get more or less clearly framed, the answer that it is stimulation
from a visual tj'pe of imagery. (We need not here go into a dis-
cussion of the more technical considerations about visual imagery
being frequently mixed with motor imagery and so on.) It is
the mental representation of some sort of pictures of himself or
others in the criminal act that leads the delinquent onward in
his path. The vacuities of prison life, as we have elsewhere
insisted, § 127, § 226, leave room for entrance into the mind of
just such pictures.

Some of the most graphic accounts of the influence of pictures
have come from personal interviews with offenders, where in
detaU the vivid nature of the mental process is exposed. Nor
do we have to turn to offenders merely to prove this point. Most
of us have had like experiences. A prominent educator, a man
of active mind and purity of thought, tells me that one of his
main regrets is that he once saw a certain pornographic sketch.
It was indelibly impressed. Offenders we find, vide § 233, have
been sometimes fairly obsessed and impelled by the character
of pictures seen. In this matter, too, the pervasion of the sex
element makes the chance of future representation all the stronger
on account of natural impulses in that direction. The combina-
tion of sex offenses with other criminality forms an unusually
virulent admixture for later mental depiction.

When it comes to motion pictures we have added elements
of force for the production of either good or bad. Not only a
single event, but chapters from life histories are depicted. Not
alone is one action or posture depicted, but there is added all of
the motor phenomena active through a period of time. The
act is not suggested; every detail of it is made clear. The break-
ing open of a safe, the holding up of a train, the effort at suicide
are all presented in such fashion that it is bound to recur as a
memorv' picture of detailed events, if there is any tendency or
opportunity for its mental reproduction. Added force comes
from the concrete issues which are represented.

307

§ 225] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VII

We have had much evidence, sometimes in remarkable ways,
that moving pictures may be stimulating to the sex instinct.
We should expect pictures of love-making and similar scenes
to have this efPect on young adults or older adolescents, but we
have very strikingly heard of it in children. The effect is not only
felt at the moment, but also there is the establishment of memory
pictures which come up at other quiet times, such as when the
individual is in bed. We have found that bad sex habits some-
times center around these pictures. In some instances a very
definite mental conflict ensues, with production of delinquency
along other lines.

(No one considering the effect of moving pictures can neglect
the possibilities for bad behavior which occur through the dark-
ness of the hall in which the pictures are shown. Under cover
of dimness evil communications readily pass and bad habits
are taught. Moving picture theatres are favorite places for the
teaching of homosexual practices.)

There can be no fair consideration of the whole subject of
moving pictures unless we remember that, after all, the amount
of delinquency produced by them corresponds but slightly to the
immense number of pictures which are constantly shown. This
partly tends to show the innocuousness of the greater number
of these pictures, but it also brings us back to our old question
of personal equation. Some individuals are susceptible to pic-
torial suggestions and others are not. However, there is no ex-
cuse for showing pictures which damage the morals of any one.

The main hope for the prevention of these undesirable effects
will be found in rigorous censorship of perverting pictures, and
in radical prosecution of those who produce and deal in obscene
and other demoralizing pictorial representations. Never have
we heard one word indicating that bad effects have arisen from
representations that could in any way be interpreted as pro-
ductions of art. The type of thing we mean is altogether un-
savory, and obviously manufactured for its appeal to the pas-
sions, or to other unhealthy interests.

It seems unnecessary to add specific examples of the influence
of pernicious pictures to those given under Criminalistic Mental
Imagery, § 233. Scores of cases could be detailed in which the
same type of causation is clearly apparent. It is not unimpor-
tant to note that we have heard much condemnation of pictures
from offenders themselves who have been thus influenced.

308

Chap. VII] INFLUENCE OF PICTURES [§ 225

The effect of moving pictures in starting criminalistic tenden-
cies in children is almost always along such conspicuous lines
that it is not necessary to cite cases. It is nearly always a boy
who is affected, and the impulse started is an imitative one.
He proceeds to get weapons and cowboy clothes, and wants to
make off for the plains. Or else he desires to become a soldier
and get into warfare. The stealing suggestion is much more
rarely taken up with.

In considering the total social results of the introduction of
moving pictures one must not forget the astonishing appetite
which is created for the particular mental pabulum which they
supply. In many instances the stealing has taken place in order
that the individual shall have his fill of going to such shows.
Often we have heard of a perfect orgy in this direction — the
delinquent staying away from home and going from one show to
another during the entire day and evening. Several possible fea-
tures of the whole situation are brought out in the following
instances.

Case 48. — William J. This is the interesting case of a very
charming little boy, not yet 11 years old, who is in good physical
condition and of supernormal mental ability. He belongs to an
exceptionally nice family of immigrants. His father and mother
are decidedly rational people who have been willing to do much
for him, but he has caused them an excessive amount of trouble
for about a year. He has very repeatedly stolen, and very cu-
riously, in the light of his physical delicacy and mental ability,
often stayed away from home all night. He sleeps in boxes or
under porches even in cold weather. Punishment has done no
good, and even when he has been promised money to stay at
home, he has jumped out of the window. When he is away
from home he begs for his meals. At home he is very reticent.
The only causes for his misconduct which his mother can think
of are that he was taught bad sex things by a girl when he was
four years of age, and that later on he was caught at the same
thing with other boys, but there has been frankness in the family
and his parents are sure he is not given to an excess of sex habits.
He does go with bad companions, first one and then another, but
when he is out all night he is always by himself. He wants to
go to nickel shows every day. Neither in hereditary nor in
developmental history do we hear of items of great importance.

We had reason to see this little boy on a number of occasions,

309

§ 225] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VII

and we and others found him a very open-hearted and charming
boy. One can hardly beHeve that he carries on the Ufe that he
does. He frankly acknowledges his stealing, and his perfect
craze for moving pictures. He goes practically every night to
them and stays all evening in one show. In the winter he stays
out until 11 or 12 o'clock, and in the summer until 2 or 3 in the
morning. Sometimes he sleeps in a box, or under a porch, before
going home. Sometimes he does not go home at all during the
night. He is fondest of cowboys and Indians, and with a poor
show of talent he draws many pictures of Indians for us. He
runs away because his mother does not want him to go to the
shows. He says he does not want to be a cowboy. He would
rather be a soldier or an engineer. When he steals he spends it
for shows, and perhaps treats other boys. Some of these boys
are pretty bad and have initiated him into sex affairs, but his
father has counselled with him about it. He finds sex stimu-
lation in the nickel shows when he sees lovers' pictures, " when
they kiss theirselves," but he likes cowboys better. He thinks
about sex affairs and sometimes practices masturbation after-
wards. Often he does not get his supper, eating nothing between
noon and breakfast the next morning. He stays away from home
at supper time so that he may go to shows.

After a long trial in his old environment it was finally found
impossible for him to succeed there. Old associations connected
with the shows had too strong a hold upon him. He repeatedly
stole several dollars at a time, and finally had to be put in an
institution.

§ 226. Experiences During Custody.

Among all environmental conditions which tend to create
anti-social conduct none is better known than those which sur-
round the offender during custody. The very individual whom
society would turn into the paths of rectitude is often made much
worse by experiences forced upon him. The neglect of this thor-
oughly substantiated fact is a plain token of our colossal failure
to appreciate and meet the springs and sources of misconduct.
Let there be no misunderstanding; the question of how prisoners
become worse through imprisonment does not even involve con-
sideration of the well-accredited general social values of punitive
measures.

If one might hazard an opinion concerning the general disre-

310

'*>^*.

%>^

^^ ^ '.

Plate IX

A group of faces illustrating "der Gefangnissblick " — ^the prison look.
Taken from Kauffmann's "Psychologic des Vcrbrechers."

Chap. VII] EXPERIENCES DURING CUSTODY [§ 226

gard of custodial injuries, it probably could be accounted for
by the superficial mixing of ideas that often occurs in practical
life. The feelings that obtain during handling of the delinquent
are that he is a punishable individual, that no special pains ought
to be taken for his comfort, that he ought to reform. As ordi-
narily carried out, the whole custodial procedure has little sanity
in it. It is forgotten that society as a result of incarceration is
likely to have a deteriorated individual free again in its midst.

^Authoritative testimony on the frequently baneful influence of
experiences under detention is abundant. All criminologists
acknowledge the evil. We cannot afford space to more than
summarize the trend of their observations. In his chapter on
the etiology of crime Lombroso (239) devotes a section to pris-
ons. " One of the greatest factors in crime is the prison." This
author (239, p. 114) went so far as to say that the introduction
of schools into prisons, developing the intelligence and power
of bad men in contact with each other, would increase the num-
ber of recidivists. He certainly is right when he states that the
pickpocket and the cutthroat often have learned in prison,
at the expense of the state, skilled methods of committing mis-
deeds. Tarde (120, p. 256) says, " The criminal is partly the re-
sult of his own crime and partly of criminal justice." Kauffmann
(81) finds a large place among the causes of crime for the condi-
tions under which punishment is carried out. Ellis (124, p. 305 ff.)
has gathered a considerable number of important practical ob-
servations on this point. From among the writings of men of
the widest personal experience with offenders we shall merely
cite Devon (73, p. 271), " In my opinion it is beyond dispute
that our methods result in the making of criminals: that in the
majority of cases imprisonment not only does no good, but does
positive and serious harm." And Holmes (66, p. 244 ff.) says,
" Why is it that a man's facial expression changes during a long
detention? Why is it that his voice becomes hard and unnatural?
Why is it that his eyes become shifty, cunning and wild? . . .
It is not because of hard work, ... it is the system that does
it, the long-continued soul-and-mind-destroying monotony. . . ."

The change of physiognomy indicative of a change of per-
sonality, resultant upon incarceration, has been a subject of
thoughtful comment. Gautier (326) noted keenly the psycho-
logical changes which take place during imprisonment, and the
manufacture under these conditions of a changed and special type

311

§ 226] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VII

of individual. He long ago spoke of " Vair des detenus.'' Kauff-
mann (81, p. 70), following up an observation by Flynt (310, p. 9)
devotes much consideration to what he calls the " prison look,"
{der Gefdngnisblick) . This peculiar type of physiognomy he
finds every reason to believe is simply the product of the set life
of incarceration. Flynt thinks that " prison life," if taken in
large doses and often enough will give the most moral man in
the world prison features.^

The most untoward eifects of incarceration, those which have
always impressed us greatly in our study of causes, are in the
realm of psychic contagion. As we have said elsewhere, it has
hardly ever proved to be the physical surroundings which have
done the offender most harm. We have heard the testimony
many times, and received ample corroboration on several oc-
casions, that when offenders are thrown together the worst of
knowledge has been spread and powerful stimulus has been dis-
seminated towards anti-social conduct. The experiences are
often the worst in the delinquent's whole life. These distressing
results are so contradictory to the intended effect of legal treat-
ment that the situation is nothing short of tragically anomalous.

We may note the several classes of undesirable mental effects
entailed by incarceration: (a) Under any short term method
of punishment, for young or old, there often is developed the
conception that imprisonment itself is not such a bad thing after
all. It is medicine, the bitterness of which is found to be much
exaggerated. Statistics everywhere, as well as personal observa-
tions, bear out this fact. Garofalo, from the lawyer's standpoint
one of the keenest observers of penal methods, lays much stress
on this weakness of short incarcerations; " for it is evident that
imprisonment for such short terms is wholly devoid of intimi-
datory effect. As for its reformatory effect, it is not worth wast-
ing words on " (328, p. 424).

1 The striking assertion by Ruggles-Brise in his introduction to Goring's
work (160), that the statistical method demonstrates "that imprisonment
does not have the adverse physical and mental results which are often al-
leged," we do not find corroborated by Goring's own statement. The latter
says (p. 371), "We find that imprisonment, on the whole, has no apparent
effect upon physique, as measured by body weight, or upon mentality, as
measm-ed by intelligence." Now this latter is a very limited statement, and
not at aU contradictory to the contention of all the other observers who have
set forth the opposite. Body weight is notoriously a poor criterion of physi-
cal efficiency, and there are many mental conditions and effects, particularly
such as may be correlated with immoral tendencies, which are not dis-
covered by simple inteUigence tests.

312

Plate X

Two family portraits illustrating the acquirement of the prison
expression in a normal person. Above is the boy of 15 who
has committed some minor offense, and below is the same
individual at 20 after serving two years for petty stealing.
Note the unfortunate change of expression about the mouth.
Even these portraits fail to do justice to the marks which
have been set on this face from long repression.

Chap. VI l] EXPERIENCES DURING CUSTODY [§ 226

(6) Often during custody there is a spread of pernicious ideas
about sexual affairs, and the acquirement of bad personal habits,
both through verbal communication and actual experience with
others. This is a subject of great import. We have learned so
much, witness our case histories, which proves that undermining
of moral regard for the natural and social laws concerning sex
affairs is provocative of other criminalism that we must be con-
vinced of the seriousness of this matter. There is much more
significance to the fact than the mere learning of sex knowledge
would seem to imply. A wide range of new anti-social impulses
often follows. That contagion of this sort takes place with great
frequency in all sorts of custodial institutions is acknowledged on
evers' hand. Church reformatory schools form no exception.
^Miere old offenders are mixed with young ones, as in many jails,
the results are intolerably bad. It is probably merely the nature
of the subject that has not caused its more frequent discussion
in open conferences. If there were more appreciation of the
psychological ramifications of this psychic infection more justice
would be done the importance of the matter. A student of prison
conditions, Widen (327), in one of our younger states where
degenerate practices are supposed to be less frequent, finds that
these form the greatest danger of prison life. Sixty per cent,
of the young men he consulted in the penitentiary asserted that
they thought there was a great deal of sexual vice practiced there.
AVhat goes on in other institutions has either been hinted at or
specifically stated by many observers.

A characteristic phase of this whole matter is that communica-
tions between adolescent girls under custody are much more
pernicious than betw^een boys of the same age. Many a girl has
testified to us that she learned more in the first twenty-four hours
under custody than she knew in all her life before. Attendants
among female offenders all bear witness to the peculiarly vicious
t^'pe of conversation ordinarily carried on by these women and
girls.

(c) Development of prison friendships. Human affection,
however perverted its forms may seem, plays its part within prison
walls. Indications of this fact can be found in literary produc-
tions as well as in the miserable annals of recidivism. Our ex-
periences have taught us that many times when a young offender,
especially if he has not strong home ties, is committed for a few
months he is apt to form friendships which are productive of

313

§ 226] ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS [Chap. VII

misconduct later. Dozens of times we have known two young
men, who were not acquainted with each other before incarcera-
tion, to meet after they had gained their freedom, and indulge
together in further misdemeanors. The main suggestion of
companionship thus acquired is naturally towards anti-social
conduct. We have never heard of a single case of a prison friend-
ship being active upon the basis of mutual help towards better
conduct.

(d) Development of criminalistic knowledge and technique.
Ellis (124, p. 230 ff.), quotes from an interesting autobiography
of a noted Australian criminal. In his teens he was imprisoned
where he had a chance to meet older men, under conditions such
as exist in many of our American county jails and elsewhere in
the world. He later wrote, " The instruction I received during
these three months considerably improved me in my profession.
The Government had placed me in the position to learn a trade,
and having learnt it, I was determined to work at it."

The most acute observations on this point to which I have
ever listened came from the lips of a free professional, vide Case
49, who had reason to be frank and friendly. He sees a great
causative factor of criminality in the enforced congregating of
offenders. During imprisonment the older man is on the lookout
for future partners, and tries to enlist those who have intelli-
gence and nerve. Perhaps the actual teaching of new recruits
may not go on in custody, but the opening wedge is placed, and
when acquaintances meet on the outside definite plans are formed.
Communications, even in penitentiaries, cannot be stopped be-
tween shrewd men. They learn to talk without moving their lips,
and to communicate in other ways, and so readily form acquaint-
ances. " It is quite taken for granted," said this man, " that if
a fellow once gets in the toils he will be ready for further crimes,
even if his earlier deeds have been only minor offenses. It is as-
sumed to be a certainty that the ' nervy ' and intelligent fellows
will commit crimes again; they will naturally be against society."
Friendships formed in prisons, however, are a big factor in this
result.

(e) Development of mental content which drives towards crim-
inalism. Here we need barely mention the various undesira-
ble forms of imagery which are likely to rush in to fill the prolonged
vacuities of mental life during custody. It should require only
common sense to appreciate that the thinking which is done under

314

Chap. VII] EXPERIENCES DURING CUSTODY [§ 226

these circumstances partakes often of the nature of evil. There
is the constant suggestion towards misconduct which comes
from thinking of one's self as an offender. There is the definite
picturing of profitable depredations. There are all the sex image-
ries which come from deprivation. There is the inner rest-
lessness resulting from lack of physical activity.

When it comes to giving cases to prove the baneful effect of
experiences under custody there is an inevita"ble difficulty, except
about certain details. Offenses had already started before ar-
rest, so at no time can one fairly assert that custodial experi-
ences formed the major cause of a career. But this thing is plain;
if absolutely innocent individuals were put under prison conditions
they would tend to develop anti-social conceptions of conduct.
The details which we have heard from offenders themselves, and
have had corroborated in various ways, form the basis of the
enumeration of the unfortunate mental effects of custodial life
given above.

Remedies for all this are matters of the deepest concern. It
must be the part of our new science, as this develops, that there
shall be understanding of all the influences which custodial con-
ditions may have upon the human being. The effects of various
treatments will have to be evaluated in the light of thorough-
going studies of outcomes, such as yet have never been under-
taken in this field. Some part of institutional considerations
will always have to do with bricks and mortar, but the core of
the whole matter is the influence of man on man, — the influence
of ofiicials on prisoners, the influence of prisoners on each other.
And some day will be found out the economy of paying salaries
sufficient to get better people officially to influence towards
the good. There are many ways in which the incarcerated may
be turned towards good or towards bad. To this end we must,
with a gradual accumulation of scientffic, and particularly of
psychological knowledge, build upon the foundation started
by John Howard (329).

315

227] PROFESSIONAL CRIMINALISM [Chap. VIII

CHAPTER Vin
Professional Criminalism. Deliberate Choice

Professional Criminalism. § 227. Definition of Terms. § 228. Fre-
quency of This Type. § 229. Genetics and Characteristics of Profession-
ahsm. § 230. Presentation of Cases. § 231. Treatment of Profession-
alism. § 232. Deliberate Choice of Criminalism.

professional criminalism.

§ 227. Definition of Terms. — The term " professional,"
which is applied by certain criminals to themselves, and which
is used extensively by those who have to deal with offenders,
serves well to discriminate for practical diagnosis and treatment
a most important group. The adoption by some individuals of
crime as a trade, or calling, or profession is as much an actuality
in our civilization as was the development of the gentle art of
brigandage by the Thugs of Tartary. Many authors have in-
sisted on the necessity for distinguishing the professional group,
which seems to stand out sharply by itself, at least for practical
treatment. The exact significance of the term and the striking
characteristics of professionalism should be made clear.^

Under the head of habitual offenders we may discriminate
the professional and non-professional classes. An example of
the latter would be the subnormal individual who habitually
transgressed, merely in obedience to uninhibited impulses. Pro-
fessionals belong to the group of premeditated offenders, but
not all of the latter belong to the former class. Wulffen (2, vol.
2, p. 282) and Mercier (3, p. 50) bring this out clearly from both
the practical and theoretical standpoints. It is a fact, of course,
that a single offense in a person's whole career might be premedi-
tated. In general the criterion for discrimination of this pro-
fessional class is that their criminalism is deliberate, premedi-
tated and repeated, as compared to the type of action which is
the result of the impulse of the moment.

It is well recognized that the so-called occasional criminal,

1 The use of the term "professional criminal" coincides with Berufsver-
brecher and Gewerbsverbrecher as used by German authors. The habitual crim-
inal, the Gewohnheitsverbrecher, may not be a professional.

316

Chap. VIII] FREQUENCY OF THIS TYPE [§ 228

that is the individual who becomes an offender only as opportu-
nity is clearly offered to him, and delinquents of other classes to
whom avenues of honest livelihood become more and more
difficult on account of their offenses, may ultimately develop
professionalism. This should be thoroughly taken into account
in considering measures of treatment and prevention.

The " professional " has received literary portrayal to a much
greater extent than other classes of offenders. He is shown to be
the one who engages in criminal undertakings as a matter of busi-
ness, with the deliberate choice and calculations of chances and
profits, of personal adaptabilities, and of methods of efficiency that
are given ordinarily to the successful carrying on of other pursuits.
To be siue, the environment limits opportunities, but so it does
in other affairs. In different communities different types
of crime are in vogue. In the small towns there are no pick-
pockets, but in them, and even in country districts, the profes-
sional swindler finds a fair field. The remarkable competency
of the professional cruninal, or the detective for that matter,
portrayed by romancers on this theme, is rarely met with in real
life, but stUl all those who have had much experience must ac-
knowledge great respect for the ability and dexterity frequently
shown by professional offenders.

§ 228. Frequency of This Type. — A word of comment about
the statistical frequency of this type of offender is in order. It
is well understood that in the records of courts or institutions
the professional is in small proportion to the total number of
criminals. Even a superficial observation of the population in
reformatories or houses of correction where petty and habitual
offenders are sent, will show the small representation of the pro-
fessional. In penitentiaries the latter shows in larger propor-
tion, but even there the percentages are surprisingly small.
A salient reason for the above fact is that the chief requisite for
a successful career in crime is ability to escape detection.

In our study of beginners we have all along noted the com-
parative infrequency of appearance in juvenile courts of the
delinquent who is verging on professionalism. It is the stupid
types who predominate in the records as repeaters, but this by no
means proves that they carry out the largest number of crimes.
The situation is quite analogous to that of the girls and women:
the ones who get caught are those who are not shrewd enough to
conceal their delinquencies. As careers develop, even greater

317

§ 228] PROFESSIONAL CRIMINALISM [Chap. VIII

skill is acquired in avoiding detection, and fewer professionals
in proportion are apprehended during the years of their greatest
vigor than at an earlier stage. It has been frequently estimated
by police officials that there are from five to ten times as many
criminals at large as in custody. A considerable proportion,
how great I doubt if any one can judge safely, of those at large
belongs to the professional class.

Advance in our practical knowledge of the professional crimi-
nal must come almost entirely through investigation of two
main questions: What are the foundations of the professional
criminal's start? What holds him to his career? These are the
points most valuable for developing the conception of adequate
treatment. From the standpoint of ordinary penology the pro-
fessionals are generally regarded as incorrigible. They are in-
cluded in the classification of the International Criminalistic
Union (346) as " criminals whose rehabilitation in regulated
social life can no longer be expected." If this be quite true — I
am not sure of it myself — then the only study that can be worth
much, is of the two questions we mention. That brings us back
once more to the genetics of criminalism.

§ 229. Genetics and Characteristics of Professionalism. —
It is easy to see that a number of innate personal characteristics
may induce an early trend towards criminalism. Following our
studies of personalities, as offered elsewhere in this volume, we
may note such widely divergent characteristics as laziness,
motor dexterity, smallness of size, mechanical ability, abnormal
social suggestibility, and many others which have very evidently
made for criminalistic pursuits. No doubt in some chronic
offenders there are peculiar mental incapacities and feelings of
social irritability, but such cannot be alleged to be general traits
of the professional. An interesting suggestion is that of Wulffen
(2, vol. 2, p. 285) who thinks that fundamental craving for
adventure may be at the root of many professional careers.

As an example of a frequently cited characteristic of profes-
sionals we might take egoism and vanity. To these people their
very notoriety, as well as their shrewdness in evading detection
and their operative dexterity, appear as matters for self -con-
gratulation. They do not refrain from boasting of their prow-
ess to their friends, or even to the authorities when under
arrest. Many striking anecdotes have been recorded bearing
on this point. But there is no reason why this should not be so.

318

Chap. VIII] PROFESSIONALISM [§ 229

A real or an assumed self-satisfaction in any line of conduct is
a prime requisite for its deliberate selection. The usual springs
of satisfaction in activity and achievement are available for the
professional criminal as well as for the honest workman. Even
in such a gentlemanly and quiet t;vT)e as the one quoted below,
Case 49, it was quite plain that there was ample felicity in the
fact of his own skill and fame. Certainly, however, in many
instances this egoism has not at all killed out the power of ex-
periencing normal feelings of affection and friendship, although
the irregular life and breaking of home ties which ensue from
criminal operations and occasional incarcerations interfere con-
sidera,bly with normal enjoyment of human relationships. The
constant taking of big chances and the facing of danger with
one's hand against his fellows must inevitably lead to a harden-
ing of spirit which therefore is to be regarded as the result of the
occupation rather than the cause of it.

That professionals or recidivists in general are devoid of feel-
ings of remorse, as maintained by Pollitz (8, p. 131), we cannot
agree to. The fact that they show no sorrow for having engaged
in a certain class of deeds may be the result of general environ-
mental conditions or of early teachings. We know very well
how ethical feelings and conceptions are built up as the result
of social experiences. As we show later, the very delinquent
who has no hesitation whatever about committing certain types
of crimes will show great honesty in other affairs. This same
author should see reason to think differently, since he himself
brings out that repetition of crime does not necessarily mean
innate criminal tendencies. For instance, we might cite the class
of offenders who transgress only when they are out of work during
certain seasons of the year. The category of offenders proposed
by Garofalo (10) which includes one large class with many sub-
divisions, said to be composed of criminals devoid of a sense of
honesty, must fairly receive the same criticism. (If the ques-
tion of innate lack of moral sense is involved here we must refer
to our discussion of " moral imbecility," § 372.) There is a pro-
verbial honor among thieves, and honesty may be found in one
sphere of action when it is entirely lacking in another. The
sense of honesty may not be at all lost, even in the most con-
firmed offenders.

The older conception that professional criminals belong to a
natural class because they show marked characteristics of phy-

319

§ 229] PROFESSIONAL CRIMINALISM [Chap. VIII

sique or expression is exploded. Inscrutability, shiftiness, the
occasional keen furtive glance, and other peculiarities of physi-
ognomy are of no more fundamental significance than is the fact
that various occupations develop peculiar characteristics. We
can at once think of the clear gaze of the seaman, the kindly
expression of the family physician, the vivacity of the society
woman, the bland joviality of the politician. As Devon (6, p. 11)
from his long practical experience puts it, " The criminal is
born and made just as the policeman is born and made. To
see him early in his career it is impossible to tell what he is, but
when he has undergone his training it may be expected to leave
its mark on him, which those who know may read with more or
less success." More on this point comes out in our discussion
of the results of prison experience, § 226. If innate traits at
all determine professionalism they should be discernible at the
early age which we insist on is the proper time for studying crimi-
nalistic genetics.

Many economic and environmental conditions have been
cited as cause for the establishment of professional criminal
careers. It is quite unnecessary to go over these conditions,
most of which have been enumerated in our chapter on environ-
mental causes. They are both negative and positive, and involve
neglect, poverty, lack of opportunity, criminalistic teachings,
and many other factors. Tarde well lays great stress on the
social aspects of criminology, and emphasizes (5, p. 252) that
the criminal career is one into which the individual has been
thrust usually from an early age, and that the influence of pillag-
ing comrades, lack of education, and other living conditions
are often responsible. Institutions for criminals, as we else-
where (§ 226) show, are themselves to be regarded as great breed-
ers of professionalism.

The class of criminals who develop their careers in a busi-
ness-like way are given opportunities by delays in the law and
sinister protection of many kinds. Certain economic laws also
are in force here; professional criminalism would not be pursued
were it not profitable. It is hardly necessary here to enlarge on
the possibilities of graft and protection which involve those who
are concerned with carrying out legal and police measures. Some
intimation of what really goes on may be seen below, in Case
49, our professional's story.

Teaching the tricks of different branches of professional crimi-

320

Chap. VIII] PRESENTATION OF CASES [§ 230

nalism goes on regularly. Tiny little felloM^s are instructed in
the art of inserting their slender hands in people's pockets, they
practice purse-snatching until skill is acquired, the use of burg-
lar's tools and of explosives are studied in the same way that
the emploATnent of implements in any trade is learned. There
are even nowadays occasionally to be found " schools of crime."

In our own studies we have been much impressed by the ex-
periences and mental reactions which set an individual definitely
in the direction of anti-social actions, such as find expression in
professional criminalism. Several of our chapters are devoted
to these phenomena. The opportunities for learning the arts
of criminalism are sometimes sought out by the individual, rather
than thrust upon him. Just as in the case which we cite later.
Case 50, frequently there are features of the environment which
create a mental attitude that is a favorable soil for criminalistic
impulses, determined though the latter may be in this or that
direction by special aptitudes or abilities.

§ 230. Presentation of Cases. — In our study of individual
cases we go farther in discriminating the factors which make for
professionalism than do those who have observed merely the full-
grown professional as such. This has led us to see how careers
which might rapidly become professional in tendencies may be
entirely checked by changes of environment, the offering of suit-
able educational and vocational inducements, the modification
of mental conflicts, the satisfaction of legitimate but o'erweening
desires. We could not oft'er cases which represent the range
of personality types that develop into professional criminalism.
Many types are represented, all the way from absolutely normal
individuals to the constitutional inferiors, or those with slight
mental defects. But we can offer a few studies which present live
issues pertaining to the subject. Any practical consideration of
this matter will always take in both peculiarities of personality
and other causative factors.

Case 49. — No more striking evidence of the concrete issues of
professional criminalism can be gained than from the words of
one of America's most intelligent and successful criminals, whom
I have had the opportunity of knowing, as Devon says every
offender must be known if one is to be really acquainted with
him, entirely outside of institutional life, or of police surveillance.
Inasmuch as the hereditary, developmental and early environ-
mental history of this man is unknown to us, he represents only a

321

•§ 230] PROFESSIONAL CRIMINALISM [Chap. VIII

partial case study. But from his personality, his social philosophy,
and good apperceptions we may learn lessons of great import.

This man is possessed of unusually fine presence, keen sensi-
bilities, and good speech, and is educated far above the ordinary
offender met with in court work. He is unquestionably a man who
might have filled some important position in commercial life.
The experienced observer would detect about the set of his mouth
and other facial expression some indication of the months of silence
that he has been through during his incarcerations, but perhaps
a thoroughly taciturn individual might show the same type of
physiognomy. This man speaks of his " work "; with conscious
pride he calls himself a professional. To him expert safe opening
is a science, involving knowledge of mechanics and chemistry. He
belongs to what has been denominated the " aristocracy of crim-
inality." He has served several short terms, but never has there
been fastened upon him any major deed. In the meantime, when
in funds, he may live like a millionaire at a first-class hotel, or
"enjoy the home where his wife and child abide.

His sentences have been given him on general suspicion, or
when he has plead guilty to some minor charge in order to save
himself from the graver one of being an habitual offender. This
is one of the tricks of his trade — one that is particularly made
possible by the methods of states attorneys who will sometimes
give him the choice of so pleading guilty, or of taking his chances
on being tried for a major offense, which perhaps he has committed,
but which they cannot well prove. His last sentence was received
in just such a way as this, and he remarks to us that at about the
same time he noted by the papers that another criminal in an-
other state was sentenced for an offense which he (our friend) had
committed. By pleading guilty to lesser crimes, he says, one may
thus keep out of worse indictments, and then the police will get
credit for having captured the right man.

" If you good people want me to stop my career you must make
it worth my while to stop. I 'm just like the rest of professionals.
I love good living. The only way to stop us is to find out who and
what we are and what we are good for. Then you 've got to make
punishment severe enough or opportunities good enough for us.
Society does not do either one of these now. I 've got to have a
good living when I get out. I can stay at the Waldorf or the
LaSalle when I 'm in funds, but I would rather have less and a
steadier job. I 'm not a cheap-looking fellow, and yet all I could

3-22

Chap. VIII] PRESENTATION OF CASES [§ 230

hope to do, if anybody takes me in, is to get perhaps $15 a week
for doing work that would be worth twice as much. If I am recom-
mended nowadays anybody thinks he is doing a great charity to
hire me at any price. There 's no trade I can easily get into, and
when I get out of the ' pen,' all I have is a few dollars and the
suit they give me, which would tell anybody where I had come
from. Now what do you think a fellow is likely to do and what:
will be his natural temptation? Why can't they give a fellow work
in the penitentiary, and wages that can be saved up for him sO
that when he comes out he can have some kind of a start? Either
you have got to make it so hard for me that I would rather work,
at laborer's wages than take a chance, or else you have got to give-
me a decent job — neither of these things has come about yet.-
Certainly very few of even the best professionals make a success-
of it in the long run, but there is always a chance.

" Your first step towards stopping me would be to have a cen^
tral bureau of identification in Washington. Then you could
check me up and know who I am, and the parole system could be
extended with perfect safety. As it is, I am one person in one state
and another in another, and there is no following me up in any
way. As a matter of fact, society does not know yet the first steps
about effective ways in which it might treat its criminals."

We tried to get this man's point of view in regard to the genetics
of professionalism. Of course he knew little about beginnings in
youth, nor did we ever learn of his own early life. (It is only fair
to say that about some details given by this man we were able to
get corroboration.) " Well, what the hell do you think we have
to think about when we are in prison? Even in well-ordered peni-
tentiaries we find means of getting into communication with the
other fellows, and soon learn to speak without perceptibly moving
our lips. We are always on the look-out for shrewd and teachable
young chaps. You take a fellow who has not done much but
just fall in line with the temptations that have been offered him
and who has been sentenced for it; of course he is feeling sore.
And when he realizes he is going to be called a gaolbird for all his
life he is willing to learn more about the game. Even if we don't
have much to say to him on the inside we can find out where tq
meet him later on. That 's how the best pals are made."

This man made much of the difficulty of leaving the path of
professionalism after once started on it. He, for instance, (we
had corroboration of this) had been run out of a certain city when

323

§ 230] PROFESSIONAL CRIMINALISM [Chap. VIII

he had started in business with a capital obtained from family
friends — run out by the police on general principles. They said
he was too dangerous to have around — "he might be pulling
off some deal sometime." He also made much of certain other
persecutory features of police life, which for obvious reasons one
is unable to corroborate. He asked what is easier than for a
shrewd detective to recognize a man by his picture, then to look
up his record and confront him with immediate arrest, alleging
the possibility of his having committed some recent local crime of
the kind which his past record would suggest. Nothing offers an
easier way out of this than to hand the detective a matter of $25
or so, and there is no possibility of any charge of " graft " being
made, because in the course of such a charge the criminal's whole
career would be brought to light — a most undesirable occur-
rence, whether he be going on in a professional way, or trying to
live an honest life.

This man through his moving about from state to state belongs
to what in Europe is called the highest type of his profession,
namely, the traveling or international criminal. Through the
lack of cooperation between the police, the courts, and institu-
tions of our different states, this man's situation is almost as if he
were in another country when he goes from one state to another.
Indeed it is quite doubtful whether there is in America as good
a chance to obtain information about the career of a criminal in
another state as the chief of police in Paris has for getting
knowledge from Scotland Yard.

Case 50. — Boy of 16 years. Arrested for having calmly walked
into a place where a public reception was going on and appro-
priated some watches. He was found to have a number of other
charges against him. Interested officers attempted to get family
cooperation, but this was only partially obtainable, because of
the hopeless attitude of the mother toward her whole family
situation, and because of the low character of the boy's father.
With us the boy was so frank in exploring his career ^s an expert
thief that one got a very full picture of some beginnings of profes-
sionalism. His statements, which were checked up as far as pos-
sible, were found reliable in many details, even as pertaining to
different localities.

His mother gives him the reputation of being a terrible thief.
She is inclined to attribute his deeds to some mental injury which
she thinks he must have received when he fell from a second-story

324

Chap. VIII] PRESENTATION OF CASES [§ 230

window a couple of years previously. (As a matter of fact we
found no signs of head injury of any kind, and his own story of
misdoing goes back many years prior to the fall.) Although w^e
did not get a detailed developmental history, it is stated that he
has never been very ill. He is the oldest of three children. His
father is an excessive alcoholic who has been arrested many times
for fighting and drinking. He has been known to wear a gold
watch his boy had stolen, but is said not to be a thief himself.
The family is largely supported by the mother doing washing.
The boy's sister at 13 is in 7th grade. The third child died in
infancy. The mother shows signs of having had some education
and ambition.

Physical examination: the boy is fat, slouchy and very short:
bright and responsive expression; pleasant features. Notwith-
standing the boy's waddling gait and apparent lack of muscular
tone, he is very quick and active; weighs 115 lbs. and is 4 ft. 93^
in. in height; long narrow head; circumference 53.3, length 18.3,
and width 14.3 cm.; teeth crowded; right upper lateral incisor
missing — said not to be erupted; as yet no external signs of
puberty; nystagmoid movements of eyes on lateral deviation.

Mental tests: our own series.

I. 59". Practically no trial and error.

II. 46". No error.

III. 41". 14 moves.

V. Much interested in this test. After several quick trials and
errors, steps done rapidly in correct order. 1' 37". It is remarkable
that this was done entirely by the use of the fingers instead of the hook
— the only time we have ever seen the box opened in this way. Great
adeptness shown.

VI. "Aussage." Fairly full enumerative account with no sugges-
tibility.

VII. Both well done at the first trial.

VIII. Four errors with a curious reduplication of numbers. Care-
lessness, as elsewhere, is the only explanation of this.

IX. Correct at first trial.

X. Correct only at the third trial.

XII. Only 7 items out of 20 given correctly. Very childish and
careless result.

XIII. 7 out of 12 items given correctly in logical sequence.

XIV. Fails on the first trial to open the box by reason of a small
final error. Opens it in 55" at the 2d trial.

XV. Average time 3". No error, 2 failures.

XVI. 102 squares tapped at first trial with 4 errors. 106 squares
tapj)ed the 2d time with 3 errors. An unusually rapid performance.

325

§ 230] PROFESSIONAL CRIMINALISM [Chap. VIII

XVII. Writing is rapid and normal for his age.

XVIII. Through an oversight no record of his arithmetical abil-
ity was made.

XIX. Fluent reader.

XXI. The reaction to the 2d moral question was that he would
rather give the man up than get killed. He was pretty sure on this
point.

XXII. Fair amount of information obtained from considerable
reading of newspapers and books. Has merely a common-sense view
of scientific things. Never been interested in them. Has read stories
of New England and of olden days, about King Arthur, Benjamin
Franklin and "all them books." Is fond of magician tricks, plays
cards, is fond of bicycling, swimming, and baseball. Plays with some
skill the violin, piano, and cornet. Has taken music lessons for years.
WheR under custody, on account of his ability to entertain, he is a
great favorite. He will sit at the piano and perform for long periods in
music hall fashion.

His method in work with tests showed definite characteristics. He
was interested, quick, but utterly careless. Without waiting for
full instructions he plunges ahead. He is quite devoid of quiet thought-
fulness or of deliberate foresight. Relies entirely on quick percep-
tions. Emotions normal. Is much worried about the prospect of
being sent to an institution.

In spite of much changing of schools and truancy, this boy
reached 7th grade when he stopped at 14 years. Since then he has
held many positions for short periods each, and there is no doubt
of his ability to earn well if he were only more stable. One could
readily classify him as having fair mental ability, and also as pos-
sessing certain special aptitudes, as indicated above.

His delinquency consists of an excessive amount of stealing con-
tinued over many years. He has already been in court in dif-
ferent cities a number of times. On all except one occasion he has
been placed on probation, but he found this no bar to his traveling
about the country whenever he felt like it. On a number of occa-
sions of which we learned from other sources, he has boldly exe-
cuted shrewdly planned escapes from places where he was detained.
On two occasions he has with the utmost effrontery simply walked
away in full view. Many tributes to his shrewdness and motor
dexterity are rendered. One experienced person says, " He is as
quick as greased lightning." No efforts were ever seriously put into
effect for this boy's reformation, because he never gave any one
the chance.

In describing his own career this boy was very frank and helpful.
He seemed distinctly to have the idea that he would like to do

326

Chap. VIII] PRESENTATION OF CASES [§ 230

differently. In fact, he made direct appeal to us to help him get
into some life away from temptation. But before anything could
be done for him he had escaped again. He made the same impres-
sion on us as on others, namely, that he was frank, intelligent,
well-mannered and pleasant.

" Well, I don't remember exactly what I stole first, but know I
stole a cornet when I was in S., when I was 5 years old. I took
it out of a trunk. I guess I was a pretty bad kid. I drowned some
cats. Can't tell exactly how it was I began stealing. I never did
run with any bad boys. I was in court last year; stole forty dollars'
worth of pocket knives from B's, down there at their main store.
It was about 6 o'clock at night. I was alone. The judge let me
go on probation. I took the knives because I wanted some money.
I sold them to some man for about 50 cents apiece. They got
most of the knives back. I took a detective up and got the knives
from the man. It was around in the M. building that I went and
peddled them. Well, maybe it was not in the last year I took those
knives. They really caught me about the sixth time I was stealing
there. A thief always goes back for more. I used to keep the
things under the sidewalk.

" After that when I was on probation I was supposed to come
to court, but I ran away the night before. I went to L. Stayed in
a lady's house there. Then I stole a watch and got arrested. I was
trying to sell it and a boy went up and told the copper about it.
I wrote home from there, and my mother sent me railroad fare,
and the judge let me go and I came back here. I did not work
then, and I stole a bicycle.

" There was a woman kept a little store up near where we lived.
She told me anything I would steal she would buy it off me. The
first thing she bought of me was a pair of opera glasses. They
were my mother's. Then she bought a diamond ring off of me.
I got that at the bathing beach. A lady had it on and she was
sitting on the sand cleaning it. I came up quietly behind her and
reached over her shoulder and grabbed it and then walked off in
the crowd. She could never tell who it was. After I worked at R.'s
about a week I took a $5 bill. It was lying on the counter. When
I saw the cashier lady coming I threw it back. I did not steal any
watch from a store that I can remember of. Oh, yes, I do remem-
ber that, too. It was from a jewelry auction store. She paid me
$2 for that. She 's never been arrested.

" Nobody ever started me. Maybe it was on account of my

327

§ 230] PROFESSIONAL CRIMINALISM [Chap. VIII

mother telling me to go through my father's pants. That was
when he was drunk. I guess it was so he would not get drunk so
much. I was about 7 years old when I did that. He 's been
drinking all the years. I '11 bet he is drunk to-day. When I went
into that place the other day I did not go in to steal. If I 'd get a
chance I 'd take things, but I did not go in to steal there. When
my father is drunk he tells me to go and steal, and when he is
sober, too. When I worked I always took my wages home. My
mother never got cheated out of a single week's wages. She can tell
you that herself. Father never stole as I know of.

" That woman that runs that store she 's about 45. There 's
always men there. Everybody says she goes with men. She al-
ways has a gun with her. One day she pointed the gun right at
me if I would not get out of the store. She has a man there who
will strike a man down all right if he comes in drunk or anything.
I told the officer all about her. I would not like to go out to the
reform school. I want to go out on a farm. I want to keep away
from trouble."

In a letter the boy says, " I had a fight with my sister and she
threw the broom at me and I threw it back at her and hit her in
the face. My mother got mad and tried to hit me with the poker.
Then last night she told me not to come home as she had told the
police on me. I forgot and they got me last night. I just escaped
from this place about a year ago."

About the time that we last saw this boy he made confession to
the police that cleared up a number of cases of stealing which had
baffled them. The woman who conducted the " fence " was
convicted largely on information obtained from him. Some time
after his last escape he was arrested in another state for stealing,
and for the first time was placed in a reformatory for a long term.

In the background of this boy's personality and delinquency
there are some abnormal physical and social conditions which no
doubt have had a partly determining influence. But it is cer-
tainly most reasonable to conclude that his career directly centers
about certain special abilities, particularly motor dexterity. With
the exercise of these and his cool shrewdness he is well equipped
to be an expert sneak thief. Bad though his home is, his mother
is a good woman, and he has been given some special attention,
such as receiving music lessons. He is capable of earning a very
good living, but deliberately chooses to exercise his ability in
dishonest ways; he has definitely begun following crime as a trade

328

Chap. Vlll] TREATMENT OF PROFESSIONALISM [§ 231

or profession. There may have been other causal elements, par-
ticularly in the field of inner mental life, which we never ascer-
tained, but we did learn a great deal in this case of how begin-
nings of professional criminalism may develop.

Special abilities: Early discovered motor Case 50.

adeptness and satisfaction in it. Boy, age 16.

Home conditions : Father alcoholic and bad man.

Heredity: As above. (Otherwise not known.)
Stigmata: Delayed puberty.
Irregular physical development

and dentition.
Nystagmoid movements.

Mentahty:
Stealing -\ — \- . Fair intelligence with

Sneak thief — professional type. special ability.

§ 231. Treatment of Professionalism. — In any practical scheme
of treatment of professionalism in crime one would insist upon
the necessity of thorough diagnosis. We should be much inclined
to lay stress upon the above views expressed by the thoughtful
professional. This is a field for deterrent possibilities. We should
hesitate much to discuss punishment as set forth in any schedule,
such as that of Garofalo (10), because our stand is primarily for
diagnostic study. It seems perfectly evident that many features
of even penal treatment should be based upon facts which can
only be learned through careful study of causative factors. There
are individual needs, and individual differences in response to de-
terrent laws, which can be more or less estimated by careful diag-
nostic methods. Professionals differ widely in personal charac-
teristics and in the other background for their offenses. But if
one will consider merely the readily available American literature
on the subject of professional criminals, for instance, the work by
Inspector Byrne (53), the autobiographies of Moore (347), and
White (348), there will be little question about the value of more
efficient police methods, and of the application of swifter, surer
and longer penalties for this type of crime. Thoughtful students
must necessarily agree with Garofalo (328, p. 211), who says,
" Short punishments invite the criminal, monstrous as it may
seem, to mock the law, to snap his fingers at justice." Prevention

329

§ 231] PROFESSIONAL CREVIINALISM [Chap. VIII

is the watchword in the treatment of professional criminalism.
In this there is a great opportunity for work with the young, which
will prove satisfactory only through study of the determining forces
of their careers. We have observed a number of instances in
which an impending career of professional criminality has been
thwarted by constructive measures. The following is a splendid
example, inasmuch as there was considerable likeness of environ-
mental and family background to the case given in detail above.

Case 51. — This was the instance of a boy, who at 13 was al-
ready the leader of a gang of youthful burglars, who planned and
executed skillful and lucrative depredations. Apparently the boy
had discovered what he was suited for, and the future seemed to
offer many chances for him in this line. He was physically and
mentally alert and active. He was courageous and aggressive.
There was nothing hopeful in his environment. Here, too, was an
ignorant and excessively alcoholic father, and a step-mother who
kept a slatternly home. Thieving and burglary offered to this
young adept the pleasures of adventure, occupation, easy acquire-
ment of possessions, and money to spend — altogether a lively
set of interests and satisfactions.

With this boy's good mentality was a forceful personality and
freedom from vice. A study of his case after a " big haul " led to
the introduction of live interests in another environment. This
boy soon realized that satisfaction accrues along other than crim-
inalistic lines. Opportunities for normal boyish possessions and
interests and adventures in a very ordinary country home were all
that were necessary to change him into a self-sustaining and useful
member of society. He has been a continued success over the num-
ber of years that we have known him, even when occasionally
returning to the formerly tempting, home environment.

Many of the points which are important in considering treat-
ment of the professional criminal, either as a fully developed
character or in the formative state, are dealt with elsewhere in
our work. We have spoken of the definitive field of the reforma-
tory institutions, and the need for individualization there, of the
weaknesses of penal institutions, of the absurdly expensive pro-
cedure of sending adolescents back into old environments before
they are able to stand on their feet, either morally or financially.
We have discussed mental habits and mental imageries which make
for the establishment of behavior characteristics, and we have in-
sisted on the necessity for after-care when a prisoner is discharged

330

Chap. VIII] DELIBERATE CHOICE OF CRIMINALISM [§ 232

from the custody of the institution. There is much value in the
Hungarian and the Ohio laws which provide for the study of all
young ott'endei-s before they are sentenced, in the work of pris-
oners' aid associations, in the recent, shrewd, common-sense efforts
of several of om* penitentiary superintendents who have started
practical measures for making better human beings out of their
prisoners. The further need is for the scientific unification of all
these and still other profitable measures of treatment.

§ 232. Deliberate Choice of Criminalism.

Justification for any consideration of deliberate choice as a
causative factor of criminalism, especially apart from the cap-
tion "professionalism," is found in the following facts: Anti-
social deeds may be committed with premeditation, but with
no notion of making criminalism a trade or profession. It is
an opinion held, sometimes by those who do not proclaim
themselves against determinism, that deliberate choice of crim-
inalistic conduct is quite a common phenomenon even among
young delinquents. We have several times in individual cases
ascribed to deliberate choice the main part in causation, but,
on more thorough study of discovered factors, we have been
inclined to discount our earlier view. We below illustrate the
complexities. It finally has seemed patent to us that both for
prognosis and treatment this difficult element of diagnosis
might nearly always be left out of account.

Perhaps a definition of the term deliberate choice is necessary.
I mean a choice made by those who possess mental powers suffi-
cient for self-determination of the direction of their careers,
in whom there are not — perforce of overpowering physical and
mental characteristics — such internal tendencies as well might
be calculated to develop criminalism, and in whom there is no
overwhelming push from environmental sources. I should in-
sist that if deliberate choice is to be invoked by way of explana-
tion of an anti-social career, there must have been plenty of
opportunity, and even invitation, to take advantage of occupa-
tional or recreational interests which would have proved enticing
enough to cause others to choose refraining from misdeeds.
Here, as elsewhere in our work, we must carefully avoid the un-
fruitful theoretical discussion of determinism versus free will.

No doubt if one were to take a mentally normal offender who

331

§ 232] DELIBERATE CHOICE - [Chap. VIII

has passed the more formative period of life, and were to judge
him by the immediate and obvious causes of his action, one would
frequently ascribe much to deliberate choice. But as we stated
early in our book, the cases we have put into our series are those
in which the background of causation was largely known. Per-
haps this is why we find so much else than deliberate choice
at the roots of misconduct. If I were asked to pick out the most
egregious examples of criminalistic conduct that betokens de-
liberate choice, I am inclined to think I should select panderers
and " cadets." And yet of this most despicable class those
members of which I have knowledge have come from such
family circumstances that to know the latter would be to say
that from such influences nothing good could be expected.

Professional criminals of other types have, many of them,
started their careers under decidedly determining conditions.
Some themselves maintain that, once started, society itself
continues to prevent them from exerting deliberate choice of
conduct. Making up our minds at many different times, and
often in consultation with experienced people, and with the great
amount of material which often has been collected on a case, it
is significant that we find justification for applying the phrase
" deliberate choice " as a cause in less than half a dozen instances
in more than 1000 cases of repeated offenders. Let the casual
onlooker, who sees only the deed and the apparent choice of
action, follow up the data and see how many other factors loom
up as determining forces. The first case given below seemed to
present to us as marked evidence of deliberate choice as we have
ever seen, and yet note the many other factors.

Case 52. — A mother brought her problem to us considerably
in advance of the time we were able to see her boy. Although
only 15, he had for years been getting into an excessive amount
of trouble on account of misconduct. Recently his delinquen-
cies had culminated in a well-planned theft of a considerable
sum of money which he divided with a bad woman with whom
he had lately become acquainted, and who had partly instigated
the plot. The theft and burglary might have involved the murder
of a certain old relative, and it had been planned to carry that
out if necessary. These facts will give some indication of the
boy's recklessness. His delinquencies had begun before he was
10. He was a great truant, sometimes managing to evade school
for months at a time, although he had been sent to more than one

332

Chap. VIII] DELIBERATE CHOICE OF CRIMINALISM [§ 232

institution on account of truancy. By the time we saw him he
had already engaged in various sorts of thieving, several burg-
laries, the forging of checks, and had indulged in sex dissipation
of several kinds.

The mother, much broken down by her family troubles, felt
that her son was quite beyond her. He is her only child. The
father has been dead since the boy was 10. He was an alcoholic,
but never criminalistic. No features of any significance about
the boy's heredity were available. The mother's side was said
to be clear of defects, but on account of the absence of specific
information concerning the father's side, who was an immigrant,
we cannot fairly state that heredity was all negative. The preg-
nancy and birth were normal. The boy is said never to have
been seriously ill. No injuries or convulsions. At one time he
had tubercular cervical glands, but those are now well.

The boy has lived at home only intermittently. He has been
taken to their homes by various members of the mother's family,
and has already been five times in different institutions on ac-
count of delinquency. From each place he has run away, or has
created so much disturbance that all have been glad to get rid
of him. A notably good institution for boys could not offer
an;^i:hing that he regarded as worth while, and they relinquished
their guardianship. He has never been committed to a reforma-
tory from which he could not readily escape. He has never
worked steadily, but has taken odd jobs for a time. There has
always been money enough at home for ordinary needs, and his
family have been very ambitious for him, particularly because
he has always shown such good mental ability. A very good
and strong man, who is the guardian of his financial inheritance,
has been unable to influence the lad in the least.

Physical examination; fairly good general development;
slender type; strength good for age; no sensory defect noted;
tonsils very large; gonorrhea; marked tremor of the hands;
pleasant, regular features; intelligent face and vivacious expres-
sion; many evidences of good physical care in the past; dome-
like forehead with prominent frontal bosses. Head; circum-
ference 54.2, length 19, breadth 15 cm.

Mental examination. Tests not completely carried out because
of his obvious great ability in many directions and his dislike to do
what he called the childish type of tests.

HI. Construction Test A. 10". 5 moves. Our fastest record.

333

§ 232] DELIBERATE CHOICE [Chap. VIII

IV. Construction Test B. 27". 11 moves. Also record time.

V. Puzzle Box. 30". Step one accomplished in 10", and the others
done with simply marvelous rapidity. Nothing like this ever seen by
us previously.

VI. " Aussage." Gave one of the fullest accounts ever given of this
picture, with much slangy and humorous interpretation, altogether,
however, directly to the point. Not the slightest suggestibility shown.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Done rapidly
and altogether correctly.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at first trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct at the second trial after drawing
the figure once himself. Rather curious to note that he did not see
his own error in the first attempt where he had duplicated number
7 in different compartments.

XL Code Test. Two errors in final result. Considerable diffi-
culty with this on account of his nervousness and trouble in con-
centration.

XXII. Information. All ordinary items of geography and history
correct. Reads books — reads anything. Likes good plays. Is re-
markably ignorant of scientific information in which boys are usually
interested. His verbal reactions to the tests were most instructive.

"Well, do I do these things fast enough for you? There is no kind
of a lock or a box that I can't open. I'm a locksmith, I am. Col-
lections of anything? I should say not. It's nothing but foolish
people who harbor a lot of trash. It's the theatres all the time —
that 's me. I like the drama — Chauncey Olcott and the rest of them.
I took lessons on the piano for three years, but forgot it all. I was
never round machinery. I never studied any steam or electricity,
don't know anything about them. I'll tell you the kind of a fellow
I am, if you want to know how I can play checkers. I'll play well
enough so I can cheat you if I get an opportunity, and prevent you
from cheating me. I 'm a fellow who is not going to let anybody get
ahead of me. I shot a couple of kids once. One of them was trying
to steal one of my chickens. The other was entering our barn. I 'd
knife or stab anybody before I 'd let them get ahead of me. A sport-
ing life is the life for me. You can only live once, and you might as well
die now."

In this case we saw exhibited some of the quickest perceptions
ever observed by us. Great accuracy and promptness were dis-
played where any task could be done with rapidity. The powers
of attention and concentration were somewhat faulty. It was
quite clear that we had to do with an individual of supernormal
ability.

In conversation he always showed himself extremely bright
and apt, but he was almost always flippant and showed a very
perverted philosophy of life. His self-orientation was perfect.

334

Chap. VIII] DELIBERATE CHOICE OF CRIMINALISM [§ 232

He did not hesitate to talk of his whole career. Indeed, he seemed
to be rather glad to have a chance to do so. He vowed venge-
ance on everybody, and threatened murder and disaster every-
where. He told about his association with bad women, both in
the red light district and in private homes, but evidently his
delinquencies began long before then. It is only fair to state
that the boy did voluntarily tell us that he wished to be somewhat
different, and that although he had such a bad record he did not
desire to be a criminal.

" Did I go with a bad bunch when I was a kid? Well, I should
say. Wliy, they are all in states prison or the reformatory now.
One got three years in the band house. Say, did you ever hear
of the X Street bunch, or maybe of the L Street gang? What
else could a feller do? I did n't have no father. My mother al-
ways used to say, ' First it 's bumming and then it 's stealing.'
Did I bum? Well, I should say so. When I did start truancy,
I tell you I did. One four months I did not go a single day.
WTien I see any kids get into trouble I can give them good advice
— don't start bumming and keep away from a bad bunch. Oh,
I smoke cigars and tobacco all right. I never smoked 50 cigarettes
in my whole life. I did not go out at nights much. She would
not let me, but I was up to devilment in the daytime."

" I was sent away to that school. I suppose my guardian thought
it was a good school because he had to pay well there, but I tell
you that 's the rottenest place you ever heard of. I have never
been in any reformatory. Got pinched now because of some
trouble with some money."

This boy in his appearance and general attitude seemed to be
anji:hing but the vicious fellow which he has been, and which
he frankly states himself to be. It is perfectly evident from much
that he told us, and from the accounts of his mother and guardian
that the boy has really had exceptionally good chances in life.
They would at all times have furthered his vocational inclinations,
and they always desired the best of recreations for him. In an
ordinary environment it was found impossible to control him.
The only check to his actions has been when he was sent to an
institution by order of court. Everywhere and under all condi-
tions, and even according to his own story, he has deliberately
sought out the worst in life. Early bad companionship partially
determined his career, but yet there was always the chance for
other friends.

335

§ 232] DELIBERATE CHOICE [Chap. VIII

Deliberate choice??

Case 52.

Bad companions — early in life and later. ^^^' ^^® ^*
Much dissipation.

Home conditions:

Lack of control when
boy most in need of
help.

Sex experiences: Early and excessive.

Heredity

: Father unstable alcoholic.

Running away.

Stealing.

Burglary.

Sex+.

Forgery.

Mentality:
Supernormal ability.

Case 53. — Another case of which we have the most intimate
details and have known for a long period is that of a man who has
shown many criminalistic tendencies in spite of unusual opportuni-
ties. The first study of this case brought out points quite un-
suspected even by the relatives.

Deliberate choice?? Case 53.

MentaUty: Slightly defective as shown ^^"' ^^ ^^•
by lack of self-control and
by tests.

Home conditions: Defective discipline.
Much leniency early.

Bad companions — richer young men.

Mentality:
Stealing. Poor in ability;

Lying. really subnormal

Gambling. for his own social

Fraud. All excessive. group.

Case 54. — A girl of 19 whom we have long known has excep-
tionally good mental powers and developed normally. Her firm
strong carriage and frank expression made her notable among
offenders. This girl, after some little period of mischief making,
began stealing and entered into sex delinquencies. Then she
was given chance after chance under good conditions, sometimes

336

Chap. VIII] DELIBERATE CHOICE OF CRIMINALISM [§ 232

in the very environment she said she had craved, but every-
where she threw away these chances, and finally, in the course
of two or three years, and after thus being helped out of one scrape
after another, she deliberately became a prostitute, and pro-
ceeded to make the considerable amount of money which was
possible on account of her attractiveness. She was rescued from
this and asserted she had simply used her own choice in the matter.
She said she deliberately chose to do these things because they
were the easiest, and she preferred them rather than work. She,
too, had supernormal ability. From our long acquaintance with
the case we know that the following factors were in the back-
ground :

Deliberate choice?? Case 54.

Mental peculiarity: frankly lazy and ^ ' ^^"

sensuous type.

Heredity: father notoriously lazy and
shiftless, although mentally
bright.

Masturbation — begun early and
continued long.

Home conditions: Mother died early.

Girl much shifted about.

Mentality:
Mischief making. Supernormal abil-

Stealing. ity when first

Sex H — \-. studied.

Other cases which we have studied and which, even by their
own confessions, seemed to be based on deliberate choice have
turned out to present many other factors. One of our most marked
instances of apparent deliberate choice was that of a girl who, we
came to learn, had unfortunately early and without volition,
developed excessive phases of the sex instinct. Another was
a young pickpocket who only occasionally plied his craft. In
this case we found his older brothers had taught him', and that
his home conditions were miserable on account of lack of care
by an unintelligent mother and the presence of an insane father.
Then perhaps nowhere are the superficial evidences that lead to
interpretation of deliberate choice as a cause, more prominent

337

§ 232] DELIBERATE CHOICE [Chap. VIII

than among the cases where anti-social behavior is based on
mental conflict (vide § 237).

Consideration of deliberate choice leads directly to at least
one practical conclusion: The opportunity for doing right
should, in ordinary measure, be furnished to every one. In
other words, even though one cannot say whether or not a given
ofi^ender of normal mental ability did exert deliberate choice in
past conduct, the student of the causation of his offenses should
endeavor to point a way so that those in authority may give him
opportunity to make deliberate selection of good conduct in
the future. This often involves attempt at alteration both of
environment and mental content. What there may be in the
background of failures, even under apparently bettered condi-
tions, is indicated in the few cases given above. The many suc-
cesses need not be cited because they merely represent the natural
outcome when environment and personal tendencies are more
normal.

338

Chap. IX] CRIMINALISTIC MENTAL IMAGERY [§ 233

CHAPTER IX
Mental Imagery. Mental Habit

§ 233. Criminalistic Mental Imagery. § 234. Criminalistic Mental Habit. •

§ 233. Criminalistic Mental Imagery.

The general relation of mental imagery to conduct is a sub-
ject still open to inquiry which may prove vastly interesting and
important. By imagery we mean mental copies of former sen-
sory perceptions which arise in the absence of stimulation of an
organ of sense. For some psychologists imagery and imagination
seem to be much the same process, but others have discriminated
clearly between the two. At this place we do not care to go into
this discussion, nor to take up the rather intricate problem of
the sensory types of imagery. In the examples which we have to
offer, the diagnosis of the actual memory or imagery type, a
point of interest to psychologists, would hardly be possible.
Indeed, we have rarely asked for careful introspection on this by
the offender; conceding most value to more direct issues and to
spontaneous utterances. Our interest in this matter was aroused
by naive and non-suggested statements, and has been continued
simply along the lines of noting the driving force towards mis-
conduct which mental imagery often seems to be. We acknowl-
edge that this factor is most inadequately treated here by us;
we hope that some day thorough study may yield the values
which the subject promises.

The connection between earlier human experiences which lead
in the direction of criminalism and the criminalistic deed itself
is certainly very largely via the path of mental imagery. The
mental reproduction in some way causes the tendency to mis-
conduct. Just how the anti-social impulse is aroused we cannot
always be sure. Some indication of the part which imagery plays
in some mental conflict which leads to criminalism may be seen
in our chapter on that subject, § 235. Why there should be an
outcome in bad impulse, as well as the fact of the vitality of
the specific imagery, is a fitting subject for future students of
dynamic psychology. The people who have told us of their

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§ 233] MENTAL IMAGERY — MENTAL HABIT [Chap. IX

imagery and the part it has played in producing their conduct
of course have no explanation to offer of the process. All they
know is that this is the thing that seems to be a paramount in-
fluence. We have no reason to doubt their testimony on this
point. Psychologists recognize what Angell (335, p. 152) calls
the motor consequences of imagery. He points out that certain
persons may have imagery that takes on almost perceptual
vividness and, as in the case of the thought of a wound, may re-
sult in even such marked phenomenon as nausea and vomiting.
It is a long step further to proceed from such reflex disturbances
to the complexities of conduct, but no longer than is justified
by many features of the psychological elements in the causation
of behavior.

Many of the facts of imagery which we have heard from of-
fenders show extraordinary vividness. Occasionally it has been
difficult to discriminate the more normal processes from actual
hallucinations. One young fellow tells of the walls opening up
in the dark at night, and blood-and-thunder scenes being enacted
there. The material was drawn from melodrama, moving pic-
tures, and wild west narratives. The responses have followed
our very simple questions; invariably little more than, " How
did you happen to think of these things you have been doing?
What comes up in your mind to make you do them? What do
you think of usually in connection with the wrong things you
do? " In some cases we have directly asked if pictures of any
kind come up in the mind which have anything to do with the
misconduct. We have ever felt it unsafe to urge introspection
to the point of suggesting mental pictures as causes. Perhaps
in the latter way we should have heard many more details, but
undoubtedly they would have been much less reliable. There
is never any reason for falsification by offenders on this point
because their inner mental processes obviously have nothing to
do with the outcome of their case as handled by the authorities.

The urgency and power of imagery impelling to misconduct has
been witnessed to by the fact that some individuals have main-
tained that their whole welfare depends on preventing this imagery
from dominating their activities. One intelligent boy of 14 him-
self urged the necessity of his going to a reform school in order
that he might be freed from the environmental suggestions which
caused mental reproduction of impelling pictures. He had once
seen them and they viciously reproduced themselves. More of

340

Chap. IX] CRIMINALISTIC MENTAL IMAGERY [§ 233

the significance of this whole matter may be realized by our con-
sideration of the influence of pictures, § 225.

I see every reason for believing that there are negative
as well as positive considerations concerned in the development
of mental imagery that is provocative of misconduct. The in-
dividual with paucity of healthy mental interests is much more
likely to be obsessed by the recurrence of imagery of some ex-
perience, which in a more healtlifully occupied mind would be
almost a negligible influence for the bad. We have dealt with
this from other standpoints, § 222, and we have elsewhere,
§ 127, attempted to emphasize the importance of this psycho-
logical consideration in penal treatment. The old saw that
"the empty mind is the devil's workshop," means that mental
vacuity permits the growth of pernicious imagery. I am in-
clined to think that here is one of the greatest psychological princi-
ples that can be used in the effective treatment of the offender.

The most effective imagery in leading directly or indirectly
to misconduct consists mainly of the visual type, but other
elements are added, as may be seen by our examples. Of course
mental peculiarities play a large part. In this we get explanation
of the fact that some have been deeply affected by experiences
innocuous to others. Imagery, such as of sex subjects, which is
potent to stimulate physical powers, and imageries that create
feelings of restlessness and other desires are the most forceful.
Mental conflict plays its part here too. Imagination, with its
production of new situations, is effective in various ways. It
must not be presumed from all of the above that imagery, even
visual imagery, in its forms potent for misconduct, always arises
from the seeing of pictures themselves. A story read or heard
may be translated into visual terms; an incident witnessed may
be reproduced. And there is the possibility of all sorts of imagi-
native representations, made up of separate bits of remembered
experience, becoming obsessive mental imagery. We might go
on at great length in considering this whole topic, but it is worth
most to relate what we have actually heard of the influence of
mental imagers^ in producing misconduct.

Case 55. — Ellen B. A girl of 12, normal in development,
good nutrition, without sensory defect, easily found to be quite
fair in mental ability. She is somewhat backward in school on
account of being changed about so much, but does well on mental
tests. By getting detailed descriptions from her of moving

341

§ 233] MENTAL IMAGfERY — MENTAL HABIT [Chap. IX

pictures and other things, much beyond what is ordinarily ob-
tainable from young people, as well as by listening to her story,
we gained evidence that imagery played a large part in her mental
processes.

Heredity is decidedly defective. The father was alcoholic, and
criminalistic, a very bad man. Home conditions on account of
the father have been deplorable. The mother works out, and
the girl has been left much to herself, being the only child in the
family. A man once started to attack her, and on account of
this and certain other sex experiences there has been consider-
able mental conflict of which her mother has been quite unaware.

Stealing has been carried on by this little gu-l a number of
times by gaining entrance to neighbors' houses. She has taken
moderately large sums of money and other valuables. On one
occasion when the robbed people were telling their neighbors,
this little girl gave a very vivid description of a man whom she
had seen go into the house. On another occasion she came home
late at night and said she had been kidnapped by a man who
locked her in his room. In general she is good and a very helpful
child. After her stealing was discovered Ellen was handled very
kindly by her mother and friends.

Ellen became frank with us after we had learned the circum-
stances of her life. She blamed no one else in any way, but
when she was asked where she learned about stealing she said,
" I was to a show. It was long ago. I saw about burglars. That
was before I stole anything at all — not even that 25 cents from
my mama. One went in the window and took money out of
the drawer. He went out again and was not caught." Do you
think about that? " No, I don't. It comes up in my mind when
I 'm at home. It comes up when I was thinking about other
things. It comes up lots of times. When it comes up in my
mind I thought I 'd steal. I never stole with anybody else. I
was alone when I saw the burglar picture. I was thinking about
getting in that last place long before I did. I was playing with
the little girl at that house and I found a key on the floor. I
kept it. I saw them going out and then I went and tried the door."
Wliy did you think about using the key? " One of the burglars
had a key. He had keys on a chain. He tried one and it would
not fit and then the next one did. It was the other one who got
in through the window. It was in two parts — that show was."
On another day Ellen reiterated to my assistant that the only

342

Chap. IX] CRIMINALISTIC MENTAL EVIAGERY [§ 233

notion she ever had of steaHng was from that picture which
was reproduced in her mind, but she was also much disturbed
about some words which she said boys had told her and which
she said scared her very much. These words, or at least one of
them, came up in her mind very often and she had never told
her mother. She tried hard not to think of this, but it would
come up in her mind.

Ellen was a well-behaved and most reasonable child and her
mother was apparently a thoroughly good woman. After these
matters were cleared up there was no further trouble about the
stealing which had beeen carried on previously for several months.

Case 56. — Albert R. This is the case of a bright boy of 10
years, who has very defective eyesight and suffers from head-
aches. Earlier he had many children's diseases severely. Home
control had been distinctly deficient because of much illness in
the family, and there had been a great deal of bad companion-
ship. His delinquencies have consisted in staying away from
home at night and then romancing about his adventures. Be-
sides this he has been stealing, what for him were large sums. We
found him to bear out the general reputation he has of being a
very pleasant little chap. He proved to be frank and a rather
talkative little boy, with decidedly nice feelings towards the world,
and good perceptions of ethical differences. It seems he was once
with another boy who skillfully picked the pocket of a coat when
the owner was in the same room. Later this older boy was put
in jail. Now this thief used to tell the little boy what he calls
" dirty stuff," things that the little boy maintains he did not
like to hear. " He is not there. His family moved away. All
of the boys are glad he went. He 's the first ever said such bad
words I heard. He would tell bad stories. Sure, I think of these.
That 's why it spoils me. I used to tell bad words, but not no
more. You can't help it. When a kid gets to know these things
he feels like saying them out. It makes me sick. I see some-
times I feel like saying them and that makes me feel bad. When
I come right up to it and get ready to say them I stop." (Ques-
tions : Do you mean it 's a temptation? Do you know what
temptation is?) " Yes, I know what that is. It 's when you start
to say a thing and then you don't. I think of things. It sounds
it — it sounds it. It would be words — what he said, those bad
words — words I would not like to tell you, I 'm ashamed. It
does bother me. It makes me think. Nobody ever said that

343

§ 233] MENTAL IMAGERY — MENTAL HABIT [Chap. IX

before. I see a lady with a baby and I don't like to see her, and
I think maybe she has no husband. It makes me think like any-
thing about bad, that does. It 's the bad words he said, and what
he says about ladies."

Nothing in the tests we did with this boy showed indication of
any peculiarity in his imagery. His defective eyesight caused
him a good deal of trouble, but in spite of it he was able to do well
in many things, and was only slightly backward in school work.

Case 57. — This is an instance in which a young woman of
18 had been stealing from places where she worked during a con-
siderable period. She had taken many things for which she had
no use and merely kept them locked up. It was unquestionably an
exaggerated case of pathological stealing. The list of articles
recovered, as an attorney said, sounded like a stock list. There
was a great deal of mental conflict in this case as the result of
several unfortunate experiences. There was also defective hered-
ity, and some years earlier this girl had herself shown signs
of major hysteria. At present she is extremely strong and of
good carriage. Dresses well. Bites finger naUs much. Has dem-
onstrated in various ways, besides on our tests, the possession
of good mental ability.

With us she is absolutely frank and tells at length of her es-
capades and troubles. Her family corroborate much that she
told us. In spite of the usual school training she never reads at
all. " I never could get interested in reading." In the last couple of
years she has been going excessively to picture shows. During one
winter, living in contiguity to one of them, she went every night.
She has seen so many that no particular one has taken any hold
upon her. But when she has been at work pictures have come
up in her mind. " When I was at work lots of times I would
forget what I was doing when these things would come up in my
mind. I would think about what I was going to be and dress
pretty." "I saw lots of pictures about stealing — men would
take things and get away to different cities, but I can't tell any-
thing special. Saw lots of pictures about lovers and about people
being dressed nice. I would think that when I was older I would
like to be the same. At other times used to think about these
things. I would dream a good deal about boys and about their
doing bad things. Sometimes it would worry me for a couple of
days. I would think of that dream when there were boys around.
I did not want to run around with the boys. Yes, I think it is

344

Chap. IX] CRIMINALISTIC MENTAL IMAGERY [§ 233

worse than stealing. Pictures about the west would make me
think I wanted to go out there. Pictures about lovers I thought
I ought to forget, but it would sometimes come up in my head.
It has lots of times. I 'd sort of dream when I was at work about
getting married and about having a home and being dressed
pretty, and then about these affairs with boys. Lots of times
in the da^'time these things would come up right before me,
mostly about lovers, I guess."

This girl seemed to be rather a stolid type and not at all given
to introspection. However, she made much of her mental con-
tent. Without going into details it may be said that her imagery
was almost obsessional. The family had noted that frequently
she would stand as if she did not know what was going on about
her. She told us that at these times her mental representations
had possession of her. The component parts of the imagina-
tive scenes and actions were made up of what she had seen in
moving pictures, what had been suggested to her by companions,
and what she had actually dreamed. She was quite sure this
was the main cause of her bad conduct.

Case 58. — John H. This was a particularly interesting boy
of 13 years who lived in a suburban town. He had been truant,
had run away from home, often stolen in petty ways, and had
even broken into a store. These things had been going on for a
couple of years. One police official was convinced that the boy
was not right mentally because long ago the little fellow had told
him there was something inside himself that said, " Go, go, go,"
and he had no power to control himself. The school people said
that he was mischievous and restless, but felt that there was
nothing the matter with him mentally. His father, a rather in-
telligent laborer, tells us that the boy is a tremendous problem.
There had been a normal developmental history. Important
defects in the family line were all denied. The boy had been
going with bad companions for longer than he had been a delin-
quent himself. His depredations and excursions had been ex-
tensive. At one time he was found out in the country hunting,
another time he had rented a room in a hotel in the city and was
living there. Officers who know the boy say that he is quick and
shrewd.

Our study revealed a boy without any noticeable physical
defect. Tests show him to have fair ability, as the school people
said. Except for his excitability and easily aroused temper no

345

§ 233] MENTAL IMAGERY — MENTAL HABIT [Chap. IX

peculiarities were found. Our tests revealed no extraordinary
powers of visual imagery. According to the boy's story he began
to go with bad companions soon after the arrival of the family
in this country, four years previously. He thinks his family are
good to him, even though he does get whipped. " You see I do
lots of times bad things. I think about stealing. Sometimes I
dream about it. It 's nickel shows — that 's what made me —
seeing about robbers. Nearly every show when I used to go with
them fellows was about robbers. The funny part of the news-
papers was about robbers. Some pictures come up in my mind
about them. I can't remember them good though. One I re-
member was where three guys held together." The boy then
went on and told a long story about a burglar who saw a little
girl in bed when he had broken into the house, and the sight of
her reformed him. That picture did not make him feel like steal-
ing, but others do. " One was in a funny paper. I was just think-
ing about it that time when I was going in that store myself."

This boy in his broken English then told very dramatically
a long rigmarole of the details in a series of pictures seen in the
newspaper. Under observation he proved to be a great reader.

Case 59. — In this instance we had to do with a little boy of
12 who suffered from various pathological conditions. Poorly
nourished. Mouth breather on account of some nasal obstruc-
tion. Defect in skull from a severe head injury — pulse visible
where bone absent. In spite of his disadvantages we found him
to be a decidedly bright boy who tells a charmingly naive story
of his own troubles. His delinquencies consist in stealing con-
siderable sums, principally from relatives, and in running away
from home. One would hardly believe such a small boy to be
so planful and venturesome. Asking him why he did ail this,
we obtained a long story, many points in which were easily
corroborated.

" When I wake up at night something bothers me. Something
won't let me sleep. When I wake up this stops beating in my
head and something starts back here (the boy points to the
opposite pole of the cranium) that tells me to do something."
The little lad says he has never stolen with other boys and never
knew one that stole, and no one told him about these things. He
has seen about cowboys and robberies in shows, and in the news-
papers he has read about boys who run away and steal, and he
has bought and read some cheap literature on that order. " The

346

Chap. IX] CRIMINALISTIC MENTAL IMAGERY [§ 233

trouble is something works in my head. Sometimes it is Uke
somebody right in front of me making me take things. It makes
me get up at night and take things." It is true that this boy
used to wake up in the middle of the night, dress himself, steal,
and run away. " The other night I could see pictures of shows,
wicked pictures — fellows upsetting trains and like that. And
then one dream comes nearly every night. Somebody falls out
of a balloon and I always rescue them. They fall way out in the
water. Sometimes I get money from them and maybe I run
away with it and don't come back. When it is all spent I dream
I come around the house again. I heard about robbing when my
pa would come home and tell about robbers and thieves. He
had seen it in the newspaper. I would listen to that and some-
times I would do the same thing."

Notwithstanding the obsessions, we did not obtain by our sim-
ple methods any evidence of the existence of clear and definite
mental imagery. The boy maintained that he remembered some
robber scenes which he had witnessed years before, but of course
we could not corroborate. In testing later his memory of a pic-
tm-e reported on dm'ing our regular tests, he showed himself volu-
ble, but quite inaccurate, and he accepted many suggestions.

Case 60. — A little boy of 8 years, physically quite normal
and mentally precocious, a wistful and dramatic little chap,
w^as discovered with a rope about his neck, just as he was going
to jump off a porch. He had only been a year in this country.
He was tired of living. He said that a little while before with
another boy he had once planned to kill himself. The mother
was dead, and the father having a hard time making a living
for the children. The immediate cause of his present suicidal
impulse was that he was lying on the floor when another boy
jumped over him back and forth. In the old country there is a
superstition that if this is done the person jmnped over will
never grow any more.

" I was tired for my life. That boy he did not think. I said
myself what have I done. God, He don't like me. I never grow
any more." " I started to hang myself. I saw it in moving
pictures, in a show, in New York a year ago."

It seems that at this impressionable period, just after landing,
this boy was taken to moving picture shows in New York. We
asked for a description of just what he had seen there and in
response obtained a most dramatic story of a suicide by hanging.

347

§ 233] MENTAL IMAGERY — MENTAL HABIT [Chap. IX

Accompanied by gestures, this little lad, who used good English
considering his age and his short time in this country, gave an
extraordinarily vivid account of those pictures seen long ago.
They had been in his mind frequently ever since. He remembered
them (he says he saw them) every night. The story was that
of a poor fellow who killed a rich man for his money, and who
then felt remorse, which grew upon him from day to day, until
finally as he was walking along he saw a rope dangling from a
tree. In this he made a noose and hanged himself. The appre-
ciation of the feeling of remorse and of disgust with life on the
part of our little boy was extraordinary. The climax was reached
when he walked out on the porch of his house in a depressed
mood, and saw a rope, which was used to haul up things with,
swinging just as it had swung in the moving pictures.

Mental Imagery obsessive.

Case 60.

Pernicious Moving Pictures.

Boy, age 8.

Family conditions

: Mother dead.
Poverty.
Recent immigration.

Superstition:

folk lore.

Attempted
suicide.

Mental ability:
Supernormal.

Another boy who is much of a thief tells us that when he wants
anything he has seen he keeps thinking about it, and " lays for
it " until he gets a chance to steal it. This is also a boy with
very defective vision. To what extent such mental content par-
takes of ideation rather than imagery we are unable to say.

The mental imagery developed during the mental idlenesses of
prison life we may barely mention. An expert professional main-
tains that a great deal of the criminal's time is taken up with
such mental processes. In numerous cases we have had intima-
tion that one of the chief results of incarceration was the de-
velopment of this side of mental life. One bright young man
who came from an atrocious environment, and who had been
already as a boy committed several times, maintains, " When-
ever you have a chance to talk with the fellows in such places,
it is always about what you '11 do when you get a chance on the
outside." Evidently the reaction is that many a fellow feels

348

Chap. IX] MENTAL HABIT [§ 234

himself delinquent among delinquents, and so proceeds to boast
about his misdeeds, and build up more imagery and imagination
centered on the same subject. We have little doubt but that psy-
chologists might discover in this field facts which would prove
of the greatest value for the development of a real science of
penal treatment.

The necessities and possibilities of treatment of cases where
mental imagery is obsessional or perniciously active we have
attempted to connote all through this discussion. The need for
understanding the facts and individualizing the treatment should
be manifest.

§ 234, Criminalistic Mental Habit.

Quite in contradistinction to the many psychologists who have
written on the ethical import of habit, students of criminalistic
etiology strangely have paid little attention to mental habit as
a drixdng force. Rarely one sees hints, as in Tarde's work (l22,
p. 266), that criminals may remain such because of habit forma-
tion, but we have found no elaboration of the subject. In police
circles nothing is better recognized than the force of criminalistic
habit, because of its intensely practical bearings. The well-known
return of the offender to the old scene, to the old type of mis-
deed, to renewal of life with former companions; the engaging
in prior occupations, the succumbing to temptations which
previously won the day, are all evidences of deep-seated psy-
chological laws.

Possibly the usual conception of the etiology of delinquency
takes the fact of habit for granted and sees no need for specific-
ally discussing it. If so, this suggests the old saying about
not being able to see the forest for the trees. In reality criminal-
istic habit is so important that it should form a subject for prime
consideration. In rendering a prognosis, logically based, as it
should be, upon etiology, the possession and the susceptibility
to anti-social mental and physical habits should be, whenever
possible, taken into account. In our own case studies we, too,
have often committed the sin of omission, and probably have
undervalued estimation of habit by not enumerating it as a main
causative factor. However, the subtle difficulties of getting at
the mental insides of an individual, and knowing what part men-
tal habit plays, preclude the matter from being proportionately
or statistically treated. Of course, back of habit formation stand

349

§ 234] MENTAL IMAGERY — MENTAL HABIT [Chap IX

prior experiences; it is directly these, as well as personal pecul-
iarities which may render formation of habits easy, that we have
specially studied. In the result known as bad conduct, what
proportion is the effect of the causative factors we enumerate,
and what part is the effect of habit, it would always be difficult
to say.

Other practical workers besides the police have a clear under-
standpg of the power of habit in offenders. Perception of this
psychological law is one of the foundations of real reformatory
treatment. No one has seen this any better than Brockway
(333, p. 27), who laid great stress on the effect of habit in pro-
ducing crime and on the value of the formation of new habits
for altering behavior tendencies.

Every one active in the field of criminalistics should be famil-
iar with James' (334) famous chapter on habit. The bearings
upon conduct are also forcefully elaborated by Angell (335):
" The man who has been vicious all his life is hardly free to be-
come virtuous, and the virtuous man is in a kind of bondage to
righteousness. . . . No one can overestimate the ethical im-
portance of habit." When it comes to evaluating the part which
habit plays in conduct, as we have said, it depends on many per-
sonal and environmental conditions. Thorndyke (336, p. 205)
says, " The likelihood that any mental state or act will occur
in response to any situation is in proportion to the closeness of
its inborn (instinct) connection therewith, to the frequency
of the connection therewith, and to the amount of satisfaction
resulting." In a broad generalization, for the sake of empha-
sizing the importance of habit formation, Yerkes (284, p. 401)
states, " Something like one-third of olir lives is instinct, as
much is habit, and the remainder is in process of becoming the
one or the other." All summed up, we may be sure that what
James calls the habit-worn paths of association forms a very
deep consideration for students of criminalistics.^

The phases of our investigation which seem to show most
clearly the preponderating effect of mental habit, have been

1 Knowledge of the fact and laws of habit-formation rests partly upon
discoveries of the mechanisms of the nervous system, as weU as on evidence
drawn directly from the content and result of mental life. One can with
correctness speak literally of paths worn in the nervous system so that the
travel of impulses is easier than via other routes. The interesting attempt of
Max Meyer (337) to formulate the principles of social science upon the laws
of the functioning of the central nervous system brings in at many turns
the result of groove-wearing or habit formation.

350

Chap. IX] MENTAL HABIT [§ 234

those concerned with the following phenomena, all of which are
discussed elsewhere in this volume: INIental imagery; associa-
tion with bad companions; the use of stimulants; the cultivated
craving for exciting literature, for shows and adventure; the
indulgence in sex habits; the development of certain definite
attitudes of mind, such as that of grudge formation. But every-
where vre see danger in generalization. Unquestionably certain
types of individuals are much more prone to develop automa-
tisms of conduct than are othei-s. How to evaluate this fact
for purposes of treatment is almost beyond us at present. One
could conceive of vitally important studies along this line being
carried out in reformatories for young individuals. All psychol-
ogists insist on the great advantages of dealing early with the
habit formations. The general point for us to remember is that
acts once done are, other things being equal, prone to be re-
peated.

If we were writing a work on treatment, all the considerations
which center about habit formation perhaps would form one of
our main theses. A vital question in handling offendei-s is how
to induce such a new set of habitual reactions towards environ-
mental conditions that the tendency shall not be towards mis-
behavior. Any one who is undertaking this should be acquainted
with what psychological students of the subject have had to say
about the most effective methods of procedure.

There is hardly necessity at this point for presenting from the
case histories the isolated facts which have to do with mental
habit. Certainly nearly all show the phenomenon in some
way. The objective evidences of the influence of habit are
multitudinous. The offender is sailing along smoothly until
he meets a former companion in offense, and instantly both re-
vert to contemplation of misdeeds — by force of quick renewal
of old associations, mental habits. Another says, " I can't keep
out of that place. Whenever I go down the street I just have
to go in." One young man tells us, " All this is just a crazy habit
of mine." A girl states that she simply can't keep away from
such and such thoughts. And so it goes. Many illustrations of
the effects of habit formation are either stated or intimated in
our case histories.

351

§ 235] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

CHAPTER X
Mental Conflicts and Repressions

§ 235. General Statement. § 236. Nature of Mental Conflicts. § 237. Types
of Delinquency which Ensue. § 238. Success or Failure in Treatment.
§ 239. Our Material. § 240. Causes of Mental Conflicts. § 241. Illus-
trative Cases.

§ 235. General Statement. — The greatest interest and im-
portance are to be attached to certain sharply out-standing facts
in the realm of criminalistic genetics which are best discussed
under the head of mental conflicts and repressions. That con-
siderable subtlety of mental processes is uncovered by the
concrete findings should not deter either students or practical
workers; it is to be always remembered that when we deal with
conduct we have in hand direct expression of mental life, and the
recesses and mechanics of mental activity are more complex, subtle
and profound than has ever been measured. In this chapter
we are not indicating the necessity for examination of any-
thing like the mental depths which professionally have been drawn
upon for the relief of mental and nervous symptoms. Our sub-
tleties are, after all, comparatively shallow, but the tremendous
force and effect upon conduct of some of even these less deeply
hidden mental states have only once to be witnessed to be un-
forgettably appreciated. We have gone very slowly, and waited
for much demonstration in our own work, despite some ap-
parently extraordinary assertions from European sources, be-
fore definitely reaching conclusions for ourselves, and as yet
are only willing to state what concrete facts and practical out-
comes have taught us. But this is enough to show that under
the shadow of conflict in hidden mental life many a criminalistic
tendency is born.

To assert that the sole cause of development of delinquent
tendencies in the cases under the present category has always
been the mental conflict, is beyond our intention. Undoubtedly
the hypersensitive temperament, or the slight tendency to mental
instability — adolescent or constitutional — or the minor defect in
the realm of will or apperception, or a weakness in heredity, all

352

Chap. X] NATURE OF MENTAL CONFLICTS [§ 236

of which factors we have discovered in various cases, may be a
predisposing cause. And yet most of the cases have shown an
effect and a reaction which might well, " but for the grace of
God," have been duplicated in many a one of us. Certain it is
that some of the delinquents whom we have observed to be vic-
tims of this type of cause, have been those who in other ways
have shown high characteristics, and that they have often strug-
gled against what, to their inner view, was a worse form of delin-
quency than the one to which they gave way.

§ 236. Nature of Mental Conflicts. — A mental conflict
presupposes, of course, some emotional disturbance, or else
there would be no opposition between different elements of
mental content or activity. Since nothing, by the innermost
nature of animate beings, so stirs emotion as the affairs of sex
life, taking this term in its broadest sense, it is to be presup-
posed that we should find most cases of mental conflict to be
about hidden sex thoughts or imageries, and inner or environ-
mental sex experiences. And so we have found it, but by no
means all of our cases have had sex experiences themselves as
an immediate basis of conflict. For the specialist I may say
that the sufficiency of going only as far as this immediate basis,
at least in many cases, is witnessed by successful outcomes.
Our conscious limitations, as well as other important considera-
tions for study of this type of case, we have discussed under
Psychoanalysis, § 85, in our chapter on methods.

It is true that nearly all of the mental conflicts which have
been brought to our attention in girls and young women have
centered on unfortunate aspects of the sex problem, sometimes,
to be sure, existing only as matters of conceptual mental activ-
ity. Considering the usual suppressed attitude in these mat-
ters, following what society, and perhaps nature, would seem to
regard as the part of womankind, this is not to be wondered at.
In the opposite sex, it may be oftenest this theme, but there are,
nevertheless, many other immediate causes of mental conflict.
There are questionings of parentage, and of position in the world,
and experiences of treatment by those who are bound by family
ties — all of which may cause unfortunate shock, and uncon-
scious inner strife and reaction.

The obsessional mental imageries that sometimes overpower
the will to do right, often cause much mental perturbation and
conflict, as do certain other objective forms of human experi-

353

§ 236] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

ence, but on account of their peculiar social bearings these causes
are dwelt on elsewhere. Of course many of thfe points brought
out in this section have social significance, for instance, the wide-
spread and often morally fatal neglect of precautionary mental
sanitation on the part of parents, who often leave children to
struggle alone or amid bad companionship with vilest intro-
ductions to the most wonderful, vital, and emotion-producing
phenomena of life. The concealment of family relationship,
such as the child's actual parentage, and the temporary mis-
representative withholding of deep-striking facts from young in-
dividuals who eventually will learn the truth, we perceive also
to be matters of great concern.

§ 237. Types of Delinquency which Ensue. — Many types
of delinquencies, it will be noted, are committed by sufferers from
these conflicts under consideration. The conflict about sex
does not always lead to sex transgressions; indeed, one of our
main theses concerning this w^hole subject is that there are sub-
stitution delinquencies. The individual gets relief, as it were,
perhaps quite subconsciously, by entering into misdeeds which
may seem altogether less reprehensible than gaining experience
in the manner dwelt on inwardly. This fact comes out again
and again in our case studies. A directly meaningful relation-
ship has been suggested between the kind of delinquency, even
of the given objects figuring in the delinquent act, and the
content of the mental conflict, but we have found little in this
for us scientifically, and for practical treatment of the cases
nothing at all. Mental conflict as seen in our numerous cases
may find expression in truancy, all sorts of stealing — 'the most
exaggerated cases we have ever seen, sleeping out nights, run-
ning away from home entirely, display of great temper and
insubordination, setting fires, and so on. To note the wide
range of substitution or relief possibilities is of practical impor-
tance for interpretation and understanding. A curious feature
of much of this conduct is the readiness with which trouble
from it may be expected — actual suffering encountered by the
offender is sometimes great, and yet delinquencies are repeated.
Every case of delinquency showing repetition of such readily
foreseeable suffering should be regarded as a proper subject
for the most careful study.

The importance of mental conflict as a factor, often effective
in individuals and careers otherwise normal, is easily seen from

354

Chap. X] OUR MATERIAL [§ 239

our case histories. This importance is simply that of any factor
which gradiialh' creates a criminahstic habit of mind; in the
train of continued misdeeds come all the usual evils of per-
nicious habit formation, and also many of the social disadvan-
tages which accrue through disapprobation expressed by other
people. We can easily picture the steady growth from these
beginnings of a whole long career of criminalism. The growth
of a criminalistic tendency from mental conflict as a first nucleus
seems especially prone to carry with it development of that
peculiarly stubborn obstruction to reform which we have else-
where mentioned, an anti-social, grudge-like attitude.

§ 238. Success or Failure in Treatment. — The success or
failure of treatment in any one of these cases depends on several
important considerations. No doubt the exploration, or bring-
ing clearly to the offender's mind the innermost cause of his
mistendencies, is the greatest single step towards a cure, but most
often that is not enough. We know of failures — thoroughly
predictable, however — after this exploration, as well as successes.
Conditions must be right for the reconstruction of mental habits,
and the path must be cleared as much as possible of material
which awakens old associations. In young people, who cannot
command their own environment, a vast deal depends on the
intelligent cooperation of relatives. Unfortunately the matter
is sometimes too deep for their poor understanding, and even
after they learn the facts, little can be accomplished in the old
environment. The joy of success, however, has resulted from
sincere efforts of relatives in other cases.

§ 239. Our Material. — Out of the wealth of material from
which we have learned our facts it is necessary to give space only
to a few tx^pical cases, but these are chosen as representative of
the relationship of mental conflict to criminalism. There are
many details in some of the cases which we are glad to spare as
properly belonging only to technical medico-psychological dis-
cussion— the omissions will not dim the significance of the main
facts. Some of our conflict cases have shown distinct hysterical
phenomena — these types are treated under another head.
The relationship of the childhood experience to the possible
adult career may be readily appreciated in our case studies; some
of our instances are, indeed, young adults, but the freshness and
comparative ease of the findings in younger individuals leads
us to dwell mostly on the latter.

355

§ 240] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

§ 240; Causes of Mental Conflicts. — Hidden mental con-
flicts may rise, obviously, from any strong emotion-producing
experience or thought which is repressed. We have previously
dwelt, under the head of Psychoanalysis (§ 85), on the cardinal
features of mental conflicts. Leaving out of account, as we have
attempted everywhere to do, mere theoretical considerations,
we find certain types of experience and of mental content to be
of vast importance in the development of mental conflicts which
lead to anti-social acts and attitudes.^ Without in any way
believing ourselves to exhaust the field by so doing, we may
name the following main causes of mental conflict and repres-
sion as we have found them in the background of certain cases
of criminality. Most of these causes are sufficiently illustrated
by the cases we cite.

(a) Uncertainty, on the part of the child, concerning parentage,
is a prolific source of deep-seated emotional disturbance, and,
as we find the facts, the reaction maj^ be towards a career of mis-
doing. The various forms of jealousy centered about a step-
parent may also lead in the same direction.

(6) Deceit iand lies on the part of those presumably most
to be trusted, is another cause of deep emotional and moral
upset.

(c) The various features of sex life, themselves the most emo-
tion-provoking of all human experiences or aspects of mental
life, naturally prove to be the most frequent cause of conflict.
It is most important to note that very often it is not at all the
early awakening of sex instincts themselves, or any physical
sensation or activity that causes the trouble in childhood. It
may be, rather, merely the mental representation of subjects
shrouded in mystery, revelations of which have been gained
from things seen or things heard. There may be a strong strug-
gle against invitation from within or from without to express
one's self in language or action as others do in these affairs. In
such cases it is a universal rule that there has not been wholesome
freedom of speech with those who ought to be confided in about
these matters. The young individual has been left to gain its
understanding and fight its battles alone, amid the silence of
the world of authority on this most vital topic, which involves

1 The rapidly growing literature on the subject of mental conflicts shows
many indications of the relationship of the phenomena to criminalistic con-
duct. We have already noted, § 85, the main contributions; very little that
has been written so far is specifically devoted to the origins of criminalism.

356

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

even the beginnings of life itself. The mysterious has great
power to create strong impressions and strong reactions.

It seems from our findings as if normal curiosity on these vital
topics once aroused is not to be thwarted except by unfortunate
mental repressions that may loom large as causes of misbehavior.
The peculiar attitude of modern civilization in covering up these
things, on the one hand, and, through many aspects of our grega-
rious life, on the other hand, stimulating the curiosity as well as
the instincts, constantly tends to incite this cause of conflict.
Full appreciation of the varieties of these causes, and the mani-
fold effects of such mental conflict, can only be obtained by
careful study of pertinent case histories.

(d) Sensitive and fine natures may be thrown into much mental
and moral perturbation by harsh treatment and false accusations
on the part of those from whom affection and protection and
guardianship is naturally expected. We have seen several cases
of this kind.

(e) Deeply hidden emotions may be stirred to the point of
unconsciously seeking reaction in misconduct through still other
and less common causes. As instances we might give homesick-
ness; ^ teasing on account of speech defect or lack of control of
the bladder, with the consequent shame of being in company,
whether at school or elsewhere; and so on. Sometimes the re-
sults are very serious, inasmuch as an extremely vindictive social
attitude may be assumed.

§ 241. Illustrative Cases. — Case 61. — The beginnings of de-
linquency are most plainly laid bare in the instance of a 10-year-
old boy, coming from unusually fine parents, both of them strong
people both mentally and physically. This boy was brought
up in an Eastern college town, and already, at his tender age,
displayed most remarkable delinquent tendencies in the face of
excellent opportunities for wholesome mental occupation and
recreation at home and elsewhere.

Physically we found a strong healthy lad with no defect, and
free from any observed abnormalities, including over-develop-
ment. He was considered a strong and fearless leader in out-door

^ For some reason, homesickness, with its vaguely defined, but upsetting
symptomatology, appears to be a much more frequent cause of mental con-
flict in Europe than with us. An important contribution in German is by
Jasper (169) on Homesickness and Criminahty. Articles on the setting of
fires, Martin (170) and Reichel (171), and on a case of poisoning, Feisen-
berger (172), as the result of homesickness, bring out special points. Wil-
manns (173) has a paper on the relation of homesickness to impulsive insanity.

357

§ 241 J MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

sports. He had a firm type of face, large under jaw, an unusual
compression at times of lips that normally tended to protrude.

On the mental side he gave the good account of himself in our
tests that we expected from his school record — readily doing
with us what might be expected of a bright boy of his age, but
hardly showing good scholarship for the 5th grade, in which he
was. His achievements were not very rapid, but he did go
smoothly through the tests, and by responses to our information
questionnaire he gave evidence of a full range of healthy interests.

His development has been absolutely normal, indeed, un-
usually healthy. His ancestry is excellent, with one great-grand-
father who showed a great love for frontier life, and one uncle much
inclined to roving. The siblings of the boy himself were all most
normal, physically and mentally, and there has been not the
slightest moral difficulty with them.

The intelligent parents gave a detailed account of the delin-
quencies of their son, whom they felt to have the best kind of
stuff in him, but whom they could not understand. There had
been more or less trouble with him for a couple of years on ac-
count of various misdeeds, but for 6 months prior to our seeing
him the difficulties had greatly increased. It was known that
he steadily went with companions much older than himself.
This was largely attributed to his physical prowess and mental
advancement. He is a restless, active type; always affectionate
and obedient when with his father or mother, but a few minutes
after being scolded he would get into trouble again. Recently
there had been a moderate amount of truancy. There was some
lying about this and about other delinquencies, but the parents
felt they generally were told the truth. They knew he occasion-
ally indulged in profanity, that he engaged in quite a bit of steal-
ing at home, where he took money out of pockets and purses
and stole other things, and that he had also purloined various
articles from stores. Worse than all to these affectionate parents
was his running away. On one occasion he was out for two days
and nights, sleeping in a railroad yard with other boys. It seemed
very strange their boy should desire to undergo the hardships
of tramp life, when his own home surroundings offered him many
advantages for boyish pleasure and even for adventure.

As seen by us the boy proved to be quite cheerful, polite, and
soon responsive, showing definite desire to cooperate with us
in getting at the sources of his own troubles. This was notable

358

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§. 241

in his quickly expressed desire that he might get out of his home
town, even though in so doing he would have to break with his
boon companions. We struck in at this point,- and, after a little,
elicited information altogether beyond his parents' ken. It seems
the badness which they knew as characteristic of his companions
was not the badness which he dwelled on. It was not at all the
comradeship in adventure which drew him like a magnet, but
was altogether a much deeper affair. A couple of years before
this, these older boys had introduced him to the secrets of sex
life, teaching him to do things to himself, which he has largely
resisted, and engaging in bad sex affairs with him. Then, too,
a number of older ghls — the parents had spoken of there being
a remarkably dissolute crowd of both sexes in the town — he
had seen go with older boys into the woods, and he had followed
and watched them. After very quietly unfolding the facts with
us, he, evidently with a burst of bottled-up apperception, said
this was the real trouble, and he had never told anybody. The
secret affairs he had with these young toughs had led him to
stealing money, tobacco, and supplies from stores for the com-
pany life they had maintained. He had played truant to join
them. When he ran away he lived in a box car with them.

This boy's intelligent attitude led to the setting forth of
mental conflict as a cause more quickly than in any other case
we have seen. He explained to us how he dwelt on these affairs,
how he revolved over in his mind by day or by night what the
fellows had told him and what he had seen going on. He blushed
and even cried a little in telling what inroads it had made upon
the activities of his mind. The importance, the wonder, the
culpable secrecy of it all had deeply impressed him.

It seemed easy enough for us to set down the prognosis and
treatment. We stated that if this very convincing exploration of
the trouble was completely followed up by these vigorous and
intelligent parents there might well be success, and the definite
psychic trauma which this boy had experienced might largely
be obliterated. The parents should get completely into the con-
fidence of the boy to a much fuller extent than I had attempted.
They should remove him from the neighborhood and make every
effort to fill his mind with the healthiest occupations and thoughts.
This was what we set down.

The outcome, now after some years, can be told in a word.
The advised measures were carried out, and the well-marked

359

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

criminal tendencies were so completely checked that the state-
ment, made to us by the original complainants, was that the
boy had never again been delinquent.

One can feel pretty sure what would have been the outcome
of a case like the above without the discovery of the underlying
facts. With the growth of years, the sex practices, even with the
fight against them, and the tendency to repress the facts might
have grown much stronger, definite mental and physical habits
being formed about the old nucleus, and on top of all this a
criminal career might easily have been established.

Mental Conflict.

Case 61.

Early sex experiences.

Boy, 10 years.

Bad companions.

Truancy.

Runaway.

SteaHng.

Mental:
Good ability.

In our citation of case histories we have largely refrained from
dealing with careers of long standing because we have desired to
keep close to beginnings, and to show what may be done by the
discovery of beginnings. The result of treatment of causes is
only fairly to be evaluated when the auxiliary results of habit
formation and social discouragement do not block the way.
The following summary of a very long case history may be of-
fered, if there be any doubt that just such beginnings as are related
in the foregoing case often form the background of confirmed
criminal careers.

Case 62. — This story, much too long to detail here, concerns
a young man now serving a long term, whom we have known for
years, and in whose case we succeeded after long effort in analyzing
beginnings and causes of repetition of offenses. From our full
records we see that, except for defective vision, he could always
have been regarded as normal physically. We note, however,
that at the end of a previous two-year sentence he was in rather
poor condition, being anemic and flabby. At times his vision has
been corrected by glasses. In attitude and expression he has
become most unfortunately institutionalized.

Mentally, from our studies of him at various times, we have
never seen any reason to change our first opinion of him, namely,

360

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

that he was up to the ordinary for his social grade in abiHty and
information, and showed no aberrational tendencies.

We have what is probably fairly accurate information about
heredity. The father, a bright man mentally, w^as a hard drinker
and sexually immoral. He caused the mother much sorrow.
The paternal grandfather w^as alcoholic, as was also a paternal
uncle. One maternal uncle drank rather hard. Other facts of
heredity are apparently negative. Sisters and a brother of the
offender are stable, hard-working people. The mother was much
worried during this pregnancy on account of the father's drink-
ing and immoral habits.

As an infant this boy had many childish diseases, and once
was very low with cholera infantum. He had a fall and burn at
6 months which deeply affected the scalp, but there was never
the slightest evidence there was concussion or other brain in-
jury. After infancy his development was normal. At the pres-
ent time he is a fairly w^ell-developed man.

As a child of seven he was sent to a half-orphan asylum. He
was taken home at nine years and then soon became delinquent.
Since then he has been sent to reformatory institutions eight
times. The trouble began with truancy and petty stealing. He
has never been known to harm anybody, and the largest amount
he ever obtained by stealing was probably $35. He has stolen
money and many other articles. Sometimes the articles taken
were of little or no use to him, and recently on parole he jeopard-
ized his career by purloining the merest trifles. An account of all
these thefts would be in itself a long story.

On analysis, we find his whole delinquent career began at the
time he, green from the orphanage, was taken in hand by boys
Avho proceeded to enlighten him in vicious sex matters, and
teach him about stealing. Most remarkable it is that the life
of this fellow gives every evidence that he has preserved a large
share of his native modesty, and has never turned to sex immor-
alities. As, of course, most common in institutional life, he has
fallen into self-abuse, which he so early learned about, but it is
very remarkable that he has rejected opportunities for sex
affairs w^ith girls or women because, he says, he thought that
doing such things was not right. He feels a strong respect for
womankind.

The analysis of his frequent attacks, as it were, of stealing forms
a most interesting study. Taking it, event by event, one finds

361

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

there has always been at the center of each delinquent period
or series of acts a subconscious mental conflict involving the
young man's attitude towards sex questions. There has been,
as he expresses it, a certain mental mix-up or confusion, and the
facts show that some sort of rehef or off-set has been uncon-
sciously sought in the recourse to these minor delinquencies.

This marked reaction embodies as features: a feeUng of reck-
lessness, perhaps suddenly aroused; general bodily discomfort;
on some occasions, local sex excitement; vague, but inhibitory
perceptions of wrongfulness of illicit sex relationship; and a
desire to rush out of the ordinary rules and conditions of life.
The transferrence of feeling into impulse has never been thought
of, as such. Thinking back into each eventful period, the young
man digs out of memory his mental associations most clearly
for us. The relationship of the two forms of delinquency emerges
very sharply, and dates back to his earliest experiences with
both, involving a well-forged set of mental mechanisms.

One illustration must suffice of how with him delinquency
typically develops from a specific situation. One day as a wagon
boy he is delivering goods. He drives past a restaurant where
he sees in the window a young woman he knows. Ideas of her
flood his mind, he grows terrifically restless and uncomfortable.
He remembers that he thought he ought not to be thinking of
her in this way. Confusion grows with him, and after a little he
drives his horse into a byway, jumps down, ties it, and makes
off down town. He spends that day and the next most of the
$35 which he had collected for his employer. He goes to restau-
rants and theatres and a cheap hotel, but does not consort with
women. Indeed, he assures us he has never done the latter in all
his life. After a couple of days he returns to his mother very much
ashamed. They together go to the employer who forgives him,
and the fellow works faithfully for 3 months, paying back all
but a couple of dollars, when another stealing affair, developing
from the same sort of episode, lands him in jail.

Psychological interest centers around the girl in the affair.
This young man, whom we can vouch for as being rather attrac-
tive, modest, clean, quiet and not dissipated, had known her for
only a short time. She had evidently taken a fancy to him, and
the night before when he had taken her home, had made up to
him with kisses in the hall way. The sight of her set him all in
conflict and confusion.

362

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

It does not take any deep discernment to realize the inade-
quacies of court and penal treatment in such a case. Their fail-
ure speaks for itself. The punishment doled out is most curi-
ously out of all proportion to any harm done by the man, who
lives a life oTF decency quite above the average of city toughs
who do not get into jails. It is curious, too, to realize that if he
followed his instincts, as many do, he might do a thousand times
more harm to society than he has done, and yet probably little
or no cognizance would be taken of his deeds. Scientifically,
the origins of his whole career, and of the impulse to each dis-
crete delinquency are of the utmost interest. They bespeak the
possibility of practical treatment, at this late date, however,
made more difficult by habit formation and the several unto-
w^ard results of his being mishandled by society.

Mental Conflict. Case 62.

Developmental Conditions: Male, age 21.

Many illnesses.

Heredity: Father, alcoholic, immoral.

Paternal grandfather, alcoholic.
Paternal uncle, alcoholic.
Maternal uncle, alcoholic.

Injury: Head burn at 6 months.

Physical : Very defective vision.

Stealing -f . Mental:

Earlier runaway. Ability fair.

Case 63. — This is a case of most extravagant stealing on the
part of a girl of 14, indulged in for three or four years. The
stealing seemed to be almost a passion with her. We have ob-
served this case over a number of years, and would at once freely
confess it took us a year and a half to find out the nature of the
trouble, in spite of much study in a considerable number of inter-
views. The girl lived in a suburban town, and was repeatedly
brought to us by her parents before it was thought desirable to
remove her from her environment. Her people were fairly well
educated French Canadians, and kept a small shop. They were
moderately prosperous, so that the girl was always well enough
dressed, had ordinary educational advantages, and had no real
need for the things which she purloined. Some significant inci-

363

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

dent in her family life led to her experiencing a distinct mental
shock, as will be related below.

Physically we found a normally developed, well-nourished
girl with pleasant features and good color. We noted her frank
smile. Good strength. Some little complaint of headaches.
Dental conditions: enamel defective on all incisors and cuspids,
extending from a transverse line midway on the tooth to near
the cutting edge. But the enamel for the most part is preserved
on the cutting edge and no crescentic erosion is present. No
evidence of nervousness, except excessive biting of the finger
nails. No sensory defect detected.

On the mental side we soon found we had to deal with a normal
child. She did some of the more difficult tests quickly and with
slight errors. Not at all suggestible. Information on school
topics quite normal. The record on tests seems unnecessary to
give, because of the uniformly good performance. She was ac-
customed to playing children's games and seemed to have plenty
of healthy mental interests. (In the succeeding years she has
made her way through school in quite the usual manner and has
developed very well physically.)

We have never learned of defective heredity in this case. The
family are neat and clean, and of a good French type. Our infor-
mation comes partly from the father and partly from the step-
mother, who knew the own mother's family when they all lived in
Montreal. There were two children by the first wife. The father
is rather an easy-going type, somewhat complained of by the
step-mother because he does not back her up in discipline and
does not always stick to the hard facts in the case. The own
mother died shortly after this child was born, suffering from a
chronic illness, perhaps cancer. In fact, at the time of the birth
the mother was in Paris undergoing treatment. The other child,
a brother, is about three years older and has been the source of
considerable trouble himself, and had to be sent away to an in-
stitution on account of delinquency. He later did better, and
during the time we have known the family has shown himself
to be an entirely reformed character.

Home conditions have been good, except for little bickerings
about this girl's conduct, and except for certain unfortunate
hidden influences which the brother and step-mother have had
upon the girl. When first seen by us, the step-mother was still
keeping up the farce of pretending to be the girl's own mother.

364

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

She had never told her anything to the contrary, and did not
know whether the girl knew or not. Another fact that had
complicated the situation, was that the brother had been left
in Montreal with the grandparents, and this girl had never even
been told she had a brother, until he suddenly appeared on the
scene when she was about seven years of age. All this was done
purposely so the girl might grow up in full affection for her
supposed mother.

To give a catalog of the things stolen by this girl in these
several years between ten and fourteen, would require consider-
able space. She had taken many things from home and from
other relatives. She had taken books from the school and tried
to sell them. She had stolen money and bought presents for other
girls with it. She had stolen money from playmates, as well as
skates, ribbons and many small things. She took from a store
expensive jewelry which was later found on her person. On a
number of occasions she spent money freely on her playmates,
and nobody could find out whence it came. Her predilection
in this direction can be well illustrated by something that took
place when she was indirectly under our observation. She was
placed in a certain home for trial, and purloined articles from
here to take to her own home when she made a visit, and then
took articles from her own home back to the other place. For
a man of moderate means, her father had had to spend a consid-
erable sum in making good the articles she had stolen, but often
she had been so clever that no one knew from whom she had
gotten her money.

At times with us the girl would say she was extremely sorry
she had taken various things and would freely acknowledge the
fact, and again, although all were just as certain of other things
taken, she would indignantly deny the accusation, looking one
straight in the face with tears in her eyes. At other interviews
these perhaps earlier denied delinquencies would be acknowl-
edged. Suspecting from the first that there was something
peculiar in the case, we tried over and over again to get at the
facts. Since the brother had been in the habit of stealing, it
seemed to be clear to the step-mother's mind that it was a case
of heredity, and it was alleged that the girl's own mother had
been accused of taking things, but we found the step-mother
really knew very little about this and the father nothing at all.
Therefore we were never willing to put this down as a causative

365

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

factor. We readily found there had been considerable mental
repression on the part of the girl because she had years ago heard
from a cousin that her own mother was deaH. The step-mother
when approached on the subject foolishly denied it to her over
and over. Then the brother substantiated the girl's belief, and
she grew up to believe it as a sort of harmless lie, acknowledging
the step-mother, on the whole, to be very good to her.

The girl always indignantly refused to admit to anybody that
she had ever had anything more than the barest inkling of sex
affairs, and so one never felt justified in attempting to get any-
thing more than this information. The case from a scientific
standpoint quite lapsed until the girl was placed in a certain un-
usually good environment and stopped her stealing. Then she
was asked by us why she had stopped stealing, and to our aston-
ishment she at once began to explore for us the true causative
factors in her case.

Her naive and unexpected first statement on this occasion was
that she had stopped stealing because she did not hear any of
the bad words in her new place that she did in her home neigh-
borhood among the children. Then it gradually came out that
she had never had an honest interview before with us. She de-
finitely stated this, saying, " I did not know you wanted to know
about these things." Just before this when asked if she yet un-
derstood what made her steal so excessively she reiterated the
statement made to us many times previously, namely, she sup-
posed she stole because her own mother stole. (Of course this
was what she had heard by way of explanation from her step-
mother.) As this girl's story unfolded we learned that her first
knowledge of stealing came with a shock. One day her father
said he was going to take her to the station to meet her brother,
and she did not even know she had one. She wondered a great
deal about him, and in some sort of way it made her feel very
queer. They apparently became companions at once and she
was with him one day when he stole doughnuts in a bakery,
also when he stole other things, and was also with him one day
when a policeman took him. She remembers he was very sneak-
ing in these ways, that he used to run away from home, and she
used to feel she could shame him, but now " it 's strange that he
is the good one and can shame me."

She remarks that she is a girl who thinks before she speaks,
that she has always "been to herself," and has never liked to

366

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

talk about her own feelings and thoughts. It was about the time
the brother was stealing that she first began to hear about sex
things, and she says she was very inquisitive about these things,
and asked many questions, and these ideas came up in her mind
a great deal. But she repressed them, only once going to her
mother about them. She heard more of these things day by
day until she went to her present surroundings. She has heard
so much about it that a great many " thoughts about boys and
like that " came up in her mind. She has tried very hard not
to think of these things, but the}' have come up quite often, per-
haps not every day, and she always had to contend against it.
It grew on her until she became quite nervous about it.

There can be but little doubt from her physical condition,
her demeanor and her general reputation in the various homes
in which we have known her, that she has kept her sex inclina-
tions to herself, and that in all probability she has not engaged
in bad habits to any extent, if at all. She explicitly denies it.
The great interest in the case lies in the fact that she had her
introduction to two delinquencies at the same time in her life.
She has always felt herself to be at heart a nice girl, and says
she has fought so hard against the one delinquency. She extrava-
gantly gave way to the other, but now has been able to conquer
her tendency to stealing in an environment which decreased
unwholesome sex suggestions. It is of the utmost interest to
know that in spite of our long failure to learn causes this girl
finally did introspect for us, showing an example of self -explora-
tion and self-understanding. The result of breaking up old
mental association processes has been a complete cessation, now
for two years, of her most extraordinary indulgence in stealing.

Mental conflict.

Case 63.

Parental mismanagement.

Girl, 14 years.

Developmental conditions:

During antenatal period mother
chronic mortal illness.

Steahng ^- +.

Mental:
Fair abihty.

Case 64. — This case in its naive expression of substitution
phenomena is highly instructive. It concerns a boy 13 years old.

367

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

On the physical side we find him to be rather poorly developed
and nourished. Weight 90 lbs. Height, 4 ft. 11 in. Nice-look-
ing boy with regular pleasant features and responsive normal ex-
pression. Has decidedly defective vision in one eye, but in the
other vision is normal. No other findings of importance.

On the mental side it was easy to find he was well up to the
ordinary in ability, and that his talents were considerably ahead
of his social advantages. From the tests and his own account it
was plain there had been little adaption of his school work to
the needs of a bright boy. On account of changing from country
to city schools, he was still only in 5th grade. No aberrant
tendencies were noted in any way. The tests were done uniformly
well, although not with great brilliancy. His conversation was
thoroughly coherent.

Both father and mother are dead. The history obtained from
relatives is, that there was a very alcoholic father, a man who
never seemed to realize the seriousness of his own actions. These
intelligent people are sure there has been no insanity, epilepsj^
or feeblemindedness on either side. During pregnancy the
mother is said to have been much worried because of the drink-
ing of the husband, and is said to have been actually in want.
The relatives make a good deal of the fact that at different
times she used to take little thing's for herself from their house —
a very natural proceeding, it would seem, after all, considering
her straits. The developmental history, as far as known, is
absolutely negative. These people, who have always been in
more or less intimate connection with the family, have never
heard of any severe illness, injury or convulsions. There is a
normal sister who has given no trouble.

The delinquencies have been centered about excessive stealing,
most of which has been done in his own home. There was some
complaint in school, but only on account of mischief and poor
attention. Lying has only been in regard to stealing. At times
he is very penitent for what he has done.

We found a very frank and pleasant boy, who seemed in a
normal boyish fashion not to be given at all to introspection,
and not at all conscious of the connecting links of his career. On
inquiry it seems that practically all his stealing is connected
with the idea of bartering and trading. (His relatives told of
his taking articles of jewelry and all sorts of things which he
gives away or sells for small sums of money, sometimes receiving

368

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

only a small amount of candy for them. He has never taken money
except in small sums.) He at once says, " It 's that crazy idea of
trading that I 've got."

Attempting to trace back this idea of trading leads us to im-
portant discoveries. It appears that some 3 or 4 years ago when
they lived in a rural community, and he was of course a very
young boy, the older fellows engaged very extensively in barter-
ing and selling among themselves, but he was too young to en-
gage much in this. On one occasion he had an old watch which
he bartered, but that was practically the only thing. However,
these boys out there were accustomed to engage in pernicious
practices and initiated the little boys, as they called it. " No-
body ever told me bad things before, and there everybody did.
They were big boys. INIost every other word they said was bad.
They did it once to me. Sure, I wondered, and I said bad words,
too, when I got mad. They would tell stories about bad things.
It comes up in my mind. I never saw any bad pictures, and
never read anything bad, and there were no bad girls. When I
first came here to Chicago, I was thinking about the boys out
there. Yes, they got me to do bad things, but I quit when I
came to Chicago. I did not take things at the farm — no money
or jewelry — nothing except the old watch."

" Now it 's temptation or something. I just think about it.
Afterguards I feel sorry. If I see it, and it looks as if I could get
hold of it, I just take it. Give it to the other boys sometimes.
Took money, the most at one time was 25 cents. Took jewelry
and gave it to a boy. Would ask him what he would give for it.
Maybe he would give a dime or so. Would spend it on candy.
Went to nickel shows hardly at all."

" I hardly ever think about these bad things any more. Never
think about them when I take things. I guess it has got to be a
habit. Took little things at first. Thought it was no harm —
took apples maybe. Felt as if I wanted to steal, and when I
got the opportunity would take things if I could. I 've most
stopped doing these things the kids showed me out in the country.
I think I just about have stopped."

" I think it 's all because I got that trading idea out there. The
kids would bring things and say, ' What '11 you give me for it? '
They would bring a watch chain and a few other things. It was
the same kids that taught me other things. I think that 's what 's
the trouble. It 's like trading. The kids here talk bad stories

369

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND EEPRESSIONS [Chap. X

like the pther kids did. I never did anything bad with them.
Have no temptation to do it except when one crazy boy comes
jumping around."

When seen again the boy gave still clearer evidence of the
strange connection of this stealing with trading and sex prac-
tices. The boys who first taught him bad sex things and prac-
ticed bad sex things with him were the boys who had the trading
habit, and bartered or sold small articles. Now he takes things
from home and, in the same manner as these older boys used to
do, trades with the fellows in the neighborhood who do talk about
bad sex things, but have not done them with him. In the mean-
time he is conquering these bad habits. The situation used to
be; sex affairs with boys who bartered and traded; now it in-
volves his bartering and trading with boys who merely suggest
sex affairs.

It was later learned that no interest had ever been taken by
these distant relatives in the inner thoughts of this boy, and that
they were not in the least aware of his sex troubles — they merely
saw the obvious thing, namely, the stealing. Even now, with a
better outlook predictable, they refused to keep him longer.
For about a year the boy has been getting along all right in a new
home.

Mental conflict.

Case 64.

Early sex teaching.

Boy, 13 years.

Bad

companions.

Educational disadvantages.

Physical conditions :

Defective vision in one

eye.

Development:

Antenatal conditions bad.

Incorrigible in school.
Stealing -f.

Mental:
Fair ability.

Case 65. — A girl of German parentage, who when first seen
was a little over 10, for two years had been engaged in much
petty stealing. She had taken money and other things, not only
from her parents on repeated occasions, but also money and jewelry
from neighbors, and various things from school. She had already

370

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

stolen ill two schools, and been expelled. In spite of much threat-
ening of police, and reform school, and some whipping, and hav-
ing been given money regularly to spend, there had been no
improvement. She was said to be strong-willed, but not quick-
tempered, and to lie only in the matter of stealing. Her parents,
who are tj'pical, honest Germans of the artizan class, were at
their wit's end.

On the physical side we find her to be in good general con-
dition. There is nothing special to be noted except slight asym-
metry of chest.

On the mental side the girl is well up to the ordinary in ability
and information. The tests were all well done for her age, and her
information was much more extended than we expected, until
we learned it was a family accustomed to good reading and good
conversation. The result on school work was normal, indeed
her reputation for scholarship was good.

There was nothing significant about the ancestry. The father
is a quiet, religious man, and the mother is somewhat high-
tempered, but there was nothing else of significance learned.
During her infancy this child w^as very sickly, and long in a hospital
with pneumonia, measles, w^hooping cough and other children's
diseases. On account of these she was two years old before she
walked, but she began to talk well before that time. No enuresis
or evidence of any other physical trouble when we saw her.

Nothing in any way explanatory of this girl's persistent steal-
ing at first could be obtained. She is cleanly and extremely
modest, avoids vulgarity most carefully, is not quick-tempered,
likes picture shows in a normal way. She has a good voice,
and enjoys singing. She is very affectionate to parents. She
learns games quickly and enjoys them — in all ways seems to be a
normal, and very bright little girl.

In an attempt, after a couple of first interviews which brought
forth nothing, to get at the genesis of her stealing, very interest-
ing situations came to light. It seems that where the family
lived two years previously she had for a playmate a little boy.
She spoke of him with some vehemence, and after considerable
inquiry said that this boy long ago told her a lot of sex things
which she has never well understood, but which have been exces-
sively in her mind ever since. " That was a boy across the street
in X, who was not a good boy, but when a fellow comes over you
have to treat him nice. He swore before me and said awful ugly

371

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPEESSIONS [Chap. X

words. Papa threw a stick at him once. He started me on the
road to saying bad words." (The latter statement was especially
interesting since the parents had previously asserted she was
very modest and would never say even such words of slang as
were commonly indulged in by little girls.)

" He never did anything bad to me. He 's awM vulgar and
says bad things. I 've never said bad words to other people, but
I can't help thinking the words he said. He got me all mixed up.
I told mama about it once, that he was not a nice boy, but that 's
about all I ever said. His father did not support the family, and
used to just lie around. He told me bad things, or hinted them
to me, and mama told me never to listen to bad things."

Wlien asked whom she first knew that stole things she says,
" He 's taken many things of mine. I think that 's what started
me. And then up here I know a girl, and a boy goes with her,
and he told her a lot of bad things and she came and told me
about them right along. Oh, they are things I would not say.
These things come up in my mind often. Well, when I 'm in
school and have that headache I told you about, and sometimes
at night, and then I get all mixed up. They told me many bad
things like that, but when I think of them I just start away and
go away and that 's the only way I can get away from them.
When these things come up I forget all I 'm doing and get upset
and then sometimes I take things."

She assures us her papa and mama are good to her, and then
tells us how she would like a chain for her neck, even if it were
not a silver one, but would like one that looked like silver. She
then goes on with her story, and says nobody ever actually taught
her to do really bad sex things, and she does not do them, but it is
just the idea of these things that worries her. She repeats a
little piece of obscene poetry that she says comes up in her mind.
The rest of the story all hinges on the same point. " These
things come up to me when I am in school, and I can't study well.
I got all mixed up at P. school, too." (This was the school where
she stole.)

Corroboration was readily obtained from the parents in regard
to her boy friend and the character of his family, and also that
it was just when they came away from there that she began to
steal. It was very hard for these intelligent parents to believe
their little girl could be thinking of sex things when her demeanor
was so exceptionally calculated to make them believe she was

372

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

entirely innocent, as they thought. They knew she was modest
even to the extent of her not wishing any one to see her take her
bath. However, they fell quite in line and agreed to explore the
whole situation still farther.

The outcome of this case has proved the point, for from the
time of this first exploration of the trouble there has been in the
following three years a complete cessation of her old stealing.
The good mother took up the question of sex ^teaching with her
child, and found all the story to be true. Then with exploration
and much reconstructive work, keeping the girl's mind active
in school and at home, there has been full measure of success.
The child has developed well mentally, morally and physically.

No better example of mental conflict causing delinquency could
be found. There was the substitution of one form of misconduct
for another; the repressed type being the one really dwelled
on and obsessional, but considered as altogether too bad to be
engaged in.

Mental conflict.

Case 65.

Bad companions.

Girl, 10 years.

Steahng -\ — 1-.

Mental:
Good ability.

Case 66. — In another case, strikingly similar to the above,
with the exception that the girl was brought up by misguided
relatives who denied her help when she asked for it, remarkable
evidence of the association of ideas was obtained. The dynamic
quality of the associations centering about the companion who
taught both stealing and the strange, new facts of sex life, is
obvious in the following excerpt from the offender's statement
given when an analysis was attempted of what led up to the most
recent occasion of stealing.

" I was thinking about those words when I took the money
from my teacher. My teacher was putting on her hat, school was
over. There was just three girls with me. I had been thinking
those words. Sometimes when I 'm eating I think about Sam
and I think I hear him saying those words. It was in the after-
noon — we was having reading at 3 o'clock — we was reading
about a little boy and it said Sam, and it came up in my mind
about Sam S. and the words he said."

373

241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

Mental conflict. Case 66.

Bad companions. ^^^^' ^^ years.

Lack parental understanding.

Mother dead, ignorant grandmother.

Mental:
SteaUng + +. Good abihty.

These histories should conclusively demonstrate a certain type
of beginnings. If desirable we could add many data about
longer careers of pathological stealing, so-called kleptomania;^ per-
haps one short summary, however, of a study of an older person
will be sufficient here.

Case 67. — A young woman discovered in a series of thefts
was considered to be a case fit for study, rather than for handling
through the courts. After consulting with the family physician,
a considerable analysis was made of her career. On account of
her brilliant mental attainments, her present frank regard of
herself as a problem to be solved, and a curious autobiographical
caprice, which had long possessed her, the case was most satis-
factory and interesting to study. It turned out that the thieving
just then under consideration was a mere incident in a long career
of stealing. Perhaps hundreds of articles and many small sums
of money had been taken from home, shops, school and other
places. Some of the things were desired and were used, other
things were taken without thought of any possible value.

On one occasion she had taken, she told us, a mathematical
text book for which she had no conceivable use, and after walking
around the block she replaced it in the large book store from
whence it came. At times perfect orgies of stealing were engaged
in, and the articles taken were recorded carefully. It is a tribute to
this woman's powers that she always managed to evade detection.

The long-kept diaries, partly in cryptogram, we were fortu-
nate enough to be allowed to read. They were replete with self-
denunciation and vows for the future. Stolen articles were some-
times enumerated with the idea of paying back the values, and in-
deed we learned that this young woman had on occasions worked

1 The form of excessive stealing which is loosely termed kleptomania is
discussed properly in another place, § 366. Many, but by no means all,
among those who have a passion or special impulse to steal are the subjects
of hidden mental confhct, as dealt with in the present chapter.

374

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

hard for months at a time to get funds, which she sent anony-
mously to various business firms as conscience money. We
learned that after a quiescent period of months there might occur
outbursts of stealing. These were accompanied at least once or
twice with a short running away from home — under pretense
of going to friends, she would sleep somewhere out of doors. All
of this was evidently, at least sometimes, followed by a keen
sense of relief or even of peace, and later by attempts to repair the
damage done.

There had been markedly good health all through her life,
with considerable over-development earlier in adolescence.
Much was made of the relation of the impetuous outbreaks to
menstrual or pre-menstrual periods, but on closer observation
it was found that the two were not always synchronous. De-
velopment dm-ing infancy and childhood was probably quite
normal. The only fault we know of in heredity is the father's
sex immorality, a fact our patient has been acquainted with
from early years. Her brothers and sisters have turned out
well, both mentally and physically.

There were many indications in this case of deep-rooted mental
conflict, strongest proof of all being in the year-long records
kept by herself of her owm struggles. An early awakening of
sex impulses was accompanied by early experiences with stealing
as a hazardous and not unpleasant adventure. Later there was
sublimation of sex feelings into Platonic friendships, with only
occasional thie\dng. Still later there had been a reawakening of
vigorous sex instincts, a definite straightforward fight against
them, and the extraordinary outbreaks of stealing which we have
mentioned. Such is the shortest possible summary of this case.
With the establishment of the marriage relationship the impulse
to steal has been quite overcome now for a considerable period.

Mental coniiict.

Case 67.

Physical conditions:

early over-development,
early awakening sex impulses.

Woman, age 20.

Poor home control : an orphan.

Heredity: Father immoral.

Stealing excessive.
Runaway.

Mental:
High abilities.

375

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

Possibility of the development of an extreme anti-social atti-
tude and a most peculiar frame of mind as the result of a hidden
mental conflict is remarkably witnessed to by the following two
cases.

Case 68. — Some three years ago I was asked to study a case
by the judge of one of the smaller juvenile courts, a case which
had proved remarkably recalcitrant, and baffling to understand.
Coming and going through their city I had ample opportunity
to see this boy of 12 years many times and to get well acquainted
with his unusually pleasant mother, who regarded her boy as
a desperate problem. That the case so far has been a failure has
its lesson for us, equally with those in which there has been more
success. As an example of extensive grudge formation and
development of anti-social feeling at an early age, the study of
this case is most illuminating. We have studied the same phe-
nomena in older individuals, but nowhere have we found such
direct proof of the peculiar and largely preventable beginnings
which there may be in the background.

We saw at once that the opinion of the judge was correct— here
was a most peculiar lad, so far as his attitude towards the world
was concerned. According to his notion, nobody was his friend,
and the very kindliest advances were repulsed by him. This judge
is a man who can reach a boy if anybody can, and his court ad-
mits of much personal touch with offenders, but he acknowl-
edged himself an utter failure. We, too, had the same opinion
of our efforts even after several interviews, and no real under-
standing of the case was had, in spite of voluminous records of
facts, until several months afterwards when we visited him in a
certain reformatory institution, and we were able for the first
time to get at the foundations of his attitude.

This boy was born in Germany and we found him to be a
typical blond Teuton. Complete examination showed only the
following peculiarities. Poorly developed for his age. Weight
75 lbs. Height 4 ft. 7 in. One tonsil much enlarged. No sensory
defect. Slight phimosis which was soon afterward relieved by
circumcision. W^ell-shaped head. Teeth crowded, with little
room for those yet to be erupted. Eyes bright. Moderate biting
of finger nails. Strength fair and good expansion of chest. His
expression was remarkable; not exactly stubborn and defiant,
with the attitude of the bad boy of the street, but rather
blase, and altogether firm. With his small features, pug nose,

376

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

and firmly compressed straight mouth, he made a marked
picture.

Our study of the character of this boy has continued at in-
tervals over a long period. At the time when first asked to give
an opinion we had not succeeded in getting him to do the tests
— his being the only case in which they have not invoked interest.
He assumed a listless attitude, indifferently worked at this or
that, and finally said he could not do it. ^Vhen later he was asked
why he failed, he said he had not tried hard enough. This atti-
tude w^as characteristic. He had only advanced to the 4th grade,
and yet the feeling of his teachere was that this was due to per-
vereity rather than lack of ability.

From his mother and teachers we heard accounts of his school
life which, as his mother suggested, made one very sorry for his
teachers. He had been unwilling to make effort to learn, and
had interfered much with the teaching of others. He had even
struck some of his teachers. There had been much changing
about from school to school. A teacher experienced in the treat-
ment of offenders, who had him in charge when we first saw him,
gave me an enlightening account of his attitude. She gave him
a simple problem in arithmetic and he said he could not do it.
She told him to try. He did it wrong and she told him so, and
then he went over it some four times, showing it to her each time.
On each occasion he purposely copied it wrong, so as never to do
correctly her original example. At the same time when I asked
him his age he said he was 13, then later said he was born in 1900.
When I called his attention to the discrepancy, he shrugged his
shoulders and showed sullenness. When I again kindly inquired
he said, " I 'm 12. I 'm 11. I 'm 6." It was at this time that
two other experienced observers of boys informed me that they
felt very certain the boy was not right in his mind. They gave
as reasons his persistent anti-social attitude, his lying, bad be-
havior, and particularly the amount of trouble he got himself
into as the result of his assumed point of view.

The woman officer of the court, a most kindly personage, told
us this was the only case in which she, as well as the judge, had
utterly failed, and that the boy's whole attitude and behavior were
the most remarkable thing she had ever heard of. My impres-
sion from the start was that his frame of mind with its stubborn
recalcitrancy, instead of boyish defiance, was a very similar atti-
tude to what one has frequently observed in adult confirmed

377

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

offenders. Although the general opinion was that the boy was
insane, we could not find any typical symptoms of psychosis.

In the endeavor to break through his marked attitude in the
several interviews which we had in this first period, we noted it
was almost impossible to get him to drop for even a few minutes
his pose of perversity. The teacher at our request talked to
him about his very sweet little mother, and how she felt he was
almost sending her crazy by his actions. He merely tossed his
head with indifference. Never were we able to get out of him
the slightest show of sorrow. He grew neither angry nor sad.
Let alone in the school-room directly after a demonstration of
bad behavior, he took to reading a book and became thoroughly
absorbed, and later in industrial work he made a very pretty
cardboard house.

Before we stopped our first efforts we had ascertained from
him that he conceived the whole world to be doing him an injus-
tice. He was being railroaded through court, his mother did
not treat him right, the judge was a good enough man, but never-
theless the court simply sent boys away without caring for them in
the least. It was true he had stolen on numerous occasions and
run away and so on, but he had good reason to — he was so badly
treated. His mother wants to put hun away for his life-time. He
wants to live with his grandmother. We knew that he had pre-
viously told a lot of lies to the authorities, some of which had
given considerable trouble, particularly when he said he had
just come from relatives v/here they had scarlet fever, and that
he himself felt sick with sore throat and so on. He insisted on
the truth of this to me, although it had been found to be abso-
lutely untrue. He said there was no use talking to him, because
the court had made up its mind to put him away, and had done
so from the start — the only thing anybody could do for him
was to let him go free, that 's all he wanted. He willingly ac-
knowledged he had stolen from these very relatives to whom he
said he wanted to go. He seemed to think no one should have
any idea of disciplining or chiding him for anything he had ever
done.

At this time and later he wrote elaborate letters, telling of
many delinquencies which were not known to the authorities,
although most of them his mother said were true enough, and
endeavoring evidently to make himself out as bad a boy as he
really was. Sometimes in his letters he said he hoped to go home

378

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

and have a chance to be a better boy, but in general there was
very shght indication of any intention or promise to change in any
way his career.

The story of the very inteUigent mother was told at great length
at this time. She had conjectured all sorts of possibilities in
explanation of his remarkable behavior, which had grieved her
so terribly. She is a fairly well-educated, self-supporting, Ger-
man woman. Her husband died two years previously, leaving
her with three children. She knew her husband's family well.
She is absolutely positive there is no insanity, feebleminded-
ness, or epilepsy on either side. Her husband was a perfectly
healthy man. He was a moderate user of beer, but he was never
intoxicated. He was employed for nine years in a responsible
position as an engineer up to the time of his death, they having
just previously immigrated. He died of pneumonia. The two
eldest childen alive were born in the old country. The mother
is 40 years of age, and had eight children and one miscarriage.
The eldest is alive — a very bright boy who graduated from
grammar school before he was 12 years of age. Later he went
to high school, and always did well. He is a stable character.
Tlien came a still-birth, then a premature child, then our boy,
Victor, then three children who lived only a few minutes, then a
miscarriage, and then the third living child, now four years of
age, who is healthy. All the seven children born at full term
were taken with instruments. The eldest boy had convulsions
when teething, the youngest when he had bowel trouble, but
Victor never had any. During the pregnancy with Victor the
mother was healthy, but much worried because the paternal
grandfather had been involved in some trouble in the old country,
having done something dishonest, and had come over to them.
He was not in the least a regular criminal, but she was much
worried and has often wondered if this did not affect her boy.
The birth was particularly severe. The head was badly marked
from pressure but soon got over it. He walked at nine months.
He began baby talk at that time, but did not speak so that people
outside the family could understand him until he was six years
old. When first started at school he was sent home on this ac-
count, but by seven he had become a fluent talker. He has never
had any illness at all except through accidents. He once fell off
a wagon and broke his arm in a couple of places, and hurt his
foot. He recovered without trouble. At another time he fell

379

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

off the porch and remained practically unconscious all day long
from concussion — there were no bruises or cuts or any sign of
permanent injury.

They never had much trouble with Victor until he was about
10 years old, about the time his father died. Since then he is like
a wild and reckless animal. Previously he had made one grade
a year. The family have shown the utmost patience with him,
but his misdeeds have been a terrible list. He has stolen the
prized belongings of his dead father and sold them. He has been
a great truant in spite of much effort to prevent this. He goes
away some distance on the street cars, and sometimes is gone
as many as three nights at a time. Many times he has gotten money
in small amounts by misrepresentation. He has gone to the
neighbors and borrowed money to get medicine for an alleged
sick baby. There is no end of the stories he has told — they often
contain terrible details and have injured the mother's reputation.
He has recently taken to smoking. He is perfectly wild for coffee
— wants three or four cups for breakfast. He sits and sips it, and
when his mother is away he will make it for himself. He has a
most peculiar appetite. For instance, he will buy a quantity
of biscuits or cake, and sit out of doors, eat what he wants
and throw the rest away. The mother has been at much expense
for goods he has obtained at stores by misrepresentation. She
had him at one institution, but they did not want to keep him
and would not do so unless she would pay more than she could
afford. The boy is rather boastful about wrong things he has
done. The mother has never observed any bad sex habits al-
though she has had these in mind. As far as known, there are
no bad girls in the neighborhood, but there is one family of bad
boys with whom Victor has associated in the past. Mother ob-
serves that pitying him, the thing she is inclined to do, is the
worst thing for him, yet she has not succeeded by disciplining
him, nor has the eldest brother. Victor has done the most
heartless things. For instance, he has stolen the dearest belong-
ings of an orphan girl, relics of her parents, and buried them in
a pile of sand. Some of his stealing shows tremendous reckless-
ness. He took a valuable bicycle and in a short time sold it for
thirty-five cents.

He does not seem, whether at home or in the school-room, at
all like other children. All he seems to care for is a place to eat
and sleep. He never plays a game at home, although there are

380

Chap. X] ILLrSTHATIVE CASES [§ 241

many. He never touches any of the family books. Never looks
at pictures. ^Mien other boys and girls sing he never joins in
with them. Does not even read the funny pictures in the news-
papers. No one ever succeeded in making a friend or confidant
of him. They have a very kindly family physician who has taken
the boy on rides, given him money, and tried to win him, but
when his back is turned Victor scornfully laughs at the overtures.
In one of his lettei-s he boasted of having kicked a teacher in the
stomach and made her faint. He never wants to go to a matinee
or a picnic w^hen invited with other children. Has rejected many
offers for normal fun.

After going as far as this we said we could not give a fair
diagnosis nor prognosis. Although the biological and possible
causative factors seem to stand out so clearly, we felt there
might be much else that could account for his mental bias, and
w^e still felt we did not thoroughly understand the case and could
give no opinion either in regard to native ability or aberrational
tendencies.

In the succeeding months other opportunities came for gaining
further information. He was placed in a reformatory institution
wdiere we later saw him. After he had been there several months
a special trip was made to study this important case. We im-
pressed this fact on the boy and it rather seemed to be an opening
wedge into his good will. His behavior there had been quite
indifferent and he had had many demerits for various sorts of
recalcitrancy. He was now more or less willing to cooperate
with us on tests, although we felt at times that curious inhibitions
were at work preventing him from doing his best. The findings
were as follows:

Our own series:

On the Binet 12-year-old test the only failure is that he cannot give
a definition of the word charity nor of justice, although he has some
inkling of what they mean.

III. Done in 30" with 9 moves.

IV. Done in 35" with 11 moves — the minimum number of moves.

V. Worked entirely by trial and error method, pulling a little at
this and a little at that, and not following up any step even when he
had done it. He made no study of the problem, although he was told
to do so, but even by his blundering method he succeeded in 3' .

VI. 10 items on free recital with a moderately good record on cross-
examination. Only one, unimportant, suggestion out of 6 was accepted.

VII. Correct.

381

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

VIII. Only one error on reproduction and this he recognized as an
error, but strangely enough did not work by the process of elimina-
tion to get the only left over number in its place.

IX. Correct at first trial. (It is instructive to note that this simple
test was entirely failed on at a previous seance, the boy maintained
he could not understand it.)

X. Correct at first trial.

XI. This rather difficult test he did as far as writing the first word
in symbols, with only one error, and then insisted on giving up because
it was too hard — a strange performance, showing still some disincli-
nation to fall in with what was requested of him.

XII. The standard test in this case was not used on account of
his poor reading ability. A test with simpler words was done very
well with a correct sequence of ideas remembered.

XIII. Only 6 items out of the 12 given correctly and with some little
variation in the meaning. One felt very distinctly by the result the
boy was not trying.

XIV. Done correctly only at the f oiu-th trial. Very poor performance
and even then, on account of the difficulties with the fine work, he
required much encouragement.

XVII. Writes a very immature hand even for his age. Spells
most words correctly. He has been a good deal of a letter writer,
and his composition, while childlike, is not altogether bad.

XVIII. Never even learned the multiplication tables. Is very care-
less in his addition.

XIX. Reads simple passages all right, but his knowledge of the
longer words is very poor.

XXII. Reads neither books nor newspapers. Knows almost noth-
ing in history. Knows the ordinary sporting events of the day.
Knows the simplest of ideas about scientific things, but not much else.

The boy seemed much pleased when he did tests quickly and
correctly, but showed himself to have little continuity of purpose.
When he was seen this time, he was showing much more cheerfulness
than he had manifested before, and was even willing to smile a little.
We diagnosed his ability as fair, although even then he was not doing
well at the school in the institution. We felt, however, there was an
element of mental dullness from possibly other causes than his exces-
sive coffee drinking and recent smoking, and his story later showed this
to be the fact.

When we saw him at the institution he was willing for the
first time to give us some account of his own feelings towards
the world and how he happened to have them. He told of his own
bad behavior and demerits in the institution. He spoke in a very
low voice, but showed willing and pleasant responsiveness. Was
biting his finger nails a great deal. Asked about the beginnings
of his stealing, he gave us a story about neighbor boys whom he
used to know when he was seven or eight years old. They told

382

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

him much about thieving, and got him definitely .into the way
of stealing. I said to him that although he had proved such a
difficult problem people really were interested in him and in evi-
dence of this I had come a long distance to see him. He at once
plunged into the sex question. He said the boys who first taught
him stealing were the ones who told him the other things that had
been coming up in his mind ever since. He gave a very vivid
account of how by night and day their teachings had been with
him, and how he had never given way to doing the worst things
they had taught him, but had been engaged in sex habits by him-
self. He insists his sex troubles bothered him every night before
he went to sleep or when he waked up. He was particularly
bitter about the case of a little girl, which he told to us. She had
never said am-thing bad to him, nor had he ever seen her do any-
thing bad, and he always supposed she was a nice girl. Later
he came to know she did bad things with other boys. He has
thought a good deal about this ever since. Sometimes he wakes
up and thinks about it, sometimes he dreams about it, and dreams
he was the one doing bad with her. States that in school hours
it frequently came to his mind what these boys told him. Finally
got around to telling us he had really been indulging in sex prac-
tices frequently for a long time and doing it sometimes quite
excessively. His mother never said anything to him about it.
He seemed to think very definitely that this is the entire trouble
with him, and when seen at a second interview, he again reit-
erated the whole point.

It is interesting to note the boy's appearance did not partic-
ularly suggest his habits, and that no one had suspected them
heretofore. The boy gave some account of how secretive he had
been in the matter. As seen at the institution for the first time
tears came to his eyes and as I left he gave me a good clasp of
the hand, the first bit of friendly feeling I had ever heard of his
exhibiting toward any one. At this time it seemed the boy
really wanted to change, and felt he had expressed the real
nature of his trouble. It seemed without any question to be a
case of mental conflict in which the temptation to the worst
type of delinquency, namely, sex perversion and indulgence with
girls, had been steadily resisted, and that lesser misdeeds learned
at the same time, namely, self abuse and stealing had been freely
indulged in. He emphasized the point of how the boys had tried
to lead him into sex perversion, but he always fought them off.

383

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

We have every reason to believe this is true because his record
at the institution, both at this time and later, does not contain
the slightest evidence of any tendency in this direction.

There is little more that needs to be said in this case. As else-
where stated, reconstructive measures in such an instance is
necessary. The mother has never taken hold of the matter in
spite of our request for her to do so — she has never been willing
to take the trip to find out in detail what is necessary for under-
standing and treatment of such a case. In the interval since
we first saw him the boy has been in and out of institutions.
Since then he has had an admirable record in them. He is well
liked by others and works up to positions of responsibility. But
when tried at home the effect of old associations has been alto-
gether too much for him, especially since no parental aid to self-
restraint has been given. At each trial he has resumed stealing
and other delinquencies, then has been sent back to institutional
life, and at present is in an industrial school for boys.

Mental conflict. Case 68.

Early sex experiences. ^^y' ^se 12.

Bad companions.

Bad sex habits and fight against them.

Developmental :

Antenatal? Mother much worrying.
Natal: difficult birth.

Physical: Impacted teeth? Phimosis.
Poor development.

Runaway. Stimulants + Cofl"ee. Tobacco.

Stealing -|-. Mental:

Misrepresentations. Fair ability.

Case 69. — This is the case of a little girl of 10 who repeatedly
both stole and set fires. She was regarded by even her poor and
extremely ignorant parents as nothing short of a mystery and a
terrific problem. Poverty and delinquency have accompanied
her family life, her brothers have been delinquent, but the
viciousness of this little girl's behavior seemed to mark her as
well beyond the bounds of what the family was acquainted with.

We found a poorly-dressed, heavy-featured little Slavic girl.

384

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

Except for rather poor color and being tired looking, she was in
decidedly good general physical condition. No sensory defect.
We note she readily takes on a very worried look for such a little
gu'l, and in presence of her family her demeanor was seen to
be most stubborn. An elder sister who brought her exercised
the most motherly authority and seemed to be far the brightest
of the family. The parents are densely ignorant and do the most
menial work.

The mental examination of this girl proved to be altogether
interesting and important. She was only in the 2d grade, but
on account of frequent absence this perhaps meant little.

Mental tests: our own series:

I. 1' 45". At this first trial it was evident the girl was under the
spell of some inhibitions, for she persistently attempted impossible
placing of pieces.

III. 5' 38". 34 total moves. 12 impossibilities attempted and 12
repetitions of impossibilities. We gave this same test again after a
few minutes and she did it with no errors in 12".

IV. 5' 57". 67 moves.

V. Although naturally we should expect this test to be beyond the
child, she was given it in order to study her method. She made a
complete failure, and did not work on anything but the lock, except
when urged, and then returned immediately to it.

VII. Done with almost complete accuracy.

VIII. Done promptly and correctly.

IX. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Correct at 3d trial.

XI. Although this test was far beyond her it was given to see what
she would do. Had great difficulty in getting the idea, but could an-
alyze out a few of the sjmibols. Finally placed a good many more
sjTiibols than there were in the code passage.

XVII. Writes a fair hand for her age and was able to spell correctly,
"The cat ran away."

XVIII. Makes most of the simple number combinations correctly.
Often counted on her fingers.

XIX. In reading a 2d grade passage gets a number of the smaller
words incorrectly.

Results on Binet: all of 8-year tests correct. 9 years — 1, failure;
2 and 3, correct; 4, failure; 5, failure. 10 years — 2, correct;
3, failure; 4, failure; 5, correct.

The record of tests on this case must not be taken at face
value, for all the way through, many curious mental inhibitions
were evidently at work interfering with results. The girl would
stop during the progress of some test, and sit and run her thumb

385

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

in and out of her mouth, a habit she was much addicted to. In
some of the Binet questions her answers would be simply nothing,
or " I don't know." Study of her ability showed she was not
far subnormal, but there was evidence of aberrant conditions,
and until we heard more of the story finally from her own lips,
we had to regard her as a border-line mental case, showing possi-
ble symptoms of a psychosis. Our own judgment, rendered after
considerable study, that there was no proof of mental defect,
was apparently correct, for in the next year under better condi-
tions she advanced to 4th grade, now being 11 years old.

Account of ancestry, as far as obtainable, seems to show that
the girl comes of peculiarly long-lived families. There is said
to be no insanity or feeblemindedness or epilepsy on either side.
This girl was born when the father was decrepit, and about 65
years old. The mother is a hard-working woman. They are
not alcoholic, but are intensely ignorant. They have lived in a
crowded and vicious neighborhood, under poor housing condi-
tions. Perhaps this has accounted for the older delinquents in
the family, and perhaps for some school retardation in the others.
No evidence that any of the others are insane or feebleminded.
The developmental history of this girl seems to have been very
normal. She talked early and walked at 1 1-2 years. Went to
school first at 6, but has been out of school in intervals. No
injury. Said to have had convulsions once when she was a
baby.

The delinquencies of this child, even as judged by her surround-
ings, are great. They have had trouble with her at home for
about 3 years. She has stolen repeatedly from home, from the
school-room, from the teacher and others. Stayed out late in
the evenings, often not coming home from school. The family
have to search for her. Recently there has been much trouble
with her on account of setting fires. At least three times she has
set fire to things in the house. Once she gathered up papers in
the middle of the floor and set fire to them; at another time she
burned in a baby buggy in the house a lot of clothes her mother
had washed. She has gone to neighbors and borrowed money,
ostensibly for her mother. Told various people her mother was
dead.

Her family believed in severe punishment, and whipped her
and tied her hands. On one occasion she ran out of doors unclad,
at another time with her hands tied. When she is punished she

386

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

merely stands and stares, the family say you might think she is
a statue. Will not speak at all then to her family. If whipped
will not utter a word, except, perhaps, " You hurt me." The
older sister feels sure she goes with bad girls, but does not know
who they are. The family are very much concerned about the
case.

It was some time before we broke down this girl's inhibitions
and could gain her friendship. We found her to be no prevari-
cator. If she did not want to say things she would not say them,
and her imagination was not called into play. When we first
knew her she would only speak in monosyllables, but later talked
with us most fluently. It really seemed then as if she wanted to
relieve her mind of all troubles and as if nobody had ever spoken
to her about them. She told about a little boy who taught her
to steal, and continually asked her to do bad things with him.
" Lots of times I think about them — sometimes at night, and
sometimes I have dreams, dream about when mother is scolding
my brother, and Alex is right near my brother, and she is telling
him not to play with him any more. That was because Alex
was saying bad things. He said all sorts of bad things. He called
me those words. They come up in my mind at school, and when
I am at the board, and when I am thinking about the words I
think all the time about him. It 's when I 'm writing a word,
when I miss the word, and I don't know the word, and the teacher
has us go to the board and write, and so I think about them words
he said. There is a wooden gate near the school, and they take
chalk, and write bad words on there — the same words he told
me. It makes me feel as if somebody was talking about me, and
I all the time feel as if they done these things to me. He all the
times comes in our yard, even now — the boys upstairs call him
in. Sometimes when I 'm eating, and my brother talks about
him, I begin to think what he tries to do. I feel sorry about
things then — about what he does to me, and when he does bad
to me."

Apropos of her setting fire, she acknowledged it and said she
wanted to see the things burn. She did know the little sister and
the baby were in the house when she made the fire in the baby
buggy. A barn near their house had a fire — some boys lighted
a lot of paper and burned the barn up. She would like to see
the engines come.

" Alex sometimes comes in the yard and steals out things.

387

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

Long ago he used to come in the yard and steal. I had a httle bank
of money and he stole it off of us." There is much more to this
little girl's story as told on successive days when her family
brought her in. The child had continually in her mind the
thoughts of this boy. It seems probable that she rejected all of
his advances. Later she said another little girl had told her bad
habits which she had practiced occasionally. The sister con-
firmed the story of this other girl being bad. It was very plain
our offender needed a great deal of individual attention, but how
to get it was altogether a difficult matter. Some people raised
money and placed her in a home where a very good woman looked
after her, and she made much improvement, but later when she
returned home the parents were too ignorant to understand the
needs of the case, and the girl fell into her old ways of stealing
and staying out late at night. It Vas reported previously that
she had made a vast improvement morally, and we felt sure of
this from her physical appearance and her advancement in school.
A slight operation was done, but there was no evidence to show
that the effect of being placed in better surroundings was not the
main cause of her improvement.

Seen after going home, and again becoming delinquent, she
gave a very vivid account of her own mental struggles. " I say
to myself, ' I took my communion, and I won't say these.' I
want to say them when the boys say them to me, but I don't
say them. If anybody hits me, I hit them. I try to say these
words sometimes and it comes in my mind — it says, don't you
say them words." She tells a story of much temptation, and bad
home conditions, and being whipped for staying out late to go
to shows. She is a strong child, and apparently has developed
into a good deal of a fighter. On account of such deplorable en-
vironmental conditions, she had again to be removed from home.

Mental conflict. Case 69.

Sex repressions. Girl, 10 years.

Lack of parental supervision and understanding.

Bad companions.

Poverty? doubtful as a cause.

Stealing. Mental :

Setting fires. Fair ability.

388

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

We have had reason to study with care a number of cases in
which mental conflict, leading to delinquencies, arose through the
discovery from outside sources that a previously supposed parent
was not really such. The following three instances illustrate this
point.

Case 70. — There are many points of interest about this case
which can be perceived from the following synopsis of it. Partic-
ularly should it be noted that we can find no record of delin-
quency against this boy until he was 14 years of age. There was
not even truancy charged against him. It may be he was showing
bad temper previously, but no complaint was made of it. We
obtained a striking story, first from the mother, later corrobo-
rated by the boy. When seen by us he was 16 years of age. We
were able to keep track of him about a year. The family were
German immigrants, the boy's mother having been brought to
this country when she was a child. She grew up amid sur-
roundings of comparative poverty, but neither on her side nor
the father's was there any showing of criminality or notable
immorality.

On the physical side we found a particularly manly boy —
broad-shouldered and well-shaped chest. Weighs 131 lbs. Height
5 ft. 3 1-2 in. His expression is responsive. Boyishly frank.
Strong, broad face. Bright eyes. Speech very husky. Chronic
atrophic rhinitis very severe, with pharyngitis. (Diagnosis was
given by a specialist.) Many teeth badly carious. Tongue
coated and offensive breath. Suffers from headaches. Poor
sleep at night and dull feeling in the morning because of obstruc-
tion to breathing. These chronic catarrhal conditions exces-
sive for years, and have been a great drawback to his school life
on account of feeling dull, and because his presence was offensive
to other children in the room. He never previously had treat-
ment by a specialist. Well-shaped, large head. No sensory
defect. Slight nystagmoid movements of eyes. Fine constant
tremor of outstretched hands. Pubertal signs just beginning.
Color good. Other examination all negative.

The findings on the mental side are very instructive because
we found quite fair ability to set over against marked school
retardation. Although never a truant, he only reached 4th grade
at 14 years of age. His mother attributes this to his undesira-
bility in the school-room. She maintains he was held back on
account of this as well as being much complained of.

389

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

Mental tests: our own series:

I. 1' 35". Trial and error method in working with triangles.

II. 1' 17". Only 2 errors.

III. 5'. 44 total moves, but only 7 trials of impossibilities and 4
repetitions of impossibilities.

IV. 2' 39". 36 moves.

V. 2' 9". Step number 1 done almost immediately and then 5
errors before step number 2 is perceived. At this point he suddenly
said, " Now I 've got it," and rapidly proceeded to complete the test.

VI. 19 items given on free recital. 15 items on cross-examination
and no suggestions received. A very good result.

VII. Done rapidly and very well.

VIII. Done very rapidly and all correctly.

IX. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Correct at 1st trial.

XII. 11 out of the 12 items given correctly and in correct
sequence.

XIII. 13 out of the 20 items given correctly in proper sequence.

XIV. Done rapidly at the 2d trial. At 1st trial did not understand
method of opening the dial.

XV. 3 errors. Average time 1.8".

XVI. 69 squares tapped at 1st trial with no errors. 78 squares
tapped at 2d trial with one error.

XVII. Writes a mature hand rapidly. Spells correctly all words.
XIX. Reads a 4th grade passage correctly and fluently.

XXII. Very poor range of information. Reads hardly any books,
but does read the newspapers. Knows contemporary items of in-
formation fairly well.

At the time we saw him the boy had been guilty of extremely
violent behavior at home. He had indulged in a lot of quarrel-
ing, had threatened to " fix " the family, had attempted to
attack a boarder with a knife after some previous quarreling, and
had been showing much evidence of a very bad temper for a
long time now. Five months previously he had stolen a motor-
cycle, had spent some family money on little things for himself,
and had run up a considerable bill against them in the same
way. Other minor delinquencies were also charged against him.
Altogether it seemed that the boy was making straight for a
criminal career.

In this case we got an excellent account of heredity, for al-
though the boy was illegitimate his mother knew the father's
family well. Except that the boy's paternal grandmother was
a quick-tempered person we could learn of no peculiarities what-
ever. There were but few children in either family, and the
grandparents on both sides were long-lived. Despite the father's

390

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

rejection of parental responsibility, he was said not to be a
bad man. The mother suffered exceedingly from chorea in
childhood.

The boy's developmental conditions have been normal, ex-
cept possibly during antenatal life, at which time his mother
was naturally much worried, she being only 16 and unmarried.
The boy was never much of a smoker, nor, as far as known, en-
gaged in other detrimental habits. It was evident that although
there was so much school retardation, we had to do with a boy
of good native ability, showing no distinct aberrational tenden-
cies. His success at a place of employment also proved his fair
mental endowment.

Our notes state that a woman came in to see us who announced
herself as this boy's mother, although not being so according
to records previously given. She seemed to be a pleasant, well-
meaning woman; not dull, although poorly educated. She
seemed to care a good deal for this boy, but on the whole took
the attitude of an outsider. She was altogether reasonable,
both at this and future interviews. She told us of his delinquen-
cies as well as good qualities, and wound up by explaining to us
her remarkable relationship to him. It seems that when the
boy was just about 14 years of age, and before he had turned
delinquent, she told him, on the occasion of some little house-
hold turmoil, that she, whom he supposed was his married sister,
was really his mother. He did not believe it and she later, in an
endeavor to exercise authority, insisted on the point.

This child was born when she was very young; the father
was a fairly good man. He was persuaded by his family for finan-
cial reasons not to marry his sweetheart. They gave her a small
sum of money for the boy. He was then brought up by his mater-
nal grandparents, and taught to consider them as his parents.
His mother later married, and now has a number of other chil-
dren. The boy laughed at her first statement about his parentage,
and continued to say he did not believe it.

His mother says the main trouble is temper, which has grown
worse of late, and the boy does not stop to consider what he is
doing or saying. His grandparents are getting old, and he knows
he can pull the wool over their eyes. The grandmother wants
him to pay back what he has cost her, especially in the way of
having goods charged. In a vague way the mother feels the
family situation may have much to do with the trouble, and asks

391

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

US to see the boy and explain it to him. She states she does not
know where the father is.

We had previously seen the boy, and gotten a naive statement
of his bad temper, in addition to some small falsifications about
delinquencies. Later when asked about home conditions he
said, " That sister of mine has been causing more trouble than
any one. She* comes over to our house and says, ' There 's the
loafer and bum.' If there 's any one tries to work more than I
do, I 'd like to know who it is. There 's no one stayed at home
more to help out when she was sick than I did. She tells me
she 's my mother. I think she 's a liar when she says that. She
ain't been married 13 years yet. She tells me about it every time
she comes over. I ain't been in her house for 2 months. She
says I ain't been working enough to pay for my board. My
father says about that way, too. That all has been bothering me
some. The fact is I don't know which is my mother. I always
thought the mother I 'm living with now was my real mother.
No neighbors or anybody ever told me any different. I some-
times think about it at nights." (Tears well up in his eyes.) " I
certainly do feel sore about that business about my mother. I
heard them talk together about adopting me. There ain't no
property," etc., etc.

I had a more extended talk with the boy, as the mother re-
quested, and this manly lad burst into tears and explained how
he had been feeling that on all sides he had not been treated
squarely — how not only his physical ailments made him feel
badly, but also this other worry, which he had now had for a
couple of years, had been a big influence leading him towards
delinquency. The boy gave a very graphic account of his own
feeling that developed in response to this astonishing statement
by his sister, and how upset he was by it, and how it led to his
misconduct. It was clear there were also nagging influences at
home, over and beyond what was caused by this queer mix-up
in relationship. His boyish activities were too much for the old
grandparents, and the natural sympathy he looked for from
them was not forthcoming.

We put it down that this boy's manly attitude, his neatness in
dress, and rational reaction to the whole situation spoke much
in his favor. It was clear that his miserable nose and throat con-
ditions should be cured if possible, and his bad teeth removed.
There should be a straightening out of the whole family relation-

392

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

ship. The boy had been going through a stormy adolescent period
with much stress on account of the above conflict, and had met
the situation, it seemed to us, fairly normally.

The boy was in court a little later on account of stealing
packages from a place where he was employed. At that time,
through neglect, the constructive measures had not been carried
out. The judge then took it in hand and insisted it be part of
his conditions of parole that he go regularly for nose and throat
treatment. The reports then varied from time to time, but his
employers were satisfied with his work. Still later he was very
evidently endeavoring to straighten himself up, and when last
heard from he had been released from parole with a satisfactory
record.

Mental conflict — about parentage. Case 70.

Home control irrational. ^«y' ^^ ^^^^S'

Physical conditions: Severe chronic catarrh,

nose and throat.

Violence.

Lying. Mental:

Stealing. Fair in ability.

Case 71. — We studied the case of a 12-year-old boy who
quite deliberately set out on a criminal career after a number
of months of secretly harboring the knowledge, given to him
by a meddlesome neighbor, that his own mother was long since
dead, and not at all the person he supposed she was. Being a
normal and sensitive boy, this hurt him to the quick, and he im-
mediately saw many reasons for believing himself discriminated
against, and for believing this was a world of lies. We had reason
to think it probable that the reading he did at this time, about
robbers and the like, was deliberately undertaken. After steal-
ing a considerable sum and running away from home, he defi-
nitely made the statement he was going to become a criminal.
This case when explored immediately took on new aspects, and
while there have been backslidings, up to the present the out-
come is very satisfactory.

Case 72. — A cause similar to the above occurred in the case
of a young boy, light octoroon type, who lived with his supposed
mulatto parents. He is a bright and sensitive child, who when

393

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

a neighbor told him that he surely could not be the son of these
people, dwelt on the problem of his parentage at great length.
The embitterment which the secret of his birth has engendered
in the boy's breast easily accounts for his recalcitrancy, even
in face of great kindness by his foster-father. He runs away and
steals and associates with bad boys and bad men, and has devel-
oped a very marked anti-social attitude, in spite of good oppor-
tunities at his home, which is unusually well kept in comparison
with the homes of most colored people. The boy has mental
abilities far above those of his foster-parents, inheriting these,
as well as his white skin, from a southern man of good family.
The foster-parents took the boy as an infant, and have bestowed
much affection on him, but all to little purpose when the boy
began to suspect the irregularities of his own parentage. The
case proved too difficult for solution in the old environment, and
the best treatment appeared to be placing the boy for a long
period in an institution.

The origin of mental conflict in a hypersensitive person from
what would offhand seem to be slight grounds, and the delinquen-
cies that may thereby be engendered are illustrated in the fol-
lowing case.

Case 73. — This boy of 16 we had occasion to become ac-
quainted with on account of his running away from Pittsburg,
and the father coming on and wishing to go thoroughly into the
case with us. The father is a good type of Irish American,
a clerk in public service, and a man of highly sensitive tempera-
ment.

Physically we found a very tall, slim lad, height 5 ft. 9 in. and
weighing 119 lbs. (The father said of himself that he grew in
exactly the same way.) The boy has pleasant irregular features
and good color. No sensory defects. Very pleasant, sensitive,
responsive boy.

On the mental side there is nothing much to record because
he showed himself well up to the ordinary in ability. On account,,
probably, of nervousness when first seen, he did hardly as well
as we expected on a few of the tests, but he had graduated from
the grammar school before he was 14 years of age, and, be-
ing a great reader, gave us indication of a very good range of in-
formation. He is slow and deliberate in his work, but works,
steadily and understandingly. He was as successful in business

394

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

for one year as he was in school, and everybody gave him credit
for being a very bright boy.

In heredity we can learn of no defect. But it stands out sharply
that father and son are of the same temperament. All through,
the boy comes from an unusually healthy family, and on the men-
tal and moral sides there has been no trouble. Developmentally
the boy progressed without a set-back. He never had a serious
illness. The pregnancy and birth were quite all right. Unfor-
tmiately, the mother died two years ago, leaving the father with
six boys to take care of, this one being the oldest. He has never
succeeded in getting the right kind of housekeeper since the
mother's death, and he is finding it very difficult to keep
up the house on his salary. This father occasionally has felt
terribly discouraged, taken a drink or two of whiskey, and come
home in a cross and scolding mood. He acknowledges as much;
the world is a hard struggle.

Up to one year ago this boy was a model lad. This stands
out very definitely. He worked steadily after his graduation
and gave all his earnings to the family. Since that time there
has been* a succession of troubles with him. He has run away
from home three times, on one occasion staying in the neighbor-
hood of Pittsburg four months, sometimes working on farms,
and occasionally visiting the home when his father was absent.
Although he had a perfect record for a year in an office where
he worked, he has never since held a job for longer than two or
three weeks. His character seems to be utterly changed. On
one occasion he attempted to get money by forging his father's
name, and at another time when away from home obtained
supplies on his father's credit. However, he has never really
stolen. The father feels utterly discouraged about the situation
and blames it to cigarettes, believing his son to be a nervous
wreck from smoking them. The boy also suffers from frequent
enuresis, and this the father also cites as proving the nervous
condition.

We had ample opportunity to study this case while the father
waited to take his boy home, and fortunately we were able to
bring the two closer together in understanding. Our first in-
formation from the father showed that there was a very definite
period when the boy started to go wrong. We undertook then to
search for beginnings. The history obtained received satisfactory
corroboration on both sides. In regard to the cigarettes it turned

395

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND REPRESSIONS [Chap. X

out that the father merely judged the boy was smoking exces-
sively; as a matter of fact he probably never did smoke more
than three or four in one day. Concerning the enuresis; as
observed in Chicago our lad did not suffer from it, and he
stated that out in the country he had no trouble from it. On
inquiry, we found his habit at home was to drink strong coffee
at supper and also just before he went to bed, making it him-
self, while at these other places he had none after breakfast
time.

In regard to beginnings; it seems this father came home in a
petulant humor one night, and found the boy had missed a couple
of days at work. The father always left early in the morning,
and had not heard of any complaint of sickness. Although this
was the only occasion on which time was missed, he said to a
younger son, who reported the staying at home, " It 's a lie, he 's
no sicker than I am." This speech was repeated to our young
friend, and as he said to us, " Since then things seems to be going
backward with me all the time."

In every way we saw we had to deal with a hypersensitive lad
who, in this very trait, was strangely like his father, as the latter
acknowledged. The boy told us that up to the time of the un-
deserved reproach, so far as he can remember, he had never told
a lie in his whole life. He had resolved, especially after his mother
died, to merit the very best that could be said of him. " I always
had lots of friends and everybody spoke well of me." He worked
hard and gave his father all his earnings. To have his father
say what he did discouraged him terribly. " It seems to me
now that was what was hurting me." He never even smoked
before that time, but after that it seemed as if nothing mattered.
He would just let things take their own way. He would even
just as soon get arrested and sent away.

After two or three weeks of nursing his injured feelings he
deliberately left his good position. During the next year the
boy's record is a constant succession of delinquencies, especially
in the light of the family needing his help. He worked only
for a week or two at the time, and at irregular intervals. Some-
times when he pretended to be at work he really spent all day at
the Carnegie Institute, or the library. He never did go with bad
companions, and never cared in the least for them — the father
made this point clear. He avoided his father, who continually
scolded him, often sleeping away from home. He tried evening

396

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

school and learning shorthand, but soon gave it up. He con-
tinually lied and got into money difficulties and ran away
three times, as mentioned above. After his forging, his father
twice took the hd to the police station and left him there over
night.

The boy's story fitted in with the father's, and he said, " It
seems to me now as if I don't care who calls me a liar — I am
one." Speaking of his experience with the police, who urged
him to behave himself, he stated, " AVlien I said anj'thing, they
said, ' It is n't that way at all, you know you are lying,' and so
I kept still. There was no use saying anything." This was very
interesting, because the father had reported that the boy at times
was absolutely silent, refusing to say a word about himself, to
either his father or the police, of whom assistance had been asked.
Several other striking points also came out. It seems, as in many
another case of youthful delinquency, the offender suffered from
discomforts all out of proportion to the realization of pleasures.
^Vlien he was away from home he slept in a haystack part of the
time, and meals were altogether uncertain. The boy says he had
no good times then.

For purposes of scientific elimination other possible causes
were inquired into with negative results. Asked where light
for the future seemed to shine, the lad tells us he could get straight-
ened out if he did not brood over what people said to him or said
behind his back. " I simply can*t stand to have my father say
harsh things." " You bet I like him." (Later this father told
me that he himself felt this way, and when unpleasant things
were said in the office, worried about them all day long.)

In this case a definite tendency to delinquency was under con-
sideration, a tendency that had not been modified by admoni-
tions or threats. The outlook now, with understanding of begin-
nings, was altogether different. The coffee and smoking should
be stopped, the evening reading, which had been somewhat op-
posed, should be allowed at home, but above all there must be
modification of parental behavior. The scolding, even though
justified, and especially the speaking of the boy behind his back,
should be abandoned. The mediation which our discoveries
led us to offer, was well received, and the father's negotiations
for placing the boy in a reformatory institution were broken off.
For the six months elapsed since we saw this case, the report
is that there has been an entire change of conduct.

397

§ 241] MENTAL CONFLICTS AND KEPRESSIONS [Chap. X

Mental conflict.

Case 73.

Mental peculiarity: hypersensitiveness.

Boy, 16 years.

Heredity: father same temperament.

Home conditions: mother dead.

Runaway +.
Not working.
False representations.

Mental:
Good ability.

People who handle children out of the natural family environ-
ment should be acquainted with the type of fact which the fol-
lowing case exliibits, although, as we said above, homesickness
seems to figure much less as a cause of delinquency in this country
than abroad.

Case 74. — This was a little girl of 12 who had been given a
very black name by certain institutional people and others on
account of alleged exceedingly bad behavior; in fact, reformatory
treatment was demanded for her. Not only was it said that she
was a delinquent, but that she was also a mental defective, on
account of apparently proved inability to grasp school work.

We found a rather poorly nourished little girl who was suffer-
ing frequently of late from headaches. These, she told us, some-
times lasted for hours and were accompanied by curious sensa-
tions of lights in her eyes. Different colors appear, and the
lights seem like snakes coming from all directions, while perhaps
she cannot see anything at all for a time. She bites her nails
much. Both vision and hearing were slightly defective, the
latter on account of a previous middle-ear infection. On the
mental side it was a matter of only a few minutes to prove that
she was anything but a mental defective, indeed we graded her
as being well up to the ordinary in ability and information.

We could learn from the father nothing of significance in the
family or developmental history. None in the family of either
parent is known to be epileptic or insane, nor can we hear of any
migraine. The mother died of cancer four years previously, and
the father was previously alcoholic, although for some time now
he has not been drinking hard. The whole story centers about
the fact that this child's older sisters, after the mother's death,
considered the father as unworthy, and some six months prior
to the time we saw her, practically kidnapped the girl from home.

398

Chap. X] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 241

There was no statement that he had ever mistreated the child in
any way. She was not said to be delinquent before then, and
she had been doing well in the 5th grade at school. Up to that
time she says she had suffered from headache perhaps only a
couple of times.

The little girl readily acknowledged her misbehavior, which
consisted, according to the institutional people with whom she
was placed, in running away (it seems she once got as far as the
railroad station in an endeavor to get back to her father), in
clandestine correspondence, lying, and refractoriness in the school-
room. Besides this she was found " mentally queer, dazed and
stupid-looking at times. She once threatened to kill herself."

From the girl herself we get an account of terrific loneliness,
with whole days of distress, although she has been away months
from her father. " I 'm not happy. He was always good to me.
I 've written for him to come, but they got the letters first. I '11
sit there and not know what I 'm doing, I '11 be biting my finger
nails and ever}i:hing. My sisters think my father is mean, but
he treats me nice. I never ran away except from this here Home.
They treat me all right. My heart hurts me. Only one thing,
I didn't want to go to a Home."

The father's sympathy and love were really proved in this case
by his quick response when he knew that the child wanted him.

Here was an aspect of child life totally overlooked and mis-
understood by people dealing constantly with children, as well
as by some court authorities. For us the point is not only this,
but also the details of the physical and mental conditions and the
delinquent reactions which h^ve arisen psychogenetically, namely,
from the repression and ferment in the mind. Even the first
analysis of the case brought out the fact that. she thought home-
sickness was all that was the matter, although she had never in-
timated to others any explanation of her conduct. How much
of the emotion and connecting links of reaction were subcon-
scious it would be difficult to say. With return to her home,
defective though it was, came cessation of headaches, and of her
delinquencies, and gain of weight.

399

242] ABNORMAL SEXUALISM [Chap. XI

CHAPTER XI

Abnormal Sexualism

§ 242. General Considerations.

The words sexualism and sexualistic represent needed addi-
tions to our vocabulary and have the same right to existence
as the analogous terms criminalism and criminalistic. One
may speak of sexualistic crimes, and of abnormal sexualism as a
cause of crime.^ These terms cover a larger field than that dis-
cussed in works on pathological sexuality. The latter has been
well studied in its legal aspects, but there are several important
phases of the relationship of abnormal sexual life to criminalism
which are not at all considered by writers on the forensic bearings
of pathological sexuality. As students of causes we must include
all of these facts. The criterion of abnormality here, we confess,
is hard to define when it involves only slight divergence from the
normal. It is often necessary to invoke consideration of both
social and physiological standards.

In discussing this subject we again follow very practical issues
in developing our several headings. Students of the individual
offender are concerned with causes, personalities, and types of
misdeeds. Each of these has its place in the study of abnormal
sexualism. In considering misdeeds in this connection it must
be remembered that we have to deal with offenses which are not
only directly sexual in nature, but also with those which are in-
stigated by sexualism.

We are not warranted in placing the discussion of abnormal
sexualism under the caption of either mental or physiological
peculiarities. In some instances the conduct quite clearly is
instigated as the result of sheer mental processes. In other cases

^ We avoid the term erotomania as we do other words of the same class.
It has some value in its practical significance, but it impUes a mental lack
of balance, which may not be correlated with the hypersexualism.

400

Chap. XI] GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS [§ 242

the physiological basis seems the strongest. Often there is a
great admixture of the two elements. It is well recognized that
there are several centers in the nervous system from which sex-
feelings may be generated. As represented in consciousness,
the sources of stimulation range all the way from peripheral
irritation to mental imagery. Physiological psychology has here
a good field for investigation.

We are frequently at a loss to decide what mainly underlies
any appearance of abnormal sexualism in the individual, or at
least to decide in what proportion various possible causes may
have been effective. The mental and the physiological elements
are much mixed. Who can tell whether the person who exhibits
anti-social sexualistic tendencies is the victim of an excessive
output from certain internally secreting glands, or of obsessive
mental imagery, or of predisposing anatomical conditions, or
of various environmental and physical experiences? Frequently
still more difficult is it to decide between innate tendencies as a
whole, some of which may be derived from heredity, and the
effect of environment. Under the head of heredity, § 144, and
in our discussion of the influence of pictures, § 225, and mental
imagery, § 233, as well as under abnormalities of development,
§ 189, § 190, we have shown clearly some of the possible bases
of abnormal sexualism. Occasionally one finds a case where
some one condition in the physiological or hereditary background,
or some one experience seems to account for the whole unfor-
tunate tendency. In many places throughout our work state-
ments of fact will be found which bear upon this matter.

Judges and other court officials, and all those who are concerned
in understandmg the causes of criminalism, should have a clear
conception of not only the technical legal aspects of sex offenses,
but also of the physiological relationship which exists between
sexualism and crimes which are not overtly sexual. We do not
purpose here to go into pathological case histories, nor shall we
do more than barely touch on actual abnormal sexualistic prac-
tices, or on the explicit content of sexualistic mental imagery.
These matters are largely elaborated in other special profes-
sional literature {vide §247). It is our business, however, to
enumerate specifically the general types of abnormal sexualism,
whether as leading to recognized sex crimes or as being the basis
of other offenses.

No attempt at discussion of the various sex crimes, as such,

401

§ 242] ABNORMAL SEXUALISM [Chap. XI

is necessary. Rape, incest, various sex perversions, may all be
the result of disordered mentality, of environmental conditions,
or of hypersexualism in an otherwise normal individual, and
so on. To name the crime does not characterize the offender,
does not elucidate the prognosis, nor suggest the best treatment.
In this field, to be sure, we find some close correlations between
types of deeds and types of persons, as in exhibitionism, vide
§ 163, and in certain kinds of sexual violation, vide § 244. These
cases, however, must be understood as largely standing alone in
their peculiar significance.

§ 243. Hypersexualism.

The fact that there are individuals whose sex characteristics
show development far beyond the social or physiological norm
is patent to every one who studies offenders for courts where
they appear on account of their sex delinquencies. We have dis-
cussed this from the standpoint of adolescent over-development,
§ 189, of heredity, § 144, etc. The phenomenon seems some-
times to be a feature of mental life apart from any known phys-
iological factors. It may be that biochemists, who are so indus-
triously nowadays studying the internal secretions of various
glands, will sometime be able to throw a great light on this sub-
ject. But there is no reason to doubt that early experiences and
habits of mental imagery may alone account for many of the
cases.

In regard to eroticism being considered primarily a mental
peculiarity, we may say that we have had reason to study many
cases of extreme show of sexualism in older adolescents with
parents who could give us much information. We have yet to see
a single case in which the hypersexualism has arisen without the
presence either of various physical conditions, such as might
readily be responsible, or of unfortunately early sex experiences.
To be sure, in males as well as females, at all ages, the part which
mental imagery plays in these matters is often great. And that
there exist mental peculiarities of susceptibility to the obsession
of various imageries is a fact as easily perceived by us as that
there are individuals who are eye-minded and those who are
ear-minded. Only so far as this do we have any right to go in
considering eroticism at all as a mental trait.

The correlation between over-development and sex offenses

402

Chap. XI] HYPEESEXUALISM [§ 243

is clearly shown in the delinquencies of girls, which are so fre-
quently along sex lines and so often involve those of good phy-
sique. (J^ide § 105 and § 190.) It will be noted in our case
histories that sex offenses very frequently are combined in these
young people with other incidental delinquencies, such as run-
ning away from home and stealing. Hj'persexualism in males
does not often show itself so early. There is no such coloring of
life's activities by one dominating impulse as there is among
females.

The following represents a type of case of which we have seen
scores :

Case 75. — The mother stated that this girl of 15 was crazy
about sex matters. Mentally she proved well up to the ordinary
in ability and information. Physically she was splendidly devel-
oped, possessed a finely-shaped head with broad, high forehead,
and intelligent, strong face. She had been long seeking illicit
sex relations. She dwelt on the facts without shame. She was
now both diseased and pregnant. She rather boasted of having
been known as " The Main Street Bum." This attitude she had
been assuming for long. In explanation of the genesis of her own
career she offered a story of rape, which according to her family
had no foundation in fact, but even had it occurred it would not
have explained the intense inclinations which she had shown
over a long period. In this case, even if we acknowledge the effect
of bad environment, we have also to include very definite innate
hypersexualistic tendencies.

The overwhelming attraction which negro men occasionally
have for white girls and women, directly leading in our social
life to delinquency, is to be explained by the hypersexualism of
the female attracted. One has seen -instances in which the argu-
ments of social ostracism, race antipathy, and religious faith have
availed nothing against this extraordinary impulse.

Undoubtedly hypersexualism is a vastly greater cause in early
life of other than sex offenses than it is later. The morally
disturbing influence would naturally be much more during the
years when there is less than normal adult self-control. The
older hypersexualistic individual who is mentally normal per-
ceives the necessity of steady behavior and self-control in many
ways in order that craving shall be satisfied. For example, if
offenses were committed which ended by incarceration, oppor-

403

§ 243] ABNORMAL SEXUALISM [Chap. XI

tunities for satisfaction would be cut off. We may say, then, that
hjq3ersexuansm in the otherwise normal adult merely leads when
uncontrolled to excessive practices. These may be anti-social
if they are illicit. The upshot of this whole question is that there
are certain individuals of both sexes who by virtue of their own
native characteristics, or of desires aroused by experiences, are
impelled to seek sexual enjoyment beyond the social norm.

What treatment to recommend depends upon what anti-social
habits have been already formed, and what innate characteristics,
if any, are at the basis of hypersexualism, upon what powers of
self-control are to be relied on, and what reeducation can be
carried out. The surgical operations that are often suggested,
even by parents, afford little hope, unless they are more thorough
than is allowable at the present stage of public opinion on this
subject. Minor severings and excisions do not alter predisposed
paths of nervous conduction. Of course, actual cases of " saty-
riasis " and " nymphomania," either one of which may lead to
grievous misconduct, are plainl}'^ subjects for medical attention.
There is very little use in considering moral treatment for such
cases as these, which sometimes are based upon definite conditions
of the central nervous system or of other organs. The growth
of opinion, we feel sure, will be towards greater use of thorough
surgery in many of these cases.

Mere repression, such as is undertaken in all sorts of penal
institutions, frequently turns the individual from seeking one
kind of gratification to another that may be more disastrous
mentally. Punishment does not destroy in these sexualistic
individuals such deep-set mental and physical inclinations.

It is unfortunate that society must be protected from indi-
viduals with h>'persexualistic tendencies by methods which do
not cure the trouble. In institutions there is frequently an ex-
cess of both thought and conversation about sex subjects. When
this last fact is faced the greatest effort should be, not to directly
combat the inclinations by drawing attention to them, but to
supplant them with new interests and new types of mental
imagery and new activities of many kinds. What may be suc-
cessful in one case may not be effective in another. The main
hope is to be found in the well-known psychological principle of
substitutional mental activities. Forceful new interests some-
times do win the day. Education and religion have their place
in this treatment.

404

Chap. XI] SEXUALISTIC OBSESSIONS AND IMPULSIONS [§ 244

§ 244. Sexualistic Obsessions and Impulsions.

It is probable that in all cases where mental imagery and
ideation become obsessional and lead to uncontrolled impulses,
that a neuropathic constitution is in the background. No doubt,
however, elements of environmental or physical experience enter
into the total result. Very peculiar personal actions and traits
may be developed as the result of such impulsions. It is the busi-
ness of the medico-psychologist to be acquainted with these pecul-
iarities of conduct, many of which do not come within the cate-
gory of offenses. When the impulsions lead to offenses we have
some strange developments; the association between the delin-
quency and sexualism may not be at all apparent. In the case
of exhibitionism, which, however, has psychological aspects not
easy to understand, the relation seems obvious. When it comes
to certain forms of stealing, which are indulged in under sexual-
istic impulses, the meaning of the conduct is not at all to be read
on the surface. Abnormal sex impulses may be found active in
those who are certainly not to be considered in any way insane,
but nevertheless in the actually insane sexualistic impulsions
frequently are dominant.

The theft of articles for fetishism, that is for their sexually sym-
bolic purposes, is well known. The whole subject has been satis-
factorily dealt with by Binet (341), Krafft-Ebing (188), Have-
lock Ellis (37), and others. Probably the most common objects
stolen are women's handkerchiefs and women's shoes. Gloves
and other articles of wear are sometimes found desirable. The
theft and cutting of the female hair is undoubtedly an offense done
under sexual impulse. The psychological basis of these curious
actions has been made the matter of much discussion which we
cannot go into here.

The remarkable self-abnegating impulse which leads women to
become the abject slaves of men, even to the extent of turning
over earnings gained from sex immorality, is of sexualistic origin.
The power of the " cadet " over women cannot be understood
unless this psychological phase of their relationship is taken into
account. Some women find satisfaction in actually suffering
at the hands of their masters. This subjection directly gives
opportunity for development of sexual vice. Analogous cases
of men whose masochistic impulses lead them to desire to be

405

§ 244] ABNORMAL SEXUALISM [Chap. XL

beaten, for instance, by their mistresses, do not so lead to social
offenses.

An impulse, the reverse of this last, in which the individual
desires to inflict cruelty, perhaps to whip another person, or at
least to see the whipping, has been proved to have direct relation
to sexualism.

Cases of men who have an impulse to cut or stab women and
girls have been exploited in the newspapers and discussed in
scientific literature. The offender usually has a preference for
some, perhaps non-sexual, part of the body about which imagery
has centered. No doubt all of these men are determinably in-
sane. The so-called lust murders are probably always committed
by victims of brain disease. The nature of the crime and of the
criminal is witnessed to by the strange mutilations and other
performances carried out in connection with the deed.

The impulse to insult women in public places is only to be
explained upon the basis of abnormal sexualism. Since there
is no obvious satisfaction gained, the meaning of the offense has.
to be sought by psychological analysis. The same type of ob-
sessional impulse may lead to the defilement of woman in various
ways, or the cutting of their clothes. Cases of all these types are
described in the special literature.

The spying upon persons of the opposite sex, which occasion-
ally is accounted a social offense, is the result of an impulse
that is more generally understood and so seems less peculiar.
However, it would not be easy for most individuals who engage
in this to analyze the nature of their own impulses, or to give
clear account of satisfaction received.

The impulse to peculiarly violate little girls, often without
rape, is one which unfortunately is not infrequently met with
in court work. At the risk of discovery and imprisonment the
offense may be repeated over and over, and in this shows the force
of an obsessional impulse. We have often used the following
example as a text illustrating the inadequacy of ordinary puni-
tive treatment of these cases. We had occasion to know of the
career of a man who had served about five years in the peniten-
tiary for immoral conduct with little girls. Within a couple of
months after his release he had again repeated his offenses with
several children, was reconvicted and sentenced to a longer term.
There was no understanding of the nature of this man, or of his
impulses, which led to any treatment at the time of his original

406

Chap. XI] MASTURBATION [§ 245

conviction, or at his release. The result has been the mental de-
filement of several other young persons.

We know only too well the effects of such practices by older
people — the effects upon the mental content and consequent
impulses of those who have been so early taught vicious sex
practices. We could have safely predicted, even if we had not
come to actually know, the miserable results upon the young
girls mentioned in the previous paragraph.

The impulse in males to exhibit themselves sexually we have
partly dealt with elsewhere, § 163. While most often a phe-
nomenon of old age, younger males with this impulse are occa-
sionally found. Exhibitionism by females, although I have never
heard of a case being brought to court, is not at all uncommon,
and is certainly an anti-social offense. In girls or women, not
prostitutes, the impulse has its roots either in physiological
hj^ersexualism, perhaps only temporary, or in obsessional men-
tal states.

§ 245. Masturbation.

We heartily agree with the judges, police and probation officers,
and parents whom we have heard, many of them, insist on the
effect of masturbation in causing other delinquencies. We de-
cry exaggeration of this subject because in some ways the habit,
like other single factors, is not nearly so important as has been
made out. Then, too, our experience in the neurological clinic
shows us the truth of what has frequently been observed, namely,
that worry about masturbation frequently does more harm than
the habit itself. But in our study of young offenders who are
well started in careers of delinquency, we have been profoundly
impressed with the break-down of will, of physical condition, and
of general moral fibre that is correlated with the excessive prac-
tice of masturbation. We have found it of the utmost impor-
tance as a causative factor in girls as well as in boys. The extent
to which it stands out clearly may be seen by our statistics, § 95;
in over 10 per cent, the habit was practiced to such a degree
that it was to be fairly considered a definite cause. In many
other instances the practice may have been a habit, but we
did not learn that it was anything of a factor in producing
delinquency.

In comparatively few was the practice carried on to the extent
that there appeared to be actual mental dulling from it, vide

407

§ 245] ^ ABNORMAL SEXUALISM [Chap. XT

§ 286. It might properly be asked why any weakening influence
should cause a tendency to delinquency. We do not think that
all weakening influences do, only when together with the dulling
of mental activity there comes moral lethargy and consequent
establishment of anti-social habits. We have particularly noted
in connection with masturbation, such delinquencies as sleeping
away from home, unwillingness to go to school or to work, re-
course to excess of stimulants, petty stealing, vagrancy, constant
giving way to desire for exciting amusement, particularly as
afforded by moving picture shows. The cases which go on to
develop mental disturbances belong under the category of men-
tal aberrations, § 313.

The connection between masturbation and anti-social offenses
seems to be established along the following lines — the effect
varying greatly, of course, with environmental circumstances
and innate tendencies of the individual. The act in itself is anti-
social. The individual feels this, and realizes the stigma which
indulgence places upon him. His constant efforts at secrecy in
this regard may lead to moral break-down. The sequence is not
difficult to understand. First there is weak self-indulgence, then
secretiveness and lies, then avoidance of duties and search for
stimulation and artificial energy. The effect of masturbation in
directly promoting several forms of anti-social behavior among
young people is one of the most marked phenomena to be ob-
served in court work.

On account of desire to conceal a habit which is looked down
upon, there is great readiness on the part of the offender to ascribe
any lassitude or weakness of will to causes other than the habit
itself. Boys often allege that their trouble is due to smoking,
when the smoking itself is indulged in really to stimulate after
the depression caused by this habit. Numerous times we have
also found the over-use of tea and coffee to rest on this basis.
Superficial judgment about causes thus may readily overlook
the more serious factor.

Consideration of the question of treatment involves at once
the statement of a very important fact, namely, that with suc-
cessful treatment of the habit we have seen in some cases a very
marked transformation of the individuality, sufficient to prove
the point we have been making concerning the effect of this prac-
tice in developing criminalistic tendencies. It is true that much
the most hopeful time is before puberty. We have seen extrava-

408

Chap. XI] MASTUHBATTON [§ 245

gant cases of bad sex habits in botk boys and girls cured when
they have been treated prior to this age. Later the matter is
much more difficult, as might be expected from the fact that
nature has already begun to awaken sex instinct. But even
then we have seen alterations achieved which are quite remark-
able — always in cases, however, of normal mental ability, § 286.
It is needless to give long histories.

One girl {vide Case 108) of 16, who frequently slept in hall-
ways, ran away from home, engaged in petty stealing, and who
was the picture of mental dullness, a year later became a capable
and self-supporting girl. Her unrecognized trouble had been
extensive indulgence in masturbation. The mother undertook
the treatment in most vigorous fashion and succeeded.

Case 76. — A boy of 14, normal in mental ability, poorly
nourished, with tired look about the eyes, had long been giving
much trouble. He lived with a poverty-stricken mother, who
together with her children had suffered much from the abuse of
her alcoholic husband. When we saw the boy he had run away
from home several times, he had stolen repeatedly, had lied
much, and once had tied himself in a chair to make his mother
believe that burglars had been in the house. This last was done
because he had secreted the little money which she possessed.
We found that this boy had been practicing masturbation for three
or four years, sometimes excessively. His physical appearance and
general manner were very different from that of a younger brother
with whom we could compare him. He did not succeed on pro-
bation in his old environment, even after his father deserted the
family, but when placed in a home in the country where his sex
tendencies were watched, he made in a year a wonderful improve-
ment. Our last report of him is that he is strong, healthy, and
as steady as a clock.

It is unnecessary to burden the reader with many other cases
that we could give in which this habit has proved a large factor
in starting delinquent careers. One might go farther and include
the various psychological steps of mental habit and mental
imagery and formation of grudge-like attitudes which are super-
imposed on indulgence in masturbation, but the general trend
of these points should be obvious.^

^ The comparative results of excessive intercourse and excessive mastur-
bation are often discussed. The review of the subject by G. Stanley Hall (31,
Vol. I, p. 440) brings out the essential points.

409

§ 245] ABNORMAL SEXUALISM [Chap. XI

The treatment of mastuiibation is very largely an affair of
building up new methods of living. The temptation frequently
centers about some association; it occurs at the same hour, or
in the same place. The old associations should be broken up as
much as possible. There is no doubt in my mind but that through
the constant supervision of some good person of the same sex,
perhaps a member of the family, if the right person can be found,
is the best possible means of getting the desired results. The
desperate case we spoke of above was handled by the mother
remaining with the girl all the time and always sleeping with her.
General hygiene should be attended to as well as any local irrita-
tive conditions. Treatment is best begun only after a careful
medical survey of the individual problem.

§ 246. Early Sex Experiences.

It will be noted in our statistical analysis, § 95, that at least
13 per cent, of our cases had encountered some early sex experi-
ence sufficiently serious to be accounted by the student a causative
factor of delinquency. In these cases the trouble arose from the
teachings of other children and adults of both sexes, as much as
from actual bad sex practices with others. In children the un-
fortunate introduction into sex life came often from persons of
the same sex. The effect of immorality on the part of parents,
as a causative factor which undermines the whole of moral life,
need hardly.be mentioned. The incidents of sex life witnessed
as the result of crowded housing conditions, and the untoward
ideas gained from obscene language heard at home cannot fail
to bring about anti-social reactions. When it comes to the actual
immoral practices which occasionally spring up in the household
the situation is desperate. Incest and other evil practices leave
ineradicable stains. It may be contended that early teaching
of this kind must fall on fertile ground to produce long enduring
vicious results, but there is little doubt that susceptibility exists
more or less in all persons. Very many times in our studies of
the genetics of a delinquent career we have ascertained that
the earliest beginnings were connected with illicit sex practices.
There seems to be little reason for the individual pursuing any
paths of rectitude when the most intimate relations of life are
morally awry.

410

Chap. XI] SEX PERVERSIONS [§ 247

§ 247. Sex Perversions.

Despite the importance of the subject of sex perversions for all
who have to do with offenders, whether in police or court work,
or in institutional life, there is no sufficient reason for our discuss-
ing it in detail in such a work as this. We grant there has been
altogether too much neglect of the subject and too little under-
standing of the facts by many who should know at least the gen-
eral phases of unnatiu-al sex conduct, but sources of detailed
information are now available in English, and to these we will
refer those readers whose business it should be to understand such
things. All others should leave the unpleasant subject alone.
We are consciously thus producing an incomplete work on the
individual offender, feeling that there is no sufficient reason for
reiteration of even the general outlines of the subject, nor for
recounting any of the many instances which we have studied.
Judges and others deeply concerned with this whole problem,
which is not easy to understand, should gain a learned outlook
upon it. I would counsel study of authors only who deal with
the subject thoroughly. The foreign literature is immense; we
need not concern ourselves with it here because the masterly
works of Krafft-Ebing (188), Havelock Ellis (186), Freud (88), and
Moll (339) are now all available in English. These authors cover
different parts of the field and take different points of view, no
one of which the fair-minded student of the subject can afford
to neglect. There is much strife about certain theoretical points,
but the facts are all clear. For those who are compelled to deal
with the legal aspects of sex perversion the recent translation of
Thoinot (338) is a boon.

Nothing, naturally, is of any more interest in the matter of sex
perversions than its psychological aspects. It does not do at all,
as Naecke (340) points out, to wave aside even the commonest
of perversions and say that they simply arise upon a basis of
degeneracy. We see clearly from the study of our cases that many
types of personalities are involved, and that bad companion-
ship and bad environmental conditions may be the chief, perhaps
the sole cause for these socially abnormal practices. While in
court work a large number of sex perverts are found to be mentally
abnormal, individuals who do not get into court, and those who
in institutions and other places where the sexes are segregated

411

§ 247] ABNORMAL SEXUALISM [Chap. XI

practice these vices are frequently entirely sound mentally.
The mere practice of sex perversions is a rare cause for the indi-
vidual being brought into court — that is, rare as compared with
the large number of persons who engage in such practices. This
fact must not be forgotten when there is attempt to urge reforma-
tion upon the individual. Others of his ilk are generally known
to him who hold themselves as quite beyond the pale of criminal-
ism. Perhaps the most difficult feature of the situation to com-
bat is the fact, known to many perverts, that people of great
ability and of both sexes practice these habits which, because
they are anti-social, are called perversions.

Treatment of the tendency to sex perversion is a very difficult
matter. Forced repressive discipline in such matters is frequently
a farce. We can well understand this in the light of the powers of
mental imagery. Study of the authors we have mentioned will
show that a great many sex-pervert offenses are instigated by
obsessive mental representations, such as are not in the least
bettered by ordinary penal treatment. Indeed, life in penal
institutions is notorious for inciting to sex practices of many
kinds even those who are otherwise not inclined to them. There
is much literature bearing on this point.

The importance of sex perversions for criminalistics does not
end with consideration of the practices themselves. We have
been deeply impressed with the power which the knowledge,
to say nothing of the practice, by young people of perversions
has for disturbing the general moral equilibrium. In a number
of cases we have witnessed secondary effects, stealing, running
away, false accusations, etc., arise principally from the morally
overwhelming effects of experience with sex-pervert practices.
In our chapter on mental conflicts, § 237, and on pathological
lying, § 346, may be seen some indications of the facts.

§ 248. Psychoses Accompanied by Abnormal Sexualism.

We have elsewhere dwelled upon the excessive sexualism not
infrequently displayed by epileptics, sometimes upon the basis of
the early sex development which may accompany the disease.
In other conditions where the mind is affected, eroticism may
be displayed as one of the chief symptoms, and in such cases
the entire social significance of the mental disease may hinge
upon this fact. In our chapters on the psychoses will be found
some hint of this. ,,

412

Chap. XI] SEXUALISM IN PSYCHOSES [§ 248

We have seen a number of cases where arrest has been made
for sex offenses when the offense itself was merely a sjonptom
of the mental aberration. It is interesting to note that the vast
majority of those cases have been females. Males with mental
aberrations do occasionally become sex offenders, sometimes of
the most violent sort, rapists and perverts, but in much greater
measure the conduct of the psychotic girl or woman is imbued
with general sex tendencies. A previously moral girl, now the
victim of chorea, may begin to show erotic tendencies, and after
parental repression, may run away in the full excitement of her
disease, and seek experiences with the opposite sex. Many in-
stances of psychoses in adolescents we have witnessed which have
been accompanied by signs of eroticism, indeed eroticism itself
in some has seemed to be the chief sign of a mild maniacal
condition. The possibility of an aberrational mental state being
the foundation for such behavior should be kept ever in mind
by probation officers and others who come in contact with these
markedly sexualistic individuals.

41.3

§ 249] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

CHAPTER XII
Epilepsy

§ 249. General Statement. § 250. Varieties of Epilepsy. § 251. Criminalism
and Epilepsy. § 252. Our Findings. § 253. Mental Peculiarities of Epi-
leptics. § 254. Physical Peculiarities of Epileptics. § 255. Causes of Epi-
leptic Being an Offender. § 256. Illustrative Cases. § 257. Legal and
Other Social Treatment of Epileptic Offenders. § 258. Epileptic Psychoses.

§ 249. General Statement. — The amount of space which
we shall devote to epilepsy as a genetic factor of criminalism
will not be proportionate to the great importance of the subject.
The general facts, since the earliest studies of Lombroso pub-
lished a generation ago, have been well to the foreground in crim-
inology. What is necessary for us to do is to say something of the
nature of the epileptic attacks, to refer to our statistical findings
while considering certain exaggerations of the subject, to speci-
fically dwell on the mental peculiarities of epileptics which lead
them to play so large a part in criminalism, to give two or three
typical cases, and to offer some comments on legal aspects. The
epileptic psychoses, although difficult at times to distinguish
from mere changes in character peculiar to epileptics, are treated
below, § 258. (The best professional usage of today is to speak
of " the epilepsies," rather than of epilepsy as a single disease.
There are several kinds of epilepsy, and probably many etiologi-
cal factors.) The main facts about the varieties of attacks and
the psychical characteristics of epileptics, as set forth below,
should be well known to all who deal with offenders.^

§ 250. Varieties of Epilepsy. — The essential nature of epilepsy
as a disease is that its principal manifestations occur in the form
of attacks of varying kinds and lengths. Quite apart from the
mental states of the epileptic at times other than in the attack, is
consideration of the disease itself as expressed in attacks. All
students of offenders should be acquainted with the several forms
of epilepsy. It is true that the classic division of epilepsy into
four principal manifestations is not ultimately satisfactory to

1 The best reference work in English on epilepsy for students of criminaMs-
tics is that by SpratUng (26). This was written from the author's immense
experience at the Craig Colony in New York.

414

Chap. XII] VARIETIES OF EPILEPSY [§ 250

professional students of the subject, but for the practical pur-
poses of description this division holds good. It is in general
use even in special institutions for epileptics. Before giving the
divisions we desire the reader to distinctly understand that the
lines between them are not always clear, and that the same person
may suffer from more than one manifestation of the disease.
Often both major and minor attacks are experienced. The main
forms of epilepsy are :

(a) ]\Iajor epilepsy. Grand mal. Attacks in which motor co-
ordination is lost, the patient falls, and there is always uncon-
sciousness. The convulsive seizure is the best known manifes-
tation of major epilepsy.

(6) Minor epilepsy. Petit mal. In attacks of this nature con-
sciousness may not be entirely lost, and while there is some
muscular involvement it may not amount to jerking or falling.
There may be merely sudden inability to move, with clouding of
consciousness for a few seconds.

(c) Psjxhic epilepsy. This is a mental attack leaving the motor
functions undisturbed. There is sudden, temporary loss of the
higher consciousness, of complete apperception, with a patho-
logical loss of memory. These seizures may last for a few seconds
or for hours, and even days. The individual in these states auto-
matically reacts to various perceptions and impulses.

{d) Jacksonian or partial epilepsy consists in spasms of one
set of muscles, or of one part of the body. Often with this there
is no disturbance of the consciousness. It is usually the result
of localized disease of the brain. It has less to do with criminalis-
tics than the other forms of epilepsy.

In addition to the above should be mentioned epileptic equiva-
lents. These are curious psycho-physical phenomena due to
paroxysmal disturbances of various nerve centers. They have
been described by Gowers and others. There may be sudden feel-
ing of distress in some organ, or the trouble may take the form
of sensory disturbance, which occasionally amounts to an hallu-
cination, as of smell. Rarely, attacks of this sort may be the only
indication of the epileptic tendency, except that usually there is
a little concomitant disturbance of consciousness. One remark-
able case seen by us was that of a boy, repeatedly delinquent,
who showed the characteristic mental deterioration of the epi-
leptic, but who suffered from no seizures other than peculiar
attacks of sweating, accompanied by slight dimming of conscious-

415

§ 250] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

ness. Attacks of iriolent temper may be epileptic equivalents ac-
cording to the opinion of prominent students of the subject.
Certainly known epileptics are prone to such emotional disturb-
ances which may seem to take the place of typical seizures. At-
tacks of bad temper seem also to run in epileptic families, among
those who show no regular manifestations of the disease. Further
light on this subject may be forthcoming.

The diagnosis, especially the differential diagnosis, of epilepsy,
should be left to well-trained specialists. Attacks of other nervous
diseases may be wrongly interpreted as epilepsy.

§ 251. Criminalism and Epilepsy. — The comprehensive asser-
tion of Lombroso that the criminal is essentially an epileptic,
even though he shows none of the ordinary diagnostic signs of
the disease, and that epUepsy represents the genus of which crim-
inalism and moral insanity are the species, is not to be taken
too seriously. Of course, as Tarde says (5, p. 238, ff.), this theory
of Lombroso is not without deep significance, even though it be
literally untrue. The peculiar ugl}^ temper and outbreaks without
provocation, the variable temperament, and the episodic behavior
to be observed in some criminals who are not known to be epi-
leptics, form a suspicious chain of resemblances. So far as we
ourselves are concerned, with our viewpoint of the practical
value of digging deeply into causation in each case by itself, we
have not the slightest need for the application of any such general
theory. The extent of the relationship between epilepsy and
criminality must stand upon its own feet as an ascertainable fact.
Many observers working in Germany, France, England, and
America have been unable to corroborate Lombroso's theories.
Notwithstanding the frequency with which we ourselves have
discovered this disease among offenders, we perceive altogether
too many sides to the problem of criminalism to have them met
in any such one-pointed fashion.

§ 252. Our Findings. — Our findings on the appearance of
epilepsy as a factor in offenders' careers are that in a straight
series of 1000 cases of young repeated offenders 7 per cent, are
known to be definitely epileptic and there is a question of doubt
in a number of other cases. Our figures are set forth elsewhere,
§ 107. Our data would seem to be much more complete than could
be obtained from observation in penal and other institutions,
because of our unusual opportunities for getting in touch with
relatives, and hence for learning the story of developmental con-

416

Chap. XII] MENTAL PECULIARITIES OF EPILEPTICS [§ 253

ditions. Had we not had these antecedent facts many cases of
epilepsy could not have been recognized as such. Thus so far
as the substantiation of any such theory as Lombroso's is con-
cerned we have had an exceptionally good chance.

In making the diagnosis of epilepsy we have not entered at all
info the well-founded modern contentions as to what really con-
stitutes the disease. Medical science is unable yet to declare
itself on this question. We may say, in general, that Ave have
called those indi\'iduals epileptic who have had convulsive attacks
beyond the period of infantile convulsions, or when there has
been first-rate CAddence of occurrence of attacks of minor epilepsy.
We have also included cases where spasms or convulsions were
exceedingly frequent during infancy or early childhood, even if
they disappeared later. Convulsions occurring during the course
of infectious diseases, etc. are, of course, not included.

The points in our discussion of this subject for which I should
ask most consideration are those concerned with the mental
peculiarities of epileptics. Those peculiarities merge into the
psychoses, the insanities, but yet in the great majority of epilep-
tic offenders the question of insanity, as ordinarily conceived,
can hardly be brought up. The reader should, hovx^ever, become
acquainted with the facts concerning the epileptic insanities,
§ 258, as well as the points under consideration.

§ 253. Mental Peculiarities of Epileptics. — The mental pecu-
liarities which have special interest for the student of offenders
are (a) the strange variabilities, easily discerned by examination
or observation; (6) the remarkable general characteristics (the
so-called character) typical of the epileptic; (c) the gradual men-
tal deterioration, which is so peculiar to the disease in its well-
marked forms that some specialists say it is one of the principal
points of diagnosis.

In any consideration of the mental life of epileptics as a class
it should be distinctly remembered that very able and wise men
have been sufferers from this disease in mild form. We who see
especially epileptics who are offenders, get a view of correlated
mental peculiarities which does not correspond exactly to the
facts as they exist among non-offenders. Yet we, when grading
according to mental abilities, find variations ranging from fair
or ordinary in ability to feeblemindedness.

(a) First of note among the peculiarities displayed by epilep-
tics is the great variability in their mental functionings. To

417

§ 253] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

know the mental capacities of an epileptic today is not to know
them tomorrow. We have many times observed that our find-
ings on tests are not duplicated at a second sitting. This is to
be quite expected in the light of the wonderful changes which
take place in the epileptic's psyche. Not only this, but there is
also often great unevenness shown in different mental abilities at
one testing. This irregularity in performance has led to the
common saying at our clinic that great irregularity in itself sug-
gests the possibility that epilepsy is the correct diagnosis, al-
though those who are mentally dull from depleted physical
conditions sometimes show the same phenomena. These varia-
bilities in capacity are less well known than the changeableness
of mood and entire disposition. Aschaffenburg (364) has devoted
an essay to the important psychological and legal points of fluct-
uation of disposition. It is especially well shown in one of the
cases cited below.

(6) The development of the so-called " epileptic character "
is one of the well-recognized psychological peculiarities of this
disease. In enumerating rapidly the points to which others have
devoted many pages of consideration we have the following:
Epileptics are prone to emotionalism, but much inconsistency is
shown in their feelings. Some may be subject to constant irrita-
bility, but more often there is a sudden showing of anger and
vicious conduct entirely without cause. On the other hand,
there may be the assumption of an ultra virtuous attitude, with
perhaps moralizing and preaching. One of the most cruel epi-
leptic adolescents we have ever studied was a religious enthusiast
at times. Periods of sullenness or bad temper may be prodro-
mata of actual attacks, and in some cases it seems certain that
ill feelings and their reflection in the mental disposition vicari-
ously replace the attack. Impulsiveness is a very general char-
acteristic.

Another class of epileptic traits, as many observers have noted,
centers about their egocentric tendencies. There is a morbid
self-love and egocentrism. This leads to self-assertion of all kinds,
and to defective appreciation of the rights of others. Excessive
obstinacy is frequently seen. In general, the ethical perceptions
necessarily play a small part when these other tendencies are
active. (The ordinary saying that in epileptics the moral sense
is blunted, means merely that they show mental deterioration
and overwhelming impulsions.) When there is over-develop-

418

Chap. XII] CAUSES OF EPILEPTIC BEING AN OFFENDER [§ 255

ment of the sexual life, as unfortunately there so frequently is,
the combination of all these t^'pical characteristics tends to make
the epileptic a great offender. The character changes play so large
a part in the mentality of the epileptic that it is sometimes said
that unprovoked naughtiness is one of the earliest signs of epilep-
tic tendencies in children, but one would have to be careful in
drawing such a conclusion. All told, we may not only say that
epileptics show many traits which lead in the direction of anti-
social behavior, but that they are notoriously incalculable in
their moods and impulses.

(c) The remaining class of epileptic mental peculiarities is
concerned with general deterioration. Some of the best students
go so far as to use this phenomenon as a diagnostic point, and
state that without signs of gradual mental deterioration diagnosis
of true epilepsy is doubtful. Observers of cases outside of insti-
tutions would hardly care to go as far as this. But the fact is
that in very many cases there is a slowly progressive tendency
towards the loss of mental power. Perceptions and will are
affected; the finer ethical discriminations are lost, and the moral
inhibitors'^ powers are lowered. On account of just these facts
we find the epileptic so frequently becoming an offender. There
is much more study to be made of these points, particularly of
the fields of mental activity which are involved in the deteriorat-
ing process. Thorough psychological study of the mental states
of epileptics has yet to be made, but there have been definite
starts in this direction.^

§ 254. Physical Peculiarities of Epileptics. — No considera-
tion of the epileptic's characteristics is complete without taking
account of the peculiar fact that this disease is frequently corre-
lated with premature development and over-development, both
of the general physique and of sex attributes. In our study of
offenders we have seen some astonishing cases of this. We have
mentioned it elsewhere, Case 22, and it was one of the main
features of Case 79, cited below. I am not aware that any one
has offered an explanation of this unexpected correlation.

§ 255. Causes of Epileptic Being an Offender. — I would
not have it understood that I believe that the innate character-
istics of the epileptic are solely responsible for his frequent growth

1 For the student we may refer to Jung's studies on association processes
(365), to the paper of Rittershaus (366) on the Differential Diagnosis of the
Forms of Epilepsy by Psychological Studies, and also to the article on the use
of tests by WaUin (28).

419

§ 255] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

into an offender. The making of the confirmed criminal out
of the epileptic is the result partly of his own innate mental and
physical tendencies, partly of the formation of mental habits
according to the laws of mental life, and is partly due to social
conditions. (No small factor in this is the epileptic's continual
regarding of himself as an anti-social being, a possible breaker
of the laws.) Continuation studies of many an epileptic show
clearly the sequence of events. It was, indeed, just this which
drew my attention first to the criminological field. As I have
elsewhere pointed out (27), the path of the epileptic from the
clinic to the bridewell and the penitentiary is astonishingly well
worn. Vagrancy and crime are the natural results of social
failure, especially when impulses from within surge higher than
the powers of inliibition. The young man expressed the point most
clearly who came to our court and asked to be sent to a reforma-
tory before he had actually committed the offenses which he
felt he was bound ultimately to commit.

§ 256. Illustrative Cases. — The following cases have been
selected as illustrating a considerable number of the points which
typify the antecedents, the individual make-up, and the careers
of epileptic offenders.

Case 77. — A young man, now 18 years of age, we have had under
frequent observation for three years. The first time we saw him
he showed mental hebetude to the extent that he hardly knew his
own name and could give very little of his history. In this condition
he remained for a number of hours. WHien seen at another time
he proved to be ambitious and a fairly good student, who enlisted
sympathy by virtue of his desire to get along well in the world.

This boy is the fourth of eight children, three of whom are dead,
two older brothers are steady workers, and one brother is very
irregular in his habits and somewhat of a runaway. We hear
that this brother, a graduate of the grammar school, has been
held in jail in other parts of the country. The father holds a very
responsible position, and has been with the same company for 25
years. The mother is a fairly intelligent woman, much worried,
neurasthenic and broken down as the result of her troubles.
Both father and mother come from large families; they insist
that there has been no insanity, feeblemindedness or epilepsy on
either side. This is probably a reliable account.

The subject of our study was the result of a normal pregnancy
and birth. He was healthy as an infant, but at 2 years began to

420

Chap. XII] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 250

hold his breath when crying and appear to faint. After that he
had occasional attacks of unconsciousness. These have varied
in nature from time to time. In the year prior to when we first
saw him he had six attacks in which he fell and bit his tongue.
He walked and talked early and had no diseases of importance
for us. Sometimes he has had attacks in which everything be-
comes black in front of his eyes, and he would have to sit down
imtil it passed away.

We found him at 15 years to be a well-developed and well-
nourished boy. Weight 128 lbs., height 5 ft., 4 1-2 in. Strength
good for age. No tremor. Coordination normal. The only
stigma was a deep indentation of the lobules of ears. No sensory
defect noted. Well-shaped head. We hear from the parents
that he has had adult type of sex development for some time.
During our acquaintance with this boy he developed still more,
and at 18 he is a tall, strong young man with a very deep voice.

His mentality was extremely variable. For hours he might be
extremely dull, on other occasions he would talk bravely about the
possibility of his becoming a lawyer. Indeed, he had bought books
that were recommended as adapted to his beginning such studies
and had worked with them. The following is a sample of the re-
sult on tests at one sitting. They show remarkable irregularity.

I. 1' 10". No trial and error.

II. 1' 35". 4 errors.

III. Construction Test A. 18".

IV. Construction Test B. 54". Very little trial and error. De-
cidedly good perception of the relationships of form.

V. Puzzle Box, 6' 57". Good perception of the logical relationships
of the different steps, but slow procedure.

VII. Reproduction of Geometrical Figures. Very poor result on
this simple test. More parts than are necessary in one figure, and
entire leaving out of the central part of the second figure.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct at 2d trial, but only in accordance
with his own idea of the numbering of spaces, in spite of his having been
shown carefully that his OAvn conception of the numbering was wrong.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. 18 of the 20 items
given with much verbal accuracy and in correct logical sequence.
A very good result.

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. 85 squares at 1st trial. 87 squares
at 2d trial. One error only at the 1st trial.

XVII. Writes a fairly good hand. Is curiously erratic in his spell-
ing at times. For instance, "printer" he makes "pritner," but such
errors are only occasional.

421

§ 256] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

XVIII. Arithmetic. He tries to do examples in long division and
then makes a proof that comes out ridiculously wrong. Shows a
strange variability in his mental processes even on such work as
attempting to prove an example, which was correctly done at first.
At one time he multiplied the divisor by the remainder, and at another
time multiplied the quotient by the remainder, and so on.

XXII. In a fragmentary way he knows many facts of history and
geography. He has been a great reader. They have a good library of
books at home, and he tells us he has been particularly fond of his-
tory, yet he says Abraham Lincoln was the first president of the United
States, and makes other similar errors. The ordinary items of common
scientific interest he knows fairly well, perhaps because his father is
an expert mechanic. It is curious to note that his show of informa-
tion on another occasion was entirely different. He can then tell us
who the first president was, but now says the five great lakes are St.
Louis, Michigan, Erie, and others which he does not know. Previously
he had named them correctly, with the exception of Huron.

This boy had reached 7th grade by the time he was 15 years
old, and had on various occasions impressed people with his de-
sire for learning, with his studies in history, and probable ability
to become a lawyer. On one of his earliest appearances in court
the judge heard that he had an ambition to enter the legal profes-
sion, and refused to put any record against him in the hopes that
he might change in character. It was said at the time that he was
the victim of others who led him on. The first time we saw him
he had suffered the previous night a miserable sex-pervert assault.
But his delinquencies also involved very different types of behavior.
He has stolen from other people as well as from home. At times
he quarreled much with his brothers and even threatened their
lives. On one occasion he took a check from the family mail
box and attempted to get it cashed. Once he was persuaded
by a man to go to a house of prostitution, and there acquired a
venereal disease.

The worst of his delinquencies, except for a happy circumstance,
might well have been train wrecking. One afternoon he was
walking in a suburb, but for what purpose he was never able to
tell. Indeed, he could never remember how he reached there.
Coming to railroad tracks, he inquired when a certain fast train
would be coming by. Walking out farther he very cunningly
placed some angle irons in such fashion on the track that the train
would surely be derailed. Meeting some boys in the vicinity he
told them to come on down to the tracks in half an hour, and they
would see a good wreck of the Fast Express. Most fortunately,

422

Chap. XII] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 256

one of the railroad people walking by saw the obstruction and
removed it. Inquiry elicited the fact that our boy had given
money to some lads to tell him at what time this particular train
was due there. The abnormal character of the deed was thoroughly
demonstrated by this. The offender was easily apprehended.

I have repeatedly seen this boy in his better moments, when
he was always contrite and frank about this railroad affair. He
apparently remembers his actions, but cannot give the slightest
motive. He saw the track, and thought it would be nice to make
a wreck, and then set about his purpose. He had not the slightest
cause of grudge against the railroad company or any one in the
train. Although he must have been several hours on his way to
the suburb, he does not remember any part of that time. He
feels that his act was the result of a sudden impulse, and he has
no idea why he should have had that.

At other times we have seen him surly, grudgeful, and threat-
ening vengeance on his dearest relatives. Once he told us, " I
am better dead than the way I am. Sometimes I feel like killing
myself. One day I came near doing it in the bath room, and I
had the means there. I am not only making misery for myself."
On another occasion, " I '11 never feel on friendly terms with him
again. I '11 kill him, if he is my brother. I '11 do it yet." "These
things come in my mind, doctor, that 's all there is to it, and I
go right away and do them. There ain't no stopping to think.
When a thing comes in my mind, I just go right ahead and do it,
and I don't know why I do."

As a boy of 14 this lad had a scheme for studying oratory. He
read the newspaper account of lawyers' speeches, and made the
attempt to commit them to memory. He both wrote and recited
them in his efforts at learning. After he left school he never held
but one job for any length of time, and, curiously enough, that
was for six months as a switch tender on a railroad. The danger
of having him in this occupation can well be imagined. At times
he has seemed delusional and has told strange stories about hidden
treasures and about his acquaintance with girls. The last we
heard of this young man was that he had run away to an eastern
state and had succeeded in enlisting in the navy.

(Since writing the above we have an inquiry about this young
fellow, and learn that after serving with a good record for about
a year he, without known cause, deserted. He was then to be
tried by court-martial.)

423

§ 256] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

Mentality: Epileptic, great variability. Case 77.

Delinquencies: '^' ^
Runaway -\ — |--

Stealing. Mental ability:

Attempt to wreck train, etc. Fair, but variable.

Many a gruesome tale could be told of murder and rape and
other offenses of epileptics. We can well afford to leave such
studies untold, since many have been recounted by others, par-
ticularly by Lombroso, but so many important social and psy-
chological features appear in the following case of a murderer,
who was finally hanged, that his history justifies a short recital.

Case 78. — Male 33 years old. I was asked to study as an im-
partial observer this man who was accused of murder in a small
western city. At my disposal were placed the facts known to the
lawyers of both sides, those that the police had ascertained, and
I also had opportunity to meet the accused at length, and become
acquainted with a number of members of his family. There was
no question about the murder; the accused acknowledged it.
The facts as to his previous history were in many details corrob-
orated by information from different sources. The murder was
peculiarly unprovoked. An old woman, who lived in a house by
herself, was called up in the middle of the night by this man, who
had spent the earlier hours at a party where some drinking had
been going on. The woman knew this man slightly, and let him
in when he rapped. What occurred afterwards is not altogether
known except that the victim was choked, her throat was cut,
and her chest and abdomen gashed open. There was some evi-
dence of the viscera having been handled. Then there was search
for her possessions. A bag was taken from which on the way
home the murderer threw out various letters and some from his
own pocket, which gave complete clue to his identity. He went
home, prepared breakfast for his children because his wife was
still at the party, slept for a time and then went about the town
looking for work. On that evening he was calmly sleeping when
the police arrived, and quickly went to sleep again after having
been placed in the police station. He made no attempt at denial.
The bag belonging to the woman was found in his home with
no attempt at concealment.

On the physical side we found a very well nourished and heavily

424

Chap. XII] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 256

built man. Large neck; rather deep set eyes; overhanging eye-
brows; superciUary ridges very large. Forehead rather retreat-
ing, but head fairly well shaped; circumference 57 cm. Regular
profile. Small mouth. Thin lips. Quiet and dull in expression.
General appearance hea\y, dull, and rather brutal. No stigma
of importance. Constant fine tremor of outstretched hands.
Coordination tests all done fairly well. No sensory defect noted.
Complains much of hands sweating at intervals. Occasionally
frontal headaches with a feeling of sickness at the times. His trem-
bling and sweating as observed by us could not be counted as evi-
dence of emotion, because he showed none in any other way. At
no time did we see the slightest evidence of excitement or con-
trition. Always slow pulse. The quiet attitude was said to be
usual with him, even to his being generalh^ downcast. However,
even in jail he could easily be aroused to show humor, emphati-
cally demonstrated by contraction of the orbiculares of the eyes.
Another evidence of the man's general make-up was shown by
the fact that he complained of much sex desire while in jail, in
tliis respect being as usual.

On the mental side we had before us the question of either aber-
ration or defect. The only signs of aberration were to be found
in a strange emotional lethargy. We could pretty well rule out
postincriminatory disturbance, because his present attitude,
according to his wife and others, was quite usual. The abnormali-
ties which he displayed were all those of a typical defective. He
responded readily to questions, and even had an apparent de-
sire to go into various points of his career, but there was always
much evidence of incomplete memory. He could read only the
shortest words. He had never been able to read an ordinary
passage in a newspaper. He could write his own name, but very
little else, not even a simple letter. In arithmetic he was able
to do only the simplest processes in addition and multiplication.
To tell how much change he should receive from ^o if he bought
7 articles at 5 cents each, was far beyond him. On our Test VlH,
learning symbol associations, although he filled out the practice
part of the work, he utterly failed to remember the associations.
Our easy tests, IX and X, for the powers of mental represen-
tation, were also too much for him. Reaction times on associ-
ation of verbal opposites was extremely slow. He only gave five
correctly, and the average time on these was 5". His orienta-
tion as to time was mainly correct, but he did not know the day

425

§ 256] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

of the month. He knows the president of the United States, and
his own pohtics, but does not know who is the governor of the
state. He does not vote. He does not know the names of the
Great Lakes nor the lake on which Chicago is, although he has
once been there. He knows nothing about the civil war nor the im-
portant part played by his native state at that time. All this,
other tests given, and his history, showed that we had to do with
a feebleminded man, who could converse well in simple fashion,
and who had demonstrated the power of earning his living under
direction.

He was one of eight children born to honest and temperate par-
ents in a southeastern state. His mother was subject to epilepsy.
All the other children have gotten along fairly well, they all
gained a moderate education, and none of them developed epi-
lepsy. However, sick headaches, apparently migraine, is a
characteristic complaint among them and there has been much
severe suffering on this account by several of them.

This boy had epileptic seizures when he was a child. He used
to run away from home and stay for two or three days at a time,
and act as if he did not know what he was doing, even at times
when he did not have a convulsion. In spite of going to school for
eight years, and being helped much at home, he never succeeded
in learning to read or write. During early adolescence he became
a thief. He stole on several occasions, and was finally sent to a
reformatory in his home state, but was pardoned soon because he
behaved well and because he was an epileptic.

This young fellow, shortly after his pardon married the woman
who has always been loyal to him. She is neat and trim, and in
intelligence far above him. They have two children, 8 and 10 years,
of age, who are up to their grade in school, and apparently normal
in every way. There have been three or four miscarriages arti-
ficially produced. The wife has had to work out often, but since
she is a very capable woman, there has been no particular finan-
cial stress.

His wife tells us that throughout his married life he seemed to.
be in his right mind as a rule, but he always appeared somewhat
queer, inasmuch as he never would care to enter into conversation;
he would only speak when urged to talk. Sometimes he would
hold his head and say things were black in front of his eyes. At
times he would shake and tremble all over in his sleep, but he
has never had any definite convulsions since she has known him.

426

Chap. XII] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 256

She knew he had them earHer. Of late years he would walk out
of the house and wander off somewhere, perhaps to the next
town, and stay away all night. He has always treated her well
when he has been sober. Although they live in a prohibition com-
munity, he has found it easy enough to get alcoholic beverages.
Three or four years previously he was very curiously paralyzed
on one side for about a week, but, to the surprise of everybody,
he rapidly recovered. She corroborates his statement that he is
extremely passionate sexually, and has been so all the time she
has known him. Recently he has been even more so. Some-
times he is rough, but never cruel. (Without going into details,
I may say that this is one of the most extreme cases of sexual
passion that I have known of in medical work.) His memory
always seemed to be somewhat poor, but previously he was some-
what brighter than he has been lately. On one occasion he at-
tacked his family, and threw things about the house, and they
had to run away until he got quieted down, but, in general, his
w^ife has regarded him as a satisfactory husband.

This man himself frankly tells us all he knows of the murder and
of his past history. He remembers the attacks his mother had, and
how people told him that he was subject to fits. He tells us of his
incarceration at 16 or 17, but cannot remember just how long he
was in the reformatory, nor just how old he was. He was married
at .18. He lays much stress on his strong sex desires, on his mas-
turbation before marriage, and excessive cohabitation since then.
For the last year or two says he has been almost crazy in this way.
He has had gonorrhea twice, once before his marriage. Says he
was never good at games, and never could shoot anything the
w^ay the other boys did. He used to wander off in the woods
away from school. Since his marriage he wanders occasionally,
and has been on sprees. He has lived steadily with his wife, but
has been untrue to her on various occasions. Nearly all his work
has been as a farm laborer, but recently he has been a hod car-
rier's assistant.

This man tells us that he is very changeable in his feelings. He
thinks people treat him squarely, but he has not always done
what is right. He says he has sometimes spent his wages, and then
his wife had to go out to work. He does not think he has had any
fits for many years, but something affects his brain at times.
Everything gets dark in front of him. He gets weak and has to
sit down. Occasionally this comes over him two or three times

427

§ 256] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

a day. He has been doing the kind of work where this did not
make any difference. He can't recall just the day on which this
murder occurred. He had been out of work for three or four days,
and the evening before had been drinking a little beer and whiskey.
He went to the party that night with his wife, but came away
without her. He does not know exactly why he did this, nor
does he at all know why he went into the house of the old woman.
It was just an impulse that came over him. He thinks he must
have cut her after he choked her because other people say so, but
he really does not remember doing it. He knows he felt very
strange at the time. He thinks perhaps he was angry because
she had ordered him out of the house. He denies that he had sex
feelings at the time, or that he had sex experiences with her. He
was not then particularly hard up for money, and from her bag
of belongings, which he discovered, he did not even take the
money when he placed it on the shelf at home. He did not change
his clothes, on which there were some blood stains, nor did he
feel afraid about the affair. He thought perhaps it would not be
found out; sometimes such things were not found out. When
asked if he had any particular case in mind, he at first said no.
(When I heard of the nature of this murder I inquired of the
authorities if there had been any similar murders of women in the
neighborhood, and I was told of one in a near-by town, and also
that this man had been in the company of a dissolute woman at
about the time when she was killed, although it was never known
that she was murdered.) When I later asked in a general way
about this, he said there was a woman who had been murdered
under the same circamstances in a nearby country town, and that
was never found out. Then I asked him about the other woman
who was killed. He said he got to drinking with her down near
the railroad tracks and he does not remember what happened.
Her body was found much mutilated on account of having been
run over by a train. He was found asleep near there. That was
a couple of years previously. He says he thinks he would not
have committed this murder of the old woman in the cottage
had he not previously been drinking, although he certainly did
not get drunk. (There is no evidence from the people at the party
that he became intoxicated.)

In regard to his connection with the death of the woman on
the tracks, his wife verifies the fact that he was found asleep
there, but nobodj^ ever ascertained that he knew anything of

428

Chap. XII] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 256

what had occurred. Concerning the murder of the woman in
the neighboring town, she says she beheves her husband was
away from home on that particular night. Later I asked the
man if he thought he had committed that other murder, and the
only answer vouchsafed was that he did not know that he had.
He very strangely never once denied it. The account of other
minor delinquencies, showing his loose way of living, is of no
particular importance. He was hanged, as he said he guessed
he would be.

In summary: Here was a big, strong man; feebleminded and
epileptic; of epileptic heredity; of fair ability in conversation;
a satisfactory husband to a woman who was willing to work and
help him and his children. He showed very peculiar and aber-
rational tendencies, but was able in a prohibition community
to get plenty of alcoholic stimulants. He perpetrated at least
one murder under pathological impulses. His life history, in-
cluding his early pardon, is a good commentary upon social ad-
justments which do not take into account psychopathological
elements. At no time was there the slightest foresight displayed
in the handling of this case.

Mentality: Feebleminded, variable Case 78.

epileptic. Man, 32 years.

Abnormal sexualism.

Heredity: Mother epileptic.

Much migraine in the family.

Alcoholism.

Delinquencies :

Earlier running away.

Wanderer.

Stealing.

Sex abnormality.

Murder.

An instance where a number of the typical features of the
development and career of an epileptic offender are shown in
exaggerated form is the following:

Case 79. — A boy of 16 has a long record of delinquency. He
has been a frequent runaway from home, and is a thief. He has
served one term in a prison for adults. He was in court the first
time when he was 11 years old for running away.

429

§ 256] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

Examination showed a young fellow of great size and strength
for his years. Weight 155 lbs., height 5 ft. 6 in. Responsive and
pleasant expression. No sensory defect. Hutchinsonian teeth
suggest congenital syphilis. Very large head; circumference 59,
length 21, breadth 15 cm. Sex development very great for his
age, already completely adult.

On mental tests we found him irregular, but his abilities in
some directions were good.

Heredity was extremely bad on both sides. The father was an
excessively immoral man. The maternal grandfather was insane.
The mother had miscarriages before this boy was born. The boy
himself had scarlet fever and partial paralysis at 2 years of age.
He had epileptic attacks until he was 10, and then they entirely
ceased. We could not ascertain that he had been having attacks
of any kind for several years before we saw him. His general
and sex development was extremely precocious. His voice began
to change and he developed a slight mustache at 10 years of age.
Prior to that time he seemed very dull mentally, but about then
began to improve. His school career was made very obnoxious
for him on account of his over-development. Even in Sunday
School the boys called him grandpa. In the last few years he had
been greatly addicted to stimulants — tea, coffee and tobacco.

In this case we found a great mixture of elements, as shown by
his causative factor card below. It is very interesting to note that
this young man has gradually grown more stable; our last re-
port is that he has been working steadily and behaving himself
properly for a long time. Of course the ultimate prognosis de-
pends upon the outcome of his disease.

I Mentality: Variable epileptic. Case 79. •

Heredity: Father extremely immoral. ^^y' ^^ y^^^^'

Maternal grandfather insane.

Congenital syphilis probable.

Developmental: Partial paralysis.
Epileptic attacks.

Premature puberty extreme.

Stimulants -f-.

Delinquencies :
Runaway -| — h-
Stealing.

430

Chap. XII] TREATMENT OF EPILEPTIC OFFENDERS [§ 257

§ 257. Legal and Other Social Treatment of Epileptic Offenders.
— Until the nature of the disease or diseases which show them-
selves in epileptic seizures are known, discussion of the treat-
ment is largely concerned with social measures. On account of
its peculiarities, epilepsy is a disease of great social importance,
and segregation is a measure of precaution and protection that
must be carried out in a large number of cases. The danger of
perpetuating this disease in succeeding generations, since, as
Davenport and Weeks (367) and others have shown, it is so
largely hereditary, can only be prevented by segregation or sur-
gical measures. Wliether the latter can be carried as far as a
number of parents desire who have been to me with their hearts
full of the horrors which may ensue from their offspring's ab-
normal sexual tendencies, is a matter to be determined by the
growth of public opinion.

The handling of epileptics under the law presents many
difficulties as laws are now framed. Although it is so well rec-
ognized that epilepsy frequently implies mental deterioration
and changes of character, which are part of the manifestations
of the disease, the epileptic, as such, is not recognized as being
an individual who needs peculiar consideration under the law.
A well-considered and forceful opinion rendered not long since
by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania (30) gives the legal
point of view. In a certain case of homicide there were offers of
evidence to show that the defendant, a young man who had passed
his majority, in the early years of his life was subject to frequent
attacks of convulsions or spasms which for the time being rend-
ered him unconscious, that after his 12th year the attacks became
less frequent, much milder in form, never attended with uncon-
sciousness, that he was still subject to these attacks in a modified
form, and that he suffered one as recently as the day before the
crime was committed with which he was charged. It also ap-
peared he had been drinking the afternoon and evening of the
occurrence. The court held that the matter of the intoxication
was irrelevant, inasmuch as no evidence was offered on the point
of the degree of intoxication, if any. Then the court went on and
asserted the following general theories. The unsoundness of
mind that excuses the criminal act must be so great as to control
the will of the subject and deprive him of free moral action. It
may be a physiological fact that one effect of epilepsy is to pro-
duce a state of mind easily excited by provocation, but except

431

§ 257] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

as the epilepsy can be shown to have resulted in an unsoundness,
which by itself would excuse an act, it cannot become a factor
in determining the question of guilt or innocence. The law does
not divide men into classes according to temperament or intellect,
judging some more favorably than others, but it judges all alike.

If one ponders over the above dictum and the point of view
which it represents and compares that with the social signifi-
cance of the data which we have presented, it will be clearly seen
that here the law does not at all strike a fundamental note for
bringing about the protection of society which is its own raison
d'etre. As a practical measure there must be legal recognition
of the fact that the various deteriorations and impulsive tenden-
cies and emotional disturbances which are so peculiarly a part
of the epileptic psyche, quite apart from definitive insanity, are
themselves of vast social import. The criminalistic actions of the
intelligent young man mentioned above, taken together with his
own efforts at introspection, give us a good illustration of this
point. While even in his best mental moments he is quite unable
to describe his own motives, he himself is very loath to acknowl-
edge his own irresponsibility. His own state of mind at the time
of the attempted train wrecking appears to him as if it were under
his control. He sometimes thinks that he might have done
otherwise had he willed it. But I have heard exactly the same
statement from violently insane persons who made a sudden re-
covery, and, when quite well, insisted that their wUdest behavior
they can distinctly remember as being definitely willed by them-
selves.

The basic point for consideration of epilepsy is the fact that
this disease presents very peculiar social phenomena, which arise
from certain mental and physical characteristics of the epileptic,
and from the social dilemma in which he is placed. The limited
opportunities offered to an epileptic accentuate his dissatisfac-
tion with the world, times of idleness lead almost inevitably to
the habits and the companionship which increase his moral,
and perhaps his mental deterioration. Out of this unfortunate
combination of circumstances one comes to witness in the life
of epileptics almost unparalleled depths of depravity. Not only
for what they are in themselves then, but also on account of their
social disadvantages, the treatment of epileptics should not be
a matter of merely court decision on a single offense, but must,
to be effective, include more permanent measures.

432

Chap. XII] EPILEPTIC PSYCHOSES [§ 258

§ 258. Epileptic Psychoses.

Quite apart from the epileptic deteriorations of mind and char-
acter, which we have elsewhere noted in their correlation to delin-
quency, § 253, one must consider the mental states connected
with epilepsy which amount to actual insanity. Much has been
written on this subject and it is hardly necessary to do more than
barely mention the phenomena. It must be at once acknowl-
edged, however, that it is frequently difficult to draw a line be-
tween the t^'pical mental and moral alterations of epilepsy, and
the development of real insanity, such as is demanded for diag-
nosis before the plea of irresponsibility is legally allowed.

The aberrational mental states connected with epilepsy we
may enumerate as follows: According to Spratling (26) there
are four paroxysmal epileptic mental conditions;

" (1) Psychic epilepsy. A complete morbid entity in itself and
wholly destructive of responsibility so long as it is present."
Vide § 250 (c).

" (2) Epileptic automatism. A condition of mental vacuity
coexisting with natural bodily activity. This usually follows
severe attacks; though it may be induced by those of milder
form."

" (3) Pre- and post-paroxysmal mental disturbances. These are
usually in the form of the most violent and destructive mania,
lasting anjnvhere from a few minutes up to days or weeks, and in
rare cases even longer."

" (4) Paroxysmal or epileptic mania. This is always destructive
and dangerous in character, and in which the mental disturbance
coincides with the fit. In cases in which it appears to be a sub-
stitute for the fit, it is known as the psychic epileptic equivalent."

(5) Then to these we must add, the slight epileptic dullness of
intellect may become much more pronounced just before the
seizure, so that it amounts to a thoroughly insane condition in
which the individual may perform anti-social deeds.

(6) The well-known epileptic dementia, which may be of all
grades, is sometimes disturbed by an excited condition which is
possibly the result of an abnormal brain cell discharge. Under
these conditions an ordinary sluggish and apathetic individual
may be changed into an impulsive madman.

(7) Acute forms of insanity, to be diagnosed along classic lines,

433

§ 258] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

are also found in epileptics. There may be occasional confusional
states with delusions and hallucinations; there may be melan-
cholias; and manic depressive conditions are met with. Some
authors speak in somewhat different terms of the same condi-
tions. Befogged states, conscious deliria, stupor, and epileptic
furor are some of the terms used. There is also much mention
of the paranoid states which we ourselves have frequently noted
among epileptic offenders. Dipsomania is considered by some
as a possible manifestation of epilepsy.

With the idea particularly expressed by Spratling (26, p. 476)
that " unquestionably the gravest criminalistic result of epilepsy
is the commission of assaults and inhuman crimes during the fit,
or during the automatic state that immediately follows it," we
do not at all agree. His is the standpoint of the institutional
authority, while our experience has been with offenders as such,
who have been secondarily discovered to be epileptics. Our
findings are conclusive that most of the delinquencies of epilep-
tics are committed quite apart from any mental states which
could be properly denominated complete insanity. However,
there can be no cavilling with the oft-quoted dictum of Clouston
that " murder by an epileptic should be looked upon as being
as much a symptom of his disease as larceny by a general paretic."

We need not burden our pages with cases showing the different
forms of insanity connected with epilepsy. Text books on psy-
chiatry give many such, but one or two instances showing the
peculiar social significance of such aberrational states are worth
noting.

We have seen a number of instances in which a child, even as
young as 6 or 7 years, was designated by relatives and teachers
as absolutely incorrigible, cruel, and dangerous, when upon study
the case proved to be one of epileptic psychosis. There was
hj^er-excitability, and lack of self-control, and extreme irrita-
bility, connected with other epileptic manifestations, when there
was no sign of mental defect or deterioration. Indeed, in some
instances superficial brightness was shown by readiness of response
and actual reaction to test. The following case remarkably illus-
trates the psychotic disturbance connected early in life with epi-
lepsy and the growth of definite criminalistic behavior from both
inner tendency (the development of the epileptic temperament),
and such bad environmental influences as peculiarly beset the
epileptic.

434

Chap. XII] EPILEPTIC PSYCHOSES [§ 258

Case 80. — Boy 7 years old. Born in Germany. In the United
States four years. Was brought in from a German orphanage.
The^,' have tried him for a couple of months and cannot tolerate
him longer. The uncle, who supports the boy, states that already
he has been tried in dozens of places. He has found nobody
who will keep him. The complaint is extravagant incorrigi-
bility everywhere. He has already been expelled from schools for
kicking the teachers and interfering with the scholars. He is
extremely restless and insubordinate, and particularly incalcu-
lable — one moment is affectionate and caressing, and the next
minute shows violently bad behavior. Extremely talkative and
forward. Has not the slightest sense of modesty. One care-
taker insists that he is of the born criminal type. He has thrown
a knife at some one. Others tell us he will steal anything.

A number of people have commented on his mental pecul-
iarities. On numerous occasions he seemed to imagine he saw
things. For instance, asserted that a rat ran past him. Then
apparently feels some one touch him at the back, and looks
round, he says, to see who it is. Is reported as being utterly self-
willed. All united in saying that the boy is mentally bright and
perhaps precocious in his abilities. Most notable about him are
the variabilities of his emotional and other mental states. In
several places he has been observed to have some peculiar attacks.
In the orphanage he has been three times unconscious in attacks
of convulsions. At other places where he has been observed for
only a short time they have seen nothing but his mental pecul-
iarities. Whenever he gets a chance he fairly gorges himself
with food. On one occasion he ate a dozen bananas. In one
place he developed a very peculiar habit of spitting. There
seemed to be the most excessive flow of saliva for a time; the
boy would fairly form a little pool on the floor by his continued
expectorations.

Physically we found a boy in fairly good general condition.
Weight 47 lbs.; height 4 ft. No sensory defects. Very lively
attitude and vivacious expression. Bites finger nails. Rather
prominent forehead and sharp and prominent occiput. Head;
circumference 53.3; length 19.5; breadth 14 cm. He has been
circumcised. All other examination negative.

Our psychological examination was readily conducted. The
boy was most vivacious and anxious to do anything in the way
of tests.

435

§ 258] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

Binet: 1911 series.

4 years, all correct.

5 years, failed only on number 3.

6 years, failed only on number 1.

7 years, 1,2, failure; 3, 4, 5, correct.

8 years, 1, 2, 3, 5, correct; 4, failure.

9 years, 1, 2, 3, failure; 4, nearly correct; 5, correct.

Of course most of the tests of our series were too difficult for him.

I. All but the triangles done in 3'. Failed on the triangles. Then
he was shown how. He did the whole test later in 1' 28". The next
day did it without trial and error in 2' 32".

II. 2' 13". 8 errors.

IV. Failure in 8'. Was given some help. The next day did it
correctly.

The general apperceptions of this boy were decidedly good.
He talked very well indeed. His capacity for attention at this
time was good, but as observed in the school-room later it seemed
to be decidedly poor. No doubt whatever about this being a boy
of good ability when he is at his best, but he suffers greatly from
epileptic mental variability.

From the uncle we get an intelligent family history. The
father is dead. The boy is one of two children. The older
brother seems to be normal and is doing well in school. The
mother's family not known. In the father's family no insanity,
epilepsy or feeblemindedness known. For some time before this
boy was born the mother was notoriously alcoholic and sexually
immoral. This went on during his pregnancy. Many attempts
at abortion were made. However, he was born at full term and
was a very large baby. The mother deserted the family when
the boy was less than 3 years old. Whereabouts unknown. Out-
side of the attacks mentioned above, he is not known to have
ever been seriously ill. Never injured.

Since no epileptic colony was open to this boy he had to be
taken care of as best he might by private people who were paid
by this uncle, who himself had no home to give him.

Two years later we again saw the boy after more complaint of
his delinquencies. He had been living in a city environment, being
in a home where there were no other children. He had recently
been expelled from school, even from a special room for defec-
tives. Complaints about him had come in from several sources.
Had been reported several times at the police station. He had
been engaged in obscene behavior and throwing stones at win-
dows. One curious trick of his was to go into some shop or place

436

Chap. XII] EPILEPTIC PSYCHOSES [§ 258

of business and refuse to go out, in the meantime swearing at
the people who interfered with him. He is known as a great
liar.

On examination this time we found him in exceedingly good
physical condition. Vivacious and forceful manner. Has much
language ability. Repeats long pieces of poetry for us and bears
out his general reputation of being a very bright boy. Even a
short conversation brings out his erratic tendencies. He weaves
fanciful tales, and deals in the most absurd exaggerations. j\Iost
unfortunately we hear even from himself that he has been engaged
in miserable sex perversions. He has been consorting with a
degenerate negro. Nowadays has only occasional attacks, has
had no major ones for three months. Very difficult to say whether
or not his attacks of temper represent epileptic equivalents.

The outlook for this case is obviously very bad. We may see
here the usual interaction between the evil in an ordinary envi-
ronment and the epileptic type of character. The boy properly
needs complete segregation in a colony. Already he has proved
expensive as well as troublesome, and is likely to harass society
to a much greater extent.

Mentality: Epileptic variability and
temperament.

Case 80.
Boy, 9 years.

Heredity: Mother bad character.

Ante-natal conditions

Mother alcoholic
and immoral.

Home conditions:

Much

changing about.

Delinquencies :

Incorrigibility -\ — \-.

Violence.

Tendency to sex offenses.

Mentality:
Psychosis as above.

The violent and even homicidal assaults occasionally perpe-
trated by epileptics during periods of actual insanity are not
necessary for us to dwell on. They are well known as being par-
ticularly brutal. The possibilities of criminalism and vice, cor-
related with aberrational epileptic tendencies are well illustrated
by the following typical case:

Case 81. — A young woman, now 20 years old, we have had
under observation several years. She is slight in build, of decid-

437

§ 258] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

edly refined expression, has rather delicate features, speaks in
low tones, and is pleasantly responsive. Her good forehead and
refined physiognomy entirely belie her record of misdemeanor.

Beginning at 15 years this girl has been the source of much
trouble to her family and to the community. She started by run-
ning away from home, and was discovered on several occasions
in other households working under an assumed name. She always
told a fictitious story in great detail to the people for whom she
worked. On one occasion she was found through her family
advertising for her. Since she would not stay at home, oppor-
tunities were found for her to work elsewhere, but she would
hold places for only a few days, and then steal and either leave
or be discharged. All along she has caused much trouble at times
by telling, even to the probation officers who have attempted
to befriend her, lies which have sounded very plausible. She
always has a very great deal of complaint about the conditions
at home or elsewhere. Some serious false accusations were made
by her. At times she is in a quite irresponsible condition, wan-
ders about and makes chance acquaintances. During one whole
summer she was away from home, and was finally arrested in
another county, where she was living on the outskirts of a small
town in a shack with a foreign laborer. As a result of that expe-
rience she became badly diseased and was treated for long in a
hospital. Later she was in court again for forging checks. On
another occasion she stole money from her family, again was
lost for a couple of weeks and was found in a neighboring town.
Once she was placed for some months in an institution for delin-
quents. She has recently been married (eugenists take notice!)
and lives in another' state.

On the physical side we never found anything of note, except
poor development, poor nutrition and anemia. At our insti-
gation she was treated for a time with much success in a clinic;
while under treatment her aberrational conditions and mis-
conduct showed great diminution. It is only fair to say that at
one time when she was behaving the worst she had no major
epileptic attacks of which we could get any history. We were
not sure of minor attacks then because she had grown so unre-
liable in her statements.

During infancy she had a few convulsions. They have never
been very frequent at any period of her life. At one time when
we first knew her she had about half a dozen convulsive seizures-

438

Chap. XII] EPILEPTIC PSYCHOSES [§ 258

during the previous year. However, minor manifestations were
much more frequent. After a feeling of dizziness she would sleep
for hours, even in the daytime, without having any other evi-
dence of an attack. At times she was said to stand and stare
for a minute or so without knowing what was said to her. Enu-
resis continued until she was 16.

The girl is the second of ele^^en children, two of whom died
in infancy. None of the children is thoroughl}^ strong, but we
never could get proof that any of them was epileptic. A couple
of sisters had rebelled at environmental conditions on account
of the peculiarities of the mother, and left home. Before this
chUd was born the father had deserted and the mother was left
almost destitute. The child was born prematurely. Both mother
and child were in poor condition. It is interesting to note that
since then the father, who is not a bad sort of man in general,
has lived with the mother and supported her properly. This
chUd was slow in walking and talking and had various infectious
diseases, always, however, in mild form. Did not menstruate
until she was 17 years old.

The family history is most significant. The father is a healthy
and steady man. One of his brothers was subject to very severe
attacks of epUepsy, and was totally incapacitated thereby. His
sister was a severe sufferer from migraine. The mother is unques-
tionably mildly insane. At times she has been very neglectful
of her family, has been violent, and irresponsibly wanders about
the street. Her mental condition evidently varies greatly. No
knowledge of her having epilepsy. No more information has been
forthcoming about her side of the family.

We had satisfactory evidence from the start that this girl was
not feebleminded. She reached 7th grade in school, reads well,
does arithmetic through simple fractions, and does well on various
tests. These were the results when she was at her best, before she
had gone far in the career which we have described above. As
time has gone on she has shown more and more unreliability
and great mental variation. However, at no time when we have
seen her could we actually at that moment denominate her as
clearly insane, although every evidence from other observers
is that at times she is quite irresponsible mentally.

The social difficulties of dealing with such a case have been
illustrated time and again by this girl's career. Her irrespon-
sible behavior might not be shown at all if she came up for exam-

439

§ 258] EPILEPSY [Chap. XII

ination regarding sanity, and no hope was entertained of her
being found insane by the jury methods in vogue in our state.
On the other hand, she steadily refused to go to a state hospital
voluntarily, and her family, approached at the periods when she
was rational and well behaved, were never willing to send her.
Her present married state, with its possibilities of defective and
poorly cared for offspring we need not dilate on.

The psychic conditions of this young woman have shown vari-
ations all the way from the twilight states in which she told
foolish and unnecessary lies, and stole money, to quite irrespon-
sible conditions in which she was quite another personality from
her refined self, and went on her miserable wanderings, suffer-
ing all sorts of vicissitudes.

Mentality: Epileptic psychosis at times. Case 81.

Heredity: Insanity, epilepsy, migraine. ^^^^' ^^ ^^^^^•

Mother mildly insane.

Developmental: Antenatal conditions bad.
Premature birth.

Home conditions : very poor oversight.

Delinquencies :
Running away.
Stealing.

Forging. Mentality:

False accusations. Epileptic variability

Sex. and psychosis.

440

» Chap. XIII] MENTAL ABNORMALITY IN GENERAL [§ 259

CHAPTER XIII
Mental Abnormality in General

§ 259. General Considerations. § 260. Classifications. § 261. Definitions.

§ 259. General Considerations. — Appreciation of the part
which abnormaUty plays in the production of criminaHsm is
immensely aided by clear conceptions of what constitutes abnor-
mality in its varieties. It would be well if the outlines of the
subject were definitely understood by all who have to deal with
delinquents. The grow^th of better social adjustments of offenders
is dependent on such understanding.

So far as definition is concerned, specific names are desirable
"when they may safely be applied to characteristics of an individual,
and not otherwise. A point of great interest in this whole matter
is that, while the general fact of abnormality may be certain,
the irregularities of function of that most complex of all phenom-
ena, the human mind, may prevent the abnormality from fall-
ing into any of the well-defined specific categories of mental defect
or disease. The inability to apply the name of any definite dis-
ease or of any grade of defect to a case should not, however, befog
the practical issue. In court work one sees individuals with mental
abnormality most potent for the production of criminalism, who
cannot be said to be suffering from any of the definitively classi-
fied ailments of the text-books. Notwithstanding this there are
plenty of proofs of their abnormality.

It is true that, even in hospitals for the insane, some patients
with major manifestations of psychoses are held to be suffering
from unclassifiable forms of mental disease. A campaign against
too ready naming of mental abnormalities, and indeed, against
the necessity for naming at all except when well-known disease
processes or sjnnptomatic pictures are found, has been carried on
by some of the foremost psychiatrists, particularly Meyer. The
remarkable case we cite in § 306 shows tne impossibility of desig-
nating according to standard classifications, even after years of
observation. The naming difficulty, so far as the assignment
of a specific mental disease is concerned, is met with even more

441

§ 259] MENTAL ABNORMALITY IN GENERAL [Chap. XIII

when the minor psychoses are under consideration. Yet the
latter are specially important as actuating criminalism. This
stands out clearly in our respective case studies.

In this matter we should not be stampeded in the least by what
we are asked for on the witness stand. In regard to mental
abnormality the law has its own artificial standard, one that is
neither based upon the best that is known in the field of abnormal
psychology, nor — which is much more to the point — on studies
of the interactive causative factors of delinquency as found in the
career of the individual offender.

The main point, for us at least, is whether or not the individual
is influenced towards delinquency by any abnormal mental con-
dition, and what is the likelihood for the future. Society has
the greatest need of protecting the individual and itself in the
light of the prognosis. The idea that the individual should not
be held under the law because his act was determinably the result
of mental abnormality is unsound from the above standpoint.
When it comes to actual prognosis it should be remembered that
recurrence of misdeeds is perhaps even more frequent among
offenders who cannot be said to be suffering from any named men-
tal disease, although the fact of their abnormality may be patent.
Concerning diagnosis of the general fact, steady advance in the
ability to scientifically determine mental abnormality is being
made by the use of the newer methods of psychological examina-
tion, and it is to be hoped the discovery of many corresponding
organic conditions w^ill take place.

Under the term of mental abnormality are to be included all
t;^'pes of deviation from the social and racial norms as recognized
by common observation of the individual's reactions, or as estab-
lished by scientific investigation. Abnormality may include un-
usual activities of normal traits as well as unusual disabilities. In
the study of delinquency we are much more concerned with the
weakness of mental powers, than we are with the heightening
of any abilities, and yet, as may be seen later in our sections on
mental peculiarities, the accentuation of some normal traits may
be regarded as a direct causative factor of delinquency.

§ 260. Classifications. — The -main types of mental abnor-
mality are in general terms to be classified either as mental
defect, or mental aberration, or mental peculiarity. It is per-
fectly true that sometimes we cannot sharply divide the lines.
The mental defective may have aberrational states superadded;

442

Ch.u'. XIII]

CLASSIFICATIONS

§ 2fiO

between mere mental peculiarities and real aberration differen-
tiation at times is often impossible. The main tjq^es stand
out with great clearness, but indefiniteness for classification
besets the border lines. From the less clearly defined regions
of mental abnormality arises, however, a full quota of delin-
quents.

We would also insist that all-inclusiveness is beyond the possi-
bility of definition or the sharp discriminations of a single phrase.
The functions of the human mind are too intricate to allow of
all their abnormal conditions being characterized in short. Many
a psychiatrist has met his Waterloo in attempting a definition
merely of insanity. It is partly on account of these inherent
difiiculties, and partly through the nascence of applied psychol-
ogy and of the application of its facts to the field of the law, that
there are such tremendously loose conceptions of what might
be a much more specific terminology. Elsewhere (50) I have
given illustrations of the extraordinary contradictions in the use
of the terms concerning mental defect, as found in the dictiona-
ries and in legal and medical text books. With the nomenclature
adopted now by the American Association for the Study of the
Feebleminded there is no further excuse for this.

To make clear the subclasses of mental abnorrnality is the
purpose of the following schedule and related statements:

Mental
Abnormality.

Mental
Defect.

Mental Dullness from

Physical Conditions.

Psychic Constitutional Inferiority.

Major types.

Mental
Aberration.

(Insanities)

(Psychoses)

(Psychopathies)

Mental Peculiarity.
443

[ Idiot.
Feebleminded. I Imbecile.

[ Moron.
Subnormal.

Defective only in some
special ability.

( permanent.

Minor types.

( temporary.

f chronic.
X transitory.

( chronic.
( transitory.

§ 261] MENTAL ABNORMALITY IN GENERAL [Chap. XIII

§ 261. Definitions. — Under the head of mental defect we have
to deal with just what the name imphes, a definite lack of general
mental ability as an irrevocable characteristic. From some cause
existing in the germ plasm, or occurring early in the growth of
the individual, mental potential never became normal. Full
developmental capacity was never present and never can be
gained. Mental defect is incurable. The term feeblemindedness
(amentia) is improperly used as covering the same ground as
mental defect. As we shall see in our case studies, there are
minor defects of general mental development, or special mental
disabilities, in individuals who are nowise fairly to be denomi-
nated feebleminded. For further details on all varieties of mental
defect our chapter on that subject is to be consulted.

The recognition of certain other groups of cases most impor-
tant for studies of the problems of childhood and adolescence,
but hardly mentioned in the text books on mental abnormality,
depends upon continued observations of the individual. In the
examination, especially during the period of development, it is
sometimes most difficult to discriminate between those who
are innately defective and those who are mentally dull from poor
physical conditions, or from the indulgence in various debilitating
habits. Tijne, and the betterment of the physical conditions
may be necessary for the final classification. But even when the
bodily conditions are unalterable, the diagnosis of mental dull-
ness from physical states may often fairly stand. The tentative use
of this class offers the chance to group not a few cases which at
first it is unsafe to define. We refer the reader to our case studies
of this type for more explicit characterization of the group.

Then comes psychic constitutional inferiority, which has been
particularly designated as standing between feeblemindedness
and insanity, perhaps partly invading the territory of each.
Largely incapable of social self-control under ordinary environ-
mental conditions, individuals of this class are so on the border-
line that they often prove unacceptable to either institutions for
the feebleminded or the insane. This is an important group for
the student of criminalistics to became acquainted with. For
further statements anent this class our specific chapter should
be consulted.

Mental aberrations are to be distinguished from mental defects
by the fact that they may occur in individuals who are not prima-
rily mental defectives. (Aberrations do also occur in mental

444

Chap. XIII] DEFINITIONS [§ 261

defectives. Indeed, it is strange they do not more frequently
show them.) The idea of there being such a thing as mental dis-
ease comes into play here — given a fairly normal mind, and
as the result of various internal or external stresses, or malad-
justments, or physical diseases, there may develop a diseased
mentality. Then many cases of mental aberration are curable
as bodily diseases are curable. The word disease in this connec-
tion is only used in its widest interpretation, namely, a wander-
ing from the normal or healthy state. In carrying further the
analogy to what we understand as physical disease we meet with
much difficulty. The mind cannot be pictured in any way as
an object subject to such pathological changes as we recognize
in the brain or elsewhere in the body. Then it is altogether
a moot question if there be not aberrations caused by internal
faults of adjustment, quite apart from any discoverable corre-
lations of physical malfunctionings, or lesions of the brain. The
idea that all mental aberrations are due to actual pathological
conditions of the brain is only a supposition, perhaps a true one,
but which will probably always remain such. Altogether it is
better not to use the term mental disease — certainly for our
purposes I prefer to speak of mental aberrations.

When we come to the subdivisions of aberrational mental
conditions we are at once confronted by the fact that there are
numerous temporary, or even permanent, evidences of mental
aberration in cases where it is not desirable to apply the term
insanity. The whole subject is complex and difficult from the
standpoint of hard and fast classification or definition. Various
minor mental impairments, which any one would hesitate to de-
nominate insanity, are practically discernible as most important
for the student of delinquent causation. By insanity most of
us mean mental incapacity which demands segregation and
hospital treatment. It is true that some of these minor impair-
ments, such as are associated with nervous disorders like chorea,
should have careful treatment, but, while recognizing the tem-
porary irresponsibility of the individual, one would still hesitate
to give a certificate of mental unsoundness, such as might
redound later to the disadvantage of the individual. This,
however, merely serves to show our false social attitude towards
the whole question of mental aberration.

For the lay reader we should here emphasize parenthetically
that dementia is a totally different thing from primary mental

445

§ 261] MENTAL ABNORMALITY IN GENERAL [Chap. XIII

defect or amentia. Dementia implies the previous integrity of
a mind which has lost its power, often through preceding mental
disease. Dementia may also result from bodily ailments or injur-
ies, including the effect of poisons, such as alcohol.

Our final group under mental abnormality is mental peculiarity.
It is very clear to all close students of delinquents that repeated
offenses may result from some special mental twist, impulse, or
even from the over-development of some special capability which
is not adequately taken care of by environmental conditions.
Such individuals cannot be called aberrational, and yet the
peculiarity determines their socially abnormal behavior in their
given social settings. Very interesting groups of cases may be
subsumed under this heading, as is to be seen in our chapters on
the subject.

Once more for the sake of emphasis we must state that there
is great overlapping of groups throughout any classification of
mental abnormality, and that the border lines between them,
even for definition, are not clear. This individual, determinable
as showing some mental peculiarity, may later turn out to be
an epileptic; this case that shows aberrations after head injury
is often one who was primarily a psychopath; this adolescent
psychosis may be developed upon an original basis of slight defect;
and so on. But it is only when scientific discriminations, which
it may be impossible to render, are called for, that there is great
difficulty in adjudication of the case according to the best interests
of society.

446

Chap. XIV] MENTAL DEFECT [§ 262

CHAPTER XIV
Mental Defect

§ 262. General Considerations. § 263. Nomenclature. § 264. Definitive

Classifications. Feeblemindedness. § 265. Idiots. § 266. Imbeciles.

§ 267. Morons. § 268. Treatment of Feeblemindedness. § 269. Treat-
ment of Feebleminded Offenders.

§ 262. General Considerations. — The subject of mental
defect is of great import in the study of dehnquency and its
causation. Just what percentage of dehnquents are feebleminded
appears to be a matter of perennial interest, but well-founded
statistics, even if obtained in particular places, may not be appli-
cable to different situations. There can be no doubt that sepa-
rate reformatory or prison populations if tested would show
from 10 to 30 per cent, or even more, to be feebleminded. The
numbers which we have found in several years of court work
among our somewhat selected group of offenders have been
already given, § 103. No essential purpose is subserved by
exaggerated statements concerning the proportions which might
be found in court work, or in various penal institutions. We
might discuss at great length the numbers of mental defectives
among offenders from our many notes on the subject; there has
been much advance since 1910, when the author was rapporteur
for this subject at the International Prison Congress and received
astonishingly variant statements from different institution people,
ranging from the opinion that in certain reformatories none were
feebleminded, to the assertion that 40 per cent, or more were
defective. But the gist of the situation is that mental defect
forms the largest single cause of delinquency to be found by
correlating tendency to offend with characteristics of the offender.

Lest there be misapprehension we should here state that even
with this clear-cut cause for delinquency, one rarely finds personal
characteristics as a sole causative factor of criminalism. Defec-
tive offenders, in most cases, upon study prove to be individuals
who easily succumb to social temptations, easily learn from vicious
examples, easily are stimulated to develop criminalistic trends
of thought. In morals they prove themselves wanting in resist-
ance when neglected by their families or by society, so that they
have to meet undue temptation and suggestion to immorality.

447

§ 262] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XIV

In other words, in these highly representative members of the
so-called criminal type one must conclude that the development
of criminalism is partially the result of environment as well as
of innate tendencies. If one does not believe this, let him study
similar defective individuals in the conditions of a good training
school for the feebleminded, and see, under appropriate environ-
ment, how small an amount of criminalistic tendency is evolved.

Working outside of institutions and with individuals who are
not primarily selected according to mental traits, we discover a
much greater complexity in the question of mental defect than is
set forth in text books on the subject. Authors have developed
their conceptions from observation in institutions, and have little
or nothing to say about the border-line cases and those in which
there are special and peculiar arrangements of mental capabili-
ties and disabilities. Yet these are of the greatest interest for
the student of delinquency, because they frequently are most
troublesome socially, and because they offer far more hope in
the way of adjustment by educational or vocational means than
do typical forms of general feeblemindedness.

In our case studies we deal at greater length with the less well
known types of mental defect, not because they are numerically
more important, but because less has been written about them
and because they are not so easily recognized and understood.

§ 263. Nomenclature. — The nomenclature to be most recom-
mended is that adopted by the American Association for the Study
of the Feebleminded in 1910. This body of experienced scientific
workers agreed to use the word feebleminded as a generic term
under which there should be the subclasses idiots, imbeciles, and
morons (Mcopos, stupid). Heretofore the terms applied to mental
defectives have been very loosely used and the definitions of
the law are often at variance with medical and psychological
usage. It is to be regretted that this whole matter is not clearly
set forth in dictionaries and legal text books. Henceforth there
can be little excuse for this indefiniteness.

§ 264. Definitive Classifications. — There have been many
attempts at definitive classification of the feebleminded. Practi-
cally all of these until recently have been upon a medical basis:
the individual belongs to this or that group because of the etiology
of his trouble, or because of the anomalous size of his head, and
so on. Sollier began with an attempt at rough psychological clas-
sification. For the reason that the old classifications gave little

448

Chap. XIV] DEFINITIVE CLASSIFICATIONS [§ 264

clue to the practical treatment of the case, they have found no
place in the scheme of definition adopted by our American Asso-
ciation, or by the British Royal Commission for the Study of the
Feebleminded. The report of the British Royal Commission in
1908 made a distinct step in advance. Their well-founded insis-
tence on the social aspects of the feebleminded can never fairly
be lost sight of. They define mental defectives, the genus for
which we in America have adopted the term feebleminded, as
those suffering from a " state of mental defect from birth or from
an early age, due to incomplete cerebral development, in conse-
quence of which the person affected is unable to perform his duties
as a member of society in the position of life to which he was born."

Under this head the lowest grade, or idiot, is defined as " a
person so deeply defective in mind from birth, or from an early
age, that he is unable to guard himself against common physical
dangers." The middle grade, or imbecile, is " one who, by
reason of mental defect existing from birth, or from an early age,
is unable to earn his own living, but is capable of guarding him-
self against common physical dangers." The highest grade,
called the feebleminded, but better categorized by the newer term,
moron, is defined as '' one who is capable of earning a living under
favorable circumstances, but is incapable from mental defect,
existing from birth, or from an early age, (a) of competing on
equal terms with his normal fellows; or (6) of managing himself
and his affairs with ordinary prudence."

Nowadays by the application of newer psychological methods
we have other helps to both diagnosis and classification. The
general scheme of Binet has done much to place our classification
upon a rational basis. Binet's method is developed on the idea
that the feebleminded individual is one who is best represented
as the victim of arrested mental development. This arrest may
be measured in terms of psychological norms obtained by the
study of young children according to ages. Most of his norms
hold good, and we have now at least the skeleton of a measuring
scale of defective intelligence.

According to the work of Goddard and others, defectives who
are able to get through the Binet test for 12 years are practically
never to be found in institutional life. That is to say, individuals
of mental ages above 12 are at least in some degree regarded as
socially acceptable. Upon the basis of this finding, the limits
for distinguishing defectives by mental tests have been scheduled.

449

§ 264] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XIV

The American Association has set forth the following practical
scheme of diagnosis : Idiots are those who are able to do the mental
tests up to the level of the normal child of 2 years: Imbeciles
are able to do the tests performed by a normal child between the
ages of 2 and 7 years: Morons are those who equal the mental
performance of a child between the age of 7 and 12 years. This
makes a very clear-cut formula for diagnosis and definition, and
if it were not for the inequalities of mental development which
have to do especially with social success, and which will be dis-
cussed later, the whole matter of diagnosis might be safely left
to the findings of these tests. As it stands, however, there can
be no doubt that the safest and most practical definitions for
feeblemindedness and its subclasses are to be made by combin-
ing the statement of known social disabilities, or special capa-
bilities, with the findings by accredited age tests.

We see difficulties in taking either definition alone because
(a) there are some who cannot pass the 12-year tests, partly on
account of poor native ability and partly because of lack of school-
ing, who yet get along normally in some humble sphere, and (6)
because there are individuals with various defects who are able
to pass the 12-year tests, but who on account of their defects are
unable to compete fairly with their fellows.

Our experiences lead us to feel certain that we have the most
practical reasons for extending and subdividing the classification
of mental defectives according to the possession of certain mental
qualifications which have special social bearing, as well as accord-
ing to the findings by intelligence tests, including the Binet
system. A suggestion of this opinion is frequently heard in court
work when it is said by the practical onlooker that some given
offender cannot be mentally defective because of cunning dis-
played. The laity particularly emphasize the value of such mental
traits as enable the efficient commission of acts — burglary, for
instance — and consider the given deed without regard to the
tenor of the offender's whole life. Later on we shall give examples
where special abilities, such as may be the chief stock-in-trade of
a skillful burglar, have been preserved or developed upon a back-
ground of general mental disability. We are glad to note that
such an experienced penologist as Pollitz (8, p. 132) sees this point
clearly. It is such facts as these which enforce upon us the value
of more thorough studies of individuals and more classification
of them according to their social possibilities or social dangers.

450

Chap. XIV] DEFINITIVE CLASSIFICATIONS [§ 264

The prognosis, which of course is so vitally important from
many points of view and includes even the social outcome, is
not afforded by the psychological study or classification taken
by itself. There are many medical features which must necessa-
rily enter in, particularly those which have to do with the patho-
logical basis of the mental defect itself, either as found in hered-
ity or in development of the defective himself. Then for our
ultimate word on the individual we must depend on a combina-
tion of the findings by psychological tests, medical examination,
family and developmental histories, and our knowledge of social
qualifications of the given defective.

From our own careful studies we have been forced to develop
the classification of mental defectives scheduled below. We
concur in the sound ideas of the British Commission that defec-
tives are those who suffer from incomplete cerebral development
existing from birth or from early age. Thus those who are merely
aberrational in type, suffering from what is ordinarily termed a
psychosis or mental disease, and those who have become weak in
mind secondarily to injury after the first years of life, or to mental
disease, or to debilitating physical conditions, are ruled out. We
agree also with the general idea of the Binet tests as offering the
best method of standardization by psychological classification.

As we suggested above, and have elaborated in the schedule and
text below, the classification of defectives, for very practical
purposes, has to be extended. We are obliged to deal with a
group which ranges above the designated Binet limit of feeble-
mindedness and who unquestionably yet show subnormality of
social importance. These we describe below and term subnor-
mals. Then we have been long interested in a group that one
hesitates much to place under the general caption of mental defec-
tives. They are those who are defective in special and limited
faculties only, having otherwise normal ability. Individuals
belonging to this class frequently are of great significance for the
student of criminalistics. We shall deal with them later. Finally
we should here make first mention of the group of those who are
mentally dull from acquired physical causes, including debilitat-
ing habits. These individuals are not always to be differentiated
by psychological tests. They are not, properly speaking, mental
defectives. Discussion of these also will be taken up in detail.

A practical classification of those who are defective in general
or in special mental abilities diagrammatically represented ap-
pears thus:

451

§264]

MENTAL DEFECT

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452

Chap. XIV]

DEFINITIVE CLASSIFICATIONS

§ 264

The mentality of important types with greatly varying abili-
ties may, in their divergence, be graphically represented as below;
many other combinations of abilities, of course, being possible.
(A) is an individual with special abilities rising high from his
general level of mentality, which otherwise approximates the
average or normal for his age and race or nationality; (B) an indi-
vidual with special disabilities, but who has otherwise mentality
which approximates the average level; (C) a typical idiot savant
with a special ability rising up to normal or even beyond, from
a general background of mental defect.

The line drawn in the diagram as representing normal ability is,
of course, absolutely arbitrary and may be taken as indicating
rather an average for each ability than designating the relative
capabilities of any given normal individual. Every one varies in
different capacities from any such average. The line indicating
those feebleminded who have mental defects ranging nearly
on the same level, on the other hand, represents a well-defined,
typical relationship to average abilities.

Visual

Percep- Motor Lan- Arith- Judg-

tions Ability guage Music metic ment

Etc.

Average ability

A. Special Genius

Typical FeeblemiBded

Average ability

B. Special Defect

Typical Feebleminrled

Average ability

C. Feebleminded
WITH Special
Ability

Typical Feebleminded

453

265] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XIV

FEEBLEMINDEDNESS.

§ 265. Idiots. — The group of individuals properly designated
under modern nomenclature as idiots rarely, if ever, are criminals.
In practically all cases they are found so intolerable socially
on account of their mental defect that they are early segregated
and protected.

§ 266. Imbeciles. — The middle grade of feebleminded, namely
imbeciles, are more frequently encountered in connection with
court work, but are not at all numerous. We ourselves have seen
less than a dozen cases among 1000 young repeated offenders,
but readily concede that in certain institutions where older chronic
misdemeanants are sent a larger proportion might be found. It
certainly is rare that imbeciles become major offenders. This is
because they are very often readily perceived to be socially unde-
sirable, and while young are sent to institutions for the feeble-
minded. Typical social offenses of this group may be illustrated
by the following :

Case 82. — A boy of 13 is a great runaway from home. He
has been picked up by the police on several occasions. He some-
times has been away for a night or two. He is destructive and
in general unreliable; for example, breaks up tools and tears
his clothes. Is characterized by his parents as willing to do any-
thing he is told to do by the other boys. The last time he was
taken up by the police because he was wandering about without
proper clothing, making indecent exposure of himself.

He is found to be rather a pleasant-appearing boy, well nourished
and fairly developed for his age. No defects of vision or hearing
noted, but he has a lisping speech which renders it difficult for
him to be understood. He has a tremor of the hands and poor
coordinations and poor general control of his movements. The
family says the boy talks of queer things frequently; for instance,
about his father coming home dead. He is said to have been very
ill with spinal meningitis at 2 1-2 years, but before that time was
not up to grade mentally because he only began to stand and walk
at 2 years and had only said a few words before he was taken ill.
Enuresis has persisted until the present. He had convulsions
at the time of his illness, and at rare intervals since has had some
sort of nervous spells which suggest the approach of convulsions.

The boy's whole bearing and general mental reactions are indic-

454

Chap. XIV] MORONS [§ 267

ative of his low mentality. ^Vlien he was given our simple intro-
ductory picture form board, Test I, he laid the pieces about
indiscriminately, and even after explanation made no attempt
to put them correctly in place. By the Binet system he is able to
pass none of the 8-year tests, only one of the 7-year, and three
of the 6-year; so clearly the boy belongs to that middle group of
the feebleminded designated imbeciles.

No doubt early illness was a factor in his case, but there is
much evidence of familial degeneracy. Out of nine children no less
than five are known to be defective in some degree, this boy being
the worst, and there is much tendency towards convulsions in
the family without, however, there being any proof of real epilepsy.
Such family history would seem to indicate defective heredity,
but no traces of this are ascertainable. It is the family men-
tioned in § 146.

The outlook for such a case is, of course, extremely bad from
a social standpoint. The boy might readily acquire a venereal
disease and be led into criminal offenses by those who wished
to use him. He has never got beyond the 1st grade in school.
His parents regret they did not long ago send him to an institu-
tion, which they are willing enough to do at present.

Mentality: Imbecile.

Case 82.

Developmental conditions:

Meningitis
at 2 years.

Boy, 13.

Familial degeneracy.

Home conditions:

Large family,

poor

control.

Delinquencies :

Runaway -|-, etc.

All that is necessary to say about girls of this mental grade is
that unless they are exceedingly well guarded at home or taken
care of in institutions they are almost bound to fall morally by
the wayside.

§ 267. Morons. — Of much more importance, so far as crim-
inality is concerned, is the upper grade of the feebleminded, the
class of morons. As we go up in the scale of mentality we natu-
rally find more ability to be an active delinquent. The general
conception of the role which the feebleminded play in criminality
is that they are passive, the tool of others. Most unfortunately

455

§ 267] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XIV

this is quite untrue, for we know only too well that they may
be persuaders and teachers of delinquency, especially in the case
where a defective young man or woman influences a younger
group. The relation which these upper-grade feebleminded have
to delinquency presents no special problem, particularly if the
mental arrest of development is spread more or less evenly over
all faculties. Out of our scores of cases one or two examples will
be sufficient to show the general trend of feeblemindedness in
producing delinquency.

A common type of mental defective with rather unusual motor
ability is represented in the following case. Here we have an
individual learning delinquent ways through lack of proper
supervision, and from direct suggestion of others. The lack of
satisfactory occupation along other lines is undoubtedly largely
responsible in this case for a long record of criminalistic acts.

Case 83. — Mark S. Age 15 years when first seen. Already
this boy had been repeatedly in the hands of the police. He had
been away from home as many as six days at a time. He had
been found in company with vicious people. He often lived
by picking up bottles and selling them, and by petty stealing.
In the meantime he was staying at cheap hotels. At times he
has been engaged in burglaries with other boys, and has been
regarded as something of a leader. On at least one occasion he
was known to have engaged in wanton destruction when a store
was burglarized. He was always troublesome in school and a
great truant. The highest grade he ever obtained was the 3d.
Towards the last of his school career he was in a room for sub-
normals. After being in court numerous times before he was 16,
his case always being temporized with on account of his mentality,
it was finally necessary to definitely sentence him. The police
reported that he was an unusually skillful young burglar.

Mark is the only child of his widowed mother. This unfortu-
nate woman has to work out every day and consequently has
been able to give him but slight supervision. When first seen
this woman gave a very straightforward account of family and
developmental history. As time has gone on, perhaps on account
of her hard work and many troubles, she has become rather
unbalanced, but has always preserved a vast amount of affection
for the boy.

We found him to be well developed and nourished, with no
special sense defects. Weight 111 lbs.; height 5 ft. 1 in. Good

456

Chap. XIV] MORONS [§ 267

strength. Heavy, slouchy gait. Rather monotonous voice.
Dull expression. Very irregular dentition, pointing to early
impaction of teeth in the upper jaw; many now carious. Large,
peculiarly shaped head; circumference 57 1-2, length 20, breadth
15 cm. Very prominent occipital protuberance, flat above this
to the vertex. All else negative.

On mental tests we found the following:

Binet (1911 series): 8 years, failure on 2 and 4, others correct;
9 years, failure on 1, 2, and 4, others correct; 10 years, failure on all;
12 years, failure on all but the first.

On our own series of tests:

I. 1' 33" — trial and error on triangles — no repetitions of impos-
sibilities.

II. 1'40" — 4 errors.

III. 47" — 12 total moves — 5 impossibilities.

IV. Failure in 10'.

V. 3' 16" — steps interspersed with 4 errors.

VI. Full functional account — 4 out of 7 suggestions accepted.

VII. (a) Correct only at 4th exposure. (6) Correct only at 4th
exposure.

VIII. 4 errors in reproduction.

IX. Correct at 4th trial.

X. Correct at 2d trial.

XI. Not given — does not know all the alphabet.
XIII. 11 items — no attempt at verbal accuracy.

XV. 7 errors, 4 failures, average time 3.9".

XVI. 1st trial 54 squares tapped in 30"; 2d trial 58 squares, no
errors.

XVII. Penmanship fair. Jumbles the sentences given.

XVIII. Makes simple combinations by counting.

XIX. Cannot read.

The result of this boy's school education is extremely poor in propor-
tion. He does not spell his own name correctly. Adds simple combi-
nations only by counting them, and even then says that 7 plus 5 are
10, and 2 from 4 leaves the same as 2 from 5. In reading knows only
a few words of a 1st grade passage.

Thus we found uneven distribution of abilities. By the Binet
system he only graded through the 8-year tests. But he shows
considerable power of mental representation and analysis, and
also some manipulative skill.

Unfortunately it is impossible to follow up the heredity of this
boy on account of immigration; the question of inheritance
involves an interesting point. The mother's statement is that
both she and the father came from families who were of good
ability. No insanity, feeblemindedness or epilepsy on either side.

457

§ 267] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XIV

Four weeks before this boy was born the mother came home one
day to find her husband and her four other children burned to death
in a gasohne explosion. She was in a terrible frame of mind after
this, and naturally attributes his deficiency to antenatal condi-
tions. The boy walked and talked early. Said never to have had
any convulsions. Started to school at 6 years. Never had a
severe illness. The mother has all along known his mental incom-
petency, but feels quite unable to bear the prolonged separation
from him that would be necessary if he went to an institution
for the feebleminded. In the meantime she is willing to work her
finger ends off to support him, or get him out of trouble. To her
he is a child of fate.

From the first it was clear that the outlook for Mark was poor
in his old environment. He evidently had much satisfaction in
his adept criminalistic offenses. We counselled his segregation
as a defective, but it was impossible to carry this out. It was
plain to be seen that the boy had ability to be largely self-sup-
porting if he could work under complete direction. The chance
of his acquiring vicious practices in cheap city lodging houses
seemed very great.

It is of vast interest to us to note the report on this case which
we have just obtained. It is that this boy after having been in an
institution for delinquents was placed out on a farm. There
for about a year he has been entirely satisfied, and has become a
good and willing worker, with no desire to reenter city life. The
success of his recent treatment is all the more striking in the light
of the fact that he had been in court about ten times, and, among
other misdeeds, is said to have committed dozens of burglaries.

Mentality: Moron. Case 83.

Antenatal conditions: Mother terrible ^^'

experience.

Poor home control : Mother works out.

Bad companions.

Heredity? Said to be negative.

Delinquencies :
Stealing -f-.
Burglary -(-.
Runaway.

458

Chap. XIV] MORONS [§ 267

As an example of other types of delinquency arising on a base
of feeblemindedness when the individual is uncared for, the fol-
lowing will serve as illustration.

Case 84. — A girl of 16, very early in life learned sex delinquency
which she has practiced most extensively for years. Her family
say she was found incorrigible already at 8 years, and even at that
age she had been once expelled from school. At times she has
been violent, once attacked others with a knife. She will take
up with any man or boy. Her mother in insisting on the necessity
of putting her in an institution, says that the girl has been bad
with scores of men and boys in the small country town in which
they live. She has remained away from home all night. Under
detention her language was found atrociously bad, and she was
a menace even among other girls of the reformatory type because
of her sex practices.

Physically she was a strong, but slouchy type. No exceptional
development or lack of development of any kind was noted.
Puberty remarkably retarded beyond the family average. No
gross sensory or physical defect of any kind. Her childish expres-
sion and silly manners are indicative of her character.

On mental tests we found the following results.

Binet (1908 series) :
Lacks one of grading through the 8-year tests even when credit is
given for 2 or 3 of the older tests which she gets right.

On our series:

I. 1'40".

IV. 4' 18" — 24 moves.

V. Failure.
Vn. Failure.

VIII. 6 errors in reproduction.

X. Complete failure.

XI. A ridiculous and imaginative result centered about the correct
idea of a fire.

XII. The same type of result.
XIV. Complete failure.

XVII. Writes a fair hand but misspells many of the simplest words.

XVIII. Adds simple combinations.

XIX. Reads 3d-grade passage with good expression and pronounces
correctly most of the words.

Thus we found this girl to grade evenly on her abilities and
to belong in the lower group of morons.

The family of this young woman are not at all well educated,
but the rest of them seem to be fairly normal, and are people of

459

§ 267] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XIV

good reputation. She is the last of 10 children; her mother being
45 years of age when she was born. Taking it for what it is worth,
we hear from this immigrant family that there has been no epi-
lepsy, insanity or feeblemindedness on either side. She was
backward in walking and talking. Is said never to have been
very ill, but did have a few convulsions in infancy. It is reported
that there has been no trouble with the other children.

This girl came from an outlying town where there was no
juvenile court, no probation officers, or social service work of
any kind. The family circumstances precluded active control
when she was much younger and needed it badly, as well as more
recently. The family make much of her excessive bad sex prac-
tices, and it is possible that a certain amount of her present dull-
ness is due to this. In one particular the case is hardly repre-
sentative, inasmuch as many of the girls who are both mentally
deficient and sexually vicious are the victims of physical over-
development and early puberty.

The only chance to protect this girl and protect society against
her extraordinary bad influences appeared to be segregation,
which was carried out.

Mentality: Moron. Case 84.

Antenatal conditions(?) : Mother old. ^^^^' ^^e 16.

Home conditions: Large family,

mother old, very poor control,

(Heredity not satisfactorily ruled out.)
Delinquencies :

Sex -F + +.

§ 268. Treatment of Feeblemindedness. — By the very defi-
nition of feeblemindedness curative treatment is nil. However,
various remediable physical conditions and ailments may increase
both physical and mental disabilities, so that there is often much
reason for professional care. Educational training is a technical
matter which is not our province here to discuss. Some general
social considerations concerning the treatment of this class, how^-
ever, we should in short deal with.

It stands out very clearly in our experience that the whole
social and educational prognosis for a feebleminded individual
of the upper moron grade, at least, varies greatly with the partic-

460

Chap. XIV] TREATMENT OF FEEBLEMINDED OFFENDERS [§ 269

ular capacities of that given individual. It may be it is because
we see cases outside of institutions, those who often show much
variation from the usual feebleminded t;y^es, that we are impressed
with varying possibilities. It is plain to us that one cannot at all
proceed to give an educational or industrial prognosis according
to a mental age classification. General pbysical capacities, as
well as unusual combinations of mental traits, have to be taken
into account. Goddard gives a most interesting industrial clas-
sification of institutional cases according to Binet age. From
this we learn that the feebleminded individual who grades 6 years,
for instance, does tasks of short duration, and washes dishes;
the mental defective of 8 years runs errands, does light work,
makes beds; the one who grades 10 years is a good institutional
helper, does good routine work; the one who accomplishes the
12-year test can use machinery, care for animals, can work without
supervision, but cannot plan. Exceedingly interesting though this
scheme is, we should feel it entirely unsafe to give either a prognosis
or to suggest treatment by means of it. Any one who studies the
cases which we offer in the next chapter must come to the
same conclusion, and if we had this point especially to discuss
many more in evidence could be cited. The fact is that much
individualization is necessary in looking forward to the social and
educational possibilities of many defectives.

With the small proportion of defectives which is now taken
care of in institutions, and even with what may be done in the
future, there is always bound to be a considerable number of them
among us in ordinary life. A generally unsuspected number
are taking care of themselves fairly well, and are no special moral
menace. With betterment of the earlier treatment of these indi-
viduals they could be still more successful — at least those of
some industrial capacity.

§ 269. Treatment of Feebleminded Offenders. — There are
great variations in the tendencies to immorality among the feeble-
minded. If we considered the sex impulse alone and its basis in
physical make-up, or as derived from environmental experiences
we can realize how great the differences may be. Other anti-social
tendencies may have like conditions in the background. Treat-
ment in these respects must also be individualized. One fre-
quently learns of a steady-going defective without vicious im-
pulses who has created no trouble in a given community over a
whole lifetime. Indeed, when considering the possibilities of

461

§ 269] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XIV

criminalistic impulses in these cases one must fairly compare
them with other offenders who are not mentally defective; and
this comparison is not always to the credit of the latter.

One is very frequently asked, even by parents, about surgical
treatment of defectives to prevent vicious sex impulses. I feel
that in appropriate cases of boys, a thorough-going surgical opera-
tion which shall protect them from the habits which so frequently
carry them much farther in mental disability, and protect them
and society against violent impulses, which sometimes give rise
to hideous crimes, is unhesitatingly to be recommended. The
smaller operation of vasectomy, which prevents procreation,
but not sexual impulse, does the individual himself no good.
Parents who have had a defective child operated on in the more
thorough way are loud in their praises of its effect upon traits of
mind and character. Of course in the case of girls the only pro-
tection is through entire segregation or else through complete
family espionage. One has known the latter to be very success-
fully given among careful people of slender means.

We must reiterate here a point we have made in our chapter on
alcoholism, namely, that mental defectives should receive the
greatest protection from the influence of alcohol. It is now
everywhere acknowledged that a considerable share of our worst
topers are defectives, and very frequently one comes to know of
the disastrous influence which a small amount of alcohol may
have upon the life of a feebleminded person, vide § 196.

Colonization of the feebleminded with industrial education
and employment under supervision is unquestionably the proper
solution of the problem of the social treatment of most feeble-
minded individuals. Properly managed, and with a large per-
centage of morons, such as is likely under bettered social under-
standing to be placed in such institutions, the population may
be largely self-supporting. But with the features of social and
personal treatment mentioned above carried out, it will be found
that not a few feebleminded will be safe and useful members of
general society.

462

Chap. XV] FEEBLEMINDEDNESS WITH SPECIAL ABILITIES [§ 270

CHAPTER XV
INIental Defect — Continued

Feeblemindedness with Special Abilities. § 270. Special Abilities Not Socially
Significant. § 271. Special Abilities Socially Significant. § 272. (a) and
(b) Mental Defectives with Normal Insight plus Motor Ability. § 273. (c)
Verbalist Type of Defective.

Feeblemindedness icith Special Abilities

§ 270. Special Abilities Not Socially Significant. — One does
not go very far in the study of feeblemindedness without observ-
ing most marked and interesting variations displayed in different
mental functions. Many of these should have much significance
for psychologists, but since the interests of this work are not
primarily psychological, we deal with such variations as are of
special importance for criminalistics. We have already intimated
that we see every reason to include social qualifications as a
necessary part of the diagnosis of feeblemindedness, and our ob-
servations on the irregularity of mental abilities will make the
whole question of social significance clearer than ever.

As before noted, it is a common expression by the laity, heard
frequently in court work, that those individuals who show cun-
ning and adeptness cannot be so very subnormal after all. Such
was the remark made by a judge when a watch was displayed
in the court room, which I had missed a couple of weeks before,
and which had been abstracted from me by one of my young
subnormal friends. This type of argument, however, is essen-
tially weak because the very qualifications which make for suc-
cess under the social regime of modern civilization includes as a
necessity the several higher mental abilities, such as powers of
analysis, reasoning and foresight. Cunning and adeptness might
well have been the foremost mental possessions of even our
arboreal ancestors.

Some curious examples of the disproportionate growth of cer-
tain mental abilities in the feebleminded could be cited from lit-
erature or from our own experience. There is the instance of the
great mechanical and constructive genius whom Tredgold (307,
p. 275) describes at length. This man produced the most ingenious

463

§ 270] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

and complicated mechanical devices. Others have described
mentally defective arithmetical geniuses. One of the commonest
abilities to be exaggerated above the general level is that of musi-
cal talent. A fine instance of this sort was Blind Tom, whose
accomplishments on the pianoforte were like a mountain height
arising from the plain of his general mental disability. We have
ourselves described (Healy, 369) an individual with fairly mar-
velous powers of recall by methods of visualization, who can
perform mental feats quite beyond the abilities of his normal
fellows. Through prolonged self -training in the use of his spec-
ial memory faculties, this low grade moron tells days and dates
so rapidly that he has been regarded as a calculating genius. His
total ability, however, appears to rest upon his power of recalling
occurrences in connection with their dates as observed for many
years by the calendar, and recalling them largely by means of
mental pictures. Since motor ability has been held by some experi-
enced observers of the feebleminded to be one of the safest criteria
for their diagnosis, one might mention the case of a champion
right weight prize fighter of a few years back. He was said to be
the very surest and swiftest hitter, his motor reactions were always
a little quicker than those of his opponent — hence his prowess,
although in general mental ability he was well within the limits
of feeblemindedness.

Except when exploited under management, none of these
special abilities make for social success, and they do not cover
up at all the evidences of the general low level of mental ability.
For our purposes they require no further consideration.

§271. Special Abilities Socially Significant. — Arising from
a general low level of intelligence there may be special mental
abilities which on account of their relationship to social condi-
tions, are of great import. The social demand for mental powers
is often satisfied with very limited exertion of certain faculties.
However, the types of mental ability which, being present
among general mental disability, leave the individual apparently
or actually socially acceptable are limited in number. We shall
deal with those which have appeared of foremost importance in
our observations of criminalistic tendencies. There is (a) the
defective individual who has good insight into his own mental
limitations, and who on account of the possession of some ele-
ments of good judgment, proceeds to avoid as much as possible
sources of discouragement or danger, and who limits his occupa-

464

Chap. XV] MENTAL DEFECTIVES WITH NORMAL INSIGHT [§ 272

tions to lowly fields where he is successful and comparatively
free from temptation, (b) Then there is the individual who per-
force of good physical control, so-called motor ability, is able to
do good work and perhaps earn well, and who has some powers
of judgment, enough at least to keep out of social conflicts, or out
of trouble severe enough to prevent his being considered thoroughly
undesirable socially. Since insight without industrial ability is
not at all likely to help one to hold much of a place in the world,
the two t^'pes (a) and (b) will best be discussed together, (c)
Then there is that most important type of the feebleminded with
special abilities, the defective with marked verbal powers. The
social, as well as the psychopathological, importance of this type
can hardly be over-estimated, and acquaintance with this sub-
species should be had by every jurist and criminal lawyer, and
by every social worker. We have seen many egregious examples
of the troublesomeness of members of this class, who have long
passed unrecognized as defectives.

§ 272. (a and b) Mental Defectives with Normal Insight plus
Motor Ability. — Examples of individuals who by virtue of pos-
session of some insight into their own condition of feebleminded-
ness and by reason of their having fair motor ability, are able to
make their way in the world without being relegated to institu-
tional care, are not very frequently seen by workers such as our-
selves who have to deal primarily with social failures. I have
little doubt, however, that many such cases exist; many more
than institutional people suspect. I should much like to see
psychological tests, the Binet system and other tests, tried on
large numbers of the most lowly grades of industrial workers,
such as railroad section hands and other laborers who work with
pick and shovel. One would be inclined to doubt the ability of
many of these to pass even the 12-year tests of Binet. Many
of them would undoubtedly classify as feebleminded, if we were
to go by these tests alone.

Of course I do not mean to say that all these individuals hold
their social freedom merely by reason of having good insight into
their own mental disabilities. They have ability to perform
their assigned motor tasks. In spite of not being definitely on
the search for such facts, we have seen numerous examples of
individuals feebleminded by tests, who are quite able to maintain
their place in the outside world, and indeed to be worthy enough
social servants. The fair success of a mental defective who is

465

§ 272] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

doing work that is above the lowhest grades is illustrated in the
following case, and in this instance, if the home environment
were more rational there would have been even less tendency to
moral failure.

Case 85. — A boy, now 17 years old, lives in a certain railroad
center of Indiana where there is much transfer service by wagon
and cab from one station to another. We have had occasion to see
him several times, partly on account of his failure to advance in
school, and partly because there seemed to be some danger of
his becoming thoroughly delinquent. Through a rarely met
disinclination on the part of the mother, no reliable data on
heredity was obtained, except the following facts which are most
significant. The father is a worthless drunkard. The mother
for years has vigorously conducted a livery business, on all occa-
sions rounding up her family to work under her auspices. She
is a woman with a shrewish tongue, a bad temper, and she defends
her family at all hazards. There are five children, the last of whom
is this boy. The three eldest graduated from the grammar school
at about 13. The first-born has turned out to be a drunkard,
but works under his mother fairly well, except occasionally when
under the influence of alcohol. The next to the last child reached
6th grade only, at the age of 16 years. There was much trouble
with him on account of truancy, but he is said to have turned
out to be a nice boy. In regard to our own boy, we have prob-
ably a very good developmental history, and we learn that ante-
natal and natal conditions were normal. He has never been
severely ill. No injuries. He walked and talked moderately
early, the same as the others, and there is no evidence of causa-
tive factors of any kind in the developmental history. Mother
and father were each about 35 when he was born.

When seen first at 14 we found this boy to weigh only 77 lbs.
Height 4 ft., 10 in. He was fairly nourished and showed no
deformity. No defects of special senses. Attitude normal and
expression typically boyish. Reflexes normal. Strength good
for size. No developmental anomalies. Head good size and well
shaped. Teeth in fairly good condition. Normal speech. Very
moderate tea and coffee. No evidence of bad sex habits.

At this age he was only in the 4th grade, and was not successful
there. His mother says he takes no interest in school work, but
is smart in other things. He started to school at 6 or 7. Arith-
metic always kept him back. Always been to public school.

466

Chap. XV] MENTAL DEFECTIVES WITH NORMAL INSIGHT [§ 272

He went through the first three grades without being set back.
The teachers say he lacks concentration; he sits idle. Mother
says that in the last couple of years he will stay away from school
at every chance.

Mental tests: Binet, (1908 series). Nine years — 1, 2, 3 correct and
very prompt. 4, failure. (5 and 6 inadvertently not given.) Ten
years — 1, failure. 2, correct. 3, complete failure. 4, failure. In
the latter he says if one has missed a train he should get mad, and if
struck by a plajnnate, who did not mean to do it, he should get angry,
and so on. Eleven years — 1, correct. 2, failure. 3, correct, with
a good range of abstract words as well as substantives. 4, failure. For
instance, absurd misunderstanding of what the word charity, etc.,
means. 5, failure. Twelve years — all failures, but his memory span
for numbers is five digits.

On our own tests he shows the following results:

I. Introduction puzzle done in 2' 39", wdth some repetition of
errors on the triangles.

II. School puzzle 1' 40", 5 errors.

III. Construction puzzle A done in 58", with 9 total moves, and
only one retrial of an impossibility.

IV. Construction puzzle B was a remarkable failure in 10' after
56 moves.

V. The work on our puzzle box was practically a failure, since it
was only accomplished in 9' 21", after interspersing many errors be-
tween step one and step two. In fact the latter was done as if by
accident.

VII. Reproduction of two geometric figures a failure. The second
of the two figures was absurdly inaccurate.

VIIL Rote learning test correctly and promptly done.

IX. Cross line test A failure even at the 4th trial.

X. Cross line test B similarly a failure.

XIV. Done correctly at second trial in 27".

XV. AntonjTtns. No less than 6 failures and 2 errors, the latter
afterwards corrected. Average time of remainder 3".

XVII. Writing. He writes a boyish hand, but is able to write from
dictation without error, " The printer made some cards."

XIX. Reading. 4th-grade passage shghtly halting and a few mis-
pronounced words which he corrected himself. Correct regard for
punctuation.

XVIII. Arithmetic. The results were remarkably poor. Adds a
simple column of 4 figures correctly, but makes an error when he has
to carry. Knows the tables very incompletely and is unable to multi-
ply by 76. Says 7 times 8 are 64; 9 times 8 are 54, etc. Much
difficulty in doing an oral sum. Says 8 plus 6 plus 8 minus 3 is 3.
On concrete work the boy is very much better. One inquired what
the transfer rates on his line were and found they were 25 cents. He
then told us very promptly what 13 times 25 cents were and, a little
more slowh% how much 28 times 25 cents were.

467

§ 272] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

The boy's range of information was incredibly inaccurate. Says he
does not know who the president of the United States is, and that the
first president was Rockefeller. Asked who Abraham Lincoln was,
he says he is the president now. Knew all the time it was Lincoln,
but could not remember his first name. He knows very well the
component parts of mortar. Cannot give the names of the Great
Lakes. Used to play football, but would much rather work than play.

This boy was tried on a number of tests at intervals of a day or two
after the first testing, and corroborative results were obtained. At
first it was thought there might be emotional disturbance, but this
was ruled out by these later findings.

Altogether we find by testing that this boy comes w^ell within
the feebleminded group according to the Binet tests and that he
also fails on many of the tests for the higher abilities of mental
analysis and powers of mental representation, but he is able to
follow instructions, learn by rote, and deals very much better
with concrete material, including arithmetic, than with abstrac-
tions. Other than this we found him to be normally affectionate,
and appreciative of his situation as a defective. His attitude
is typically boyish and responsive. Not the slightest indication
of vicious disposition. He is reported to be absolutely honest,
and quite able to carry on his work as a driver, which he has done
for a couple of years after school and in his vacations. It is his
enjoyment of occupation in the open air, as well as school-room
irritations, which leads him, he says, to prefer his work to school.

His delinquencies consist in very much the type of misdeed
that the ordinary truckman gets into — much use of bad lan-
guage, exhibition of bad temper. He once hit a man with a whip.
Formerly he was a great truant, but his irritation at school re-
tardation might account for this. As a matter of fact, he was
willing later on to receive special tutoring in arithmetic.

This boy has turned out to be a typical cab and wagon driver,
and w^e hear that he is earning well for his family, that he is quite
able to take care of his team and to hold his own in the w^orld.
As far as delinquency is concerned it is doubtful if he is as bad
as many of his class who are mentally normal.

By the formulae of age tests he is to be regarded as feebleminded,
but has other qualifications for getting along fairly well in the
world — certainly as well as one could expect when one considers
the home conditions with a drunken father and an irascible
mother, and in an occupation where men notoriously develop
vindictive dispositions and violent ways. Surely no one w^ould

468

Chap. XV] MENTAL DEFECTIVES WITH NORMAL INSIGHT [§ 272

allege that the findings on tests in this case formed sufficient
grounds for sending this boy to an institution for the feebleminded.
Despite the findings on tests we could never make up our minds
to call this boy socially feebleminded, and we finally classed
him under our caption of subnormality, which, however, is made
up almost entirely of those who do vastly better than he on the
Binet schedule.

Mentality: Subnormal.

(By Binet, moron.)

Case 85.
Boy, 14.

Heredity: Father alcoholic.

Home conditions:

Father and brother alcoholic.

Dehnquencies :
Truancy -\ — h-
Assault.

Case 86. — Of quite another type is the following case of a
boy of 16 who was brought into court from a certain country
district where he had been engaged in a number of sex affairs.
With the exception of the last occurrence these things were done
under much the same circumstances as one might find in many
a school community where sex delinquencies are not prevented
b}^ careful oversight. The boy had early been taught these
things by a certain dissolute girl of the neighborhood, and then
he and other boys had sometimes been in bad practices together,
and just now he and his brother had tampered with a girl, but
had made no real assault. The neighbors testified against him
and his brother, but of much longer standing was the court
record of the girl who had taught them.

The mother of this boy was found to be an unbalanced woman,
aberrational in type, but the diagnosis of her mentality one
would hesitate to make upon short acquaintance. The father is
a queer-looking man with a battered-up face and a depressed
bridge of nose. He is a farm laborer and very poor. Has been
in this country about 20 years. They were very affectionate
and very much concerned about all the ailments of their family.
The mother is temperate. The father is occasionally intoxicated.
No reliable hereditary facts were obtained, but we see plainly
that the father is a very poor specimen from the physical side
and has little mental ability, and that the mother is distinctly

469

§ 272] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

aberrational in her mentality. She may have been congenitally
defective. Another fact that bears on heredity is our finding by
examination that the brother is defective mentally. At 12 years
he is only in the 2d grade. Facts of immediate family history
were, as is natural, much more readily obtained and they were
given in voluble account. There have been ten children and two
miscarriages. Only five are now living. The eldest is 19 and said
to be the most promising one of the family. He is a section hand.
Then comes our boy and then the lad of 12 who is subnormal,
and then a very sickly little girl of 6. (Our examination shows
that she has a very severe heart lesion.) Then comes a boy of 5.
The subnormal lad of 12 is said to have been always sickly, and
did not walk until he was 4 years old.

The developmental history of our lad was readily obtained.
The mother gives a long story. Before he was born the
mother was sickly for several months; the diagnosis uncertain.
Birth was normal. As an infant he had " summer complaint
for three summers and was awfully sick. He had tj^hoid and
brain fever when he was a baby, too. He v/alked at about 2
years. I did not nurse him because I only had a half a breast.
He can't learn good. He never could." It also appears that
this boy has been very poorly in recent years with tonsilitis and
various fevers. Does not have convulsions or other attacks.
No convulsions in the family.

Our examination showed a jerky, nervous, rat-featured boy
who responded quite nicely when talked to kindly, and was will-
ing to talk freely about his transgressions. He is 16 years old.
Weighs 103 lbs. Height, 5 ft. 1 1-4 in. His frame is compara-
tively large for his otjier development. No sensory defects noted.
Strength good for size. Constant tremor of outstretched hands.
Lively knee jerks. Good color. No anomalies of sex develop-
ment. Moves in notably quick, jerky fashion. Head circum-
ference 54; diameters, anteroposterior 18, biparietal 16 cm.
Shows the following stigmata. Remarkably small chin and
mouth in comparison to cranial size. Wizened type of face.
Head markedly flat at the back with distinct asymmetry. Almost
no occipital protuberance. Very broad proportionately in the
parietal region just above and a little behind the ears. Cranium
then comes sharply to a narrow forehead. Broad uvula. Marked
asymmetry of ears — right upper helix is flattened with a crimp
in it. Nostrils slightly notched near the point of the nose.

470

Chap. XV] MENTAL DEFECTIVES WITH NOKVIAL INSIGHT [§ 272

Tests showed as follows :

Binet (1911 series). Eight years — 1, 2, 3, correct. 4, failure. 5,
correct. Nine years — 1, correct. 2, failure. Said a fork is for hay;
a horse is to pull, etc. 3, correct. 4, failure. 5, correct. Ten years
— 1, 2, correct. 3, 4, 5, failures. Twelve years — 1, correct. 2, 3,
4, 5, failures. Does not know the meaning of charity or justice.

On our own set of tests were the following results :

I. Introductory picture 2' 24". Considerable repetition of error
on the triangles.

II. School puzzle 2' 6", only 2 errors.

III. Construction puzzle A fairly well done in 1' 41". 16 total
moves and 3 repetitions of impossibilities.

IV. Construction puzzle B, 2' 12", and only 20 moves — the only
repetition being on the placing of pieces one and two. Distinct
ability to plan was shown in this.

V. Puzzle box in 3' 13". Two errors between steps one and two.
Otherwise the process was logical.

VI. Aussage test. Scant enumerative account of the details and
a good deal of suggestibility shown. No less than 5 out of 7 sugges-
tions accepted. Said he saw the meat in the ice box, bananas on the
wall, a cash register and even a cat on the floor.

VII. First one of the two figures correct, but was not able to get
the 2d symmetrically drawn until after 4 exposures. Controls his
pencil fairly well.

VIII. Arbitrary learning test done slowly with only one final error.

IX. Cross line A correct at 1st trial.

X. Cross line B complete failure at 4th trial.

XII. Visual verbal memory test not given because does not read
w^ell enough.

XIII. Auditory verbal memory test only 5 out of 12 items given
correctly. Others much jumbled and a totally non-comprehending
account.

XV. AntonjTns, remarkably poor result. Only 6 correct. Average
time 5.7". 10 errors, 4 failures.

XVI. Motor coordination fair result. 61 and 60 squares at 1st and
2d trials respectively. No errors,

XVII. Can write name, but very little else.

XVIII. Makes simple number combinations by counting fingers.

XIX. Reads only a few of the shortest words. Does not know all
the alphabet.

XXIII. Pictorial Completion test 3' 45". Four final errors.
Studied the test very carefully and finally concludes that everything
is in right place. Three of the errors are of the irrational type.

By tests we found that here was a boy who in spite of having
been to school more or less regularly for a good many years had
not even the elements of the three R's. By the Binet tests he
would be ranged about midway in the group of morons. He

471

§ 272] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

showed distinct defects in the higher powers of mental representa-
tion and analysis and proved himself extremely suggestible. Yet
he had power to learn by rote, had moderately good motor con-
trol and demonstrated quite fair ability in constructive work.
He did as well as many normal persons with the analysis of the
mechancial puzzle box. It is quite evident that he works much
better with concrete material than with abstract. Beyond this
we observed that the boy was very nervous and depressed about
his delinquency. Was in great fear of punishment. He met
our friendly approach in good spirit, and became quite frank
about his various troubles and how they began. This was after
a first period of evasion and lying. His own frankness regarding
details would seem to indicate his mental calibre, but he showed
some feeling of shame. He told of various degenerate sex prac-
tices that he had gotten into, probably following the teaching
by the dissolute girl.

This boy was reported to be a good worker. He had been
employed on a farm at one time. Recently was acting as a janitor
in a school building. As observed by one teacher he was found
very considerate and responsive in many ways. For instance,
he told another boy he must not put the chair against the table
because it would make a mark. He makes change correctly.
No doubt was expressed by the local officer or by his family of
the boy's ability to make his own way in the world.

However undesirable as a member of any community this boy
may be considered on account of his bad sex tendencies, and
however dangerous he may be socially on account of his heredi-
tary defects as a possible progenitor of his kind, still that is not
the point for the moment with us. One could think of surgical
measures which would prevent him from becoming the rapist or
pervert that he shows signs of becoming. The point that we
have here to make is that although the lad by school and Binet
tests clearly grades as feebleminded, yet if one undertakes a
wider range of observation, one finds him to have certain motor,
constructive and industrial capabilities which throw considerable
doubt upon his being socially feebleminded, that is being unable
to compete on equal terms with his fellows. Indeed, were it not
for his immoral proclivities, which may just as fairly be consid-
ered acquired as denominated innate, he might well serve as a
very useful member of society in doing some of the necessary
lowly work of the world.

472

Chap. XV] VERBALIST TYPE OF DEFECTIVE [§ 273

As a matter of fact, a year or so later the report came that
this lad had been doing very well at work on a farm.

Mentality: Moron. Case 86.

Bad companions: Dissolute girl. ^°^' ^^ years.

Heredity: Father and mother both

defective types. Marked stigmata.
Developmental conditions:

Much illness.
Home conditions: Poverty, poor control.

Delinquencies :

Sex +, also perversions.

In considering the question of the insight of mental defectives
into their own condition there seems no particular reason why
this power should not be found preserved or developed in some
cases, just as other faculties may be preserved or developed.
The defective who has insight is fortunate. Sources of discour-
agement and temptation are thereby avoided. More than a few
times one has heard from subnormal individuals who make their
way in the world without trouble that they realize their own
limitations. As we stated before, we have made no special effort
to get data on individuals who grade as feebleminded by tests,
but who are not to be considered social failures. Our work has
brought us directly in contact with the failures. Yet many times
we have had indication of the part which insight plays in making
these individuals, defective by tests, successful. The outcome
in the cases given just previously, as well as in some cited on the
following pages, proves well the point.

§ 273. (c) Verbalist Type of Defective. — I know of no class
of defective or abnormal individuals that is so little understood,
or who can give so much social trouble on account of their not
being understood, as the mental defectives who have language
ability sufficient to make an appearance which deceives the world
in general as to their true mental status. It is a type which on
account of the legal problems often centering about them should
be understood thoroughly by all those who have to deal with
human individuals under the law.

On account of their ability to handle language well the members
of this group are not properly placed by the ordinary tests of

473

§ 273] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

social intercourse. The common method for passing judgment on
people is, of course, through conversation. One asks questions
and if one gets answers that follow properly, that are consequen-
tial and coherent, why then without more ado one infers the
answerer to be practically normal. The give-and-take conver-
sational method of the court room may be offered in illustration.
Under such conditions this definite class of those who, although
mentally deficient, have considerable language ability can slide
along undetected among normal people. It seems to be a matter
of common-sense observation that those who can talk well must
therefore be mentally normal. We ourselves have to confess to
being utterly surprised at finding the low mental grade of some
members of this class, so ingrained in human judgment is the
idea that if an individual can talk well he is, ipso facto, of mental
normality. It is more generally appreciated that brilliant con-
versational powers are not incompatible with mental aberrations,
including well-defined insanity. Here we may set forth that
there is a like combination of affairs to be met with in mental
defectives.

If the human mind is thought of in terms of partially separated
faculties and abilities, then why should we not recognize the
possibility of a language ability overtopping the other mental
powers, even when the general level of ability is far below the
social par. Other instances of mental unevenness, such as the
musical, mechanical and calculating geniuses, we have spoken
of above.

A point in connection with these individuals is of much practi-
cal interest; it causes many complications. The fact that these
people find themselves socially tolerated, and apparently able
to meet the world upon its own terms, leads them into a great
deal of self-deception. As we have found them, they are markedly
lacking in insight into their own disabilities. In this matter
they are quite in contrast to the type of case which just previously
has been cited. This lack of judgment and apperceptive ability
may directly lead to the development of a grudge-like attitude
towards the world or towards the individuals under whom they
have unsuccessfully served, or with whom they have been in
competition and failed. They do not understand the cause of
their own failure.

On the other hand, one has also noted a great deal of buoy-
ancy, assertiveness and even ambition among this class. Their

474

Chap. XY] VERBALIST TYPE OF DEFECTIVE [§ 273

very lack of insight prevents them from being depressed by their
own faikn-es, while their conversational abiUty and frequent
vivacity lead them to form new associations and acquaintances
most readily, and to gain therefrom continually new^ feelings of
power and renewal of sense of importance. They have an abnor-
mally small amount of social modesty or reserve. They are able
to ingratiate themselves in public places, and to get new jobs
with the greatest facility. Their very vivacity may be a factor
in their presenting a prepossessing appearance. They also have
other qualities, perhaps not so typical, several of which may be
seen in the cases cited below.

Cases of mentally defective verbalists may be of such great
legal importance that there is value in citing some instances in
detail. I strongly advise all my legal readers to acquaint them-
selves with this t>"pe, and to note upon what common-sense
grounds a differential diagnosis can be made. Possible legal com-
plications are only necessary to hint at. To work up the entire
gamut of cases of this type we have observed would require a
special monograph. We have seen numbers of defectives who
were glib talkers even on the witness stand. Since some defec-
tive verbalists are great liars it might be supposed they would
come under the head of pathological liars, but we have expressed
ourselves clearly on this point in our chapter on that subject.
The individual who is a liar and defective must be classed prima-
rily as a defective.

The ability of morons who are verbalists to remain at large in
society, sometimes regarded simply as immoral or criminal types,
is an interesting fact. It is to be noted that in our classification
for the moment we are not including cases which get through
the Binet 12-year tests. Under the head of mental subnormality,
§ 276, we have more to say on this point, for the subnormal
verbalist is perhaps even a more interesting tj^pe. There is,
however, only a technical reason for distinguishing between the
two; generically both classes are defective. One of the weak
points of the Binet system is that it so greatly calls for language
responses; those who have good language ability easily grade
proportionately higher. We offer somewhat in detail the general
findings and some specimens of conversational ability in several
cases, the criminalistic trend of which may be clearly seen.

Case 87. — Clara Y., a young Jewish woman, about a year
from Russia, was brought to us by a protective agency. We

475

§ 273] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

were never quite sure of her age, but she evidently was about 21.
She had been getting into difficulties in one way and another,
and it was now conceived that perhaps she was not able to take
care of herself. She had voluntarily sought the aid of various
people at times. The protective agency had attempted to get
her properly placed, and had put in a very great deal of time
on the case, but somehow, although she seemed to have the best
of intentions, she never was able to retain a position; either
being discharged or leaving the place herself. It is probable
that she did hold one position for three months, but she has had
many other places where she has not done well. It is known that
she tells many lies, has been morally careless in general, and that
she has been sexually delinquent. Her recent action in deliberately
asking a man to come and live with her for awhile, which, by
the way, he accommodatingly did, seemed altogether too much
of a good thing, and there developed the suspicion that the girl
was not just right mentally.

Her family is known of through old neighbors; they are said
to be intelligent and well-to-do. The results of inquiries make
it probable that her people have had much trouble with her,
and are glad to be rid of her. She is said to have run away from
home with a troupe of actors before she emigrated. Other than
this, the family and developmental history is unknown. The
girl's own statements in the matter are probably unreliable.
She has no relatives in the United States.

We know something of her school history from certificates
which she shows from a gymnasium in a small Russian town.
The purport of these is that she was the fifth highest pupil when
she was in the 4th grade, and had some fair marks at that time
in geography, natural history and even arithmetic. She was
good in deportment and excellent in penmanship. We do not
know the v/ork of the grades, and it may be that geography and
natural history were mostly memorizing of language. Clara
volunteered the information, whatever it may be worth, that
she was not allowed to pass into the 6th grade, and was two years
in the 5th. She later told about being in higher grades, but was
contradictory on these points, and it is not at all likely.

Clara's delinquencies consist in much lying and misrepresen-
tation, earlier running away from home, and, as time has gone on,
gross sex immorality.

Physically we find her to be a vivacious, coquettish type,

476

Chap. XV] VERBALIST TYPE OF DEFECTIVE [§ 273

small in size, but well developed and nourished and with good
color. She has regular features, and with her vivacity might be
called rather attractive. Her expression is silly. She laughs and
giggles much of the time. It is significant that she is very care-
less about her personal appearance, a fact most contradictory
to her coquettish behavior. No sensory or physical defects of
any kind noted.

" Been here a year and four months. Came in July. Worked
lots of places, sometimes a month, sometimes a day and sometimes
a week. I know that man a couple of weeks, that 's all. I met
him at the music hall. Had passes to go there. Oh, God, he 's
a fine man. He said he was married. I told the boarding house
keeper about it. He never did anything wrong. Had him because
I was starving. Oh, that money I had in the bank? I saved
that five months ago. I told lies because people did not believe
me anyway. I used to get S8 or $9 a week. Got $16 saved up.
Oh, I just told that man I had lots of money. I went eight years
to school in the old country — in the gymnasium. I went to
the 7th grade. Just in one class two years. God, what funny
puzzles you 've got here. Believe me, I know French when I
want to know it. Sure, I can speak Russian and German and
French. All my family are smart. My mother has migraine.
She 's been to big doctors in St. Petersburg. Sure, they can all
read and write. They know lots."

A year later when the girl was in poor condition and she was
advised to go to a dispensary, she rattled on as follows: " Were
you ever in one of those dispensaries? All the poor dirty people
go there and you have to stand in line and take your turn. I
would n't do that. I am clean and proud. I don't want you to
tell any of those society women where I am — I don't want them
giving me anything at all — I am able to earn my own living.
You ought to see me on the street. I have a pretty dress and a
long black plume, and if those women would see me they would
ask me how much it cost and where I got it and everything.
They did make trouble for me at one place, and when I got home
my landlady said, ' You little liar.' They told her I was a
Russian Jew. You know they are dirty and ignorant, and I am
not a Russian Jew at all. My right father and mother were
French, and when they died it was my misfortune that I should
have been given to them. I'm proud and I want to be something."
" My mother has a fine education. My mother was through

477

§ 273] MENTAL DEFECT [ChaP. XV

school higher than me. I faint lots of times when I do hard work
like scrubbing. I never did hurt myself then. I would always
faint when I did not have right meals."

" I just love music and the theatre. I heard Caruso last week.
God, he sings beautiful. I was to grand opera a lot of times this
winter. I go to the theatre two or three times a week. Oh, I
get passes all right. Maybe some man will take me in. I '11 go
and stand in the entrance and look as if I wanted to go in, and
maybe some lady would come along and ask me, and I 'd say, ' I
just love music,' and she would get me a ticket, and sometimes a
man would take me. No, I 'd never know him before."

The girl at this time had been living with different men for a
month or two at a time, sometimes having traveled with them.
There were the typical results in infections now. She had earned
money as a model for artists, and we heard she had been a " living
statue " in a cheap theatre.

The above excerpts from her story at different times give
some indication of her facility with language, especially when it
is remembered she has only been in America a little over a year.
On the other hand, they give no idea of her glibness and the
rapidity of the flow of her ideas. The latter we considered in the
light of an aberrational phenomenon, but after all it was no
more than one might hear from many another girl of her stagey
tendencies. In our long acquaintance with her this never seemed
to vary, nor did she ever grow any more aberrational.

The girl speaks good Russian, the language in which she was
educated, speaks, reads and writes fair German, and has picked
up enough French to be able to read short sentences and to have
a conversational smattering. This, as well as her admiration
for the French and desire to be called French, probably came
from her early association with French actors in Russia.

Results of mental tests are as follows:

Binet tests (1908 series).

Seven years. — 4, failure, namely, copying a diamond. All the
other seven tests correct.

Eight years. — All correct. The two tests, which involve reading
and writing, were too difficult for her at first, but later she became
able to read and write English quite well.

Nine years. — 1 and 2, correct. 3, the making of change, done with
much uncertainty and is a failure. 4, correct. 5 and 6, not given.

Ten years. — All done correctly, even at first testing when she knew
less English than later.

478

Chap. XV] VERBALIST TYPE OF DEFECTIVE [§ 273

Eleven years. — 1 and 2, correct. 3, failure. This was a character-
istic result because the girl insisted on giving words in the form of
sentences, talking rapidly. We succeeded in getting 29 separate
words, but the usual reaction was, " We have breakfast every morn-
ing," " We have supper every night." At times she would say, " Don't
I talk fast? I can talk much faster than that in Russian. I can make
great speeches in Russian." 4, failure on account of lack of knowl-
edge. 5, not given on account of foreign language difficulty.

Twelve years. — 1, failure. Cannot repeat seven numerals. 2,
rh\TTiing words correct. 3, repetition of 26 syllables failure. 4, un-
derstanding a situation from diverse facts a failure.

Much more significant than even these findings are the results on
our own set of tests.

I. 6'. Ridiculous amount of trial and error all the way through.
Tried to put in pieces upside down.

II. 2' 40". Terrors.

III. Construction Test A. Failure in 10'. Kept at the job most
persistently, but most stupidly. Very many moves tried. After being
sho\\Ti, was able to do it however, extremely rapidly. "Oh, that's
easy now."

IV. Construction Test B. For sake of thorough trial was allowed
15' and even then failed after having made over 100 moves. Entire
lack of planfulness and foresight. Trial and error.

VI. "Aussage." Gave a scanty functional account of the picture
used. Gave a number of items on cross examination. She showed
herself entirely non-suggestible.

VII. Reproduction of Geometric Figures. Entire failure. Striking
result for her age.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Worked with ap-
parently good attention. Made three errors, including repetition of
the number 2. Seemed to have no idea of working by elimination.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Failure to comprehend the problem.

X. Cross Line Test B. Entire failure. Only learned to draw the
model from memory at 5th attempt.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal presentation. Not given on ac-
count of language difficulty.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal presentation. Gave a
shorter and simpler passage of 25 words which was repeated with
verbal accuracy.

XV. Antonyms. Astonishingly good result considering foreign
language factor. No failures. Only one error. Average time 2.2".
Some of the opposites were quickly given in German, and of course
counted as correct.

XVI. On this test got remarkable and typical result as verifying
the lack of self-control exhibited in other conduct. In tapping the
squares Clara would do all right for 20 spaces or so, but then seemed to
be unable to keep the task in mind, although she could tell afterwards
w^hat was wanted of her. She would even run off the spaces into the
margin. At another trial she did 64 squares in 30" with 12 errors.

479

§ 273] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

XVII. Writing is good in German script. Later on she was able
to write a very creditable note in English.

XVIII. Failure for 3d grade multiplication and incorrect even in
simple addition. Orally fails to subtract 39 cents from a dollar.
Speaks fluently of geometry and algebra, but when given even the
simplest formula shows not the slightest comprehension of it.

XIX. Even when seen the first time was able to read slowly a sim-
ple passage and to translate it into German.

XXI. The girl's reactions to Sharp's moral questions are quite in-
structive. Asked about the man who stole bread to give to starving
children she responded — " You bet he do right. He did not steal
money. He steal bread. If he steal money to get clothes or anything
like that it's different. You bet I do the same. That girl in tne Mis-
sion Home she steal $2 from me. I did not tell no one."

On the 2d of the moral questions about the captain of the besieg-
ing village giving up the man to the Indians, " Sure, I see lots of In-
dians on the stage. They rob people and take all the money. Indians
don't shoot. They fight just with knives. I 'd give up the man. One
man is not so many." When cross-questioned she said, "Well, better
kill lots of people for the truth. They've got lots of fight in Russia
for the truth. If give up one man the Indians would call for others.
The Indians are not educated. They could not understand."

XXII. Has exceedingly small range of information. Does not
know who is president, or the largest city. Says she landed at Castle
Garden, but is not sure of the name of the city. Remembers the Rus-
sian port she came from, and of stopping at Liverpool. She has
plenty of information about theatres and grand opera. Last week
was five times in the theatre.

This girl was seen several times later and some of the tests retried,
with always practically the same results except on language. She
speedily instructed herself and became, as mentioned above, able to
write a good hand in English and to express herself well. As a voca-
tional test she was given the puzzle box, Test V, with full instructions
instead of as a problem. She finally accomplished the task in 5', but
only with many variations from what she was told to do. This was
significant in the light of the fact of her failure at various occupations.

The significance of this whole case is plain enough from the
foregoing. Here is a girl with language ability ipamensely
above her standard of performance in other ways. Her record
on the Binet tests is not an indication of the extent of her mental
defectiveness because they call for an undue amount of language
performance. Much more consonant with her social failure are
oiu" findings on other tests. She is clearly feebleminded. On
account of her facility with language she has been passed along
by all sorts of kind-hearted people and even by social workers
as a normal individual, and of course had she appeared in any

480

Chap. XV] VERBALIST TYPE OF DEFECTIVE [§ 273

court on account of her delinquency there would not have been
a doubt but that she was well equipped mentally. As a matter
of fact, the outlook has all along been outrageously bad, and the
welfare of society would demand that she be permanently segre-
gated. On all occasions her tendency to eroticism was most
noticeable. She was silly and simpering in her behavior and talked
a great deal about the opposite sex. The possibilities of her
career as a carrier of disease are not easily measured. The easy
way in which she can ingratiate herself into the good will of
people is exhibited by her ability to attend grand opera, even
when she had no money.

From the first we considered the possibility of this girl being
a case of psychosis, but as time has gone on we have seen no
mental changes. At any rate if evidence of psychosis should
clearly appear it would be on the basis of underlying mental
defect, and this diagnosis is the only fair classification for the
girl at present. Three years from the time we first saw her, re-
ports would indicate no mental change, but she is said to earn a
large share of her living as a vuella publica.

Mentality: Moron with special
language ability.

Case 87.
Girl, 21 years.

Heredity? very little known.

Developmental factors? unknown.

Delinquencies :
Lying +.
Sex + +.

Case 88. — Otto B. A boy now 17 years old came to this coun-
try with his family about five years ago. They settled first in an
eastern city. Within a year from the time they landed Otto
began causing trouble through running away from home and
misrepresentation. We saw him first when he was about 14. He
had then been in the hands of the police several times in several
cities. Then, as now, he appeared to be an aggressive, forceful,
healthy boy and he readily made friends everywhere. His family
and more than one agency of social service had endeavored to
get him sent to some educational institution, but on account of
his ability to make a strong appeal before judges, and because
of his running away to other places nothing was ever done.

481

§ 273] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

Physically we found him active and alert; a nervous, bright-
eyed type. He weighed then only 82 lbs., but has since that time
been growing. He has always been well nourished and of a healthy
appearance. No marked sensory defect. When first seen he
was under a good deal of a strain on account of attempting to
conceal his true family relationships and was highly nervous.
We then noted very active pupillary reactions with marked hippus.
As we have seen him since from time to time, we have noted less
appearance of nervousness. No other points of significance have
ever been revealed by our thorough physical examinations.

Mental tests: On numerous occasions tests have been tried and
retried with the idea of discovering variations typical of a psychosis,
if there were any. Results have been fairly uniform, except when he
had learned how to do the test previously.

Binet tests (1911 series).

Eight years — 1, failure; 2, correct and done promptly; 3, correct,
not prompt; 4, correct; 5, correct, but 5 digits was upper limit. Nine
years — 1, correct; 2, failure; 3, correct. Counts money rapidly;
4, failure; 5, correct (2 out of 3 answers right at latest trial). Ten
years — 1, failure, always one error; 2, failure; 3, half correct; 4,
failure. Twelve years — 1, not given, but proved himself non-sug-
gestible on other tests; 2, failure; 3, correct. On this a remarkable
result was obtained, for over one hundred words were given in three
minutes with a wide range of subjects; 4, ?; 5, ?.

Results on our own series:

I. 5' 15". Repetition of errors on the small triangles, which alone
took 3'.

II. 3' 42", and 5 errors.

III. Construction puzzle A, 2' 6". Only 15 moves made, conse-
quently this was done very deliberately.

IV. Construction puzzle B, 9' 55", and 67 moves. This is, of
course, practically a failure.

V. Puzzle box a failure. Tried this repeatedly on different occa-
sions. Was found at last visit that could do it in 1' 40", but even then
failed to put it together again.

VI. " Aussage." It is notable that in this test he gives in his free
recital eight items, four of which were wrong, a most remarkable
result. When reminded of items, however, he got most of them and
accepted no suggestions whatever. Said the smooth-faced butcher
was old and had a white beard, and that he had ducks in one hand,
and so on, but all these imaginative affairs were his voluntary
concoctions.

VII. Reproduction of geometric figures; the rectangles correctly,
the other a poor failure.

VIII. Learning of arbitrary associations very poor result — five
errors out of ten possibilities.

482

Chap. XV] VERBALIST TYPE OF DEFECTIVE [§ 273

IX. Cross line A, failure even at the fourth trial.

X. Cross line B, similar failure. Does not seem to be able to con-
trol his mental representation or analysis of these figures. Been tried
many times on these.

XI. Memory from \asual verbal presentation. Although he was
able to read this passage containing twenty items fairly correctly,
most of which are readily comprehended by children ten or twelve
years of age, he gave the following incoherent story. " If a man finds a
house he has to find a large house and if there is sick people and there
has to be a fire and then he takes out the stuff and that's the poor
people and the poor girls have the large house."

XIII. Memory from auditory verbal presentation. This was done
very much better although still shows incoherency. He gets 9 out of
12 items fairly correct, but intersperses them with three other imagina-
tive or perverted items.

XIV. Recently tried -on instruction box. Failed on first two at-
tempts only because his handling of dial was not steady enough.
Showed keen effort. Correct third trial in 40".

XV. Antonyms. Results on this were most cm-ious. Notwith-
standing his extensive vocabulary the difficulty seems to be that he
lost the idea. The results the first time he was examined were thought
to be vitiated by his recent acquirement of English and so they prob-
ably were. He was tried later on different sets of words and it was
found he could control his associations for a few times and give us
correct responses in one or two seconds, but then he would fly off at a
tangent. For instance, when asked to give the opposite of the word
friend said, " I know my friend is bad to me," and so on.

XVII. Writing. The boy has learned to write a readable hand,
but his spelling is atrociously bad, hence his letters are diflScult to
read.

XVIII. Arithmetic. Has advanced so that he can add up a col-
mnn of several figures generally correctly, but cannot do much of any-
thing else. Division is an entire failure. It is specially significant
that he cannot reason out simple problems concerned with money.
For instance tells us that if 4 pencils cost 24 cents, 3 will cost 16 cents.
Also fails on other similar tests.

XIX. Reads 3d-grade passage with a number of mispronuncia-
tions.

XXII. On the questions of information he says that Lincoln was
a great man, he does not know the largest city in America, and so on.
He attempts to give an erratic account of electricity.

XXIII. The pictorial completion test showed most irrational
apperception processes. He made five final errors out of ten possi-
bilities. He gave a voluble explanation of why he left certain pieces
in certain places. He shows much weakness in the perception of the
relationship. For instance, where there is a window to be placed in
the house, he put in the baby, and says the girl has left the baby in-
doors and it is crying.

During a year this boy has been seen a number of times and some

483

§ 273] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

of the tests have been given over again. He has learned to do the puz-
zle box and the 2d construction test, but in spite of money offered,
which he most desires, he never was able to do the cross line test.

From all this there can be no doubt that we have to do with a
feebleminded boy, and not of the highest grade. His range of
mental defect is so great that one giving him common-sense tests
in almost any way could prove his true mental calibre. But it
has seemed to those he met that his forcefulness and volubility
indicated anything but the possibility of his being defective.
We have thought of this being a case of psychosis, but the boy
has grown rather better than worse, and if an aberrant condition
develops it will be on top of a primary mental defect. There is
at present no indication of any psychosis.

The first time this boy was under observation it was about a
week before any track of his family was gained. His stories were
so well told they completely covered up his real connections. He
was found very talkative and excitable. The diagnosis of his rela-
tive abilities and disabilities was readily made. A few excerpts
from his rapid-fire conversation will give some indication of his
conversational style. At this time he spoke with a typical accent,
neither better nor worse than would be expected from the short
time he had been in this country.

" I tell you, before my father died, about a month before, I
was with my brother. I got a brother as big as I — he 's bigger
than I. My mother had a fall. She was carrying a baby one
month around the street. People took her up. I seen them bring
her in. They made an operation right away. The big doctors
come and did, and they took out the baby. She kissed me and
she could not talk. She liked her so much. Four months a baby
and she kissed her goodbye. And we come by her and we catched
her dead, and my father had an operation too at the Vanderbilt
Hospital. I had an operation. Long time I was sick — great
long time — ■ could not tell you how long time it was — long
nine years ago. Don't know what I had — I was so sick. We
had our own house in Brooklyn. I know we have a house, that 's
what I know. I don't know why I am arrested. I am going from
work. I was in the show. I am singing and dancing and running
errands a little. The lady who sings likes black candy to chew.
I was going home at half-past twelve. Never saw in my life such
policemans as here. Never saw such boys as here," etc.

After his parents were discovered we learned of the complete

484

Chap. XV] VERBALIST TYPE OF DEFECTIVE [§ 273

unreliability of this boy. Even those stories about operations
were untrue. They say that Otto is a bad boy in general. He
is disobedient at home and does not want to go to school. Is
impudent to parents and looks angrily at them. His talk is more
like that of an old man than that of a young boy. When he
makes money he spends it on shows, he soon began staying away
nights and has been found sleeping in five-cent shows. He got
his money by peddling papers. His father does not regard him
as being mentally incapable, but rather as being a forward type,
too " smart and fresh." The boy has long wanted to go to work
and before he was 14 had misrepresented his age to get a working
certificate. At times he is said to talk incessantly and to be very
merry.

The family history is not known altogether satisfactorily from
a scientific standpoint, but we have the following main points.
The father is a rational man, not well educated, but able to run
a small shop successfully. We do not find him entirely reliable
about the details concerning the family. The mother seems more
intelligent. Otto was the 5th of 8 children, 3 of whom died in
their infancy, 2 with tuberculosis and " brain fever." One older
brother of 20 went to school in the old country and got to the
4th class, but has turned out to be a loafer here. The next brother
is a steady worker and did much better in school. The others
seem to be quite normal. There is no history of anything pecul-
iar about the early development of Otto. The birth was normal.
At 9 months he had some illness, but it was not very severe.
At 8 years he was very sick with typhoid fever and not expected
to live. He walked and talked early, as did the others. His
schooling in Europe amounted to very little. Both the father
and mother were earning their own living and they acknowledged
he was neither closely watched nor properly educated. They
maintain they did not notice any bad conduct on his part before
he came to this country. Now they are much concerned about
him. We have never been able to get any history of defective
heredity that bears on the boy's abnormalities.

The main trouble with Otto has been his constant tendency
to run away from home, and he shows unreliability in other
ways. He does not suffer much from his vagrant habits, for his
ability to make friends and to concoct plausible stories gain him
entrance into places of work and lodging where he can enjoy for
a few days good surroundings. His father has a decent home

485

§ 273] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

for his class and could give him occupation in the shop. At times
he has been successful for a few weeks in helping his father and
then has seemed proud of the fact. He has run away so many
times that his parents have long since ceased to notify the
authorities.

As the parents say, Otto is a tremendous liar, and yet at times
he has been able to restrain this tendency for quite a period.
His lying itself really amounts to an important delinquency
because of the trouble it has given his parents and the authori-
ties. In various places the police and others have spent long and
valuable time in endeavoring to place him and trace his family.
Otto has at various times obtained money under false pretences.
He is not a great thief, but has been willing to help himself some-
times to things not his own, always with the purpose of gain.
He once took candy and toys from a shop where he was employed
and sold them for a couple of dollars. He has taken things from
his father's place. On two occasions he has been known to have
a ten-dollar bill in his possession and where he obtained the money
has never been discovered.

Otto at one time attempted to start a theatrical career with
cheap actors, doing a dance and singing turn, for which, however,
he had no ability. He has written many letters calculated to
aid and abet his cause in various ways. These have been addressed
to teachers and other individuals, but the ones we saw earlier
were always too incoherent to be effective. The boy's reaction
when confronted with the truth has always been that of showing
no penitence whatever, and he has proceeded in a voluble and
excited way to make other explanatory statements. When con-
fronted with his parents after denying their existence he behaved
in just the fashion he has done on other occasions — telling more
falsehoods.

As time has gone on, this boy's facility to handle language
has increased wonderfully. (Note the excellent results on the
Binet tests which called for sixty words to be given in three
minutes.) Specimens of his conversation at later times are as
follows :

" Say, doctor, I found $20. I run up to a man who was walk-
ing by and he gave me ten of it. It was near 46th Street. Say,
doctor, don't that show I never stole a penny. I gave that $10
to my father. What do you think. I spend it ! Any pennies I
have I always give to my father."

486

Chap. XV] VERBALIST TYPE OF DEFECTIVE [§ 273

" Oh, today I don't go to school because I told my father I
go down to see the doctor. I 'm in the high sixth grade now. My
brother and me are gomg to make a big party when I graduate
— have chocolate cake and lots of things."

After he had been working for awhile the following was his
style in response to a question as to whether he drove a wagon
or not. " Say, doctor, you know what a wagon boy is? Of
course we don't drive. There is a driver and he drives and we
collect the money. We give it to him and he turns it into the
store. We always carry a gun. The other day we had $28.
\\Tien I was in Germany my family had a big store and we had
to deposit money at the bank. Sometimes I went with my
mother to the bank and she would give me $1000 to carry. She
did not like to carry it herself." Asked why he had lost a certain
job he said, " A young fellow came along and hit me over the
head just to show people he belonged there. Do you suppose I
was going to stay there after that. Giood night! My mother
did not want me to be a wagon boy because it was so cold in
winter, but I showed her I could not get another job. She would
not believe it before when I tried it and wanted me to quit after
two days. This time I showed her it was the only job I could get.
You call $6 good. Well, not for me. Say, what you think I am
anyway? Why, I 'm most 17."

He recently turned up after having been away three weeks
and says he has a court case on. Tells in the most voluble and
circumstantial way the details of the accident. He was wagon
boy for a department store. Another wagon ran over a boy when
they were standing near, and the boy's mother is suing the depart-
ment store. Otto is going to give testimony. " See, this is how
it is. How can a wagon run over a boy when it is standing still?
See, that 's what I '11 say in court. How can you tell me how
that is? I called up the mother of that boy that was run over and
I says to her, see here, we get $1000 from you because how could
we run over a boy when we was standing still. Now you see I
get double back pay for time lost, and the driver he was fined
too — he 's going to get $150 and a lot of other things are going
to come from the woman who is suing."

It is not only the rapid, but also the firm and convincing con-
versational tone that Otto uses that has often proved persuasive
to judges, officers and employers that he is mentally normal,
and that he is a typical money maker. As a matter of fact^ since

487

§ 273] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

he left school he has had many jobs, but has lost them all. It
seemed most encouraging when he worked for his father, but
home living soon proved tiresome and he began to run away
again.

We note with a great deal of interest that as time went on this
boy tended to first accuse the officers of misconduct in various
ways, such as interfering with his welfare, and then later started
for himself in legal proceedings. He was going to testify in one
case, and took it upon himself to be most officious in the matter.
We especially note this, because we have seen exactly this type
of conduct develop in several other individuals, who are of similar
mental make-up. Some of these, by virtue of their litigious
tendencies and power to carry conviction on first acquaintance
have caused a great deal of trouble.

The outlook for this boy developing into a stable member of
society was felt by us to be anything but good. Had he had
years of training possibly more might have been expected. The
handling of such a case without scientific and legal recognition of
his special type is clearly most unsatisfactory. It always seemed
highly probable that he would continue in his erratic career and
finally receive a prison sentence. One point, however, has stood
out in his favor; he never did associate much with other delin-
quents and on account of his arrogance he has never been known
to be easily led. Perhaps these qualities have prevented him
from getting into serious trouble while he has been fioundering
about. The last we have heard of him is that he has probably
been making his way about from city to city; he has been away
from home for a number of months. His earning capacity has
not increased with his years.

Mentality: Moron with special abifities.

Case 88.

School dissatisfaction: Because un-

Boy, 17 years.

successful.

Home conditions: Poor control.

Delinquencies:
Truancy.

Running away -|- -\-.
Lying +.
Petty stealing.

488

Chap. XV] VERBALIST TYPE OF DEFECTIVE [§ 273

Case 89. — We were asked to see a woman of about 40 years
of age who had been taken up for vagrancy. \'arious investi-
gators gave us a good report on her case. The pohce thought
she was mentally defective.

We found a rather good-looking woman, very well nourished,
good color, large head and face, and rather good features. No
sensory defect noted. She was a woman of quite normal ap-
pearance.

On the mental side we soon found we had to do with a low-
grade mental defective. She strenuously objected to doing
tests, stating in fairly good language it was foolish to ask a woman
like her to do them. By much persuasion, however, we got the
following significant results. She could not add even simple
numbers. Could barely write her own name and read only the
simplest words in a newspaper. She did not know the name of
the street on which was the institution where she was staying.
However, she stated nobody could fool her on money. We then
gave her $1.95 which she said was $1.75. A few of the 7- and 8-
year-old Binet tests which she was willing to try, she failed on.
Our simple Cross line Test, IX, she could not do.

By even common-sense tests, then, this woman was shown to be
highly defective mentally, but her ability at language was alto-
gether out of proportion and had undoubtedly kept her going
in the world when her other failures would have counted against
her. We found her able to string together fairly well her ideas
in conversation. She told us she did not know how old she was
when she came to this country and acknowledged she has always
been " hard in learning," that she has had a couple of husbands,
and so on.

" I have not had a home for over a year. My husband is dead.
]\Iy baby is 17 months, a little over a year old. I am willing to
work. I have been out in the country with the baby doing house-
work. My folks is all in Michigan. I never left home before.
yiy home is everywhere. I was one winter in the English school.
]My husband has been buried over a year. I had a chance to be
married again. I want to get housework. I stayed in the police
station because I had no other place to go." Speaking of another
man, says, " When we separated we lived on, I can't just tell
what street it was on."

Investigators found out that all her adult life this woman
Lad been wandering about, now here and now there, first with

489

§ 273] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XV

one man and then another. Has had several illegitimate children.
At the time she was taken up by the police she was living under
miserable circumstances in a basement. At times she has been
able to get menial work. It seems she has always been able to
tell a story that has passed well enough and so has never received
the social protection that her mental disability would warrant.
In spite of her vagrancy, immorality, and the fact that she has
been suspected of infanticide, her normal appearance and language
ability have given her the opportunity of going on in her miser-
able life of vice and misery. Many defectives who range years
ahead of her in general intelligence and ability to take care of
themselves have not a tithe of her power to make a good presen-
tation of herself.

490

Chap. XVI] MENTAL SUBNORMALITY [§ 274

CHAPTER XVI

Mental Defect — Continued

Mental Subnonnality. § 274. Definition of Subnormality. § 275. Illus-
trative Cases. § 276. The Subnormal Verbalist.

MENTAL SUBNOEMALITY

§ 274. Definition of Subnormality. — In study of individuals
who are not brought for examination because they are obviously
feebleminded one can,not escape the conclusion that there is a
clearly distinguishable group of defectives which stands between
feeblemindedness, as defined above, and normality. For lack
of a better word we have designated the members of this group as
subnormal. Of course all defectives are subnormal, and one hesi-
tates to use this generic term, but unless a new word, such as
moron, is invented, the class cannot be better designated. Leav-
ing aside individuals w^ho have specialized mental defects, we
have found it advisable to include under the head of subnormals
the following:

(a) Those who in spite of passing the Binet tests as required,
still may be shown to have such lack of mental ability as may
prevent their normal success. By tests one may discover very
grave incapacities, such as faulty powers of mental representa-
tion and analysis, constructive planning, apperception, and so on.
These important higher mental powers are not evaluated to any
extent by the Binet tests. (One may find a child doing moderately
well in his school work and grading about normal by Binet, and
yet already showmg inability to think out situations and to do
constructive planning and the like, which failure is really indica-
tive of some degree of mental defect.)

(b) We find some who, notwithstanding they are unable to pass
the Binet tests, are socially able to take care of themselves because
of certain other abilities not determinable by these tests. For
instance, we have found some Binet failures able to do our con-
struction and mechanical tests right well.

(c) There is a class which, during school age at least, does not
develop normally, but still does not show the three or four years

491

§ 274] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVI

of retardation which in that period is the authoritative quaHfi-
cation for being considered feebleminded. Not all of these are
found ultimately to be cases of arrested development.

(d) Then there is need for a class in which to put cases when
we are temporarily not sure of anything except the fact that they
are not up to normal in mental powers as shown by tests. There
is often considerable cause for doubt in the case of a young
person as to whether the ultimate diagnosis will be feebleminded
ness or not. Sensory disabihties or general physical conditions
may perhaps be partly responsible for the poor showing.

Another situation involving the problem of mental subnormality
we should parenthetically mention here. It has been a matter
of great interest for us to note from time to time that offenders
belonging to well-educated circles who have been brought to us
with the statement that they were subnormal or even feeble-
minded have not proved so by our usual range of tests. Yet it
was a fundamental social and psychological fact which these
parents or friends had in mind. The delinquent was subnormal
for his own social sphere. Let a boy with barely an ordinary
mental equipment be born into a family where all are extraordi-
narily successful in the use of their mental capacities, and it is
obvious that this individual as he grows up will be considered
below par. We have studied, for instance, a young man who
went through grammar school in the ordinary way, but found
a great deal of difficulty in mastering the more advanced studies
of a high school course. His relatives were college people, authors,
and so on. Their verdict about him was that he was subnormal.
The irritation which he experienced in his social sphere was much
the same as that which a moron with insight feels in competi-
tion with scholars in the grammar grades. The reaction was a
usual one; there was development of an anti-social attitude,
exhibited, among other ways, in definite delinquency.

§ 275. Illustrative Cases. — We may offer in illustration of
mental subnormality a few cases from the many which we have
seen which seem to fall in this category. Particularly^ we must
offer examples of individuals who grade about normal by Binet,
but who are nevertheless defective mentally.

Case 90. — An adopted colored child of 10 years of age, parent-
age entirely unknown, is reported to be quite possessed by the
idea of stealing. It is said that ever since she was old enough
she would take pennies. She steals from stores, boarders, school,

492

Chap. XVI] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 275

anyTA'liere. She is quick and cunning. For years she has been
taken about the country by her foster mother who is an itinerant
character; so the girl has never had a good chance at school.
Has only reached 2d grade.

On the physical side we found her fairly developed and nour-
ished with no sensory defects of note. She has an umbilical
hernia. Ears imperfectly formed.

Mental tests. Binet (series 1911):

Seven years — 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, correct. Eight years — 1, correct;
2, failure; 3, correct; 4, failure; 5, correct. Nine years, — 1, failure;
2, 3, correct; 4, failure; 5, correct. Ten years — 2, 3, 4, 5, correct.

Our own series :

I. 4' 30". Spent 3' on triangles, much repetition of errors.

III. Construction test A, 4' 31". Twenty repetitions of impossi-
bilities.

IV. Construction test B, 1' 52". The first result was thought to
be due largely to chance, and so immediately afterwards she was
given the test upside down. She then took 5' 3" and made 57 moves.
This was most significant for the estimation of her mentality.

V. Puzzle box a failure.

VI. "Aussage." She did very well on this and saw many details.
Gave them correctly and was not suggestible.

VII. Reproduction of geometric figures. Failure at 1st trial, but
correct in each case at 2d trial.

VIII. Learning of arbitrary association symbols. Four errors.

IX. Cross line test A. Complete failure after 4th trial.

X. Cross line test B. Similar failure.

XIII. Memory from auditory verbal presentation; gives, with only
a little variation, ten out of twelve items.

XV. Antonvms. Only one error and two failures. Average time
1.9".

XVI. Motor coordination test done very rapidly but inaccurate.
Best she did was 92 squares with 7 errors.

XVII. Writing poor for age, about equal to 2d-grade work.
Writes from dictation so that one can read it, "The cat ran away."

XVIII. Arithmetic. Does correctly a few number combinations,
but says 3 and 4 are 8.

XIX. Reading. In 2d-grade passage does not pronounce correctly
heat, iron, small, etc.

We studied this girl on more than one occasion and found her
able to use good sentences and to have a clear understanding
of social situations. She had been talked to a great deal by
moralizing people, and her apparent insight was perhaps due to
parrotlike repetition of words. We found her failing in some
very significant tests, although she ranged only about a year

493

§ 275] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVI

behind her age on Binet tests. Her failure at the second trial
on Construction Test B, Test IV, and on the Cross line tests
and other things was most significant. It was not her failure
on the first trial in any of these things which seemed so signifi-
cant as her lack of ability to profit by experience and to learn
from trial and error. In estimating the girl's capacities for reform,
or in considering the best to be done for her one finds very little
answer in the Binet tests alone. Then, too, her conversational
powers would not lead one to suspect her mental disability. One
saw clearly that she was defective mentally, and yet one could
not classify her as feebleminded.

Mentality: Subnormal.

Case

90.

Heredity:

Unknown e>
the child

[cept that
was deserted.

Girl, age

years.

Home conditions

Wandering life.

Stealing + +.

Case 91. — A boy of 14 from a neighboring western state,
after having been arrested in Chicago, was seen at length by us.
His fairly intelligent father and mother had come on to get him
and went into all phases of the case at length.

The boy has been a great truant and mischief maker in school.
He has been maliciously destructive, and quarrelsome at home.
Is very untruthful at times. Has been in trouble on account of
stealing with boys, and has taken money from home. His
people live in a good community, and the boy goes to private
school where he, evidently by courtesy, is in the 6th grade.

The family history is terrifically bad. Paternal grandmother
and aunt and granduncle insane. Paternal aunt subnormal.
Paternal uncle epileptic. The grandfather on this side and his
sons had a very, bad name for sex immorality, and the whole
family were reputed to be alcoholic. The father of the boy was
himself at one time a deserter of his family, but of late years has
been doing well. In the mother's family there is much admin-
istrative genius and wealth.

The boy is 5th of six children, five of them alive. One still-
born. Two older boys somewhat subnormal. They have been
sickly and are still at school — about the 5th or 6th grade. The

494

Chap. XVI] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 275

oldest and youngest children apparently mentally normal. None
had convulsions. This boy's birth and development negative.
Never severely sick. Good general habits so far as known.

Physically this boy was fairly developed. Weight, 99 pounds;
height 5 ft. Head; circumference 55.8, length 19.3, breadth
15 cm. No sensory defect noted. Strength fair for age. Slightly
enlarged thjToid. Eyes bright, but expression rather dull. Ton-
sils large. Typical Hutchinsonian teeth. No other defects or
anomalies found.

Mental tests. Binet (1908 series). Went rapidly up through the
12-year tests.

Results in our own series:

I. 1' 20". Moderate amount of trial and error on the triangles.

II. 2'. 11 errors. Most carelessly done in spite of warnings.

III. Construction test A. Extremely poorly done. 6' 30". 60
total moves. 25 repetitions of impossibilities. Had to be urged to
finish test. Wanted to give up this simple job, saying, " That 's the
best I can do."

IV. Construction test B. 1' 10". Very likely much luck in this
through picking up the right pieces first. Compare with result of
previous test.

V. Puzzle box. 7'. Made many ludicrous errors in spite of warn-
ing to study out the whole situation. Only at 6' was step one done,
and the others followed rapidly without errors. Showed in this great
lack of planfulness and judgment.

VI. Many details given correctly, but showed himself quite sug-
gestible. Accepted 4 out of 7 suggestions.

VIII. Learning arbitrary s;^Tnbol associations. Correct and prompt.

IX. Cross line test A. Rapidly correct.

X. Cross line test B. Correct at first trial, after making alterations.
He repeatedly represented to himself the figure by making motions in
the air.

XL Code test. In spite of the above success with the component
parts of this test, failed to get the idea of the code, and utterly failed
in correctness of procedure. This made 9 failures out of 1 1 possibilities
and proceeded in the most painful and slow way. Very difficult for
him to concentrate attention.

P XII. Memory from visual verbal presentation. Result quite good.
17 out of 20 items were recalled with a good deal of verbal accuracy.

XIV. Instruction box. Failed on the dial on the first two attempts.
Did it correctly at the 3d trial — a poor result for a boy of his age.

XVI. Motor coordination test. Showed himself most careless in
this work. Much difficulty in self-control. First trial 82 squares
tapped with 20 errors. After much warning, next trial 83 squares with
5 errors.

XVII. Writes an irregular hand. Is able to spell simple words.

495 •

§ 275] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVI

XVIII. Slowly but correctly adds several columns of figures cor-
rectly. Can do simple multiplication, but fails on division. Does
not know the process in simple fractions, and in other simple reason-
ing arithmetical processes.

XIX. 6th-grade passage read well, fluently and with good expres-
sion.

XX. Says he has played checkers a good deal, but when tested
showed merely a boyish game with no foresight and the neglect of
many chances.

XXII. Information extremely poor considering his age and oppor-
tunities at school. Knows little about such boyish interests as elec-
tricity and mechanics. Cannot name the five Great Lakes. Thinks
Chicago is the largest city in America. Says the Fourth of July is
Washington's birthday.

XXIII. Pictorial completion test. The boy's apperceptive powers
seemed to be weak. He made 7 final errors, most of them of the
irrational type. At another time was given another chance, with
the same type of striking results.

We found by our tests that this boy, in spite of rapidly passing
the Binet requirements, was distinctly subnormal. He has poor
powers of attention, mental analysis and apperception. His
results on formal education are decidedly defective, especially
in arithmetic. On the other hand his memory processes are
good and he can learn well by rote.

The boy has long been dissatisfied with school, but on account
of his aptness in reading has not been regarded as subnormal;
rather it has been considered that he would not urge himself
enough. A curious fact is that he was being specially educated
with the idea that he could earn his living in office employment, a
style of work for which it is readily seen he was most incompetent.
The boy's lack of foresight and planfulness can be observed in
his social career as well as in his tests. His conflict with the
authorities has induced no attempt at better behavior. The
outlook, unless he is placed at an occupation for which he is more
suited, is not good.

A very recent report from the parents is that they were not
able to make a satisfactory adjustment of this boy's case. A
year or so after we first knew him he went around with a gang
of young thieves who traveled from town to town. He was
apprehended again, but it was recognized that he had been led
on by the crowd. His parents then tried him at farm work
where he has been more of a success than at anything else he has
done.

496

Chap. XVI] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 275

Mentality: Subnormal. Case 91.

Heredity: Insanity, alcoholism, ^^y> ^S^ ^^^

epilepsy.

School irritation : No educational adaptation
to abilities.

Developmental: Congenital disease (?)

Truancy.

Ljang.
Stealing +.

It will only be necessary to give a single case in illustration of
the easily understandable fact mentioned under (6) that not all
who fail on Binet tests should be graded as feebleminded. In
the following instance it is doubtful whether we should ultimately
grade the individual as even subnormal.

Case 92. — A boy of nearly 15 has been only 2 years in this
country. He has been getting into trouble because he has neither
been attending school regularly nor working. Besides that he
has been engaged in petty stealing, and is said to be more or less
incorrigible at home. However, home conditions have been
bad on account of poverty, and at times he has had to work at
nights. An older sister has been a disturbing influence on account
of her immoral tendencies.

Physically, we find a very small boy for his age. Weight 81
lbs.; height 4 ft. 8 in. Poorly-developed chest and strength
not up to normal. In contrast to that is his sex development,
which is almost adult in type.

Mental tests:

Binet (1911 series) ; 9 years, all correct except the second; 10 years,
1, 3, 4, correct; 2, half correct, and 5, failure; 12 years, all failures
except the third.

Results on our series:

I. 1' 39". Almost no trial and error on the triangles.

III. 2' 18". 2 repetitions of impossibilities.

IV. 2' 28". 16 moves. Very good record.

IX. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Correct at 3d trial.

XVII. Writes his own name, but almost nothing else.

XVIII. Adds up fairly promptly simple number combinations.
Knows how to carry correctly. Can do simple multiplication and
reason out small number relationships.

XIX. Reads only the simpler words.

497

§ 27*5] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVI

XXIII. Pictorial Completion Test done with only two errors,
one of these illogical.

Memory span of seven digits.

This short cross-section study illustrates the necessity of add-
ing to the Binet system other inquiries and other testing. It is
stated that this boy never went to school in the old country. He
shows ability in our performance tests that is on the whole above
the grade of subnormality, but temporarily we can include him
in this class. As his teachers say, it seems as if he would have
done better by this time were he of quite normal mentality.

The other children in the family are all said to be bright.
They were brought earlier to the United States and he was left in
Europe. He is not known to have had any severe illness. The
story of heredity is not forthcoming with accuracy. Part of the
boy's lack of success in school has been undoubtedly due to the
fact that he was working at night. We recommended he be placed
in a certain educational institute and be given special instruction.

Another feature back of this boy's present delinquent tendency
lies in the fact that he has grown to dwell much on sex affairs
and has become hypochondrical concerning them. A definite
mental conflict has arisen as the result of suggestions given directly
to him by his older sister. He has behaved himself well in these
matters, but tells us he has been thrashing them over in his mind.

The boy's whole frank attitude in regard to his trouble, and
the finding out of what he was going through mentally, as well
as getting the history of his previous lack of educational train-
ing, leads us to give a favorable educational and social prognosis.

Lack of educational opportunity (in old Case 92.

country). Boy, age 14.

Family conditions: (Emigration, poverty,
influence of immoral
sister, etc.)

Adolescent instability, with dispropor-
tionate physical
development.

Mental conflict, over sex affairs.

Truancy. Mentality:

Incorrigibility. Temporarily classed

Petty stealing. as subnormal.

498

Chap. XVI] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 275

But obviously it would be necessary to have a number of family
and school conditions changed.

Case 93. — Interesting, especially from the standpoint of
placing in institutions, is the case of a boy of 13 who has for years
been engaged in a wide range of delinquencies. He was accused
of running away from home, of petty stealing on many occasions,
malicious mischief, destructiveness and of some bad treatment
of small children. Recently his delinquencies have been carried on
in company with two other subnormal children from the same
subnormal room, an example of gregariousness which is fre-
quently to be met.

The father entered into the case as fully as he could with us.
He is poorly educated, perhaps subnormal, but a very well inten-
tioned man, who is fond of his children and maintains a fairly
good home as a laboring man. The parents were first cousins.
The mother is dead. She had attacks which probably were
epileptic. We could get no other evidence of defective heredity.
There were only two children, and these were twins. The sister
of this boy is evidently bright and healthy, sharply distinguished
from him in both mental and physical ways. The mother used
alcohol during pregnancy. Birth was normal.

We get an indefinite history of the boy being very ill and nearly
dying when he was a baby. From him we learn of certain dizzy
spells and queer appearances in front of his eyes which suggest
attacks of minor epilepsy. Says he sometimes sees white and
sometimes red which lasts for a couple of minutes before his
eyes, and he then gets dizzy and cannot see at all. No evidence
of other attacks. His father knew nothing of these. However,
the boy as a half-orphan has been in institutions much, and the
father really knows little enough about him.

He is rather small for his age, height only 4 ft. 9 in. ; weight 86 lbs.
Pleasant, but rather dull face. No sensory defects noted. Tonsils
enlarged, possibly small adenoids. Although the boy by habit is
a mouth breather, he can breathe very readily through his nose.

Mental tests: Binet, 1911 series:
All the 6-year tests done correctly.
Seven-year tests, fails on 2 and 4, others correct.
Eight years — fails only on half of test 4.
Nine years — fails only on test 2.
Ten years — 1, 2, 5, failure, others correct.

Twelve years — 1, correct; 2, failure; 3, correct; 4, failure;
5, failure.

499

§ 275] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVI

On our own tests:

I. 1' 8". Only 13" of trial and error on the small triangles.

II. 2' 12". S'errors.

III. Construction test A, 2' 17". 23 total moves, but only one
repetition of impossibility.

IV. Construction test B, 5' 19". 61 moves.

V. Puzzle box. 4' 21". Many errors interspersed between steps
one and two. Other steps followed out logically.

VI. "Aussage." Most items gotten correct either on free recital
or on cross-questioning and no sign of suggestibility.

VII. Reproduction of Geometric Figures. Done extremely poorly.
Failure.

VIII. Learning arbitrary symbol associations. Promptly and
correctly.

IX. Cross line test A. Correct at the 1st trial.

X. Cross line test B. Correct only at 3d trial.

XI. Code test. Could not comprehend the idea, utterly failed
on the performance.

XIII. Memory from auditory verbal presentation. Very poorly
done. Only 6 out of 12 items recalled.

XV. Antonyms. 4 errors and one failure. Average time 2.7".

XVII. Writing atrocious and does not spell anything except mono-
syllables.

XVIII. Knows simple combinations of small numbers and the table
of 2's as a series. Nothing beyond this.

XIX. Reading. Fails on a 3d-grade passage and on all the long
words such as could, found, etc.

XXIII. Pictorial completion test. Five final errors of the irra-
tional variety.

We found that though he only grades according to Binet a
little over 8 years he does comparatively well on tests of per-
formance with material directly given to him. We note a cer-
tain amount of variability from day to day, but not sufficient
to alter his general standing by tests. It is quite possible that
this variability was a phenomenon often observed in epileptics.
The immediate problem was concerned with the placing of this
boy in an institution. On account of his general ability with
concrete material it was decided to try him, under agreement,
in an industrial institution where they are very keen to rule out
mental defectives.

He was retained the full time, about 18 months, as acceptable
in their routine of education, although papers were on file for
him to go to the colony for the feebleminded if it seemed desirable.
The boy made good educational and moral progress. At present
he is giving no trouble in a city environment.

500

Chap. XVI] THE SUBNORMAL VERBALIST [§ 276

Mentality: Subnormal; unequal abilities;
possibly epileptic variability.

Case 93.
Boy, age 13.

Heredity:

IMother probably epileptic,

father subnormal, consanguinity
of parents.

Developmental : Severe illness in infancy

Running away

Stealing.

Maliciousness.

§ 276. The Subnormal Verbalist. — The verbalist type of
defective is so important in many ways that emphasis should
again be placed on this subject by the citation of a case or two.
Even though the grade of mental defect may not be that of feeble-
mindedness, yet the disproportion between verbal and other abil-
ities can be so great that anomalous social situations are produced.
It is remarkable to what extent these unbalanced people get
themselves and others entangled in troublesome matters. The
comparative ease with which they use language leads readily
to their becoming liars and swindlers.

The strangest feature of this class is the aptitude which verbal-
ists show^ for using the law. The only explanation I see for this
is that, since a large share of the business of the law is carried
on merely by the use of language, even superficial acquaintance
with legal phraseology goes a considerable distance towards
making others believe in the qualifications of the verbalist. A
person who has a special ability to use words well is of course
likely to get ahead in all those branches of social effort where
the usual evidence of good ability is displayed by language.

Case 94. — Sara S. I had the opportunity through a municipal
court in a New England town to study this vivacious and fairly
good-looking girl of 19. Her delinquencies had consisted in very
repeated stealing for a year or more from down-town shops. For
some months she had been using a system which she had herself
evolved. Off and on she had w^orked at these stores, and was
regarded as a capable young saleswoman. There was no need
of her working or of her stealing, because she came from a home
where there w^as plenty of comfort and good cheer.

Sara had never been aware, so far as known, that her supposed
parents were really only her foster parents. She was taken into

501

§ 276] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVI

their home from a New York child-placing agency when she was
only a year or so old. Her real parentage is quite unknown. The
foster parents are very stable people, and except for traveling
for a year or two, when the girl had a good deal of healthy experi-
ence in the world, they have always lived in this New England
town.

As an example of Sara's language facility and her own philo-
sophic sizing up of the world, the following excerpts from her
story are well worth reading closely.

" Well, I don't care for house work, and I like to have a little
money for myself. Father did not want me to work, but I 'm
just the same as other girls, and like to have money of my own.
I began stealing last year, but they did not catch me. I spent
it for gloves and candy. The first time I ever took anything?
Well, I was about 8. It was out of my uncle's pants. We
all lived in X at the same time. Oh, playmates? Oh, yes, there
were a couple of girls around the house then and I knew them
best. Yes, they took things, both of them. They were both
about the same age. They took money from their family and spent
it for candy. I used to share things with them that they bought
in this way. They both came from good families and I knew
them for many years. When they were little they never went
with boys. They began it about 12 years. I am pretty sure
it was about that age. They never talked of stealing with me.
Probably they did not think I knew about it. One of them turned
out awful bad. She went with boys all the time."

" I have known a good many bad girls down town. The worst
of all were at M's. Lots of them down there get money that
way. Yes, at times I get to thinking about it. Well, I suppose
I am sort of dreaming then. I think about all sorts of things.
I love to read if I can get good books. My favorite author is
Mary J. Holmes, and I like Dickens, too."

" People would come in and say, ' Can't I take this thing out
the way it is? ' and then I would not hand it in to the inspector
and would keep the money. The other day the detective took
me into a room, and found $1.80 on me. They saw me take it.
I got it from different customers. They scared me terribly. I
don't know half of what I said, but 50 cents was the largest sum
I ever took. I am always well, but subject to colds. I tell you
what I believe. If anything is the matter with you you want
to get your mind off that and forget it. I get in the crowd down

502

Chap. XVI] THE SUBNORMAL VERBALIST [§ 27G

town and if my back does ache I don't tliink any more about it.
You can forget things if you get busy. I saw a detective take a
girl up last summer. She was the only one I knew who took
things that way. Then I was so scared I didn't take anything
for a long time. I saw the other girls there getting money pretty
easy. They would say they made money the night before or
something like that."

" I always got along all right with my teachers. Music was
easy for me. I can play well. Have had music lessons four years.
What I want to do is to go on the stage, but they don't care to
have me. I did not tell my mother about these girls because I
knew she would not let me have gone with them. I am quite
sure I was about 12 when they began to talk so much about
those things and they used to tell me all about it and say, ' Why
don't you do it? ' I w^as 14 before I knew what it meant. It
was not mother then that told me. It was my Sunday School
teacher. I don't know exactly why I did not go with them."

" I think it is just terrible the way a girl is treated in all these
matters. Just think how she gets the worst of it. If a boy is
under age he can't be arrested, and nothing is done to him for
this. A girl is likely to get into trouble. Now, I don't think
there is much blame about it and I don't think it is so bad. I am
not sure it is as bad as I have done. It is just nature that 's all.
If I had done that and got money by it they could not have arrested
me and I think it might have been better if I had instead of steal-
ing. If this gets in the papers I 'm a ruined girl and that 's all
there is to it. The best thing I can do is to get married to some
nice fellow, and a lot of chance I will get if this gets in the papers.
A fellow will say, ' That 's Sara S. whose name was in the paper,
isn't it? ' I don't want any of my girl friends to know it. I go
with girls right now who are fine."

Physically, we found this girl to be in fair general condition,
rather poorly developed; not particularly good looking; notable
is her slouchy attitude (in spite of much training on the part of
her parents); no sensory defects; dental findings very significant
— distinct crescentic erosion of the incisors ; expression not
particularly bright, but uses her eyes in affected and stagey
manner.

Results on our own tests:

I. 1' 50". Rapid but no planning. Occasionally tries a piece in
the wrong place.

503

§ 276] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVI

III. Construction test A. 5' 15". 43 total moves. 10 repetitions
of impossibilities. Talked in very childish fashion about this and
wanted to give up.

IV. Construction test B. 5' 30". Good application but very little
planning. 46 total moves.

V. Puzzle box. Failure in 10'. Apparently studies it carefully
but task is too difficult.

VI. "Aussage." Fair number of details given. Very positive
about things not seen and not the slightest evidence of suggestibility.

VII. Reproduction of geometric figures. Very poorly done.
Failure.

VIII. Learning arbitrary symbol associations. Very slow per-
formance and three errors.

IX. Cross line test A. In spite of many explanations failed to get
the idea at all.

X. Cross line test B. Failed at 4th trial. "I can't think of it or
remember it. It's so hard."

XII. Memory from visual verbal presentation. Entire twenty
items recalled with the sense correct although many verbal changes.

XIII. Memory from auditory verbal presentation. All items ex-
cept one small detail recalled and much verbal accuracy included.

XV. Antonyms. No errors. No failures. Average time 1.8". A
remarkable performance in comparison to some of the other work.

XVI. Motor coordination very well done. 75 squares with one
error and then she speeded up to 90 squares with no errors.

XVII. Writes a very matm-e hand and spells all simple words
correctly.

XVIII. Long division correctly and has some idea of work with
fractions, but fails to carry out the process correctly.

XIX. Reads very fluently with good expression. Has had special
training in this.

XXII. Has been a good deal of a reader and knows ordinary
items of information to be gathered from newspapers. Simple items
correct in geography and history. Quite ignorant of simple scientific
information.

Although the Binet tests were not done it is quite clear that
Sara's language facility would have carried her well up in the
12-year or even 15-year tests. Her power of mental analysis and
her ability to reason out a situation which is presented to her
in concrete form is exceedingly poor. In fact she does badly on
all of our tests for higher mental power, such as are involved in
planning and foresight. Her powers of visual recall of form were
also remarkably poor in comparison to her memory for words.
She has great conversational ability, and has developed a well-
defined and even philosophic attitude towards the world. She
carries an air of sophistication and dramatic ability. This,

504

Chap. XVI] THE SUBNORMAL VERBALIST [§ 276

however, may be largely a matter of imitation of the stage, and
of the philosophy of her immoral girl friends. We note with
the parents that she has a remarkable lack of emotional reac-
tion in regard to her own delinquency, and we also corroborate
their opinion that she has very little ability to do anything but
talk. There can be -no doubt that, though this girl comports
herself with such superficial evidence of ability, and was able
by virtue of good instruction to do 6th-grade work, and although
she proved a very satisfactory saleswoman, still she is mentally
subnormal. She did not learn wisdom from family reprimands
for stealing, nor through the experience of her thieving shop
companion, and in general she shows lack of foresight.

The developmental history as known since one year of age is
almost negative. No serious illness. No convulsions. No com-
plaint of headaches. As a little child she seemed bright. Walked
and talked at normal age, but after going to school never learned
rapidly. Reached the 6th grade without much difficulty, but
never went beyond that. Had lack of control of bladder and
occasionally of the bowels up to the time she was 6 or 7 years
old. Her first teeth were said to have been deficient in enamel.
The foster parents speak much about her lack of physical control.
They would have been very proud to have had her acquire a
fine carriage. In school her deportment was always considered
good, but she was thought to have a stubborn will.

It was felt that the exceedingly good home environment of
this young woman could be relied on to prevent her from further
misconduct. The family suggested that her salvation very likely
lay in early marriage. No more delinquencies were reported.

Early sex knowledge with mental conflict
about it.

Case 94.
Girl, age 19.

Bad companions.

Mentality: Subnormal, verbalist type.

Antenatal conditions: Probably con-
genital syphilis.

Stealing -|-.

The following case should be of the greatest interest to all
students of human nature and particularly to people of the law.
Here we have a young man probably subnormal in various impor-

505

§ 276] ■ MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVI

tant mental abilities, who has a facility in language which vastly
overtops his other faculties. He is a chronic falsifier and as such
belongs in our class of pathological liars except perhaps for the
fact that he also is a mental defective. To tell what we know of
his career would require many more pages than we can give here,
but significant points are offered. *

Case 95. — This young man of 20 came to this country with his
intelligent and industrious parents from Hamburg when he was
15 years old. I saw him in New York about a year after they had
landed, at the request of his father and other interested people.
He had recently been in the Tombs, having stated to the authori-
ties that he was over juvenile court age. It was charged that
he had been engaged in several swindling operations previously,
however, having made such good presentation of his own case
that he had not been prosecuted by the parties involved. In
the old country his principal delinquency had been truancy.
Now the people who wanted the case of this boy studied were
interested in him because they conceived a great injustice had
all along been done. He appeared to be such an ambitious fellow,
he was studying at night to be a lawyer. They thought possibly
he was persecuted by the police and not sympathized with by his
parents. I studied him then and have seen him at intervals since,
and have full reports on his career.

At our first interview we v\^ere much inclined to take the view
of this boy's recently made friends, and to feel he had been unjustly
incarcerated. It appeared that his arrest was immediately due
to the fact that he got into a fight in his own family circle and
struck his mother and their landlady with a broom stick. The
fight came about because his family did not further his interests
in giving him clothes satisfactory to himself in which to appear
in a court room where there was a case going on in which he was
interested.

Part of his first statement runs as follows: " I took a few les-
sons over in the Y. M. C. A. class and in a law office and I have
books at home of every court in New York. I know I got a
good chance to work up because I got a good head for the law.
My father he won't believe it, that 's the trouble. I know I could
stand my own expenses. I said, ' Officer, you wait here a minute.
I will explain how this is.' He began stepping on me. He threw
me on the floor. I wanted him to go out the back way so nobody
would see me, there was a big crowd there, but he kicked me down

506

Chap. XVl] THE SUBNORMAL VERBALIST [§ 276

the front way. Another rough officer pinched my arm. I was
in the other court because my father thought I would not work.
I was trying to find a position. I was in court by myself in a
divorce case. I was interpreter there. The woman paid me three
dollars for it. I want to make something out of myself. Labor
is all right, but I like office or law work better."

A curiously long record about this boy was obtained from a
social service society to which he had applied for assistance some
months previously. It seems he has been known all along as a
tremendous liar. He persuaded the juvenile court judge to give
nearly an hour to his case because the judge hesitated to put
on record anything against a boy who desired to be a lawyer.

In the previous year the lad had worked in about 20 different
places, getting a job very readily on account of his good powers
of self-representation. He had forged various letters and tele-
grams about himself. He represented himself as an orphan in
a certain newspaper office where they thereupon raised a fund
and outfitted him. One or two people w^ho have known him the
longest are inclined to think the boy cannot be just right. He has
been able to pick up some small law suits, particularly damage
cases, and has turned them over to other lawyers after first mak-
ing the attempt to handle them himself. Every one reports him
as a most ambitious and aggressive type.

Physically we found him to be well developed and nourished,
but of a very flabby type of musculature. Regular and rather
pleasant features. Expression rather duller than one would
expect from the vivacity of his speech. General attitude slouchy;
clothes nearly always untidy. Head well shaped; circumfer-
ence 54.5; length 18; breadth 15 cm. No sensory defect noted.
No complaints of headaches or other physical troubles. Narrow
and rather high palate. Low, well-controlled voice. Reflexes
normal. Coloration of the irides asymmetrical. Enlargement
of the mammae, a marked anomaly. Examination otherwise
negative.

Mental tests; our own series:

I. Introductory Form Board Puzzle. 1' 10". Very little trial and
error.

II. Not so well done. 55". 4 errors.

III. Construction Test A. 1' 3". No repetition of impossibilities.
At a second trial shortly afterwards he did it in 9".

IV. Construction Test B. 4' 25". Done not at all intelligently or

507

§ 276] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVI

planfuUy, but comparatively few repetitions of impossibilities. A
poor showing for his age.

V. Puzzle Box. Failure. Began working with his usual self-con-
fidence, but proceeded without planfulness or evident ability to
understand the relation of the different mechanical steps one to
another.

VI. "Aussage." Gives a very wordy account of what he sees in
the picture, but really recalls very few items. Some of these are imag-
inative, such as putting words in the mouth of the woman who is
buying the sausages, and placing things incorrectly. The total result
was poor. Only two suggestions accepted. His main failure was
through inability to correctly recall the items, and through his un-
warranted use of imaginative details. The general results show a
most unusual amount of unreliability.

VII. Reproduction of Geometrical Figures. Failure. Self-con-
fidence shown by his desire to proceed with the reproduction before
all of the allotted time was up for observation.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Done promptly
with one error, but this was significant inasmuch as it involved placing
the same digit in relation to two different symbols and omission of
another digit. A thoroughly irrational result.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Done correctly but with considerable
effort.

X. Cross Line Test B. Failure. This simple test has been re-
peatedly tried with this young man during the ensuing years and he
has never been able to correctly perform it.

XL Code Test. This was a failure both on account of his inability
to perform the easier task. Cross Line Test B, and because he could
not correctly repeat the alphabet either in German or in English.

XII. Memor}^ from Visual Verbal Presentation. An almost per-
fect result both in regard to sequence and verbal accuracy. An unu-
sually good performance.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal presentation. Similar re-
sult. Almost perfect. Only one minor detail missing.

XV. Antonyms. No error, but fails on three, probably because of
lack of knowledge of English terms. Average time 2.3".

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. 75 squares tapped the first trial.
2 errors. 74 squares tapped the second time. 3 errors. This showed
poor motor control for his age.

XVII. Writing. Fairly mature and regular hand. Has consider-
able trouble with spelling, but yet considering that he has only been
in this country one year a letter written by him in English is fairly
good.

XVIII. Arithmetic. Makes several mistakes in an addition ex-
ample of several columns. Knows his tables fairly well. Cannot do
anything at long division. An interesting observation was made when
he was heard to say as he was multiplying, "8 times 4 is 16," and then
a minute later, "4 times 8 is 32." A couple of years afterwards he
was still unable to do long division in spite of his assertion that he

508

Chap. XVl] THE SUBNORMAL VERBALIST [§ 276

had learned, and would show us. He did not at all know the
process.

XIX. Reading. The boy all along made a specialty of his reading.
He is very proud of it and of his conquest of the English language. He
reads fluently simple passages and did so when we first saw him. How-
ever, after a couple of years, in spite of his boasted ability, we found he
could not read a difficult passage, and could not pronounce and did
not know the meaning of such words as significance, efficiency, physics.
But he has picked up various terms such as jurisprudence, civil engi-
neer and knows in a vague way what these mean. Many legal terms
he has conmiitted to memory and knows the exact meaning of them.

XX. Told us his favorite game was checkers, that he played a
good deal and played a good game. On trial it was found that he
played extremely poorly, and without any foresight. At one time
moved backwards.

XXI. Sharp's questions would seem to give him an opportunity to
display any casuistic ability which he might seem to have. About the
first question of stealing to help a starving woman, he said it would
be right in one way and in another wrong. It was never right to steal,
because if the man was caught he would be sent to the penitentiary,
and have to pay more than the things were worth. Asked if it was not
■UTong otherwnse he said yes, because a thief would never get along
in the world. On the second question about giving up the man to the
Indians, he said that the white men should battle with the Indians if
the man had done no WTong, but, " I really would rather give up one
man than many. If the chief gets killed himself I rather give this man
up before he put his own life in it." Altogether an incoherent reply.

XXII. Information. Very wordy answers were given to questions,
and whenever he did not know a point he tried to bluff it through.
He knows a good deal about local politics, about the cost of getting
into law schools, he knows some of the ordinary facts of geography,
knows a number of sporting items; knows how the electricity comes
from the power house and makes a motor go in a trolley car, but fails
on other scientific items. Shows much familiarity with newspaper
accounts of notorious law suits, makes much talk about being inter-
ested in athletics and about himself being a champion. (He is really
very poor in such things.) His knowledge of German geography, which
he should know well by reason of his long schooling in Hamburg, was
exceedingly faulty. He was unable to spell correctly the name of the
city district in which he used to live. Insisted Paris was a country, etc.

His failure on the above simple tests showed this young man
to be unquestionably subnormal mentally, despite his aptitude
for language. At the end of one year in this country he spoke
English with only a slight accent. His grammar has never been
perfect, but it has gradually improved. However, he makes
up for it by vigor of speech. On numerous occasions he represented
himself as an oflBcial interpreter and tried to get a position of this

509

§ 276] MENTAL DEFECT ' [Chap. XVI

kind, having cards printed announcing himself as such. There
is no doubt but that he can perform such work fairly well when
only simple ideas are involved. He had announced to others
and told us that he was a graduate of the intermediate school
abroad, and had spent some time in a high school. This was
quite untrue, but he cited it and his language ability as evidence
of his qualifications for becoming a lawyer.

But it was just his record at school which has all along made
his father so scornful of the boy's legal pretensions. The fact is
that he never got beyond the 3d class of the elementary school,
about equivalent to the 3d grade in our grammar school. He
went to school for several months when he first came to the
United States, but succeeded in advancing only in subjects where
language was the chief requisite.

The intelligent parents, in their endeavor to solve the problem
of this boy's peculiarities, gave a good family and developmental
history. He is the youngest of three children, two of whom are
alive. The others were quite bright. The surviving sister is
industrious, quiet, and has a good school record. Many in the
family have been nervous and excitable, but in general the stock
on both sides is said to be quite healthy. A cousin on one side
was insane, and a cousin on the other side was probably feeble-
minded, but nobody nearer than this was the victim of abnormal
mental conditions. Some members of the family have achieved
distinct success.

There were two miscarriages just before this boy was born,
but his pregnancy and birth were all right. At 3 years he had
diphtheria exceedingly severely. He was delirious for a couple
of weeks, and following the attack had palatal paralysis for
three months. The boy has never seemed normal to his parents
since then. Before that he had walked and talked at an early
age. His parents remember him as a destructive young child,
but outside of that give us no history of peculiarities. He was
subject to occasional fevers, and was very sick again at 9 years
with scarlet fever. As a young child he was always much inclined
to play by himself. Was never known to have bad habits of any
kind. A very important point is that up to 14 years this boy
suffered from nightly enuresis, with occasional lack of control
of bladder and bowels during the daytime.

As time has gone on this young man has sought harder and
harder to get himself into legal practice, and has connected him-

510

Chap. XVI] THE SUBNORMAL VERBALIST [§ 276

self with various questionable legal affairs, mainly acting in
some capacity as an assistant. Soon after I fii-st saw him he
was sent for a time to a disciplinary institution. Since then
he has received one definite fine and sentence for attempting to
dispose of property not his own, and another for forging a legal
document. Even at his first appearance before a judge he showed
his tjT)ical characteristics in cross-examination of his family and
others in his own defense. Later he had badges made for him-
self wliich have represented him to be an officer comiected with
a certain official organization. He made complaints to various
authorities about his treatment when in the institutions to which
lie has been sent, accused certain individuals of maltreating him
■while there, and succeeded on more than one occasion in getting
others mterested in the matter. He has shown extremely poor
judgment in much of this, for he brought his own career to notice.

In regard to his use of language we find that he has not pro-
portionately improved as time has gone on. If a subject is devel-
oped so that rather complex ideas are dealt with, a certain amount
of incoherency has always been noticeable. But he has accumu-
lated more and more legal terms, with gradual increase of real
understanding of them. His ambitiousness and push still carry
him along so that, in a large city, new business possibilities con-
stantly present themselves, even if many mistakes have earlier
been made. Some excerpts from his conversational reactions
may be instructive.

" You know that Johnny R. and then that K. boy? Judge R.
is going to try them. They are down at the Blank Street Station
and they are going to sign a jury waiver and they can't do that.
They are only 15 years old. I got their ages. It cost me a dollar
to get their ages, and I 'm going to be there when they 're tried.
You ought to see 'em. They look pale. They don't give them
anything but black coffee down there. Who is this attorney?"

" You know I 'm working in three places now. I 'm holding
three jobs. Two days in the week I work for A. and two days
for Mr. B. and then for myself. I make $7 or $8 a week by inter-
preting. I am saving it up to go to law school. In three years
I graduate. I want to see the judge to get these boys down here
right away before their trial. They are going to hold it up against
them their record, and I 'm going to deny it. It ain't right. I
was talking to the detective that arrested Johnny R. I 'm going
round to see the attorney. I want to represent the case myself."

511

§ 276] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVI

In the cases referred to, our young man was attempting to get
a wrong statement of ages before the judge who was to try them
in the adult court and, as usual, was trying to put it on the grounds
of seeing that justice was done. He really made quite an investi-
gation in connection with an alleged burglary, and had a speech
written up which he wanted to declaim before the judge. On
several occasions with unscrupulous lawyers he has attempted
to ferret out the situation in various court cases. He has made
very little out of it, because even the}'' felt he was not reliable
enough to be used for long. He has started damage suits on
behalf of members of his family against the neighbors, and has
endeavored to get other fellows who have been in jail to commence
some cases in the hope of getting some financial returns. In spite
of his having been sentenced himself he insists on continuing his
legal aspirations. He ingenuously reveals to me the character
of some of his business affairs.

" I have a job in the legal department at J's. I get $10 a week.
Because my name was so ruined I gave the name of Charles R,
and if you would come in and ask for me by my right name there
would be no such person there. I 'm determined to be a lawyer.
Ever since I was a little fellow I have wanted to be. Ever since
I have had understanding of what law means. I used to play
court with the little ones and talk about law."

At a later time this fellow gave a summary of his recent career
which is most significant. " I am general manager for a picture
portrait business — you know, enlargements. We have an artist
who gets six or seven pictures made in a day. There's money
in that, isn't there? I was down in court today. I tell you there
was a fellow who got what was coming to him. It was a case
before Judge B — assault and battery. He got $10 and costs,
in all about $30. Well, it is like this. Well, I had a little dog,
and I tell you I have a heart for animals just the same as persons.
He kicked the dog, and I told him not to do it and he says, 'You 're
a liar,' and then he ran downstairs and pushed me along on stones
down there. I called the policemen and they did not come for
about three quarters of an hour. I put on my clothes and went
with them and got out a warrant. Now I 'm going to get a com-
plaint out about the boy who lives out there. He lives over my
house. Something bad will happen there. He calls my mother
all sorts of names and uses bad language. Maybe I was not
much of a fellow to praise her, but I could not stand to

512

Chap. XVI] THE SUBNORMAL VERBALIST [§ 276

hear her called those bad names, and if that goes on it will
be bad."

'* I am studying law. Take the correspondence course. They
give you an LL.B. It is a two-years course, and you get all the
volumes separately. When I started out I did not know any
Latin, but now I tell you I know" all the names in it. I studied
the first volume, and they send you questions you are to fill out
without looking in the books. I would be willing to bet anything
I get credits on that."

" Then w'e have a slander suit. That woman upstairs she called
my mother all sorts of dirty names. I 'm going to file a $3000
slander suit. I would not let her call names like that. And then
she has about $3000 worth of property."

" I have been getting along pretty fine in most ways. Some
of the people are dow^n on me. I 'm a Scout master. I started
with 10 boys, and now I have about 117. We won the cham-
pionship. We have a great big blue pennant about it. We won
in baseball. The boys did everything be.st. There was an exam-
ination on leaves. I had 9 boys up and there were 117 leaves
and ever}' boy knew every leaf. Of course I told them or they
would not have known."

" Some people are down on the Boy Scouts of America, but I
tell them it does them good. I Ve been through the courts you
know, and I made up my mind I '11 help other kids. Don't you
think that is right? I tell them that judges and officers ain't
necessary. 'Sometimes youse kids can be helped by talking to.'
They used to smoke and chew and things like that, but they
don't any more."

" Then there 's me. I won the wrestling championship this
year." (At this point I mildly suggest the discrepancies between
his statements and the neighborhood fights. He blushed a little
and said he was no good at real fighting.) " I 'm this kind of a
fellow. If you let me alone I 'm all right, but if you start mon-
keying with me then something 's going to happen. When you
start things don't start it until you are able to carry it through.
They w^ere not able to do that."

" I don't know whether I '11 file that complaint. I '11 give it to
the police officer. My time is too valuable. Three times $8 are
$24 and that 's gone for a week. The boy is dangerous to me as
well as my mother. I 've got the right of a citizen to protect
myself."

513

§ 276] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVI

" A fellow met me and says how long have you been in this
country, and when I says four years he says, 'You 're a liar.' He
says there never was a fellow I ever heard of who got hold of the
language and was doing so well in only four years. I go out with
my sample case and it 's $8. That 's get-rich-quick-Wallingford
for you! "

It was on the occasion of this interview that the boy had to have
his car fare paid, and related an unlikely story about having lost
a quarter. Then he also told several other small unnecessary lies
besides those which were involved in his boasting. His weak
lying has grown to be such a usual phenomenon that it belongs
in our pathological class. Our earliest reports from his father
and his friends were that he was a tremendous falsifier.

All told, this irregularly subnormal young man with his con-
siderable defect in judgment and his inability to reason or plan
well, or to mentally handle abstract material has created a vast
deal of trouble and is likely to create still more. By his aggres-
siveness and fondness for legal situations he has already involved
himself in over a dozen court procedures of which we know. He
has been a defendant as enumerated above, also he has been a
plaintiff in other cases, or instrumental in filing complaints, and
these all outside of his experience as office or messenger boy with
various law concerns.

(In the last year this young man has been sentenced 3 more
times for petty swindling, etc.)

Mentality: Subnormal, verbalist type.

Case 95.

Developmental: Infantile illness with
involvement of ner-
vous system.

Man, age 20.

Lying _+ + +•

Swindling.

Stealing.

514

Chap. XVII] DEFECTS IN SPECIAL MENTAL ABILITIES [§ 277

CHAPTER XVII
Mental Defect — Concluded

DEFECTS IN SPECIAL MENTAL ABILITIES.

§ 277. General Statement. — We now enter upon the dis-
cussion of special mental capacities which in an individual of
general normal ability fall considerably below the average. It
is hardly fair to call persons with defects in a limited sphere mental
defectives, although it is proper to include discussion of such
phenomena under the head of mental defect. As we have long
maintained, we should denominate these individuals as persons
with a special defect.

I suppose that practically all people could be discovered to
have some portion of their mental abilities below par. We all
have localized spots of weakness. But such defects become
significant, at least for our present purposes, only when the given
comparative disability is of social importance. The vast majority
of such defects do not much hinder one's social success, and
therefore are not taken much account of. This fact is easily
recognized when we remember that many have, for instance,
defects in the musical sense which preclude average appreciation
or reproduction of music. Now if we were all graded on the basis
of musical ability it is obvious that many who now pass for normal
would be regarded as defective. But as it is, let an individual
have a language or an arithmetical defect and we can see at
once that he is likely to be a great social sufferer. We have
observed a number of most interesting cases in which a limited
mental defect has had a well-marked relation to the causation
of delinquency. The irritations which may arise in school life,
in emplojTnent, or in the individual social circle, as the result of
faulty adaptations of ability to environment may be very dis-
tressing. The delinquency appears to be a natural reaction.
That this latter is not merely a theoretical conjecture on our part

515

§ 277] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

is proven by the fact that an alteration of environment and
employment has sometimes brought about an entire change
of behavior. Indeed the possibility of constructive work with
young offenders is emphasized in this field as almost nowhere
else.

We have no reason in our present work to deal with all the
different varieties of specialized mental defect. We are partic-
ularly^ interested in those defects which have special social impor-
tance, and give illustrative cases merely of these.

§ 278. Language Defect. — We cannot begin in this place
to treat all kinds of language defect. We may, however, give
some intimation of the social and educational importance of
certain forms of language disability, and the grave need for special
adjustment which exists in such cases. (The speech troubles,
especially stuttering, which so notoriously are correlated with
weakness of character, are discussed in their proper place, § 169.)
We have seen several psychological varieties of language defect
among delinquents when the defect itself was clearly a causative
factor of the delinquency. The variation in the disabilities exhib-
ited is what one might expect from researches on aphasia which
demonstrate the great complexity of neural mechanisms that
control the powers of perception and reproduction of language.

Case 96. — A boy of 15 was brought to us as presenting both
a problem in conduct and education. His parents rather consid-
ered his school retardation due to his general delinquent tend-
encies. We were told that for years he had engaged in a moderate
amount of truancy, had occasionally stolen from home, and had
been very disobedient. Just now he had run away from home.

From the industrious and well-meaning parents we ascertain
that pregnancy and birth were normal, and that the boy was
never severely ill. When younger he had headaches with sickness
at his stomach and attacks of nausea, but for the last couple of
years rarely had anything of the sort. No injuries of any import-
ance. The family have considered him rather hysterical because
of his cowardly behavior when punished. No significant infor-
mation on heredity was obtainable. The mother was only about
17 years old when he was born.

Through early childhood this boy was considered bright. Even
in school his teachers gave him this reputation, but said he would
not learn. At least one of them worked very hard with him.
At 14, in spite of much urging, he had reached only the 5th grade.

516

Chap. XVII] LANGUAGE DEFECT [§ 278

His parents are much concerned about him because he cannot
read and cannot write a letter. They feel he is going to the dogs
on account of his backwardness.

Physically, we find him in rather poor general condition.
Round shoulders and narrow chest; weight 100 lbs.; height 5 ft.
3 in.; no sensory defect found; tonsils moderately enlarged. A
pleasant and responsive expression. Gives the impression of
physical weakness on account of his general attitude and small,
narrow face.

Mental tests ; our own series :

I. Very rapidly done in 1' without any trial and error.

IV. Construction test B. 1' 1". 29 moves. Rational and fairly
rapid performance. Given to him immediately afterward upside
down, he did it in 18" with the minimum possible number of moves.

V. Puzzle box. 2' 10". One error interspersed between steps one
and two. Put the apparatus together again without error. This latter
is a test rarely given because of its difficulties.

VII. Had some difficulty in the reproduction of these geometrical
figures. The first time he failed on each, and when he succeeded at
the second exposure he stated in response to om- inquiry that he said
over to himself a sort of verbal description of the figure.

IX. Cross line test A. Correct at first trial.

X. Cross line test B. Correct at first trial.

XL Code test. Got the idea by himself, but had much difficulty
Mdth the reproduction. Made seven errors out of eleven possibilities.
Evidently was unable to keep the original represented to himself
A^sually.

XII. Memory from visual verbal presentation. Got the idea much
jumbled, although 18 of the 20 items were fairly well recalled. He
stated that he accomplished this feat by reading each line and then
sai^dng it over to himself.

XIII. Memory from auditory verbal presentation. Recalled nine
items, including all the important ones, out of the twelve. Gave them
in logical sequence.

XV. Antonyms. One failure and three errors. Average time 1.4".
Many of these opposites were given in remarkably quick time.

XVI. Motor coordination test. Fairly well done. At the first trial
he tapped 88 squares with one error, and the second trial tapped 89
squares with 4 errors.

XVII. Writes a fair boyish hand and spells simple words correctly.

XVIII. Does correctly a problem in long division.

XIX. His reading is a most curious performance. Words visually
presented, unless they are short and most familiar, seem to have the
most haphazard meanings for him. Crib is cah, tunnel is turned, cylin-
ders is candles, 60 is 16 and so on. When words are given orally to
him to spell he does unexpectedly much better, although with a num-

517

§278]

MENTAL DEFECT

[Chap. XVII

ber of errors on small words. The trouble seems to be in \dsual recog-
nition of the words.

XXII. Knows most of the common facts of history and geography.
Names four of the five Great Lakes correctly. Said that he never
read a book — that he never wanted to read, but that his mother used
to read to him, and he told the titles of many books she read. He has
picked up quite a number of items of scientific information. He knows
something of electricity which he has learned by observing the work
of a neighbor who is an electrician.

This boy thus proved to have exceedingly good ability in many
ways, and did most of the work of his school grade, but he has a
pronounced language defect which has been holding him back.
In the short time at our disposal for the study of this boy we
were unable to completely cover the field for educational diag-
nosis and recommendations. However, the case is clear-cut, the
relationship between the boy's delinquent tendency and his
school dissatisfactions being well marked. This is accentuated
by the fact that the boy comes from a moral and sympathetic
home. His defect is highly specialized, even within the sphere
of language ability. Our recommendations were special tutoring
in a school where the boy's moral and educational welfare could
be looked after in a constructive and not in a repressive way.

Mentality : Special language defect. Case 96.

Social adaptation faulty : Irritations •^' ^^®

both at
school and home.

Physical conditions : Early sick headaches.

Now poor general conditions.

Truancy.
Disobedience.
Running away.

The following case in its proved constructive possibilities has
much teaching value.

Case 97. — A boy of 15 was reported to the police as a great
menace in his neighborhood. It was stated that he showed many
immoral tendencies. The specific complaints were extremely
bad language, much fighting, molesting of little girls. It was
suggested by various friends and observers that he could only be
managed by being sent to a reformatory, or perhaps to an insti-

518

Chap. XVII] LANGUAGE DEFECT [§ 278

tut ion for defectives. He was in the subnormal room of a city
school.

We found the mother to be a pleasant and well-meaning woman
who worked out every day. She is much interested in the boy
and has no complaint to make about his home behavior. He is
obedient and trustworthy. She says he has long been most
anxious to go to work. After the father died many years ago,
the boy for some time was in an orphanage. The mother speaks
very little English. Her son first learned his parents' native
language, and they always speak this at home.

This boy was one of twins, each of whom weighed about 4 lbs.
at birth. The other died during infancy. There is an older sister
who did well at school and is self-supporting. This boy walked
and talked early. He was very ill with some disease of the lungs
at 4 years of age. Later he had scarlet fever mildly. Had slight
injury to his head at about 9 years. All other points about
developmental history seem to be negative. Mother knows
nothing of her husband's family. On her side there was no mental
abnormality or epilepsy. Her people were generally regarded as
being quite bright. The boy's father was alcoholic and died early
from hard drinking, the doctor said.

Physical examination showed this boy to be in very good gen-
eral condition, although rather small for his age. Exceptionally
well muscled and strong; maintains he can lift one hundred
pounds. Height 4 ft. 10 in.; weight 100 lbs. Nutrition and
color good. Strong, straight profile, good chin, and large, well-
shaped head. His general attitude was of much interest. He
seemed quiet and strong, but appeared quite sullen except after
much encouragement. When we first knew him he used to speak
in a curious whisper, showing great repression in so strong a lad.
Development in all ways normal except for the fact that upper
lateral incisors absent, said never to have been removed. No
sensory defect of importance noted.

Mental tests; our own series:

I. 3' 5'^ No repetition of trial and error on the triangles.

II. 3' 20". 13 errors. (The slowness on these early tests is to be
accounted for by his sullen attitude at first.)

III. Construction Test A. 3'. His slowness of procedure in this,
as well as in the previous one, is shown by the fact that he did only
26 moves in 3'.

IV. Construction Test B. 40", 11 moves. Remarkably rapid and
accurate performance.

519

§ 278] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

V. Puzzle Box. Again a remarkably good result. 2' 30". Very-
well planned. Proceeded logically through the performance, except
trial of one error between steps one and three.

VI. "Aussage." Full functional account. Practically no evidence
of suggestibility.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Done promptly
and without error.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at first trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct at third trial.

XIII. Memory Test from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Entire
12 items recalled and logical sequence good, but no attempt at verbal
accuracy. The result was given in curious, disjointed manner of
speech.

XV. Antonyms. Three failures. Average time 2.7".

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. First trial 70 squares and no
errors. Second trial 77 squares and no errors.

XVII. Normal penmanship, but fails utterly to write the simplest
sentence from dictation. Can spell "the," "made," but not "cards,"
or "printer" or "some." (Although German is largely spoken at
home he cannot do any better in that language.)

XVIII. Adds and multiplies correctly simple sums. This work
entirely out of proportion to his language defect.

It is hardly necessary to go into the details of this boy's story
or his own feelings about his relations to the school and to the
world generally. It is enough to say that on the several occa-
sions when we have met him he has always felt certain he did
not want to go to school. For years he had wanted to go to work,
and after he got to work he was quite satisfied. At our first
interview he spoke bitterly of a girl who could do reading, but
could not do numbers, " and she got shoved ahead." He said
that, on the other hand, he knew his numbers and everything
else except reading, but on account of the latter was kept down
with the " dippy " ones. He made much of school irritations
and how he reacted by fights and bad language, and of how bad
the subnormal girls were.

This whole case stands out clearly enough in its various aspects.
There was a special mental defect for language. The boy was
for a time given a change of environment with plenty of encour-
agement. With amateur instruction at night he plodded along
with his reading and writing. In a few months he was able to
read passages containing simple words, and from dictation was
able to write, " I see the dog on the street," etc. He also wrote
a simple letter. But what was of much greater interest is the
fact that his conduct seems to be entirely changed. He has

520

Chap. XVII ] DEFECT IN ARITHMETICAL ABILITY [§ 279

done well in his places of employment from the first. He tried
several places, and changed on his own volition until he obtained
employment that paid well. As a young man he is doing much
to support his mother now. He has also made a big gain in weight
and height. The discouragements that came as the result of
his school life ha^'e been swept away and his capacity to earn
well has given him a sense of manliness.

In interpretation of this case it is to be remembered that no
definite cause for his special disability was found. It was unfor-
tunate that early he had to strive with two languages, when he
had not ability enough for one. But the cause for his bad con-
duct was successfully diagnosed; after bettered social treatment
w^as offered him, there has been not a single further complaint of
delinquency.

Mentality: Special defect for language.

Case 97.

School irritations: Misfit in educational

Boy, age 15.

system.

Poverty : No private tutoring possible.

Foreign language at home.

General incorrigibility.

Bad sex tendencies.

§ 279. Defect in Arithmetical Ability. — We need hardly say
that just as certain persons may have special talents for arith-
metical tasks, so others may have special disabilities in this direc-
tion. The following case is especially illustrative of the social
significance of such disability.

Case 98. — This is a young man now 20 years old whom we
have known for 3 years. He comes of a family of English-speak-
ing immigrants that has done remarkably well, being on the up-
grade in every way. He is the youngest of four children, all of
whom are alive. The three others have been through school and
to business college and have turned out very well indeed. All of
them have taken to ofiice work and have marked ability as book-
keepers and the like. The father and mother, as well as the chil-
dren, are healthy and strong. An undoubtedly good family
history has been given, and one hears of no insanity, feeblemind-
edness or epilepsy on either side. There were aberrant tenden-

521

§ 279] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

cies only in the case of one paternal aunt who was said to be
" soft-hearted and lazy," and a paternal great-aunt who used
to get despondent spells and leave home for awhile and stay with
friends.

The subject of our study has had a developmental history
without a point of significance in it as far as we can learn. His
pregnancy and birth were normal. Always healthy and strong;
no attacks of any kind; his only disease was a slight attack of
measles. He learned bad sex habits early, but never practiced
them sufficiently to interfere with his physical well-being. Recently
has been a moderate user of tea and coffee, and occasionally
lately has taken a few glasses of beer when away from home, as
he frankly tells us. He began to smoke as a young boy, and has
intermittently done so ever since. He was in the juvenile court
two or three times, twice for running away from home. The
only stealing known of was when he took a revolver. His truancy
began as a habit when he was 12 years old, at which time his
mother went back to Europe for a visit. He was once away
from home a whole month, and altogether has run away a number
of times. At home he is obedient and good-hearted, and rather
a quiet fellow. His school record for deportment was good. He
has been disciplined in various ways for his faults, but without
ultimate favorable result. At one time he worked under his
father steadily for half a year.

He went to public school until he was 14, attained 6th grade,
then he attended a good business college for 8 months. Following
that, while he was working, he went for some months to evening
classes in the same school. His family have been doing their
best to push him forward in the line in which they have been
successful, namely, in office work.

Physical examination at 17 years old showed him to be a big,
tall, strong lad, slouchy tj'pe. Very pleasant and much smiling.
Well-shaped head. Vision; right 20-25, left 20-40. Nystagmoid
movements on lateral deviation. No anomalies of development.
High Gothic palate; right side of nose totally occluded from a
deflected septum; tonsils much enlarged; hearing about normal.
Good color, much biting of finger nails. Constant fine tremor
of outstretched hands.

Mental tests; our own series:

I. 2' 35". No repetition of errors.

II. 1' 29". Only one error.

522

Chap. XVII] DEFECT IN ARITHMETICAL ABILITY [§ 279

III. Construction Test A. 13". Only 6 moves. Remarkably good
result.

IV. Construction Test B. 50" and 11 moves, the smallest possible
number.

V. Puzzle Box. 1' 20". Veiy rapid perception of the steps to be
<ione and quick folloA^dng them up one after another.

VI. "Aussage." Good account given with a fair number of de-
tails. No suggestibility shown.

VII. Reproduction of Geometric Figures. Fairly good result.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Done poorly.
Four final errors.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at 3d trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Done correctly at the first attempt.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. Only three out
of twenty items omitted and the rest given in correct logical sequence.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Compara-
tively poor result. Four out of twelve items omitted, the logical
sequence inaccurate, and several alterations of minor details.

XIV. Instruction Box. Done correctly only at the third trial.

XV. Antonvm Test. Two failures, two errors and average time
slow — 3.3".

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. 74 and 75 squares tapped re-
spectively at 1st and 2d trials. No errors.

XVII. Writes a childish hand. Uses capitals promiscuously.

XVIII. Arithmetic. Very painfully and slowly adds up a short
sum of three columns with one error. Has not the slightest concep-
tion of how to go about the multiplication part of a simple example
in percentage, although he has had many months of training in the
business college.

XIX. Makes such mispronunciations as "man" for "men," and
''part" for "party."

XXII. Information is particularly poor. He does not read at all
except some of the head-lines of the newspaper, and although he was
born in this country he does not know what the Fourth of July cele-
brates. He cannot name the five Great Lakes. His information on
scientific items is very poor. He does not care much for theatres or
nickel show^s, does not know much about sports. He has worked with
tools at home and made various things.

There is much more to be learned about this boy psychologic-
ally than is show^n by tests. As his parents state, he is a lazy
type and has not done nearly so well in school as he might have
done, even considering his specialized disability. When under
detention he wrote letters to his mother that were full of talk
about kisses and caresses, and in court he wept on his mother's
shoulder like a little boy, crying so hard that he could not talk.
He has had much desire for roving, and has been away on trips

523

§ 279] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

out of town. Recently his family attempted to get him into the
navy, but he was rejected on account of defective vision. He
was very frank with us, altogether pleasant and respectful. He
seems like a rather childish, soft and easily led, overgrown boy.
He talks about his mother and about girls in the softest kind of
way. He feels himself to be a great deal of a failure.

" The first time I ever ran away from home was when I was
going to business college. Some other boys were going and I
thought I would go with them. We beat it out in a freight to
Dwight. Was only there two days and then beat it right home.
The second time I was away a month and a week. I was work-
ing at a livery stable. I had a thought and I walked off and did
not tell any one where I was going. Last time a couple of boys
were going and I thought would go with them. We was going
to Washington, D. C, but we did not get there. We just got
to the gate and that 's as far as we got. It was on the North-
western Railroad. I guess Washington is on the Northwestern
— I don't know. These kids work. They were once arrested
for a hold-up. They are the kids I mostly go with. That was
three years ago. I was here once before for having a gun on me.
I stole it from a fellow. It was on top of the desk. I never stole
anything before. Once in awhile went with some fellows and
some tough girls. First time it was about two years ago. Think
that 's about the worst of it. I get along in school all right — not
so good in business college. I studied book-keeping. I don't
think I could get a job of book-keeping — I could not remember
it. I like riding on a wagon. I 've liked horses ever since I was a
kid. Would have liked to go out on a farm. I would be satisfied
to get a job out there."

After his second appearance in court this boy was taken home
by his parents with the idea of having his physical defects attended
to. Their physician began treatment, but the boy ran away from
home again. Then he appeared in court once more. At last,
with the full understanding of his vocational needs he was placed
out on a farm. There he has succeeded admirably ever since.
He has done so well that his family go out and spend their vaca-
tions at the place where he works.

In summary of this case one sees very clearly that here was a
case of very special mental defect. In spite of many years of
schooling he was an utter failure at arithmetic. His family, not
realizing this, were attempting to force him into an occupation

524

Chap. XVIl] DEFECT IX AKlTliiMKTICAL ABILITY [§ 279

where arithmetic was an indispensable condition of success.
They attributed his faihn-e to his general laziness.

There can be no doubt that there were other contributory
factors to his delinquent career. There was bad companionship
and lack of good parental control at a critical time. There were
irritating physical conditions, possibly bad sex habits as a cause
of deterioration, and there was adolescent instability and a gen-
eral tendency to laziness. But it seemed clear that the boy's
discouragements in education and occupation were very great,
and probably formed the greatest cause of his moral failure. The
first step towards success was obviously to try to fit him into his
place in the world, and not to keep him in the paths prescribed
by his family.

The very good performance which this boy gave on even some
of the more difficult of our tests showed him to have considerable
ability along certain lines where concrete material might be han-
dled. Some conclusions coidd also be drawn from the fact that
he had never run away when he was working at suitable occu-
pations, and that the last time he was away he had been earning
well by working in a livery stable.

If one had been making an educational diagnosis in this in-
stance many features of the case would have to be considered and
many studies made. It does not appear that the boy was defective
solely in arithmetical ability. His records even in our tests show
tendency to other defects, but in nothing like the same pro-
portion, because on arithmetic he had received so many years
of special drill. Of course there must have been some general
ability, or the boy would not have been carried to 6th grade in
spite of his arithmetical failure, and he would not have been
able to retain his place in the business college. Intensive study
of all his mental aptitudes would have been of great practical value
during his school life. Our own work, while so productive of
good moral results, was anything but intensive from the stand-
point of educational psychology. In other cases, much more
thoroughly gone into from the standpoint of the comparative
study of mental ability, when arithmetic seemed practically to
be the sole source of trouble, we have so far never found an
individual defective in arithmetical ability alone, even though it
has stood in great contrast to such other capacities as language
ability.

The whole case demonstrates by first diagnosis and in its prac-

525

§ 279] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

tical outcome the grievous error there may be in trying to fit a
square peg in a round hole.

Educational and occupational dissatisfaction. Case 98.

Mentality: Specialized defect. ^o^' ^S^ 1^-

Adolescent instability.

Physical conditions: defective vision,

nasal occlusion, etc.
Truancy. Mentality :

Runaway +. Good in some abilities.

Stealing. Specialized defect.

§ 280. Defect in Judgment and Foresight. — Nobody who
does even moderately intensive psychological work with delin-
quents can doubt that there are individuals whose main, if not
sole mental defect, is in the realm of certain higher mental capa-
bilities. Perhaps these might be called the higher apperceptions.
We would specifically mention the powers of judgment, or rea-
soning, or foresight, and the ability to make a mental representa-
tion and analysis of a given situation. It is easy to see that such
defects may have much to do with behavior. A weakness in these
qualities is a thing apart from defect in the sphere of the voli-
tions, which we deal with later, § 281.

Many striking cases of the above type of defect are to be found
among the criminalistic. The diagnosis is often suggested by
conduct itself, but of course, can never be fairly rendered without
the use of tests. The following cases, although involving, as most
cases do, a number of factors in the production of delinquency,
illustrate very well by conduct and by tests the type of defect
in the higher mental qualities we have mentioned above.

Case 99. — A boy with a very long record of stealing, truancy,
running away, loafing, associating with bad companions and
general incorrigibility, in spite of some good opportunities, was
studied by us. He was 16 years of age. On account of his orphan-
age a complete developmental and family history was not obtained,
but undoubtedly the major points were correctly given by a
sister, who was both intelligent and interested. There is said
to have been no trouble in any way with other members of the
family, except one brother who drinks. No epilepsy, insanity
or feeblemindedness known in the family. Father and mother

526

Chap. XVI I] DEFECT IN JUDGMENT AND FORESIGHT [§ 280

been dead for years. The boy is the youngest of seven children.
All are alive and grown up. The mother was about 30 when he
was born. Not known to have had any trouble at time of birth.
Walked and talked early. He had spinal meningitis at 2 years
of age, which left him partially paralyzed, and he is still somewhat
lame from this. A slight attack of pneumonia at 5 years. Had
an operation on his throat not long ago. Had enuresis until he
was 10 or 11, when he was circumcised. Never any convulsions
or any kind of attacks.

He has lived in a number of different homes and in several
boarding schools. Was once sent away as a semi-delinquent and
has been twice in disciplinary institutions. Reached 5th grade
and left school at 14. In spite of his lameness he has been very
vigorous about running away from schools and institutions.
Not known by his family to have any bad habits except that he
chews tobacco a little. He has stolen a number of times from his
people, and has even tried to sell the family silver. His truancy
began as early as ten years. The boy himself says he began to
steal with other boys when he was 12.

From the physical side we found him to be well developed
and nourished. Partial atrophy of right leg. Strength only
fair for his size. Knee jerks on the right side not obtained. Con-
stant fine tremor of outstreched hands. Fair color. No deveK
opmental anomalies. Head fairly large and well shaped. Teeth
in good condition. Peculiar, long face. Thick lips. Slouchy
and weak attitude. Rather dull expression, mouth breather
much of the time. Vision, right 10-40; left, 10-25.

Mental tests; our own series:

I. 1' 15". Very small amount of trial and error on triangles.

II. 2' 30". 6 errors.

III. Construction Test A. Only 6 total moves. 15".

IV. Construction Test B. 1' 15". Only 13 moves. On both of
these construction tests the result was extremely good.

V. Puzzle Box. 2' 45". Trial and error moderate until first step
was done. After that the steps were done rapidly and without break.
No foresight or planning shown in the method of attacking the
problem.

VI. "Aussage." Short functional account given at first, but an
exceptionally good result given on the cross-examination. Many
items given. Two suggestions received, but three rejected.

VII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Done rapidly and
entirely correctly.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Astonishing amount of difficulty with this,

527

§ 280] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

considering age and other mental capabilities. Correct only at the
4th trial after he had drawn the figure from memory three times.

X. Cross Line Test B. Likewise poor result. Correct only at 3d
trial. No difficulty whatever in remembering these figures as a whole.

XL Code Test. An utter failure. Did not succeed in getting the
idea and failed in making the necessary mental representations and
analyses.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. Logical sequence
correct and only three minor details omitted. No attempt at verbal
accuracy.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Two out of
the twelve items omitted. The others given with correct logical
sequence.

XIV. Instruction Box. The only trouble with this was on the close
work of the dial. It was finally done rapidly on the 4th trial.

XV. Antonym Test. Two failures, no errors. Average time, L3".

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. 81 squares first trial. No
errors. 85 squares second trial. One error.

XVII. Writes a fairly mature hand. Has considerable difficulty
with spelling the longer words.

XVIII. Arithmetic. The results very poor for age and school
grade. Does not know the process of adding simple fractions. Knows
process of long division but makes many errors in subtraction and
multiplication. Most trouble seems to be in carrjdng.

XIX. Reads 5th-grade passage with only one word unknown,
namely, cylinders.

XXII. Much jumbled on geography, history and scientific items.
Says Abraham Lincoln was the first president; London is the largest
city in America; says the moon goes down to the other world in the
daytime.

From the results of tests we see that this boy has considerable
ability along certain lines, e.g., perceptions and memories. These
can carry him quite far in school work and employment. On
the other hand he is distinctly defective in the ability to make a
mental representation of a situation and analyze it. He han-
dles very poorly anything that savors of abstractions. His
judgment seems to be fair only when he is dealing with concrete
material. We have evidence proving his poor ability to foresee
and plan. He is decidedly pleasant and responsive, but has not
the least idea of sizing himself up in his relations to the world.
He says his people are good to him, but yet he gives them a
tremendous amount of trouble. He is in constant fear of being
sent away again to an institution. He dislikes institutions so much
that he has more than once run away from them, still he acts
in such a way as to make it impossible for him to be kept at

528

Chap. XVII] DEFECT IN JITDGMENT AND FORESIGHT [§ 280

home. He does not even know that he has bad eyesight. He
has never thought about it, and when asked about an occupation
says he would hke to be a printer.

" I stole some silver on my sister and tried to sell it and could
not do it. I was not working for two or three weeks — I wanted
some money — wanted to go to the theatre. I am the youngest.
None of the others ever in trouble. I stole first when I was about
10 years old. I was with a bunch of boys. Was not with any
crowd this time. Would like to brace up now and go home. I
ncA'er worked at anything except running errands. I never tried
to learn a trade. Never knew about my bad eyesight — nobody
told me. I can't tell you what 's the matter with me — stealing
I guess."

As possible factors in bringing about the boy's delinquency
we have his poor physical conditions, the death of his parents,
his associating with bad companions; and the mild indulgence
in bad sex habits which he tells us about may have been some-
what a source of weakness. But his most extensive and irra-
tional delinquencies, through which he continually gets into situ-
ations which he wishes above all things to avoid, and our findings
on tests, show the main trouble undoubtedly to be due to defect
in the important mental capacities of judgment and foresight.

Mentality: Special defects. Case 99.

Home conditions : Parents dead. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ y^^- ^ "^^s-
Much chang-
ing about.

Bad companions.

Physical conditions: Defective vision.

Sequelae of nervous disease.
Bad sex habits.

Delinquencies:

Truancy +. Mentality:

Stealing -|-. Many normal abilities,
Loafing and incorrigibility. special defect.

A still more convincing case showing special defect in higher
mental powers as demonstrated clearly by tests, and as suggested
by behavior, is the following :

Case 100. — Amelia R., now 19 years old. This case has been
very well studied over a period of about 4 years, and much has

529

§ 280] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

been done for her, but in spite of this she has caused a very great
deal of trouble to many friends who have tried to help her, and
she has frequently appeared in court. The details of her troubles
would require long to relate, and we can only give them in part.
For our purposes it is enough to show the mental background
which overshadows all the other factors as being the main source
of her difficulties. Other causes have partly entered into her social
failure, but they in their minor relations may be disposed of in
a few words.

For some time before we knew her she had been given to times
of incorrigible behavior in her family circle. Her parents half
maintained she was crazy. With the improvement of her physical
conditions these periods of bad behavior have passed away.
Later her delinquencies developed the form of persistently going
with bad companions, not doing anything to support herself,
in disobeying everybody, including the family, probation officers
and even the orders of the court. Only by the greatest efforts
was she saved from becoming utterly immoral. At one period
she repeatedly stayed out very late at night, and at another time
engaged in a slight amount of stealing. Her main tendencies to
delinquency were centered about the sex impulse. On account
of her attractive personality she always had many friends and
much was done for her. It has been the wonder of everybody
who did not know her innate mental qualities as revealed by tests,
that she could not morally and socially succeed.

Amelia is a member of a large family born in this country of
immigrant parents. The other children are all more stable and
have done better in school than she, but none of them are perhaps
as attractive. The one salient fact about heredity is that the
father, although well educated for his class, is a most peculiar and
erratic individual who shows an insane temper at times and has
himself been in conflict with the authorities. He is also said to
have been alcoholic at different periods in his life. The girl was
born after a very prolonged and hard labor, but without known
injury. In infancy she had some severe illness about which we
cannot obtain any complete account. She entered puberty very
early, but had been a sufferer from general physical weakness for
a number of years before we saw her. Largely on account of the
latter her school career was intermittent. At 14 she had only
reached the 4th grade. The family conditions have never been
satisfactory on account of the erratic behavior of the father.

530

Chap. XVII] DEFECT IX JUDGMENT AND FORESIGHT [§ 280

On the physical side she was iintler close observation for a
long period. At 15 years, weight 126 lbs., height 5 ft. 3 in. Vision
and hearing about normal. Color fair. Markedly bifurcated
u\'ula. Over-development of sex characteristics for her age.
Flabby musculature. Tendency to scoliosis. Occasional frontal
headaches.

She was giA-en a course of corrective g;vTiinastics by an expert
teacher with the most beneficial results to her carriage and whole
general physical condition. Since then her health has been very
good and she became exceptionally good looking.

Mental tests. There has been much opportunity for supervision
of this girl's mental performance, and she has been tried again and
again on many types of tests during three years of observation. The
results, unless other^^ase stated, were what was obtained at first. They
may be shortly summarized as follows :

I. 2' 8". Much trial and error on triangles.

II. 50". Three errors.

III. Construction Test A. 1' 27". No repetition of errors.

IV. Construction Test B. 45". Only 17 moves. This result seemed
suspicious and was thought to be largely a matter of chance. For the
purpose of checking up the test it was repeated immediately, as we
frequently do, wdth the board upside down. She then most curi-
ously made a complete failme in 10'. Had made 82 moves and still
did not have the pieces inserted correctly.

V. Puzzle Box. 6' 29". Proceeded by an industrious trial and
error method. She tried very many things before she succeeded in
getting step one done, but after that went through the different steps
wath only interspersing one error.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Done promptly
and correctly.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Done correctly on first trial on several
occasions.

X. Cross Line Test B. Never succeeded in doing this. Many
errors at the 4th trial after three times drawing the original figure
herself from memory. The same result on several occasions.

XL Code Test. Complete failure. Did not get the idea.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal presentation. Very good mem-
ory for details. Can recite long and accurate descriptions of stories
which she has read.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal presentation. Variable
records according to the amount of interest she has in the subject.
Can recite comedian's jokes for a whole evening. Two years after
ha\ang been given our standard Test XIII she remembered it well
and recalled it correctly with the exceptions that she introduced
two or three dramatic imaginative items, and slightly mixed the
logical sequence. Her verbal memory, then, both visual and auditory,

531

§ 280] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

is extremely good when her interest is aroused, and her retentive
powers are unusual.

XV. Antonym Test. One failure and one error. Average time
1.3".

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. On this always showed deliberate-
ness but accuracy. The best was 68 squares without an error.

XVII. Writes a fairly good letter, well expressed and with few
errors in spelling.

XVIII. Arithmetic. At 15 she knew as far as the smaller multi-
plications. Adds up correctly small sums. (It was partly on account
of her disabilities in this line, and partly on account of much absence
from school that she had only reached the 4th grade at 14.)

XXI. On account of her good conversational ability her reactions
to Sharp's moral questions are interesting. Her answers were given
with much moralizing of a pedantic kind, (a) He did right. He did
not steal for himself, he stole for some one who needed it more than
himself. It is not right to steal, but he could not help them in any
other way. He did not do it for himself. It would not have been right
for himself, (b) The right thing for the captain to do was to give up
the innocent man to save the others.

XXII. Information. She has been a great reader of all sorts of
books and remembers the plots and details. She has picked up many
items of information, but they are most erratically disposed. She tells
that the light of the moon is caused by the reflection of the sun, but
does not understand at all what reflection means. Of electricity she
says Edison got it first. She is very fond of the theatre.

Binet Tests (1911 series):

15 years, 1, correct; 2, failure (?); 3, failure; 4, correct; 5, one-half
correct. Adult, 1 and 2, failures; 3, correct. Done very well indeed;
4, correct and well done; 5, correct as evidenced by ability to give
resume of thought in books read, or of Sharp's moral questions. (The
difficulty in the Binet passage is in the use of two words, as the center
of the thought, which are unknown to even so good a reader as this
girl.)

From these interesting results on tests, we are forced to the
conclusion that this girl who did right well for her age on the
Binet, and on many other tests, has very special defects in her
powers of mental representation and analysis. Just the per-
formances which she failed on are accomplished by normal indi-
viduals with the greatest ease. Inasmuch as they probably under-
lie the capacity for foresight they are particularly indispensable
for social success under living conditions where good judgment
is especially needed. This girl by reason of her early develop-
ment and physical and even mental attractiveness, was subject
to many temptations. The very fact that nobody thought her
to be anything but normal mentally led to her being expected

532

Chap. XVII] DEFECT IN SELF-CONTROL [§ 281

to show strong moral characteristics in difficuh situations. But
a well-rounded psychological study would have revealed at any
time that she was not innately equipped for what was asked of
her. It is notable in this case that at no time did Amelia show
such rash actions as are characteristic of those who are lacking
in self-control. (Our studies on the latter subject should be
compared.) Simply stated, it seems as if Amelia never could see
ahead the troubles which she was bound to get into by her con-
duct. She was not particularly self-willed. She cooperated
partly with those who tried to help her, but she could never be
relied upon to exercise anything like sound judgment at critical
moments. A vast deal of social effort at considerable expense
was placed on this case, which at the last was so much of a failure
that the girl had to be placed in an institution for her self-pro-
tection.

Mentality: Defective in certain higher abilities. Case 100.

Heredity: Father peculiar. ^"■^' ^^^ ^^■

Home conditions : Family reactions very erratic.

Adolescent instability. Early puberty.

Developmental: Natal conditions bad.
Early severe illness.

Physical conditions: Early weakness,
but overdevelop-
ment of sex char-
acteristics. Very
attractive type.

Incorrigibility. Mentality :

Petty stealing. Good in many abilities.

Sex? Specialized defective.

§281. Defect in Self-control. — A class of individuals very
important for the student of criminalistics is designated by nam-
ing their most important characteristic, deficiency in the power
of self-control. It has been very hard for us to decide whether
this characteristic properly belongs under the head of mental
defect. After long consideration of this problem and observa-
tion of the outcome in a number of cases it seems clear to us that
a certain number of individuals have a special, definite, innate
defect in the powers of self-control. We would insist that many

53.3

§ 281] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

times the diagnosis cannot with surety be made without pro-
longed observation. We have seen remarkable cases in which
the lack of the power of self-control has proved to be merely an
adolescent phenomenon. We have given a number of examples
under the head of Adolescence, § 339. It should also be kept
clearly in mind that we are not discussing here those who show
defective self-control secondary to, or correlated with feeble-
mindedness, insanity, or even with constitutional inferiority.
All these are elsewhere discussed. We have seen more than one
instance where for a long period the only diagnosis that could
be made was that the individual was defective in self-control,
and then later a definite psychosis developed. But we can alsO'
give a number of cases in which such a first diagnosis, with years
of observation, has not been added to in any way. By reason of
these findings it seems to us that deficiency in self-control must
be reckoned with sometimes as a definite entity, and innate
specialized mental defect.^

In considering this group we must not lose sight of the follow-
ing interesting point. It may well be that some of those whom
we call defective in self-control do have far more to contend with,
far more to control in their own natures, than many others who
have no greater powers of self-discipline. For instance, the
phlegmatic type of person may not be called upon to execute as
much control over his own characteristics as a nervous individual.
The opposition which it is necessary for some persons to make
against their own impulses of anger, jealousy, love etc., that they
may remain normal in their social behavior, is unquestionably
much greater than some other individuals may be called upon to
exercise. Of course in our own account of this subject we have
attempted to avoid including in this category individuals with
such abnormal characteristics that it would require an abnormal
amount of will power to overcome them. Some of our studies
of particular traits which are given under the head of mental
peculiarities, abnormal sexualism, and so on, might be related
in this way to questions of self-control.

^ I was much interested during a visit to Elmira Reformatory to have Dr.
Christian from his large experience call my attention to the class which they de-
nominate there as Control Defectives. This group seems to correspond entirely
to the class which we have long recognized and designated by a somewhat
similar term. On account of the findings in these cases I am inclined to dislike
the term applied to them in Elmira. As stated in the text above they are not
defectives in general, and one must not use a term which seems to imply this.
It is only fair to say that Dr. Christian is inclined to agree with me on this point.

534

Chap. XVII] DEFECT IN SELF-CONTROL [§ 281

The following case illustrates well the type of those who are
defective in self-control. We acknowledge, however, that it
introduces as possibilities the factors of adolescent instability
and also of environmental influences. The latter are very diffi-
cult to rule out in any case. Frequently one wonders what might
have been accomplished with this or that individual if he had
received a more adequate and rational discipline during his
childhood. In such a case as the following the immediate diag-
nosis is not in the least in question. But since the individual is
not yet an adult every effort should be made to build up both
moral and physical stability in the hope that there may be better-
ment of behavior.

Case 101. — A boy of 17 whom we have known very well for
2 years. He has a court record of 5 years. His delinquencies
began with truancy and incorrigibility in school. Since then he
has been repeatedly arrested for stealing, carrying a loaded
revolver, running away from home, breaking into a freight car
and attempting to burn a barn. All his delinquencies have been
committed with other boys, and perhaps much that he has been
blamed for has been done by others, or at least at the instigation
of others. Altogether he has been committed by the courts 4
times, and is at present in a reformatory to stay for a long
period.

We have a probably accurate history given by an intelligent
and deeply interested mother, whom we have often seen. The
father's family is not at all known. He did not marry until he
was 60 years old. This would seem to be an important point for
us, but the fact that the younger child is healthy and normal in
every way shows that probably the father's old age is not the
source of the boy's defect. The father was a steady, but never
very strong man. He is said to have had angina pectoris, but
lived to be over 70. There were 4 pregnancies; the third resulted
in a still-birth and the fourth in a miscarriage. On the mother's
side all family history is negative except for the fact that one of
her brothers became insane in late life.

This boy was born normally after a healthy pregnancy. He
was strong and well during infancy. Walked and talked early.
Then he had several children's diseases slightly and a severe
attack of mumps. At 9 he had scarlet fever severely. Just be-
fore this he had had an attack of chorea, and he had a prolonged
attack later. No enuresis. No convulsions or any signs of

535

§ 281] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

epileptic attacks. He began to have spasmodic twitchings of
the face when he was about 13 years old.

Many people with whom this boy has been in contact are fond
of him. He has many good qualities; is very fond of his family,
shows sorrow and repentance and even genuine homesickness.
There is no doubt but that he suffers miserably for his bad con-
duct. When we first knew him he would weep bitterly over his
misdemeanors and assert his desire to do better, but never seemed
sure of his ability to carry out his desires. We noted him as
being pleasant, responsive and affectionate. His school record
was from the standpoint of scholarship very satisfactory.

Physically we found him in poor general condition at first, and
in these respects he has not materially altered in the two years.
His conduct has not given him much of a chance to improve phys-
ically. He is decidedly poorly developed for his age, but fairly
well nourished. At 15 years his height was 5 ft, 1 3-4 in., and
weight 100 lbs. Constant fine tremor of hands, good strength
for his size, chest poorly developed, no sensory defect of impor-
tance noted. Mild chronic conjunctivitis for which he has been
treated. No developmental anomalies or stigmata found. Fre-
quently recurring habit spasms of orbicularis of both eyes. He
ordinarily has a tired, worried expression.

Mental tests; our own series:

I. 2' 5". Only slight trial and error on the triangles.

n. 1' 50". 5 errors.

HI. Construction Test A. 19". Only 7 moves.

IV. Construction Test B. 55". Only 19 moves.

V. Puzzle Box. Very rapid understanding of this problem. 1' 25".
No errors.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Done correctly
and promptly.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correctly and rapidly at 1st trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Same good result.

XL Code Test. Quickly got the idea and showed good powers of
attention. Only one error.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. Reads the pas-
sage very rapidly to himself. Every item of importance given cor-
rectly and in logical sequence.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Same type
of good result.

XIV. Instruction Box. Done with great rapidity and every step
carefully and accurately. 45".

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. 86 and 92 squares tapped on
successive trials with no errors.

536

Chap. XVII] DEFECT IN SELF-CONTROL [§ 281

XVII. Writes a good regular hand with no misspelled words in a
letter of considerable length.

XVIII. Arithmetic. Handles decimals correctly, but does not
know how to work with fractions. Prompt and accurate results as
far as he goes.

XIX. Reads difficult passage of poetry correctly and with some
expression .

XX. Said he had played checkers much with his brother, but does
not play at all a foresighted game. Misses more than three obvious
chances.

XXI. In answer to Sharp's second moral problem says, "No, I
would have fought as long as the man had not done any wi-ong. If
many had been killed and the village had been burned it would have
been better than to have given up an innocent man." Persists in this
opinion.

XXII. Knows the ordinary school items of geography and history
correctly, but his knowledge of scientific and other things is almost
nil.

From the above record of tests it is plain that we had here a
boy considerably above our average in general ability. He would
have been put in our A class, those who are distinctly above
the ordinary in information and ability, had it not been for the
paucity of his knowledge. He had read but little and, consider-
ing his superior abilities, has had a very narrow range of mental
interests. If it were not for his distinctly good mental powers,
and his otherwise obvious mental normality, one might think of
him in terms of constitutional inferiority, but as it stands, there
is no justification in the diagnosis of any fundamental cause
back of his delinquency other than marked defect in the power
of self-control. There is not the slightest evidence of deficiency
of judgment, or of powers of mental representation or analysis.

This boy's family are much inclined to blame his behavior
entirely to prolonged association with bad companions and to
his cigarette smoking. There is no doubt but that both are heavily
contributing factors. However the bare fact that they continue
to be such factors is proof of his lack of self-control. He began
his smoking at 10 or 11 years, but has been kept away from it
for long periods when he was in institutions. His people moved
away from their old neighborhood in order that this boy might
avoid his former associates, but, as they express it, he simply could
not keep away from them. A tj^Dical example of his weakness
in this respect is shown by his own corroborated story of how
he repeatedly left home with the best of intentions of going to

537

§ 281] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

work and then while on the street car he would pass his old
haunts and would jump off and seek out his old companions.

" In trouble with these other kids. They are all kids that I
used to go with near our old home. Had worked three days with
a telegraph company and had pay coming and was walking down
town when got into trouble. Was in court last November and
the judge told me to go to school. I did not go. I did not like to
go. I got around with the bunch and have been with them.
Thought I would like to work, but have not been to work. Don't
know why I go with them. Have been running with the same
kids about five years. I began to smoke at 10 years. All the
kids in the gang smoked. My brother does not. Did not smoke
at all in the country. These kids do not run around with girls
at all. After the judge told me I did stay away from them for
a time. Then went back. Was homesick in the country before.
I belong to the boys' club at the settlement. Have belonged
one year. Am not much good with athletic sports. Sure, it 's
going with bad kids that 's the matter with me, but they was n't
no worse than I was. Don't know why I go with them."

It may be in this case that some fundamental bases for the
lack of self-control were never discovered. This is a bit of self-
criticism that one can offer in nearly all such instances. But at
least the social fact was that the boy could not resist the ordinary
temptations of an ordinary environment, and he frequently ac-
knowledged the fact. There seemed to be nothing else to do than
to try the disciplinary measures of a reformatory institution,
even though he was at heart anything but a vicious character.

Defective in self-control. Moral instability Case 101.

excessive. Boy, age 17.

Developmental : Severe chorea. Use
of tobacco.

Physical conditions : Poor development, minor
nervous disorder.

Bad companions.

Delinquencies :
Truancy.

Running away. Mentality:

Stealing. General ability very good.

538

Chap. XVII] DEFECT IN SELF-CONTKOL [§ 281

The phenomenon of the lack of self-control may be correlated
with other findings than those of any kind of weakness. Of
course it is the commonest finding in insanity, and also may be
shown in comiection with A'arious neuropathic troubles where
the individual cannot at all be fairly denominated insane. Crim-
inal procedure based on the question of responsibilit}' finds here
a very delicate problem for solution.

An entirely different t^^e from the first is the following:

Case 102. — We have long had under observation a young
man who is now over 20 j^ears old. We have had several con-
ferences with relatives who first drew our attention to him because
of their opinion that he was not sound mentally. They simply
judged by certain forms of his behavior. The fact that the famil}^
is much broken up made it impossible to get the full family history.
The boy is of German descent.

Father and mother both dead. The father was a steady worker
and died soon after this boy was born. The mother then went
out to work and survived the father ten years. This boy is the
youngest of nine children, seven of whom are living. Two died
in infancy. They had ordinary children's diseases in the family,
but it was a matter of pride with the mother that there had never
been any serious illness among them. No convulsions or other
attacks. The other children have done pretty well. One boj^ was
wild and stole once from his sister, who had him sent to a dis-
ciplinary institution. He has turned out well and now thanks
his sister for heading off his bad tendencies.

Several uncles and aunts on both sides live in this country and
their families are known. It is stated by several persons that
in all the family the only individuals who have given trouble are
this fellow and his brother.

The subject of our study has throughout his developmental
period been normal, so far as known. He has never been very ill.
The disciplinary features of his home life have always been most
difficult, but principally on account of his own disposition. He
started to school at the regular age, and continued with much
irregularity on account of truancy and having to be changed
around in schools and sent to institutions. He has been in court
many times, was sent to one educational institution for depen-
dents and twice to a disciplinary institution, has been put on
probation on several occasions, placed on a farm, and so on.
Altogether the boy has had many wholesome chances in life, in

539

§ 281] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

spite of his earliest home surroundings being defective on account
of poverty.

Delinquencies have consisted in early exhibitions of bad temper,
much truancy, running away from home, threatening to kill,
fighting, associating with bad companions, gambling etc. Not-
withstanding this long record of misconduct it must be made plain
that this young man is considered by most who know him as no
desperate villain. He has many lovable qualities.

On the physical side we have found him to be in good general
condition at all times. At 16 years, height 5 ft. 6 in.; weight
135 lbs. Strength good. Chest well shaped. Vision slightly
defective in right eye. Tendency to nervousness shown by
slight facial habit spasm, and by fine tremor of the outstretched
hands. Teeth in good condition. Head — circumference 52.8;
length 18 1-2; breadth 14 cm. Color good. No other defect
noted except a slight hernia. No developmental anomalies.
Strong attitude and pleasant humorous expression. His narrow
forehead, narrow chin, large although regularly-shaped ears, his
broad nose, and deep-set eyes, far apart, give him a decidedly
peculiar, but not at all unpleasant appearance.

Mental Tests ; our own series :
I. 45". Extremely good performance.

n. 1' 15". Eight errors. Has a rapid and nervous way of going
about things, hence these unnecessary errors.

III. Construction' Test A. 1' 10". Very intelligent method of
proceeding by trial and error. No repetitions of impossibilities.

IV. Construction Test B. 5' 25". Although fairly intelligent
method piu-sued, was long in seeing the relative form relationships.

V. Puzzle Box. 6' 25". Studied out carefully and slowly, but
done with intelHgent procedure.

VI. "Aussage." Gave a bare enumeration of all the principal
points to be seen in the picture. While he used considerable imagina-
tion, for instance, in placing a handkerchief in the hand of the woman
at the counter, he showed no suggestibility.

VII. Reproduced Binet's geometrical figures with fidefity.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. At first trial re-
produced fom- incorrectly, but wanted to repeat and with a little
more learning time reproduced all without error.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at first trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct and prompt at first trial.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal presentation. Good result with
all details given promptly. Sequence not preserved.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal presentation. Out of the 12
details four of the minor ones omitted. Sequence correct.

540

Chap. XVII] DEFECT IN SELF-CONTROL [§ 281

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. Well done. Tapped 84 and 87
squares at first and second trials, respectively, without error.

XVII. Writes a fairly good hand and is able to compose a simple
letter about his own interests with few errors in grammar and rare
ones in spelling.

XVIII. Does long division fairly rapidly and accurately.

XX. Interesting to note that he plays a careful and fairly fore-
sighted game of checkers. As a rule sees a couple of moves ahead.

XXI. On Sharp's ethical question (B) said at first would give up
the man to the Indians, but when cross-questioned said no — he would
put up a fight even though he knew some of the men would get killed.
If there was a fight some of the white people might get free, and any-
how if you gave up a man the Indians might take it into their heads
to burn the village. If a man was given up they would see that the
captain was cowardly and they might demand another man.

XXII. Information on geography items almost nil, also on most of
the facts of history. Does not care to read books and newspapers and
his general line of information and interests is decidedly narrow.
Only accurate responses obtained were on sporting items.

It was plain to see that this boy was fair in ability and had fair
educational advantages. He had been to 6th or 7th grade, but
nowhere had been stimulated to the better type of mental inter-
ests. We find not the slightest evidence of any aberrational
tendencies. He had insight into the cause of his own troubles in
life, and had full realization of his own inability to handle himself,
as may be seen in the following paragraphs. His lack of self-control
was seen repeatedly by us, when, on a sudden impulse, perhaps
he would destroy in a moment the result of much past endeavor
to do better. Even in the court room he could not restrain him-
self. In anger he became extremely pale and oblivious to ail
other considerations. His emotional quality was shown when
a big, strong boy of 16, by his occasional bursting into tears as
he considered his career. After observation of this uncontrolled
creature, when he was in the throes of one of his upheavals,
one could only feel wonder that he had not done more than he had
done in the way of delinquency. An instance will show this boy's
innate difficulties. When under detention he was working hard
at some problem given him, when a schoolmate brushed past,
and struck his arm, probably accidentally. The boy at once
became pale with rage, and although his conduct was at that
moment a vital point for his escaping sentence, a fight was only
narrowly averted by quick action on the part of the teacher.

" Well, when he started to say that in the court room I got mad.

541

§ 281] MENTAL DEFECT [Chap. XVII

He just told a lie, he did. He did not say that he hit me first,
and then he said kids put me up to do things. They never did
put me up to do things. If they ever told me to do things, I
never did 'em, and the things I did, I did because I wanted to.
That got me mad. I was bit by a dog when I was a kid, and I
guess that 's what 's the matter with me. My folks and the neigh-
bors say I have a bad temper, and I guess it must be true. They
said I was a regular devil when I was small. They said I used
to hit kids with a hammer or anything."

" When I was here before, I had been helping a man in his barn,
and a kid came along, and told me the boss did not hire me, and
he called me a liar, and I went and hit him with a broom. Then
I had a fight in a shop with a carpenter. He took me by the neck,
and I jerked away and hit him. That 's the only fight I 've had
lately. About a couple of years ago a big feller was going to hit
me, and I was going to stab him, but I did n't. I don't get in
many fights, but I get in lots of trouble. My sister says the
neighbors are sore at me. Some of them are sore because I stole
some money off my sister." (Although the boy did not tell us,
it seems this was his own money which his sister had saved for
him out of his earnings. He had a sudden impulse to get hold
of it and spend it.) "I never stole anything in my life before I
stole the money from my sister. I never go out with girls, only
talk to them. The only trouble with me is my temper."

In respect to the inquiry whether he would like to go to the
navy he said, " I was always afraid of the water, I would n't like
to go out on the lake in them boats. Maybe they would get in
a war."

" Out on the farm they worked you too hard, from early in the
morning until late at night, and then I was always afraid to go
out there — so far away from your folks — they might kill you
or anything. If they did not like anything you did they could
hit you or kill you so far away from your own folks. I was always
afraid of that."

At another time, " The only trouble I got into since I was here
last is what I'm in here for now. One night in front of a nickel
show me and a couple of other fellers was making a noise, and the
man came out and hit me and threw me around, and then I hit
him and threw a brick at him."

We looked frequently for any irritating conditions in this boy's
physical make-up which could account for his exacerbations of

542

Chap. XVII] DEFECT IN SELF-CONTKOL [§ 281

temper, but found nothing. The reason assigned by his family,
namely, that early in life there had been no chance for home con-
trol, always seemed quite inadequate to explain his marked
defect. On one occasion when he grew turbulent in the court
room from hearing the testimony of witnesses, he told the judge
that he did not care where he was put or where he was sent; he
would be likely to kill somebody some day anyhow. This was
in the face of the judge's proposal to put him on probation and
find farm work for him.

In making a diagnosis in this case it must be remembered that
the misconduct and exhibitions of lack of self-control were always
in the nature of reaction to irritating circumstances. There
were no episodes and attacks of bad behavior such as are often
witnessed in constitutional inferiors.

Defect in self-control, marked case. Case 102.

Home conditions : Parents long dead. ^o^' ^^e 20 yrs.
Irregular control.
Physical conditions: Nervous type.

Delinquencies :
Truancy.
Violence.

GambKng. Mentality:

Threats to kill. Fair ability.

We could give many more cases in illustration of our thesis
that the fundamental cause of delinquency in some cases is a
real defect in self-control. There are great variations to be found
in the traits correlated with this defect. A few words about
some more cases will show this clearly.

Case 103. — This was a remarkably w^ell-endowed young man
•of 19 years, who had had every advantage in life except contact
with well-balanced parents. Physically he was a splendid speci-
men. His delinquencies and traits are shown well enough for
our purposes in the following causative factor card, but we should
add, in considering adolescence as a possible factor in this case,
that the young man is pretty well along in that period, and
should be showing stability by now. However, even at that,
it may be that later on he will develop better powers of self-con-
trol as the mere result of increased years. In this instance we

543

§281]

MENTAL DEFECT

[Chap. XVII

also noted a functional defect which in numerous cases we have
found correlated with general defect in control. This is enuresis.
It was striking to find that so strong and mentally well-equipped
an individual had persisted in enuresis until he was 18.

Defect in self-control.

Case 103.

Heredity : Maternal grandmother insane.
Father erratic, brilliant,

Boy, age 19.

neuropathic.
Mother neuropathic.

Home conditions: Parents separated.
Poor control.

Adolescence (?)

Delinquencies:
Running away.
Cruelty.
Recklessness.
Violence.

Mentahty:
Good ability.

Case 104. — This is the instance of a young man, last seen
when he was 18, who was of supernormal mental ability and of
good physique except for slightly defective vision. He had un-
usual mental powers and came from a very intelligent family
and had many opportunities, but up to the time we last knew
him, his career had for 6 or 7 years centered about a succession of
delinquencies. There seemed to be nothing to blame but his
own innate characteristics.

Defect in self-control.

Heredity: Mother insane and later
suicide.
Brother criminalistic during
adolescence.

Adolescent instability (?)

Delinquencies :
Running away +.
Stealing +.
Burglary.
Intoxication.

544

Case 104.
Male, age 18 yrs.

Mentahty:
Extraordinary ability.

Chap. XVIl] DEFECT IN SELF-CONTROL [§ 281

The prognosis and treatment in cases of defect in self-control
are naturally matters of great interest. There can be no doubt
that a congenital and innate defect in this direction will show
itself more during the period of adolescent instability than it
will do later. So, other things being equal, the tendency towards
the individual gaining more self-control, or at least being more
successful in handling himself because he has less to contend with
in his own nature, is better as adult years are reached. But the
prognosis undoubtedly depends upon elements in social and
other treatment. If the individual, as is sometimes the case,
lives with parents or a family who show the same characteristics,
then the external irritation is going to tend to increase the innate
difficulty. The most stable environment possible is advisable.
Then the prognosis also depends very largely upon the individual
keeping away from stimulants (alcohol, excessive coffee, tobacco,
etc.) which will tend to increase his own nervous or explosive
tendencies. Defect in self-control thus ought to be scientifically
diagnosed and met by appropriate treatment. The training and
stead}^ disciplme which is to be found in a few of the best mili-
tary and industrial schools may unquestionably help the indi-
vidual to make himself more sociably tolerable. Some individ-
uals with a remarkably good insight have successfully sought
to circumvent their own inadequacies of self-control by measures
that are personally suited, but this procedure is one that requires
high intelligence.

545

§ 282] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

CHAPTER XVIII
Mental Dullness from Physical Conditions

§ 282. General Statement. — In cases where defective mental
capacity is found in the same individual with acquired physical
conditions which may be rationally considered as a possible
cause for the mental failure, any correlation of the two should
be intimately studied. There can be no more doubt about the
possibility of mental dullness arising from physiological causes
within the individual than there is of the fact that any of us may
suffer from temporary mental hebetude as the result of anemia,
weakness or auto-intoxication. Examples of the inability of the
mind to work well as the result of such conditions will occur to
all. Everybody knows the weakened mental states of exhaus-
tion, of serious illness and of convalescence. Even the mental
dullness which supervenes during an attack of jaundice is well
recognized. In physiological terms, it is a question of the quality
and the quantity of the blood supply to the brain cells which are
on duty, and of their present integrity or exhaustion. To be sure,
often one finds a combination of congenital mental defects with
poor physical conditions, and it is difficult to say whether or not
the latter is even a contributory cause of the amentia. This
can only be answered by giving the individual the benefits of
appropriate treatment and perhaps bettered environment. We
frequently find cases where there is to be obtained no history of
early lack of mental development, in which at the time of exam-
ination mental dullness is present, together with very poor phy-
sical conditions. The question at once fairly arises whether the
mental dullness, arrest, retardation, or whatever it may be called,
is due to the physical trouble. I have no doubt that the majority
of cases presenting this dual problem of mental incapacity with
defective physical findings ultimately turn out to belong to
the category of mental defectives. But such is not always the

546

Chap. XVIII] POSSIBILITIES OF DIAGNOSIS AND TREATMENT [§ 283

case, and in the light of that fact it is most unsafe to overlook
any instance where therapeutics may be of vahie. The differen-
tial diagnosis of feeblemindedness may be dependent on physical
treatment.

Coming to the question of the use of tests for making the
differential diagnosis between feeblemindedness and dullness
from immediate physical causes, w^e may say that common sense
dictates an answer. We know perfectly well that mental capac-
ities are interfered with by poor physical conditions. All of us
who use tests carefully try to be on the lookout for even ephem-
eral physical disabilities. We get very different results on tests
calling for exercise of the powers of attention, will, and even
perception, on the person's good days than we do when they are
are not feeling well. Even the stimulation of a good meal in a
lethargic subject has been known with us to raise the Binet find-
ings over 2 years. We feel very keenly after our years of daily
experience, that to judge ultimately of mentality either by what
is done on tests, or by what has been learned in school, is a scien-
tifically dangerous procedure if one does not take into account
physical conditions. Judgment must occasionally be held long
in abeyance.

There are various difficulties, it must be acknowledged, in the
solution of this problem, even if one be given time and oppor-
tunity for a fair trial of various therapeutic measures. The
question, for instance, has not yet been answered as to whether
a mind largely unused, by reason of physical or sensory diffi-
culties, may not really lose its capacity for later development.
This point has come up in not a few instances. Then again we
have frequently seen some of these dull ones who have developed
such vicious trends of thought and behavior that it has been found
impossible, even when introducing better physical conditions,
to get them out of these habits which militate against their
mental development. And when this does occur the question
may never be answered whether or not the individual's sensory
defects or physical conditions were responsible for the lack of
mental development. The last case given in this chapter will
illustrate the fact.

§ 283. Case Showing Possibilities of Diagnosis and Treat-
ment. — The following case splendidly illustrates the important
possibilities of treatment of mental retardation and dullness
which is based upon physical causes.

547

§ 283] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

Case 105. — We first saw this bo}^ when he was less than 13
years old and he was then brought to us bj'' a detective as being
one of the sharpest and cleverest department store thieves in the
city. The social importance of this case must not be minimized ;
it may perhaps be best appreciated by hearing his own words
as they were given at the time when we first became his friends.

" I got caught. The man seen him coming out of the counter.
I told him to go and open it — the money drawer. He took the
money. He had small change, dollars too, and if we had got out
we would divide it. He got caught. The man seen him coming
out of the counter. I was w^atching to see if the man was coming.
I was making a fuss, making off as if I was n't with him. I was
helping search him. We were going to steal knives instead of to
buy them, as we were making off. He says, ' Oh, there 's money
there.' I sajd, *Go on, take some, we'll have a good time.'
Believe me, I '11 never play with him again. I '11 stay with my
father and get a job by him. I always used to call for that boy.
When he came around our house my mother would hit him and
send him away. First time I was here for kipping." (This is a
term used in the youthful underworld for sleeping out at night.)
"We slept in a milk wagon. Sometimes used to call for him at
night. Three boys slept there about three nights, in a milk wagon,
an old wagon. In the day we used to go out and steal. I go in a
store and ask for something, a bluff, maybe cream puffs that they
have n't got, and we take something and put it in our pockets,
so." (Shows me how.) "We used to steal something and sell —
balls, fishing things that you turn around. I used to tell the
jiggers, give a little whistle, and Mike would go there and steal.
We used to sell the things to boys and mens. We sold them some
knives in the store where we stole the money. He 's got the knives
now, he can't sell them. This was long ago, before I was in the
first time. When I went around to G. Street, ]\Iike heard the
boys call me 'dollar booster,' because I stole a dollar once.
But he was a booster himself, he had already stolen. He says,
^You come on, I know a place where we can boost.' We went
to S.'s and he got a quarter league 'King of the Field.' And I
says, 'Let's go lots of times/ and we shook hands on it. We
went all over, to P.'s and everywhere, and stole all sorts of things,
scissors, finger-nail cutter, knives, balls, toys, tennis balls, —
there is n't any kind of thing we did n't get. Anything we needed
we always got by stealing it. We were always talking about all

548

Chap. XVIIl] POSSIBILITIES OF DIAGNOSIS AND TREATMENT [§ 283

sorts of things. We always said that we wished that all schools and
policemans would n't be. We slept three nights on a boy's roof.
We used to go to sleep about 1 o'clock and get up about noon.
We stole dese (shows me tennis shoes) . We wanted dese because
dey did n't make no noise. INIy mother was always wondering
why I wanted dese kind. We stole about three pairs of dese.

" I was to all kind of doctors and they could n't help me and
by nurses and everybody. I had lots of sickness when I was
little. I was in school three years and could n't do nothing. I
went over to the doctor's about five times and lots of them says I
can't be cured. I get up in the middle of the night and always
get scared. I used to smoke sometimes, but a boy told me I
would get consumption and now I am afraid to let it touch my
mouth. A boy grabbed a cigarette out of my mouth. He does n't
like to see any kid steal or smoke. He has sharp shoes and he
gives an aw^ul kick. He used to steal himself. He said if I
wanted to boost don't come around here or I will break it for you,
my back. First he used to be bad himself, but now he is all right.
He says he read in the Bible and sees what bad boys get when they
die. When I get out of here I am going to be the same as that boy.
If I catch any boys stealing, I will hurt them. These shoes are
worn and I won't get any more boosting shoes. When I die I
will be going to hell, and I know what I will be getting.

" I can't sit still. Whenever I go to school I 've got to do the
things they do. Whenever I see other kids do things (shows me
a facial spasm) I do it. Once I did this for about a month. Been
to about 300 nickel shows since I 've been in this city, used to
sneak in the back. Saw cowboys, and cities, and mountains, and
kings, and robbers, and soldiers. I 'd always do the same motions.
My mother does n't let me go to shows now. At the Bijou I
always used to see the villains and at home I was always play-
ing the villain. What I dream about I think is true. Maybe I
dream there is about $2 in my pocket and I look in the morning
to see if the money is there. I did n't tell no lie all the morning."
(Meaning his account to me.)

We soon obtained full information about environmental con-
ditions, and became on friendly terms with the family. The
boy came from a poverty-stricken home. The family were immi-
grants 7 years previously, and the father had never succeeded
in getting along well. The parents were healthy, non-alcoholic,
but almost without education on account of poverty in the old

549

§ 283] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

country. We obtained a clear denial of insanity, feebleminded-
ness or epilepsy on either side. The living conditions were miser-
able so far as hygiene was concerned, and the children had very
poor food. The boy drank much coffee, and occasionally smoked
cigarettes. To bed very late at night. There were four children.
A younger sister later became slightly delinquent, but soon
mended her ways.

Most important is the history of this boy's developmental
conditions. The pregnancy and birth said to be normal. Among
other diseases he had scarlet fever when a young baby. Later
on he had typhoid fever and was delirious for days with it. He
also had diphtheria badly. At 7 years he fell from a second-story
window and was unconscious for half an hour. He is said to have
talked first at 2 years, and walked at 3 years, but his prior ill-
nesses were so severe that they may have entirely accounted for
this backwardness. Never any convulsions. During all of his
childhood he had been subject to much general nervousness, and
at 8 years had a definite attack of "spasms " of the face. Twitch-
ing of his facial muscles has been more or less of a habit with
him ever since. When we first knew him he was in a subnormal
room of a city school. He had been tried in the regular grades,
but had not succeeded.

On the physical side there were important findings. When
first seen at 12 years of age this active little boy weighed only 62
lbs. and was 4 ft. 6 in. in height. His color was poor. Teeth
good condition. No sensory defect noted. Constant, restless,
nervous movements, but not of a choreic variety. Tonsils mod-
erately large. Complains much of headaches. Expression lively.
Occasionally cries and sobs terrifically. Shows much nervous
energy and astonishing strength for his size. Well-shaped head;
circumference 52.2 ; length 17.3 ; breadth 15 cm. After two months
in the country we saw him again. Headaches had disappeared.
Had now a good color and bright eyes, but not gained in weight.

At 15 years, after having had one year during this time in the
country, and living conditions being improved in other ways, he is
now found to be 5 ft. 2 in. in height and to weigh 102 lbs. No
abnormal movements, and all signs of old nervousness disappeared.
He now feels very well. The boy had been steadily gaining.

Mental tests: The tests were done the first time before we had de-
veloped some of our apparatus and present methods of scoring. At
this time the boy was 12 years and 8 months old.

550

Chap. XVIII] POSSIBILITIES OF DIAGNOSIS AND TREATMENT [§ 283

I. 3' 4". Much trial and error all the way through.

II. 2' 15". 14 errors. Persists in effort to get pieces in wrong
place.

III. Construction Test A. Failure at the end of 7'. Made very-
many repetitions of impossibilities.

IV. Construction Test B. 65". Almost no trial and error. Quickly
said, "Oh, I've got it," when he saw how a couple of the pieces went
together, then fitted them in very quickly. We noted at the time
that this was largely a matter of chance.

V. Puzzle Box. Shows great eagerness and interest. 3' 15".

VI. "Aussage." Gives a full functional account and no suggesti-
bility. A distinctly good result. Much better than expected.

VII. Reproduction of Geometric Figures. Failures on both at first
exposure. He showed gTeat nervous hurry and he was allowed to try
again when he correctly represented one figure.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Two errors in the
learning process and 5 in the reproduction. (In the next few days he
was tried twice more on this same work and did not succeed in doing
the task.)

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at 2d trial after drawing it him-
self once.

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct and fairly prompt at 1st trial.
XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Nine out

of the twelve items given, but not with accuracy, and in the form of an
inconsequential recital. The same result was obtained on other tests
of the kind.

XV. Antonyms. Three failures. Average time 2.9".

XVII. Perunanship about normal, but does not know how to spell
any but the shortest monosyllables.

XVIII. Does about 2d grade work in arithmetic. Can do small
oral sums, such as 12 plus 9 plus 10. Knows the tables up to 6's.

XIX. Reading. Recognizes only a few of the shortest words.
XXII. Information extends to a few contemporary items, but on

other subject is almost nil.

He was seen a couple of months later, after he had been out in the
country, and one then found a distinct improvement as gauged by the
tests which he had not succeeded in before.

IL 2' 4".

III. Construction Test A. Now done rapidly in 35". (He had
been shown how to do it at the end of the previous sitting.)

IV. Construction Test B. 5' 37". It was as we suspected — the
previous result was largely a matter of chance.

VII. Reproduction of Geometric Figures. Correct for both fig-
ures, except for some lack of symmetry.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Done without
error.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Much better
result than formerly. He omitted only one whole item and part of
another out of the 12.

551 .

§ 283] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

XV. Antonyms. One failure and one error. Average time
3.3".

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. 64 squares with one error.

No other changes were noted. The boy had not been to school in
this time.

Six months later when he came in from the country to report he
had advanced to the 3d grade. He now promptly did ordinary addi-
tion. Showed improvement in both writing and spelling.

Another record is after the boy had been under our observation
2 1-2 years. He was now a little over 15 years old. At the end of a
year he had come back to the city and done 4th grade work for some
months. Then he stopped school. He had been steadily at work for
the last six months.

Unfortunately we did not have any first record of Binet tests that
could be fairly offered in comparison with these now obtained, but
the general progress of the boy as shown by our other tests, by his
school record and his present earning capacity and moral behavior
is most significant for our main point.

It must be remembered for the interpretation of the following
results that it was about two years since any of the tests were given
to him. As to his possibly remembering any of them, one must take
into account the varying facility with which these different tests
may be remembered. For instance, the steps of the Puzzle Box,
Test V, may be remembered with ease, while the Arbitrary Asso-
ciations, Test VIII, would be promptly forgotten.

III. Construction Test A. Done entirely by trial and error method.
4'. 45 moves. 15 repetitions of impossibilities.

IV. Construction Test B. 3' 20". 24 moves. Done immediately
afterward upside down in 25". 11 moves.

V. Puzzle Box. 1' 47". Steps done consecutively with the intro-
duction of one slight error.

VII. Reproduction of Geometric Figures. Done promptly and
correctly.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Promptly and all
correct.

IX. Correct as previously.

X. Correct as previously.

XL Code Test. Fails on this. With difficulty got the idea him-
self, but could not control his mental processes well enough to get
more than two symbols correct.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. He has now
learned to read well enough so that this test can be given. Sixteen
out of the twenty items given correctly in logical sequence with verbal
changes, but with full appreciation of the sense.

XVII. Writes an immature hand. Spells some simple words poorly,
and does not use capitals correctly.

XVIII. Adds promptly and correctly. Fails on the tables above
6's. On this point it is to be remembered that he has had very little
drill on account of his early backwardness in school life.

552

Chap. XVIII] POSSIBILITIES OF DIAGNOSIS AND TREATMENT [§ 283

XIX. Now reads ordinary newspaper passages understandingly.
Mispronounces the difficult words as would naturally be supposed.

XXIII. Pictorial Completion Test. Done fairly rapidly. 3' 25",
Tvith very few changes and only one final error.

Binet (1911) series:

Ten years — all correct.

Twelve years — 1, 2, 3, correct; 4, failure; 5, correct.

Fifteen years — 1, correct; 2, 3, failures; 4, correct; 5, failure.

This case represents a tremendously satisfactory outcome in
its mental, moral and physical aspects. It is well worth earnest
attention as being a representative type. The boy was given a
moderate amount of individual instruction while in the country
and progressed three grades in a year. He came back and held
his place in the 4th grade. He soon had to go to work, how-
ever, to help support his family. He has become a completely
steady w^orker and moderate earner, a good support to his
family, and an entirely changed boy. He may still be regarded
as an underling; he is physically not what he should be for his
age, and he needs much more instruction in the subjects in which
he is deficient. That his mental dullness and retardation was
dependent on his physical conditions there can be no doubt
from the result which was obtained from building him up on the
physical side. The complete moral change has been one of the
most gratifying in our experience.

Mentality: Dull from physical conditions. Case 105.

Physical conditions: Poor develop- ^°^' ^^^ ^'^•

ment and nutrition.
Headaches.
Nervousness +- Anemia.

Stimulants: Coffee.

Developmental conditions: Many serious

illnesses.

Home conditions: Poverty. Lack of

hygiene. Poor control.

School irritations: Being in sub-
normal room.

Delinquencies:
Truancy.

Stealing + -|- -I-. Mentality:

Running away. As above.

553

§ 284] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

§ 284. Dullness from General Physical Conditions. — The
following case represents a type occasionally seen in juvenile
court work of mental dullness from general physical causes. Unfor-
tunately it also illustrates the fact that parents sometimes cannot
be in the least awakened to the fundamental needs of their chil-
dren.

Case 106. — Boy, 14 years old. Brought in the last time for
vagrancy. He had been away from home a week and had been
sleeping in alleys down town. Before this on several occasions
he had run away from home and had consorted much with bad
companions. With them he has been destructive in buildings
and has engaged in petty stealing and other misdemeanors. The
police have an acquaintance with him on account of his miscour
duct for over two years. He has been taken up by them time
and again.

The father, coming in to see us, tells us the mother is dead. He
said she was a drinking woman and probabl}'" immoral. Before
the boy was born she was healthy and the birth was normal. At
about one year of age the child was very ill with summer com-
plaint. He walked early, but was reckoned slow in talking because
he used baby language until he was 4 years old. There are only
2 surviving out of 6 children, 4 of whom died early of infectious
diseases. The elder is a sickly girl who went to school but little.
However, she is bright mentally and doing well now in business
life. The mother never had any bad influence over this boy.
She has been dead for years and before his birth was never grossly
alcoholic. The father has not paid any attention to the physical
ailments of his boy as he had not reckoned them of much import-
ance. He always regarded association with bad companions as
the cause of all the trouble, and thought his boy did not learn
well in school because he did not want to. The highest grade
reached was the 4th. For years he has been an excessive drinker
of tea. No other bad habits are known.

On examination we found the boy in very poor general condi-
tion. Weight 100 lbs. Height 5 ft. Very slouchy attitude. Dull,
stupid expression, but is responsive to kindly appreciation.
Decidedly anemic. Tonsils large and diseased. Cervical glands
enlarged. Extreme phimosis. Vision very defective. Marked
case of myopia. Strabismus. Pigeon breast. Upper teeth
crowded. Some of the second teeth from lower jaw already lost.
Complains of occasional dizziness. Is a restless and fairly active

554

Chap. XVIII] DULLNESS FROM GENERAL CONDITIONS [§ 284

type. Notwithstanding poor nutrition, strength is good for his
size.

Mental Tests, Binet (1911 series):
12 years, 1, 2, 3, 4, correct; 5, failure.

15 years, 1, correct and very prompt; 2, 3, correct; 4, half cor-
rect; 5, half correct.
Our own series:

I. 2' 39". Slow work. No trial and error on the triangles.

II. 3' 8". 6 errors.

III. Construction Test A. 32". 8 moves. Only one repetition of
impossibility.

IV. Construction Test B. 3' 4". 27 moves.

V. Puzzle Box. Failure. (Was tried again in about a year later
and this time in a rapid and ridiculous manner by trial and error
method succeeded finally in getting the box open in 6' 30". Not any
planfulness; a very irrational procedure.)

VI. " Aussage." Very small amount of free recital. Fair number of
items given on cross-examination. No suggestibility.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Ver}^ slow work
and poor results. Four total errors, including duplication of the
same number in different places.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct at 2d trial after drawing the figure
once himself.

XL Code Test. Failed entirely. Showed much inattentive nerv-
ousness. Tried a year later, much the same type of results. Many
errors made. Did not seem to be able to keep his mind on the problem.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. Only ten out of
the twenty items given and these incomplete.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Ten out of the
twelve items given with verbal changes, but logical sequence correct.

XVII. Cannot add up simple columns correctly. Does not know
the tables of 3's or 4's. Tried a year later, he knew most of the tables
up to 8's, and could do little examples in oral arithmetic where four
simple processes, one after another, were given. Fails on simple arith-
metical reasoning processes.

XIX. Reads fairly well a 4th-grade passage. All words in it were
known.

XXII. Information of all kinds most scanty.

At first examination we several times had to stop the tests
on account of the boy's general nervousness and inattentiveness.
He needed constant encouragement, and at all times seemed to
have trouble in getting his mind to work. It was clear that his
difficulty was in lack of mental energy and ability to pay atten-
tion. It was shown in our own work and also in his school career.
It is noticeable that he ranks a trifle above his age on Binet,

555

§ 284] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

and by his performance on some of our own tests he shows posses-
sion of good ability. One cannot deny that the boy may have
some special defect for arithmetic, but until he has had a fair
chance, no decision on this point can be made. He never had
instruction above the 4th grade.

There can be little doubt from a study of this case that the
boy's backwardness in school is due to his physical ailments
and defects, and perhaps somewhat to his excessive use of tea.
Despite our first recommendation to the family, we found, a
year afterwards, when the boy was in more trouble, that he had
not been helped in any way from the physical standpoint, except
that his eyes had been examined and he had received glasses,
which he was allowed to go without wearing whenever he wished.

With such a background of poor nutrition, anemia, diseased
tonsils, enlarged glands, extremely myopic vision, strabismus,
the irritation of defective teeth and extreme phimosis, and the
positive findings on mental tests, there can be but little doubt
that the boy's mental retardation and dullness, and probably his
delinquent career, are dependent upon physical conditions.
The amount of neglect in this case had been atrocious and already
proven highly expensive to society; through the formation of
criminal inclinations it is likely to prove even more costly.

Mentality : Dull from physical conditions.

Physical conditions: Defective vision.

Phimosis. Anemia,

Case 106.
Boy, age 14 yrs.

etc.

Developmental conditions :

Early severe illness.
Stimulants, tea + +.
Parental neglect and

bad companions.

Delinquencies:
Running away.
Vagrancy.
Stealing, etc.

Mentality :
As above.

§285. Mental Dullness from Narcotics and Stimulants. —
The usual result of the overuse of narcotics or stimulants is
the development of a neurotic or psychotic disorder. That is,
so far as mentahty is concerned, the effect is more towards pro-
ducing aberration than dullness as such. The various dementias
secondary to these aberrations we have mentioned elsewhere,

556

Chap. XVIII] DULLNESS FROM NARCOTICS AND STIMULANTS [§ 285 ^

§ 193 ff. We have long been on the lookout for the proof that
narcotics and stimulants cause actual mental dullness. Such
proof would be most obtainable during youth. The evidence
has not been easy to obtain. Excessive use of tea and coffee
brings about lack of self-control, not mental lethargy. We have
found very few cases of alcoholism among young people, and then
the resultant effects w^ere always as mentioned above. On the
other hand, a great many children smoke. One can have no
doubt that smoking is a harmful habit in many ways, but the
proof of any enfeeblement caused directly by it has also been
hard to get. Practically all children who smoke excessively also
indulge in other bad habits, or are victims of bad methods of
living which can rationally be considered as more important in
breaking them down mentally and morally than the smoking
itself. We have observed this to be the case in many instances
which we have studied, but in the following very unusual case
we do seem to have some definite evidence that mental debility
may be caused by tobacco alone.

Case 107. — This was a girl of 16 who had been much com-
plained of by her own people and the neighbors. She is utterly
disobedient. She was formerly a great truant from school.
Recently she will not work, stays out late at night, and has
repeatedly been a sex delinquent. She comes from a poor and
ignorant family. The father is not a drunkard. The mother,
now dead, is said to have been a good woman. The general his-
tory is very incomplete, but probably correct as far as it goes.
The girl walked and talked early. Never been sick. Never any
convulsions. She did not do as well in school as her older brothers
and sisters who are all said to have been smart. Moreover she
is not willing to work regularly as they have all done since they
left school. She began to smoke cigarettes when she was 8 years
old, and has continued this habit more or less ever since. Her
sisters are said not to have smoked.

Physically we find this girl very small for her age. Height
4 ft. 10 in., but she is strong and well built. In development of
sex characteristics she is retarded. Has a slight thyroid. Rather
defective vision, but since she is accustomed only to coarse work
and outdoor life, this probably has been no cause of trouble. She
has regular features and very bright eyes. Quiet attitude and
rather dull expression. Everything else on the physical side was
found negative.

557

§ 285] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

Mental tests; our own series:

I. 2' 51". Much trial and error on the triangles.

II. 1'7". 3 errors.

III. Construction Test A. 2' 41". 45 total moves with only 7 re-
trials of impossibilities.

IV. Construction Test B. 5' 32". 37 moves.

V. Puzzle Box. Failure in 10'. (Succeeded, however, in 12' after
a very slow study and a little trial and error.)

VI. "Aussage." Short enmnerative account. Fair result with three
suggestions accepted.

VII. Reproduction of Geometric Figures. Done well at the first
attempt.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Done slowly and
with three final errors.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Failed at the 4th reproduction even after
drawing the figure three times herself.

X. Cross Line Test B. Not given.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. Not given be-
cause does not read well enough.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Did not com-
prehend the subject matter. She tried to learn the first phrase without
thought of the meaning, reproduced a sentence or two, then stopped
and stared vacantly, and no further effort would she make. (It is to
be remembered in all these language tests that English is not spoken at
home.)

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. Good result. 72 squares at 1st
trial and one error. 84 squares at 2d trial and no errors.

XVII. Writes a legible hand, but misspells all but the simplest
words.

XVIII. Does not know the tables. Only addition of simple figures
done correctly.

XIX. Reading. Hesitates on simple passage. Only one word at a
time.

XXII. Information is practically nil on all sorts of geographical
and historical items.

In estimation of the result of formal education it is to be remem-
bered that this girl has not only been a great truant, but has been to
a school where a foreign language is spoken. She has lived in an
out-of-the-way place where her school career has not been checked
up.

The following is the result of tests done 6 months later, after bet-
terment of her habits:

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct at 1st trial.

XL Code Test. Fails on this as a whole, but succeeds in getting a
few of the letters done correctly.

XVIII. Arithmetic. Now does simple multiplication sum with
only one error.

558

Chap. XVlIl] DULLNESS FROM DEBILITATING SEX HABITS [§ 280

This girl tells us that she smokes cigarettes four times a day
or so and that she began yeare ago when a little boy taught her
in school. She tells of various sex experiences. She has recently
been riding round a good deal with a vegetable peddler. Her
teacher at the time we first saw her stated that the girl did not
seem to be able to learn, although she attempted to apply her-
self. She was one whole morning trying to learn to say four lines.
She was proportionately better in industrial work.

This delinquent girl was tried in another private home; her
people felt that under probation they could not succeed with her.
She stopped her smoking, but continued in other bad behavior,
keeping company with dissolute men and staying away for
several nights. She was then placed in an institution. After 6
months we saw her again. She now seemed much brighter men-
tally. We obtained, among other evidences of her improvement,
the results on tests given last. Some which she failed on before
she now did with ease. She had also gained 10 lbs. in weight.
We would not have it understood that institutional life offered
her better hygienic conditions than she had before, because while
living at home she had good nourishment and was out in the open
a good deal. The main change in her general trend of living was
the cessation of smoking and regular attendance at school during
these months. She herself said she guessed she had grown smarter
and that in the old days she used to feel not quite well. Her head
ached much then, and now she thinks it is because she was smok-
ing so much.

Home conditions: Utter lack of control.

Case 107.

Mentality: Dull from excessive smoking.

Girl, age 16.

Smoking +.

Delinquencies :
Truancy.
Out nights.
Sex -I-.

Mentahty:
As above.

§286. Mental Dullness from Debilitating Sex Habits. —
Probably no doubt will be expressed about the existence of mental
dullness or inefficiency from the effects of excessive indulgence in
bad sex habits. The effect is sometimes so marked that the indi-
vidual in appearance and behavior seems to be genuinely a

559

§ 286] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

mental defective. Unfortunately one who works with delin-
quents sees numerous cases of this type. They are important
to understand and discriminate because of the possibility of
doing remedial work with them.

In an attempt to do accurate justice to this subject of mental
dullness which may arise from bad sex habits one must carefully
bring to focus on the observed conditions all other likely causes
of physical disability. In doing this we find in many cases other
notable factors also in the background. We are face to face with
the old argument of thoughtful psychiatrists, that those indi-
viduals who give way inordinately to self-weakening habits
must in the jfirst place have been defective. We may at once
acknowledge that, as we see them, it is often very hard to deter-
mine where cause leaves off and effect begins. In those instances
where one has observed the extremely dragged-out, typical appear-
ance popularly attributed to this trouble, bad sex habits have
almost never been discovered to stand alone as a cause. From
such findings, however, we must not underestimate the impor-
tance of these habits, as at least contributory producers of mental
dullness.

But again in this matter it is the practical measures we are
most interested in, namely, what treatment ought to be invoked,
and what are the predictabilities of the case. The only reason
why we are so particular about attributing something like the
correct proportion of mental dullness to these habits is that we
have in mind the predictabilities of given cases in practical
work with delinquents. If these individuals are already weak-
lings through inheritance, or developmental conditions, or any-
thing else, then the outlook is to be stated guardedly, even
though it is possible for them to overcome their habits. This
point, however, must be treated with good judgment, because
it is unquestionably a fact that such habits by themselves may
be a considerable factor in producing delinquency. The latter
fact is treated elsewhere, § 245.

In considering the effect of bad sex habits upon mentality as
evidenced by the results on tests, the type of disability is mainly
to be noted. The common observation of teachers and others
is that the individual shows lack of power to concentrate and to
hold attention. There is easy mental fatigue and quick desire
to change. On tasks of all kinds which are done readily through
bare perceptions and quick associations the response may be

560

Chap. XVIII] DULLNESS FROM DEBILITATING SEX IL\BITS [§ 286

good. Now this is as we find it by the use of tests. The
individual does not prove uniformly poor in visualizing ability,
or in the exercise of any other given function, but does show the
defect by fluctuating attention and easy fatigue.

It has been a matter of great interest to us to find empiric-
ally that frequently the trouble at the background of a given
career was first suggested by the performance on tests. The
results showed mental disability, but this did not conform to
any regular type, such as the examination of a feebleminded
individual usually shows. The general record may be of the
same irregular kind as some epileptics show. This has come to be
so well recognized with us that successive workers in our institute
have come to feel that they could diagnose a case of this kind, or
at least derive valuable suggestions as to the underlying trouble,
from tests alone, providing one ruled out epilepsy.

It is a fact that in a study of this kind one finds difficulty in
getting definite proof of the cause. Very rarely, in not more than
perhaps a half dozen cases in our experience, could we find satis-
factory proof of mental dullness produced completely by bad
habits. But if shown to exist at all, then it is a factor to be reck-
oned with, not only w^here it may be a sole cause, but as a contrib-
utory factor. Even in the cases which we have watched develop
into definite psychoses, thereby showing other factors at work,
one cannot help recognizing the certain amount of deterioration
caused by the bad habits. Of this, more in another place, § 313.

We have seen a number of cases in which the delinquency,
and perhaps the mental dullness, was caused in part at least
by bad sex habits, and in which a most successful mental and
moral outcome was obtained through good treatment. In most
cases the success was where the individual was below the age of
puberty. We have seen very striking results in children of from
6 to 10 years who had become terrifically run down physically,
mentally and morally as the result of such habits. In these
cases, however, we have not obtained the range of performance
on tests which would show the distinctive characteristics of men-
tality of those who have suffered from these habits. But the good
results of treatment would be noted by improved general reactions,
school work, appearance, and ordinary behavior.

We have had to see many instances of older individuals, both
adolescents and young adults, where there can be no reasonable
doubt that at least a large share of dullness displayed was due

561

§ 286] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

to the lethargy and lack of general mental strength caused in turn
by the habits under discussion. Illustrative cases are the following :

Case 108. — A girl of 16 was brought in by her mother. There
had been much complaint of her conduct by others, but not
nearly so much as the mother herself offered. The girl had a
number of times run away from her home, she then would sleep
in hallways. She had been much of a truant, had obtained
money by misrepresentation, was an excessive liar, and recently
would not hold positions which were obtained for her. Her
mother said her actions were so queer that something must be
the matter with her head, although she had seemed bright enough
in some ways, and in spite of truancy had reached 7th grade at
14 years.

We learned that the girl had never been very sick. She was
the twin of a child who never developed normally, either physic-
ally or mentally, and who died in early childhood. No convul-
sions. Walked and talked at the normal age, and everything
else about her developmental history is quite negative. Her
father was a healthy and bright man and non-alcoholic, but
thoroughly immoral, even to the point of committing sex crimes.
The mother was married to him when she was very young and
these twins were soon born. A younger child is normal in every
way. Other facts in heredity said to be entirely negative on
the matters we are particularly interested in : no insanity, feeble-
mindedness or epilepsy.

Physically we found this girl to be just fairly developed and
nourished. Weight 115 lbs., height 5 ft. 4 in. Rather dull, sad
expression. Quiet attitude. Compressed lips. Color poor.
Vision good in one eye, but very defective in the other, which,
however, is not used to any extent. Strabismus.

Mental tests; our own series:

I. 1' 33". Small repetition of error on triangles. Pleased in a
childish way at opportunity to do these tests.

II. 2' 25". Two errors.

III. Construction Test A. 2' 38". 35 total moves and 14 repeti-
tions of impossibilities.

IV. Construction Test B. Failure after having made over 100 moves.

V. Puzzle Box. 4' 16". Rapid trial and error method first. Then
steps interspersed with errors.

VI. "Aussage." Recital of small amount of details followed by mod-
erately good result on cross-examination and finally 2 out of 5 sugges-
tions accepted.

562

Chap. XVIIl] DULLNESS FKOM DEBILITATING SEX IL\BITS [§ 286

VII. Reproduction of Geometric Figures. One of the figures done
correctly at the Lst trial, but in the other the symmetry was only
reproduced after the 3d trial.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Remarkable failure to do this, even after
the 4th reproduction, and after ha\'ing drawn it from memory three
times. (It is only fair to say that later in the test the girl asked for
the opportunity to retry this one and succeeded at once without
trouble.)

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct at 1st trial.

XL Code Test. Got the idea easily and WTote the phrase correctly
with only one error.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. 17 items out of 20
given correctly and in logical sequence.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. 11 out of
the 12 items given wdth some verbal changes, but with logical sequence.

- XIV. Instruction Box. Correct only at 3d trial. Previously forgot
part of it or w^as inaccurate.

XV. Antonyms. Tw^o errors. One failure. Average time 1.4".

XVII. Writes a fairly good hand.

XVIIL Does long di\dsion of decimals correctly. Fails on very
simple reasoning process.

XIX. Reads 6th-grade passage fluently and with correct expression.

With a stupid manner and a drawling voice she tells us she
runs away because her mother complains, and she sometimes
stays out late at night because she is fooling with the girls, and
so on. "Was in the 7th grade. Had a hundred jobs since then.
Can't keep them because I 'm so draggy. They want their money's
worth. They want a livelier girl. I don't do the work fast enough
for them. My step-father is a good man. Sometimes I dream
of things in the da}i:ime. I think I am doing them. Sometimes
I stop working to dream. Sometimes dream of things I do, and
if I read a good play will dream of that. I feel lonesome and get
mad. Don't know why. I feel tired. I just know my mother
don't like me. If she did I could please her. I used to go with
some bad girls when about 12 years old. They taught me bad
things. These girls told me to stay away from school."

The matter was gone into with her mother, and it came out
that it was known to the family that the girl was indulging in
bad habits w^hen she was 7 years old, but the mother thought
that after she had been warned she had stopped it. Much to her
surprise it now came out that the girl had been excessively indulg-
ing in these ways for years. Recently one of the main sources
of her erotic stunulus has been love-making scenes in picture
shows.

563

§ 286] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

It is plain to see why this girl seems so dull in her ordinary
reactions. Her performance on tests is peculiarly irregular.
Some of the simpler things she did extremely poorly, but varied,
as we see by the later result on Test IX. It is fair to say that the
girl was stimulated to do her best while with us, and undoubtedly
felt the necessity of doing so. In this case it was her irregularity
on tests that gave us the first suggestion of what was the matter
with her. At an earlier interview with her mother the girl denied
bad habits, and there was not enough in her appearance alone
to make one feel sure that this was the trouble.

As in all cases of this kind, the parent was urged to appreciate
the nature of the case and to help. Nothing is so efficient as close
friendly companionship and oversight for such cases. Interest-
ing occupations, healthy outdoor life and innocent recreation
are all much more valuable than anything in the way of medi-
cines or surgical treatment, unless there be, as there only very
rarely is, some definite physical ailments or anomalies. In this
case the mother was a vigorous woman. She met firmly the girl's
needs. She slept with her and watched over her continually in
the most careful way. In a year she had built up her daughter
very successfully from the physical, moral and mental stand-
points. We did not get a chance to give the tests again, but no
better evidence of her improved condition could be had than the
fact that she for a period now of over two years has been working
steadily in a responsible position where she earns well. Unfor-
tunately it is rare to find a parent who has courage and persist-
ence to so thoroughly essay the treatment of bad habits.

Mentality: Dull from bad habits. Case 108.

Physical conditions: Anemic. De- ^^^' ^^^ ^^ ^''^•

fective vision.

Masturbation + +.

Heredity: Father sex offender and criminalistic.

Parental neglect previously.

Delinquencies :
Truancy.
Runaway.

Ljdng + +. Mentality:

Teaching bad habits. As above.

564

Chap. XVIIl] DULLNESS FROM DEBILITATING SEX IL\BITS [§ 286

Case 109. — A boy almost 16 was the source of much trouble
to his family on account of running away from home, sleeping
in barns, indulging with others in petty stealing, not holding
his jobs, and general indifference to the exhortations of his parents
and othere.

He is the eldest of seven children, all the others said to be
normal. We are assured from a rather intelligent parent that
there has never been any insanity, feeblemindedness or epilepsy
in either family, but two maternal aunts suffered from chorea.
His birth and pregnancy said to have been normal. He walked
and talked early and was always regarded as bright. Never
enuresis. Never very ill or injured severely. Not known to smoke
to any extent; does not drink. Was never a truant, but was
mischievous in school. Had a good record for scholarship.
Obtained a w^orking certificate at 14, when nearly through 8th
grade, and then went to work. He has had a number of jobs
since then, but would sometimes quit after working a couple of
days. He first stayed away over night once when he was 13,
but most of the trouble has been more recent w^ith him. At one
time he stayed away for two weeks. His usual trick is to sleep
in a barn or even out on the prairie with a crowd of boys. They
obtain provisions from their friends or by petty stealing. The
father knows nothing of any bad habits.

Physically we found him to be well developed and nourished.
Weight 115 lbs., height 5 ft. 4 in. Quiet and strong type. Dull
expression and low^ voice. Fine constant tremor of the out-
stretched hands. Good color. Teeth in good condition, but very
crowded. High Gothic palate. Adherent lobule of ears. Most
notable w^as the fact that at less than 16 he had full adult type
of sex development.

Mental tests; our own series:

III. Construction Test A. 33". Only 7 moves.

IV. Construction Test B. 1' 4". 11 moves.

V. Puzzle Box. 5' 25". Done entirely by trial and error. Steps
all interspersed with errors.

VI. "Aussage." Small amount of free recital and fair result on
cross-examination. No suggestibility.

VII. Reproduction of Geometric Figures. Done fairly well, but
not with complete accuracy in regard to symmetry.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at the 2d trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct only at 4th trial after having
drawn the figure three times for himself.

565

§ 286] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

XI. Code Test. Got the idea by himself rapidly, but could not
hold his attention long enough to work out the task. Seven out of the
eleven items incorrect.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. Fourteen items
out of the twenty given correctly and in proper sequence.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Nine of the
twelve items given with one error and in logical sequence.

XIV. Instruction Box. Done correctly at the 1st trial. 36".

XV. Antonyms. One error. Average time 2.2".

XVII. Writes a very irregular and boyish hand with occasional
misspelled words. Can write a long letter in fairly good diction, but
is utterly careless about punctuation and general appearance of the
production.

XVIII. Arithmetic. Knows the process of calculating interest and
the reasoning on other tests, but the accuracy is distinctly poor.

XIX. Reads fluently with correct expression any ordinary passage.

XXI. In reaction to the second moral situation about the white
villagers giving up a man to the Indians he is quite sure all through
that it is better to take the easier path and give up the man, rather
than take chances of having others captured and the village burned.

XXII. Information. Ordinary items of geography correct, but on
history much mixed up. Has a pitiably small amount of scientific
information in which normal boys are interested.

It is easy to see from the foregoing record that the result from
an 8th-grade boy, who had the reputation of being quite bright
in school, is distinctly poor on several points, and that all of
these are simply such as involve prolonged effort and applica-
tion. His perceptions are quite good, but where he has to make
a careful mental representation of a test, or reason out anything
he is utterly at fault.

Of himself he says, "Got in with a bad crowd when about 10
years old. There was one boy who had lots of money and I
don't know where he got it from. He went in stores and stole
pencils and gave them to me and that's how I got in with him.
I was sleeping in a barn a couple of nights ago with a bo}'. The
longest I was ever aw^ay from home was a week and a half and
then was outside staying around and sleeping on the prairie."

"Once in awhile it gets black in front of my eyes, not every
day, and then I walk along and feel kind of light. Don't know
what it is. Never smoke much. I like best to be out of doors."
Then the boy went on and told me how he had been indulging
in bad sex habits for a number of years, and how he felt weak and
not like doing anything after those occasions, felt as if he wanted
to travel about and not stay long at a job. (It is to be noted that

566

Chap. XVIIl] DULLNESS FROM DEBILITATING SEX HABITS [§ 286

the father explained carefully to us what a downhearted boy this
was. He is said to feel things keenly. If his mother scolds him
he may stay away for several days.) In his dull way the boy said
that what he had told us was at the root of his trouble, and that
he would try to do better.

The father and a very competent officer were at once shown
the necessities of the case and from that time there was coopera-
tion in the problem. It was necessary to remove the boy from
his old neighborhood. He had the inclination to do better, and
with the stimulus obtained from these two men has succeeded most
admirably. Now, a couple of years afterwards, the boy is doing
well in every way. He works regularly and has improved in
general appearance.

The behavior and erratic performance on tests by this boy
gave rise naturally to a suspicion of psychosis. We have seen
other cases in which there was no more primary evidence of men-
tal aberration, that developed later into full-fledged insanity.

Mentality: Dull from sex habits.

Case 109.

Masturbation +.

Boy, age 16 yrs.

Bad companions.

Over-development, sex.

Delinquencies :
Running away -|-.
Petty stealing.

MentaUty:
As above.

The above two cases are selected instances where observed
betterment proved our point of the bad sex habits being a causa-
tive factor of dull mentality. In cases where there is no better-
ment it is very hard to say how much of a factor in the total
result conditions were which antedate the bad habits. I mean
already existing mental and physical defects from any prior
cause whatsoever. One has seen in the neurological clinic, and
even in our court work, many older individuals who have not
succeeded in overcoming these habits and who have developed
extreme neurasthenic tendencies. This is a well-recognized
after-result of years of masturbation. The question of the rela-
tion of this deteriorating influence to the development of a psy-
chosis we have a word on elsewhere, § 313.

567

§ 287] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

§ 287. Mental Dullness from Head Injury. Traumatic
Dementia. — If from accident or disease the brain is so injured
that mental abnormality follows, there may result, aside from
any temporary troubles, either an aberrational state, an arrest
of development, or a dementia. Since an arrest of development
means a loss of potential, it, too, in one sense can be classed as
a dementia or loss of power. (Traumatic aberrational states
we have discussed elsewhere, § 309.) If violence is done by acci-
dent or disease to the cerebral mechanism at birth or near the
time of birth, then the resultant mental defect comes properly
within the meaning of the term feeblemindedness, as previously
defined. Any lesion occurring later than infancy and resulting
in mental defect is more properly to be classified as traumatic
dementia, or arrested development from injury.

Of course there are various grades of arrest of development.
Also, according to the localization of injury to the brain, different
functions may be separately involved.

We have seen a considerable number of delinquents who have
suffered from head injury, and we deal with the subject in its
several relationships elsewhere. But on account of the findings
which show mental defect by tests in some cases, this part of
the subject is properly discussed here. We shall give only a
single case in point, but that is a very straightforward one with
most interesting findings tending to show the validity of the Binet
tests through their determining arrest of development at the age
level of the injury.

Case 110. — This boy, 12 years old at the time of the exam-
ination, was seen for a physician in Boston. We again studied
his case about a year later.

He comes of an immigrant family in which we are assured
there has been no evidence of insanity, feeblemindedness or
epilepsy. He is one of five children. The others were not exam-
ined by us, but judging from their school records they are normal
in ability. They are said to be bright and healthy. This boy
walked and talked early. Never had any serious illness. Preg-
nancy and birth were normal. At 9 years of age he had reached
the 3rd grade and was accounted an average scholar. At that
time he was run over and terribly injured. One leg was badly
broken. He was ruptured and his head was severely hurt. He
was unconscious for three days. A little later various operations
had to be performed on him, and he was in a hospital for a long

568

Chap. XVlll] MENTAL DULLNESS FROM HEAD INJURY [§ 287

time. Since this time the boy has made no ad\'ance in school.
Indeed, he has had to be put back in his grade work, and has
become exceedingly troublesome. He is untruthful, ill-tempered,
and a truant much of the time. The family is poor and there
has been little home control and the boy has grown steadily
worse. Of late he has been in trouble with the authorities on
numerous occasions. He was expelled from school. He does
not profit at all by warnings given to him.

On the physical side we find a poorly-developed boy. Weight
70 lbs.; height 4 ft. 4 1-2 in. He is slightly lame on account of
his injury. Has two immense scars, one on either side of his
head, with evidence of much bone involvement at the time of the
injury. Vision normal and pupils react normally. Eye move-
ments not defective. No other physical findings of significance
except evidences of the accident to his leg and abdomen.

Binet tests (1911 series):

6 years; all correct.

7 years; all correct.

8 years; 1, 2, failures; 3, correct; 4, failure; 5, correct.

9 years; 1, 2, failures; 3, correct; 4, failure; 5, correct.

10 years; 1, correct; all others failures.

It is extremely interesting to note that by the Binet tests this
boy gets just through the 8-year series, which corresponds to his
age at the time of injury. By tests he classified as a moron and
was sent to an institution for the feebleminded. The delinquent
tendencies which he had developed made him much of a menace
in his environment.

A year later;

Binet tests (1911 series):

7 years, all correct.

8 years, 1, 2, 3, 5, correct; 4, failure.

9 years, 3, 5, correct; 1, 2, 4, failure.

10 years, all failure.
Notable results in our series:

IV. Construction Test B. Done entirely by planning. Pieces
put together outside the spaces. No trial and error. 11 moves.

IX. Cross-line Test A. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Cross-line Test B. Failure at 4th trial after drawing as a
whole correctly from memory three times.

XIII. Pictorial Completion Test. 8'. 1 logical error only.
Can not read or write more than the simplest words. Adds only
simplest combinations.

]\Iemory span, 5 numerals.

569

§ 287] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

The student of tests will find much that is interesting in the
above results. The boy is evidently no low-grade moron. His
abilities are unequal in ways that the Binet series does not show.

Mentality: Traumatic dementia.
Moron by tests.

Case 110.
Boy, age 12 yrs.

Head injury, severe.

Home conditions:

Delinquencies :
Truancy.
Destructiveness.
Violence.

Large family.
Lack of control

Poverty.

Mentality:
As above.

Concerning the prognosis in cases of arrested development,
it is not to be thought that from diagnosing any given mental
level of the individual at any given time that we know what the
outcome will be. I should be far from asserting that the above
case may not develop further mentally and be more educable
than he at present seems. Of course as he gets past the normal
educable age for the feebleminded, say 16 or 17 years, the likeli-
hood of his advancing gets less and less.

§ 288. Epileptic Dullness. — Mental deterioration or dullness
from epilepsy, of which we have seen many cases, should be
mentioned here because of the necessity for ruling out epilepsy
in every case where mental abnormality exists. Epilepsy in
its various mental manifestations and correlated psychical con-
ditions is treated elsewhere, § 249.

§ 289. Doubtful Cases. — The following final case is given
in illustration of the fact that it is frequently very difficult in
the cases of older delinquents, who show mental dullness and
physical ailments, to get such physical treatment and educational
measures carried out as will prove the point whether or not
the dullness was dependent upon the physical conditions.

Case 111. — This girl of 16 has been a great trial to her mother
and family on account of extreme incorrigibility. She has per-
sistently stayed out late at night, occasionally even all night.
When taken into court she gave no attention to the injunctions of
the judge and of her probation officer. She works irregularly. She
has had a number of illicit sex experiences during the last few years.

Her mother had to work out during the period when the chil-

570

Chap. XVIII] DOUBTFUL CASES [§ 289

dren were younger, and on that account oversight and control
were defective. However, this girl is the third of five children,
and none of the others has become delinquent. The father was
a periodical drinker, but a steady worker. Before this child was
born he was not heavily alcoholic. No other facts of significance
in hereditary history were obtained. The pregnancy was normal.
The birth with all the children was instrumental, but there was
no knowledge of any damage to this child. She was a large fat
baby. No convulsions. Healthy infancy. She was slightly
backward in walking and talking as compared with the others,
but even at that she walked at 18 months and talked at 2 years.
She started to school at 6 and at once learned to read. She enjoyed
reading little pieces to her mother and was regarded as being
bright. Then when she was about 7 she suffered from a severe
attack of scarlet fever which left her with defective hearing for
a couple of years and with strabismus. After her recovery from
the scarlet fever her school progress was slow. She reached only
the 4th grade. Since she was 14 she has been working in several
places, but has been most of the time in her neat and decent
home. Her conduct is by general repute incalculable.

Physically we find fairly good general conditions. No head-
aches; no evidence obtained of attacks of any kind. Good color
and fairly good nutrition; well developed. Weight 108 lbs.,
height 5 ft. 3 in. She is a mouth breather, has adenoids and large
tonsils. Distinctly weak type of face and dull expression. She also
has a very high degree of hyperopia and astigmatism, and does not
wear glasses. General strength is good. Hearing about normal.

Mental tests; our own series:

I. 6' 18". Used up about 4' in working on the small triangles.
Put in one piece correctly and then removed it three times. There is
a question, of course, as to whether she saw the picture well enough,
but note the findings on the next test.

II. 1' 54" with 12 errors. Much better in proportion than on test I.

III. Construction test A. 4' 19" with 39 total moves and 16 repe-
titions of impossibilities.

IV. Construction test B. Failure in 9'.

V. Puzzle box. Failure in 5'.

VI. "Aussage." Gave fair enumeration of details and accepted
no suggestions.

VII. Reproduced one of these heavily lined geometric figures, but
failed on the Roman key design.

VIII. Learning arbitrary symbol association. Two errors.

IX. Cross line A. Correct at the 3d trial.

571

§ 289] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

X. Cross line test B. Complete failure.

XII. Memory from visual verbal presentation. A surprisingly
good result; 18 out of 20 items given correctly in logical sequence.

XIII. Memory from auditory verbal presentation. 10 out of 12
items given, but not in exact sequence.

XV. Antonyms. Two failures. No errors. Average time 2.2".

XVII. Writes irregular childish hand.

XVIII. Knows the process of multiplication and long division, but
makes a number of errors, some of which are evidently due to poor
vision, such as keeping numbers under one another. Outside of
this a fair amount of accuracy.

XIX. Reads fluently and with correct expression a 4th-grade
passage.

XXII. Information is erratic, and on some things incorrect. Can
name the five Great Lakes, but thinks Boston is the largest city, and
that the first president was Abraham Lincoln. She has read a few books.

The girl gave a very lucid account of her life, showing good
orientation as to her own behavior. "I have been staying out
late about a year or a year and a half. Mother would not let
me go anywhere. Wanted me to sit in the house and sew every
night. I went out nearly every night. I have sisters and brothers.
They all don't like me for just that one reason. They go out
themselves, but not every evening. You can most generally find
them at home. The first time my mother reported to the officer
we talked it over with the officer and I promised to stay in at
night and be a good girl. Then every time they got mad at me
they threw it up to me that I was going to be pinched. When
they threw it up to me all the time, I said I did not care, I would
do just as I pleased, and I started going out again. I thought
I would just dare them to have me arrested."

"The first time I met a couple of fellows on the street and
flirted with them and walked along with them a piece, and then
I guess he thought he could get the best of me because I was curs-
ing and swearing. I never knew the fellows I went with — would
just get to flirting on the street. I have quit though and don't
want to do that any more. I got hep to myself. I got wise. I
did not want to get into trouble. I did not want to get any dis-
ease. I knew some girls who suffered so and wished they had
not done it."

The foregoing extracts from a lengthy elaboration of her own
life, given at different times, are sufficient to show the clearness
of her own understanding about her social relationships. She
calmly told the great lengths she had gone with her boy friends.

572

Chap. XVIU] DOUBTFUL CASES [§ 289

From the above findings in the way of tests, and the good social
apperceptions of the girl it was evident she was not necessarily
to be considered feebleminded, but yet was mentally dull. Remem-
bering her great physical defects, the latter might be rationally
thought of as sufficient cause for her retardation. It seemed
certain that one could not satisfactorily determine whether or
not there was any arrest of mental development with the illness
at 7 years. Relief of the physical conditions, with attempts at
education, could be the only rational way of solving the problem,
if it should prove soluble.

i\Iuch good work was done by a nurse, by a specialist who
became interested in the girl, by a probation officer — all in coop-
eration with the girl's good mother. Despite all this construc-
tive work and despite the girl's desire to do better, the old ideas
of a good time and the old associations proved too much for her
mentality, weak in will and in foresight, and after a few months
of trial and failure she had to be sent to an institution for delin-
quents.

We were never able to answer the question of how deep-seated
the mental disability was in this case. The girl's behavior stood
always in the way of her mental and moral development. Her
vicious tendencies were so strongly implanted that she persisted
in them even after her physical obstacles to advancement had
been largely removed.

Mentality: Dull perhaps from physical Case 111.

causes. Girl, age 16 yrs.

Perhaps subnormal.

Physical conditions: Extremely defective vision.
Large adenoids and tonsils.

Developmental : Severe illness with defective
hearing, etc., as sequelae.

Home conditions: Poverty. Mother worked

out, necessitating neglect.

Early sex experiences.

Heredity: Father alcoholic.

Delinquencies :
Incorrigibility.

Out nights. Mentality:

Sex +. As above.

573

§ 289] PHYSICAL CONDITION AND MENTAL DULLNESS [Chap. XVIII

We have unfortunately seen a number of such insoluble cases.
Our chief feeling of concern in the matter is in regard to the
necessity for such early recognition and correction of physical
conditions that mental growth may not be impeded by tendencies
to misconduct which have the force of long-continued habit be-
hind them.

574

Chap. XIX] PSYCHIC CONSTITUTIONAL INFERIORITY [§ 290

CHAPTER XIX
Psychic Constitutional Inferiority

§ 290. Definition. § 291. Characteristics. § 292. Illustrative Cases.
§ 293. Varieties of the Type. § 294. Causations. § 295. Degeneracy.
§ 296. Treatment.

§ 290. Definition. — Psychic constitutional inferiority may be
recognized by chronic abnormal social and mental reactions to
the ordinary conditions of life, on the part of one who cannot
be classified in any of the groups of the insanities, neuroses, or
mental defectives. The individual generally shows physical
anomalies, either structural or functional.^

The terminology of this class of inferiors has been a matter of
considerable discussion. The signs and s;^Tiiptoms of their inade-
quacy are so varied, and socially are so important, that a sharp,

^ For those who wish to go farther in understanding psychic constitutional
inferiority, bibhographical references may prove of much worth. One of the
first to draw attention to this gi'oup was Koch (177), whose original contribu-
tion gave a definition that is still much depended on, namely, that these con-
stitutional inferiors are primarily those who stand between normality and
insanity. Ziehen (175) (178) has contributed definite statements about various
types of the psychopathic constitution. He distinguishes degenerative,
hysterical, neurasthenic, traumatic and other t5^es. The most complete
recent work is by Stelzner (179), a pupil of Ziehen. Under the term. Psycho-
pathic Constitution, she includes Koch's psychopathische Minderwertig-
keiten, Kahlbaum's Heboidoplu-enie, Demoor's moralische Entarte, Wey-
gandt's leicht abnorme Kinder, and the Degeneres superieurs of the French
school. She has much to say about the criminality of these psychopaths. Scholz
(180), in his work on Abnormal Children, gives a hundred pages to the dis-
cussion of these characters and careers which stand on the boundary between
sanity and psychosis. Out of their numerous characteristics he distinguishes
a dozen types : the indolent, the depressed, the excited, the periodically vary-
ing, the emotional, the impulsive, the unstable, the eccentric or perverse, the
fabricators and liars, the obsessional, the morally inferior, the sexually ab-
normal. In English only fragmentary studies are to be found. To Meyer
(356) (357) we owe the fu'st clear-cut definition of the whole group by exclu-
sion. Of practical import are articles by Wright (174), Oberndorf (181) (358),
and Karpas (182). The latter emphasizes as a cardinal point the lack of func-
tional mental balance in cases of constitutional inferiority. Variation in the
balance between emotion, wUl, and intelligence produces the special type of
personaUty. The variety of unbalance leading to criminalism, he thinks, is
where the voUtional powers are not on a par with other mental functions.
There are studies devoted to the relationship of psychic constitutional infe-
riority with criminalism by Trliper (183), Staiger (184), and Rupprecht (185),
the state's attorney for juvenile offenders at Munich. This last represents a
commendable effort on the part of a lawyer to understand such cases. He
sees difficulty of definition, but insists on the easy recognition of the peculiari-
ties, and sure differentiation of this class by negative criteria. Patient edu-
cation, with understanding of the trouble, he believes has its possibihties.

575

§ 290] PSYCHIC CONSTITUTIONAL INFERIORITY [Chap. XIX

but yet inclusive characterization of the whole class is impera-
tive. We follow the lead of Adolf Meyer (356) in adopting the
term 'constitutional inferior,' rather than 'psychopathic inferior;
the favored phrase of the German writers. The latter term hardly
tells the whole story, and, then, psychopathy with us is largely
a synonym for insanity. It must at once definitely be understood
that in this class under discussion a great deal must be included
that has been designated as psychopathic inferiority, psycho-
pathic constitution, psychopathic personality, degeneracy, and
morbid personality.

The facts which we have encountered in the field, showing
the social importance of constitutional inferiority, and partic-
ularly its relation to criminalism, are amply corroborated by
numerous statements of other authors. For our purposes we
are not concerned much with the niembers of this class as seen
after they get into insane asylums. Of course some of them
do eventually become completely unbalanced and many show
episodic mental upsets, but we are particularly interested in the
viewing of them as individuals, not insane, who are unfitted by
reason of inborn mental peculiarities, to lead a law-abiding life.^

§ 291. Characteristics. The general characteristic of the con-
stitutional inferior is abnormal reaction to some of the ordinary
stimuli of life. Unusual emotional reactions are almost universal
in the members of this class. They are often egocentric, selfish,

' It is obvious to any specialist in abnormal psychology that careful dif-
ferentiation should be made of those individuals who have weakened mental
functions from acquired debihty, such as may be caused by poor physical
conditions or excess of bad habits. Also psychic constitutional inferiority
should be distinguished from cases of dementia precox. With the develop-
ment of Abderhalden's methods of diagnosis of certain diseases of the central
nervous system we may look forward to much simpler and surer methods of
differentiating dementia precox and several other psychoses from constitu-
tional iiiferiority. Wright's (174) helpful distinguishing points are decidedly
worth citing here: (a) The symptoms of constitutional inferiority, perhaps sud-
den and episodic, are related to external causes. The reactions to environ-
ment are such as do not occur in the normal individual, but, however, are not
due to autopsychic disintegration. In dementia precox episodes often occur
in spite of good environment. (6) There is frequent recurrence of upsets, which
subside with removal of the cause and leave no deterioration, (c) The history
of abnormahties in these cases reaches back to an early age, as a rule, con-
trary to the usual findings in dementia precox, (d) There is no loss or impair-
ment of memory, orientation, or apphcation of previously acquired knowledge,
(e) There is no marked affection in the sensorium. (/) There is no incoherency
or blocking of thought, or dream-like states, etc.

Wright calls attention to the fact that psychoses may, of course, develop
upon a basis of constitutional inferiority as well as upon a basis of mental de-
fect. He also, with others, insists on these individuals requiring special insti-
tutional treatment — for they otherwise readily become criminals.

576

Chap. XIX] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 292

irritable, very suggestible, easily fatigued mentally. Sometimes
they are possessed by an abnormal feeling of impotence. They
may be slightly defective in intelligence or have light, specialized
defects of ability, but very often tests reveal neither defect nor
peculiarity. Indeed some members of this class may be regarded
as distinctly bright, even geniuses, although weak in power to
meet the steady demands of the world. Description of such
anomalous personages has often found its place in literature.

Not the least feature of the symptomatology of this class of
individuals is the ease with which they fall into anti-social con-
duct. The attraction towards misdeeds is too much for their
weak inhibitory powers in many a case, or their very feeling of
social impotence leads to their taking the easiest path. The
ranks of vagabondage, tramp life, as may well be imagined, are
recruited in considerable part from this class.

From our studies of individuals, we entirely agree with Ziehen
(175), that in by far the greater number of cases of psychic con-
stitutional inferiority, distinct bodily abnormalities are to be
found. Indeed, I have felt inclined, as I have elsewhere stated,
(176), to limit the diagnosis to cases showing signs of both physical
and mental inferiority. On the structural side we have discovered
poor general development, even dwarfish growth, delayed period
of puberty, infantile torso, flabby musculature, irregular and
disproportionate growth of parts, and the various so-called
stigmata of degeneracy. On the functional side these individuals
are notoriously subject to ' general nervousness.' Specifically,
we may find tremors, facial or other tics (habit spasms), nystag-
moid movements of the eyes, headaches, little attacks of dizzi-
ness, enuresis prolonged throughout childhood, and so on. The
organs of the special senses are particularly apt to show signs of
inferiority; defective vision is very common.

The characteristics that we as students of conduct are spe-
cially interested in, the weakness of will, inability to cope with the
social demand for self-restraint, the peculiar feeling of impotence,
the pathway plentifully sprinkled with good intentions — all
these and many more points are included in our case histories.

§ 292. niustrative Cases. Case 112. — Boy, German parent-
age, 16 years old. His delinquencies consist in truancy, running
away from home a number of times, not holding jobs, stealing
money from home, and petty thieving elsewhere. These delin-
quencies have continued over a number of years.

577

§ 292] PSYCHIC CONSTITUTIONAL INFERIORITY [Chap. XIX

Physically: very poor development and nutrition. 101 lbs.,
5 ft. 3. No sensory defects noted. Ears roundish in form, out-
standing, parts not well differentiated, and small lobules. Badly
deflected nasal septum, with partial occlusion on both sides.
Largely a mouth breather. Nose deformity is said to have been
caused by an accident. Very narrow, high palate, asymmetrical.
Two upper lateral incisors erupted behind middle incisors, and
were removed earlier. Voice high and weak for his age. Stam-
mers a little. Backward in signs of puberty. Large and well-
shaped head; circumference 53.5; length 19; breadth 15 cm.
Good color. Strength poor for age, but good for size. With his
thin face, drawn-in lips, and rather prominent eyes, he has a
very weak physiognomy.

Mentally: our tests were almost uniformly well done. The
boy has quick perceptions, is rapid and dexterous, and of good
intelligence. On Construction Test III, he made one of our
best records, doing it correctly in 10"> and the next Construc-
tion Test IV, he likewise did extremely well — in 29", and 11
moves. Definite suggestibility was shown. His range of infor-
mation is decidedly good. He has been a reader of wholesome
books. There are no signs whatever of any aberrational quali-
ties that could be designated as a psychosis. Yet he shows the
following peculiarities. In a childish, high voice he tells us his
story while frequently crying. In spite of apparent frankness
he does not tell us all the truth at first. In subsequent inter-
views he adds much more. He has a very childish attitude of
mind. Says that when he steals he spends the money on candy
and things to eat and going to shows. He evidently has very little
will power. He is led by others easily, and is altogether decidedly
suggestible socially. He tells of many things he would like to do
— would like to learn a trade, and so on, but has never done more
than make a first start at them. Says again and again, he is
going to turn over a new leaf now. He speaks much of being
homesick while mider detention, although he is so accustomed
to running away. In the school-room he is very helpful; and
likes to attend to small duties. In general we see that he has
very few manly traits, and that he shows no evidence of aggres-
sive viciousness.

The only significant points about heredity and developmental
history are as follows. The father is now rather a decrepit old
man; 46 when this child was born, while the mother was only

578

Chap. XIX] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 292

28. She has been dead 6 years. With the exception of one pater-
nal second cousin being insane, no defects in the ancestral stock
are known. The father himself seems slow-witted, but has been
able to build up a business of his own. He thinks his boy is unbal-
anced, and that the cause of it was the mother's constant desire
for money during the pregnancy. The birth was normal. The
child had no convulsions or any other severe illness. A number
of years ago he was struck on the nose and later an operation
was performed for this trouble. He has been only to the 6th
grade. (This is very striking in the light of the boy's good abil-
ity, but it may be accounted for by his truancy and his running
away.) The father said he always seemed to be a smart boy
when he desired to study. There is a brother two years older
who turned out well.

This boy's delinquency began when he was very young. Even
before his mother died he was showing marked signs of instability.
He was only 7 years old when he began to stay out all night. For
a time after the mother died there was a housekeeper, but soon
the father married and there is a stepmother of whom the boy
is very fond. He began stealing before he was 10 years of age.
On a couple of occasions he took his mother's savings and took a
railroad trip, and on several occasions he has been to distant
cities. He is much more prone to run away in the summer,
and in fact is never willing to work at that time. He once man-
aged to hold a place in the winter time as long as 3 months.
He is not regarded at home as vicious, but weak and easily led
by bad companions.

The boy himself tells of his troubles. He says he does not know
why he runs away from home. At first he only stayed around
his home and he used to sleep in barns. He has no complaint
against his family. They have a nice place with a yard and they
have pets. Once he rode off with another boy with a horse and
buggy and was arrested for that. He used to go with a boy who
stole. He remembers how frightened he once was when his
brother, with whom there never was any trouble, told his father
about some delinquency; that night he slept in a barn. At one
time he says he would like to work on a farm, at another, he would
like a trade, and so on. Says he thinks the matter with him is
that he got into bad sex habits when he was 10 or 12 years old.
His stepmother has warned him of the danger of going insane
through these things. Says when he has been in the country

579

§ 292] PSYCHIC CONSTITUTIONAL INFEEIORITY [Chap. XIX

in the summer, tramps have approached him for these purposes.
Whenever we talk with him he cannot get along without crying.
The worker who had charge of this boy states that when he
was stimulated to do better after his misbehavior he was willing
to go back to school as his father desired, and to the astonish-
ment of the school authorities did admirably, until the warm
days came. Then began his truancy, staying out four days at
a time, and later again running away from his nice home. The
father seems too old to manage the boy, but that is not all the
trouble. In a certain interval of four or five days between the
time when this boy had made particular promises of better
behavior, and his coming to a specialist to report about his nose
condition, we were interested to note that he had broken his
promises and already gone away from home once over night in
company with a boy who had persuaded him to take a ride on
a railroad engine. Of course they went farther than they ex-
pected. In spite of this, the appointment a week old was kept,
but, strangely enough, another appointment made for the next
morning for the very same purposes this boy did not keep.

Constitutional Inferiority: Many physical

and mental signs.

Case 112.
Boy, age 16.

(?) Heredity: Father poor physically;
old when boy born.

Bad sex habits.

Truancy.
Runaway.

Stealing.
Loafing.

Mentality:
Good ability.
Peculiar type.

Case 113. — Boy 14 years old. When he was under detention
we were implored to see him by the father, who had taken the
trouble to come a long distance from his home town. The father
felt that his boy was on the way to becoming a full-fledged criminal.

Physically we find a poorly-developed lad. 85 lbs. 4 ft. 10 in.
No sensory defect. Strength is good for age. Well-shaped head.
Thin, sharp face with a peculiar, old expression. Formerly some
nasal obstruction, which long since was removed by an operation.
Fairly good color. No headaches complained of. Reflexes
were not abnormal, nor were other signs obtained of abnormal
nervous conditions. Teeth very irregular in alignment, irregular

580

Chap. XIX] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 292

imperfections of the enamel of all incisors, distal to a transverse
median rid2:e, but not involving the cutting edge. Nothing
significant about pubertal signs. Has a high-pitched, nasal voice.
There was much difficulty in diagnosing him mentally on
account of extreme emotionalism — it was one of the most re-
markable exhibitions of fear, or simulated fear, and recalcitrancy
we have ever seen. Sometimes he did fairly well, then, again,
even on simple tests he failed entirely. The negative findings
were entirely vitiated by his emotional attitude. We found his
information on geography, history and current events to be
normal, and he had some little knowledge of scientific events.
There were no signs of suggestibility. He showed good powers of
comprehension and reasoning in our moral questions. Test XXI.
One of the most curious results was in his making no less than 8
errors in the antonyms, Test XV, with a retardation of reaction
each time, as if he was considering how to give a somewhat incor-
rect answer to even the simple words. Altogether, his perform-
ance as seen on two or three occasions was most peculiar, and
it is quite evident that very often he is not trying to do the work.
The following letter, given in his actual spelling and punctuation,
gives considerable indication of the mental processes of this pe-
culiar 14-year-old boy. It is written very legibly, in a regular hand.

" Dear Miss X.

Please forgive me for biting and screaming and
yelling because I always get thoughs spell. I am not a robber I
am a honest boy. I would not been here today only my father
did not raise me right. If I was raise right I would not been here.
If you learn a habit you cannot get out of it very well. It take
a long time to get rid a habit. You know how you used to be
when you was small. Its a hard life when you come to think
how your father beats you and does not know what have he is
doing, I will be willing to repay you back if I did anything or did
any harm to you. I think that I am to much in this wide world
I dont belong in this world so please Forgive me Your turly"

The difficulty of diagnosing this case may be seen. Of course
he is not feebleminded, his work under favorable conditions
shows he has some ability in various directions. He has not
gone above 4th grade in school, but there has been excessive
changing about. He seems to be on a border line between
psychosis and normality.

581

§ 292] PSYCHIC CONSTITUTIONAL INFERIORITY [Chap. XIX

The father, prematurely grey, bent over, and depressed by
his woes, gives us a long story of his family life, which is cor-
roborated by his intelligent second wife, and to a certain extent
by the boy. The paternal grandfather was erratic, a drunkard
and insane, this last said to have been brought about by a blow
on the head. He later recovered and now is living in old age.
The father is one of a fraternity of four, all the others having
turned out well. He himself was a talented man, of artistic tem-
perament. He led a dissipated life and is now utterly broken down.

The mother of this boy was a thoroughly bad woman. Her
parents are good people and are alive in old age. She drank,
left home on numerous occasions, was unfaithful, had abor-
tions produced, and so on. Her whole family were undisciplined.
One of her brothers is a severe alcoholic. During her preg-
nancies this woman was a comparatively moderate, but steady
drinker. It is not known whether abortion was attempted dur-
ing this pregnancy, but the mother tried with others, some-
times succeeding and sometimes not. It is strange that the later
developmental conditions seem to have been quite good, with
the exception of the nasal obstruction which long ago was removed.
The boy walked and talked early. He never suffered from con-
vulsions, and never was very ill.

Family affairs have been complicated a good deal by the fact
that two older brothers have turned out very badly, thoroughly
criminalistic. (Data on their physical and mental conditions
are not readily obtainable. They are in other parts of the coun-
try. The one most like our boy in temperament is said to be
doing well at present under the discipline of an eastern industrial
school.) Our boy for a considerable period was brought up in a
very lax way on account of the mother's behavior, but of recent
years there has been a very good home. He has well nigh ruined
it however. In the last two years the family has moved
twelve times on account of trouble which he has caused in the
neighborhood. The boy is an arrant coward, and gets out of
any disciplinary treatment by lying down wherever he may be
and screaming, " She is murdering me." " I am ruptured,"
and so on. His behavior is the same at school as at home, and
on account of troublesomeness he has been changed from one
school to another, and been refused admittance into some good
institutions. During an ordinary physical examination of this
boy when with us he suddenly said, " I don't feel right," set

582

Chap. XIX] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 292

up a tremendous shouting and wanted to fight. He said he
would throw himself from the window and kill himself. Pie per-
sisted in a loud disturbance for a long time, in spite of nothing
having been done to him. The father, who was present, said he
was very glad to have had this corroboration of his statements,
for now we could see why he was a broken-down man. On
another occasion when the boy was asked to come and do some
tests he suddenly began screaming in the same way.

Later the boy became quite different in his behavior towards
us, and volunteered information about many things. As he talked
he showed various nervous signs, picking away at something
and looking about the room. He talked rapidly, and with normal
emotions. In jerky fashion he told us much about himself.
We had indication that at least one of his brothers was of the
same type. He said this brother once fought for an hour and a
half on account of him and that he used to steal a good deal.
Says his mother dances all around with him at home, and they
have all sorts of fun, and he wants to go back there. Says his
brother got him into thinking of things the way he does. He
definitely ascribes all of his vicious spells to fear, and readily
makes himself out to be a complete coward. He makes a few
complaints against his father which easily flatten out.

After prolonged observation of this boy we felt we could not
call him either normal, insane, feebleminded or even hysterical.
We also felt that perhaps much could be done for the building
up of both his mental and moral qualities by prolonged, patient
understanding and consistent disciplinary treatment.

Constitutional Inferiority :

Many mental and
physical signs.

Case 113.
Boy, age 14.

Heredity:

Grandfather insane.
Father erratic.
Mother alcoholic.
2 brothers criminalistic.

Developmental : Antenatal, mother alcoholic.

Lack parental control:

Stubbornness.
Incorrigibility.

Mentality:

Poor ability.

Erratic.

583

§ 292] PSYCHIC CONSTITUTIONAL INFERIORITY [Chap. XIX

The next case, inasmuch as it involves the question of innate
tendencies towards sex perversion, must be preceded by a word
of explanation, lest unwarranted conclusions be drawn from it.
In our work we rule out discussion of the details of sex perver-
sion, vide § 247. The present case is cited to show how clearly
certain physical and mental peculiarities may make directly
for criminalism. Of course, sex perverts are not all of the con-
stitutional inferior type, some of them may even be supernormal
individuals. A word on degeneracy in relation to inferiority
comes properly after this case history.

Case 114. — This case, very curiously, was brought to our
attention first in another city, and then later the mother came
to us in Chicago. She is an intelligent woman who immigrated
from Germany to marry. During all of her wedded life she
has had the hardest of lots, and now at 56 is worn out physically,
but most anxious to do something for this wayward 17-year-old
boy, her youngest. She has walked the streets day and night
looking for him and has begged assistance in her task of attempted
reform from many different officials in two cities. The boy
seems fond of her, but is continually drawn away by bad influ-
ences. We saw him on a number of occasions.

Physically we found a tall, thin, poorly-nourished fellow with
a curiously high voice. Strength decidedly poor for his age.
Unusually long, delicate hands. Vision very defective in one eye,
has glasses. Long, poorly-developed chest; hips appear promi-
nent, largely through his unusual posture. Sex development
adult. Pale skin. Thick lips. Decidedly weak facial expression.
Many teeth carious. Slight nystagmoid movements of the eyes.
As seen during the course of ordinary examination, with no spe-
cial emotional tension, pulse at times was 149 and varied nervously.
Head measurements; circumference 55.3; length 20; breadth
14.5 cm. Occipital protuberance excessive. Complains of occa-
sional marked swelling in one breast. Has supernumerary nip-
ples. Uses his eyes in most peculiar way; drops the lids and
snaps them in girlish fashion.

We found a clear and cogent talker. His performance on
mental tests showed him to be well up to the ordinary in ability
and information. His curious interests and reactions to life
must be given in detail. Our knowledge of these comes partly
from observation and partly from the story of the mother and
son, who on most points strongly corroborate each other.

584

Chap. XIX] ILLUSTRATIVE CASES [§ 292

It seems that much of this boy's earliest remembrances are
about his being regarded as a "sissy." He used to cut out paper
dolls and play with them. He learned sewing and fancy needle-
work. He did not go to school until he was 8 years old, having
alwaj's stayed close beside his mother. So girlish was he, that he
slept with her until he was 14. He had a high soprano voice,
and was made much of on account of his singing, his gentleness
and good behavior. When other little school boys talked about
the girls he never would, and they hit him and called him a " sissy
girl." From his earliest years he has been crazy to go on the stage.
In the later days of childhood he associated much with women,
engaging in their occupations, such as ironing. No bad habits.
Never cared in the least for exercise or athletics.

As the boy left childhood he was derided still more for his
effeminacy, but with no result on his behavior. After doing
pretty well earlier in school, he became truant towards the last.
Then he went to work, seeking out positions on the border line
of stage life. The men he worked with quickly sized him up,
and he quite generally passed by the name of Hattie. He thought
much then of impersonating females, and had a dress made by
some women friends. He began wearing effeminate types of men's
garments, and was once arrested by a policeman who was sure
that he was a woman in disguise. About this time he was made
acquainted with the most effeminate type of sex perversions,
and fell at once in with them. \^T^ien we first saw him he had
been in an eastern cit}", making his living by female impersona-
tions. Before that, while at home, he had grown to be much of
a liar, and had obtained money a number of times by misrepre-
sentation. His running away had been several times repeated,
and even when about home he had often slept in a barn or hall-
way, instead of in his own bed.

This enduring of discomfort and suffering seemed very con-
tradictory to his delicate type of physique and to his desire for
soft occupations, as did also our finding his person and under-
wear in a remarkably dirty condition. Drinking or smoking
has been all along quite foreign to his tastes. In order to prove
that he really had kept much to himself while living in a cheap
hotel, and so to prove to his mother that he was not altogether
bad, he asked us to go to the proprietor and see the embroidered
pillow-cases he had made for his bed.

When seen he weakly lied at first, but later cried and sobbed

585

§ 292] PSYCHIC CONSTITUTIONAL INFERIORITY [Chap. XIX

with his head on the table as he told about his earlier life. There
was little emotion about his present mode of living, but he did
offer many promises of change. Later he fell on his mother's
shoulder and sobbed as she scolded him. He had told many tales
of ill treatment, mostly whipping, at home and school, to us,
and in earlier years to sympathetic women, who had offered to
befriend him from his family. With this excuse he would some-
times spend days at their houses. There has never been any
suspicion of his being immoral with women, and he denies it very
convincingly, since he frankly admits so much else. The ill
treatment turned out to be exaggeration of the scoldings he had
received for his extreme effeminacy. This fellow knew the mis-
erable dangers of the life in which he was partially submerged,
and, indeed, expatiated on them to us, but we have later heard
that after serving a short sentence he went to another city, and
was arrested for the most flagrant female impersonations. He
was then found to be frightfully diseased.

The incongruous combination of poor general physical condi-
tions, stigmata of degeneracy, delicate bodily organization,
effeminacy of mind, dishonesty, show of natural affection, en-
gaging in female occupations by choice, female impersonations,
putting up with hardships, lack of care for his own person, plen-
tiful use of good intentions, and absolute weakness of purpose,
show him to be a marked type of constitutional inferior.

The only important part of the family history centers about the
father. We are told there is no case of epilepsy, feebleminded-
ness or insanity in either family nearer than a maternal great-
great-aunt. Four older children, two daughters and two sons,
have turned out well, except that one of the latter drinks occa-
sionally. They despise and scold this lad. The father was
accustomed to his "schnapps" in the old country, but was never
known then to be intoxicated. He was a man who turned his
hand to many occupations. Over 20 years ago he began drink-
ing desperately. For a period of five years between the birth
of the older children and this one he frequently deserted home
on drinking bouts. His wife refused to live with him, but then
he later took the pledge, "religion interfered" and she again
took him in. She says of her son, " This is the kind of children
a drunkard has. When he came, I was the result of worry, sick-
ness and starvation." This father, before they moved to Chicago
several years ago, became the lowest type of drunkard and

586

Chap. XIX] VARIETIES OF THE TYPE [§ 293

vagrant, sleeping in alleys, being several times sentenced, and
finally died a pauper in a New Orleans hospital.

This child was born at full term, and there was nothing abnor-
mal in his birth or early development known to the mother.
No convulsions and never seriously ilL He walked and talked
early. No severe accident. He was always regarded as of deli-
cate make-up and was without difficulty closely guarded until
he was 13 or 14. He was almost certainly not addicted to bad
habits of any kind before this. He had a great amount of religious
instruction, and did well in school work up to that time.

Constitutional Inferiority: Case 114.

Many physical and Boy, age 17.

mental signs.

Heredity: Father excessively alcoholic,
weak will.

Developmental : Antenatal conditions bad.

Truancy.

Runaway. Mental :

Dishonesty. Good ability,

Sex perversions. peculiar type.

§ 293. Varieties of the Type. — We might cite many other
cases in illustration of the variations of characteristics of these
constitutional inferiors. On the mental side they may range in
ability from very high to subnormal. Thc}^ may have special
abilities or special disabilities. They should, if possible, be
differentiated from the group of specialized defectives we have
elsewhere dealt with. But when a specialized defect in self-
control is shown it may be a hard matter to distinguish the two,
because the inability of the constitutional inferior to cope with
the world seems often to be merely the result of deficient will
power. However, other marks of defect are present.

The mental and character instabilities of adolescence must
also be kept in mind when rendering either diagnosis or prog-
nosis. Various observers have noted that constitutional inferiors
may show increased aberrational tendencies at the time of puberty,
however not all pubertal erraticisms are found in cases of in-
feriority.

The mental characteristics that have to do with balance and

587

§ 293] PSYCHIC CONSTITUTIONAL INFERIORITY [Chap. XIX

evenness of behavior show also much variation among these
individuals, which is illustrated in only several main features
by the cases given. The tendency to unevenness and impulsions,
and bad conduct alternating with remorse and good intentions
is not the extent of the episodes. Short attacks of actual depres-
sion, even during childhood, with suicidal impulsions, we have
also noted. Some cases we have seen have attacks of blurring
of eyesight, or of semi-unconsciousness, which may possibly be
mild seizures of hysteria or may even partially resemble epilepsy.

The physical signs may include other points than we have
mentioned. We have seen premature, as well as backward
puberty, enlarged thyroid, signs of congenital sj-philis and other
antenatal developmental defect, and even deafmutism.

§ 294. Causations. — Very interesting is the variation in
the possible causation as obtained from family histories. We
can see the part that heredity plays ; sometimes the child is the
counterpart of a constitutionally inferior parent, sometimes it
is the product of two lines of partial defectives. Then, diseases
of the pregnant mother, syphilis, and alcoholism of the parents,
and even morphinism of the pregnant mother figure also as
causes. Diseases in early life, such as meningitis, may so leave
traces in the growing organism that the individual fitly belongs
later to our present category.

§ 295. Degeneracy. — The relationship of so-called degeneracy
to this class is important. The loose term "degeneracy" seems
to cover a good many types of personalities. Even professional
people are not very discriminating in the use of the word. It is
undoubtedly true that most of these constitutional inferiors may
be regarded as degenerates, but many of the so-called degener-
ates belong to other classes. We ourselves are highly in favor
of dropping the term degenerate, and classifying individuals by
much more definitive terms. ^

The notable comparatively small number of female constitu-
tional inferiors found in court work may be best explained, I
think, by the greater freedom and restlessness of the male sex.

1 I am often asked for the best available literature on degeneracy, especially
on the stigmata of degeneracy, and can offer the following quite satisfactory
and easily obtainable list. Talbot's (197) work is perhaps the best for the gen-
eral reader. Good enumerations of the stigmata are given by Meyer (219),
by Peterson (198), and in the government document by Macdonald (199).
A recent richly illustrated article by A. Marie (200) on the stigmata, has ap-
peared in the French international treatise on pathological psychology.

588

Chap. XIX] TREATMENT [§ 296

The females of this class become more of the drudge type than
offenders. To be sure some yield to temptation and later become,
in spite, perhaps, of unattractiveness, members of the low pros-
titute class. Almost worse for society is the fact that they live
in various relationships with a low class of men in camps or
shanties, and frequently produce offspring, who, in turn, become
problems to society.

§ 296. Treatment. — The treatment of the constitutional
inferior resolves itself down to very careful oversight and patient
education, particularly during the years of adolescence. Per-
manent colonization is needed for many of them. We have seen
very few, indeed, do well ultimately under merely family care,
although in very favorable environmental circumstances, such
as good country life, this regimen has succeeded. One trouble,
as we have seen it, is that these individuals who are brought up
amid the stimuli of city life, cannot be satisfied for long with
" country dullness." We have noted their return over and over
to the dissipations of city sights and sounds. Along the same
line is the need which this class feels for the ingestion of stimu-
lants. Early they crave much coffee, tea and tobacco, later many
of them take to alcohol. Of course, any stimulants taken in
excess markedly increase instability.

One great difficulty which we and others have noted in the
disposal of these cases is that their reactions may be satisfactory
enough in institutional life, but quite inadequate to meeting the
world where they have to assume at least some responsibility.
A penal institution may, according to its record of good conduct,
find them fit for parole, a hospital for the insane may declare
them not out-and-out insane, and so discharge them. Then they
return often straight to criminalism.

589

§ 297] MENTAL ABERRATION [Chap. XX

CHAPTER XX
Mental Aberration

§ 297. General Statement. — At the outset of our discussion
of the relation between mental aberration and criminalism it
should be understood that we do not consider it necessary to
equal a text-book account of mental types. Works on psychiatry
are readily accessible. The sjnnptoms of some insanities largely
involve anti-social conduct, but the significance of this is so obvious
that they need hardly any attention at our hands. If a person
easily perceived to be insane runs about naked, or invades the
home of another, or assaults somebody, the offense is so readily
recognized as the outcome of mental disease that no further words
are needed about it from the side of criminalism. On this account
we shall deal scantily with the major psychoses; merely giving
some facts by way of illustration of the more usual connection
of these mental conditions w^ith criminalism. But under the
head of minor aberrational conditions we shall introduce much
more consideration of certain less clearly distinguished abnormal
psychical conditions in their relation to criminalistics than will
be found in any of the text books.

In this matter, as ever, we are interested in ascertaining the
cause of a delinquent career as near its beginning as possible.
Now, early in life mental ailments often have less pronounced
signs than later on. We have had reason to see many instances
where actual insanity on an organic basis was incipient to the
extent that it was not clear to the onlooker, and the individual
was merely accounted criminalistic. In other cases the symp-
toms were so indefinite that the diagnosis of a particular type
of insanity was impossible. Some of these later have recovered,
others have remained unchanged, and still others have gone on to
develop typical forms of psychoses. In working with delinquents
there is no need of considering the exact classification of the mental
trouble when it exists, except that it may give more positive clue

590

Chap. XX] GENERAL STATEMENT [§ 297

to treatment. The mental findings and the conduct determine
the fact of aberration, and that is all that should be necessary
for immediate court purposes. Further business of diagnosis
should be left to a psychopathic hospital.

Our material, through dealing, as we have done, mostly with
adolescents, is peculiarly rich in the history of cases where the
mental upset passed oif with readjustment of the individual to
environmental conditions. In some of these there were recur-
rences, and in others direct recovery. The discussion of this
material is of great importance because these cases are very rarely
seen by institutional authorities, and receive altogether inade-
quate treatment in professional works which emanate from those
sources. The favorable mental and moral outcome sometimes
observed under treatment proves little of what the evolution
of the case might have been without such treatment, yet is highly
suggestive of the possibilities of early deahng with mental cases.

I see no better way for our purposes than to classify aberrational
mental conditions under major and minor — realizing, however,
the impossibility of deciding between the two, even in some impor-
tant tj-pes. The major aberrational conditions are naturally
made up of the well-defined insanities, and of other cases which
show virulent sjTnptoms although as a whole they may be
imclassifiable in any group. Major, as well as minor, aberrations
may be either temporary or chronic. The fact that they are
either major or minor means very little for criminalistics, inas-
much as many of the most dangerous of our recidivists show
aberrational tendencies which cannot be placed under the head
of one of the major insanities. Arbitrariness of the division be-
tween the two is shown also by the fact that some individuals
who are now recognized as being afilicted with some minor mental
aberration will later enter the category of major psychoses. The
newer methods of diagnosis of dementia precox we look forward
to for help in one place where discrimination is important.

The student of offenders is glad to show the arbitrariness of
all divisions because of his frequent encounter with the attitude
which demands the diagnosis of "some form of insanity" before
incompetency is allowed. This point of view is met in institu-
tions for the insane as well as in court. It is particularly im-
pressive to note the repeated crimes committed by markedly
aberrational individuals who have not normal powers of social
control and who show other signs of mental disturbance, but who

591

§ 297] MENTAL ABERRATION [Chap. XX

are declared " not insane " because they do not show the symp-
toms of paranoia, paresis, or other of the main categories of the
psychoses. The public suffers tremendously from this narrow
conception of the mental aberrations from which it should be
protected. The medical man as well as the lawyer should be
well apprized of these facts.

Under the caption of minor psychoses we place the aberrant
states which are not so commanding in their general picture. If
this were a text book on psychiatry very many states could be
enumerated which belong under this heading, but we are only
interested in certain forms of minor aberration which have par-
ticularly to do with delinquency, and those we shall specify with
illustrations in the proper place. Some individuals with only
minor psychoses are easily recognizable as being insane, especially
those cases in which there are marked transitory symptoms. In
other minor, but chronic aberrations we have to deal with the
typical psychopaths, or semi-responsibles, who are dealt with
to some extent in various modern works on psychiatry.

For dealing with these last groups of cases it has been repre-
sented that they should be legally categorized as having attenu-
ated responsibility. At least for understanding the practical
social situation involved, this partial responsibility must be taken
into account. On these points our related case histories are
illuminating.

The heading under which to place many cases has been deter-
mined along practical lines; there is much overlapping of types
and symptoms. Minor mental aberrations are frequently most
difficult to classify. Whether some of them are abortive cases
of the well-distinguished types of mental trouble it is impossible
in the present state of our knowledge to say. On many accounts
we recommend the student to make a survey of the entire field
of mental aberration in its relation to criminalism, in order to
avoid the dangers of centering interest on only a few of the types.

Major Psychoses.

§ 298. Dementia Precox.

No technical discussion of dementia precox is desirable for this
work. At present biochemical tests are promised which will
immensely simplify our diagnostic conceptions of this disease.
Here it is sufficient to say that a group of mental symptoms

592

Chap. XX] DEMENTIA PRECOX [§ 298

arising generally during adolescence portends the onset of this
primary dementia. The individual is readily recognized as being
mentally weak, but yet is not to be classed as feebleminded,
both on account of the prominence of aberrations rather than
defects, and the fact that at one time he was considered more or
less normal. The progress of the disease varies greatly, and
there may be remission of s^'mptoms, and even apparent recoveries,
but in the majority of the well-recognized cases the sjonptoms
persist. In a small proportion of the instances there is rapid
fulmination of the disease, with complete disablement or death.

The disease takes on various forms, and the evidences of actual
dementia may not be plain at first. The early signs of this dis-
order which bring individuals suffering from it so frequently to
the notice of police officials, visiting nurses, social workers, etc.,
are often those of extreme shyness and fear. Sufferers are almost
always males. The young man will not go out of doors or meet
company. He will not seek a job. He cannot face a prospec-
tive employer. He seems utterly ashamed of himself and his own
shortcomings, and may hide even from his own family. Many
times we have heard the account of just such actions implicating
individuals who are serious offenders, perhaps offering violence
to their own families or to others, perhaps being thieves and
young embezzlers. Variations in the way of excitement, utter
dullness, and paranoidal s}Tnptoms are seen during the course
of this disease. The case of the young boy cited under paranoia
(§ 305) may turn out to be dementia precox.

One feature of importance in the evolution of this disease is
the practice of masturbation. With astonishing frequency cases
of dementia precox indulge excessively in bad sex habits. This
is so noticeable that it is often difficult to convince parents that
the disease itself is not caused by this practice. There can be
httle doubt that the debilitating effects of these habits increase
the do"uniw^ard tendency, but the excessive indulgence itself is
only to be regarded as evidence of lack of balance and self-control.
However it is plain that a vicious circle is set up by the combina-
tion of disease and bad practices.

The idea of suicide is frequently entertained in cases of de-
mentia precox. Some indication of this may be seen in the single
case study we give as a paradigm. In one instance where we could
readily determine there was some degree of dementia together
with the most excessive amount of masturbation, the boy com-

593

§ 298] MENTAL ABERRATION [Chap. XX

mitted suicide before the family could make up their minds to
send him to a state hospital for treatment. This lad was only
15 years old when he took his own life after indulging in perfect
orgies of violence and general misbehavior. He had already
been sent twice to institutions on account of delinquency. For-
merly he had been truant, but had reached 5th grade before he
stopped school. He early began excessive use of coffee and occa-
sional indulgence in smoking, while masturbation with him was,
according to his own account, a daily matter for years. With
bad company he engaged in a long list of petty delinquencies
before entering upon the final stages of his career.

In some quarters it has been the tendency to over-estimate the
percentage of cases belonging in the dementia precox group
which one meets with among young offenders. In going over
our own records we find it impossible to be exact in this matter
on account of the slow evolution of the disease. Indeed in the
cases which we have sent to hospitals for the insane we frequently
cannot get exact diagnosis. In the future we hope this may be
bettered by new diagnostic methods. But certainlj^ in not more
than 25 cases in our 1000 young repeated offenders have the
symptoms been interpretable as belonging in any way to dementia
precox, and very likely a number of these will prove to be cases
of other diseases. The work of Wilmanns (314) (315), and of
Nitsche and Wilmanns (48), has been much quoted in this con-
nection, but it must be remarked that their findings are based
only on the study of offenders who are already recognized as
having some form of mental aberration. Among them the ma-
jority was found to be suffering from dementia precox.

A large number of the characteristic symptoms of this disease
is to be found in the single case study which we shall offer. The
relationship of this primary dementia to criminalism is there
made clear, as is also the unfortunate lack of recognition of this
disease in ordinary court work.

Case 115. — A young man, almost 19, is brought to us with a
long record of delinquency. He has run away from home on
numerous occasions. When younger used to go with companions
who stole chickens, and coal, and candy. Is said to have had
about a hundred different jobs since he left school. Usually
holds them only for a day or so. He loafs most of the time,
hanging about his own home or getting other people to take
him in whenever he can. Often has taken money he has earned

594

Chap. XX] DEMENTIA PRECOX [§ 298

and spent it on prostitutes. Has been in court on several occa-
sions. Was once arrested for making a disturbance in the red
light district. Has already served two terms in the House of
Correction under a charge of disorderly conduct and vagrancy.
Recently the father was about to have him again taken in charge
by the police, but thought he had better see a doctor on account
of the boy's strange behavior.

Physically we found a well-developed and nourished young
man. AVeight 134 lbs., height 5 ft. 7 in. Very large head — cir-
cumference 57, length 19 1-3, breadth 16 cm. Teeth good condi-
tion. Vision practically normal. Reaction of pupils very lively.
Other examination of eyes negative. Physiognomy peculiar.
Poorly balanced profile on account of the large head and small
though not receding chin. Expression rather dull, but pleasant
enough. Considerable asymmetry of action of facial muscles,
with great overuse of the frontalis. Muddy complexion, and
many scars from old acne. Gait very slouchy. Strength of upper
extremities very poor for his size. Coordinations good. Knee
jerks lively; abdominal reflexes extremely lively. Complains
of much headache, and much pain in hands and feet. Voice
deep and rather monotonous. Color poor. Breath offensive.
Sex development plus. Excessive enuresis and some incontinence
of the bladder by day. Has had gonorrhea, and been treated
for it at the House of Correction. In posture the boy is notably
peculiar. Sits or stands in a very stiff fashion. Holds one shoulder
elevated, much higher than the other. Distinctly awkward in
handling the tests. Shows many traces of negativism. It is
with difficulty that one can get him to relax his facial muscles
to look into his mouth. Obeys commands of all kinds very poorly
and with much hesitation.

The mental tests soon showed his aberrations, and it was
impossible to carry them far. He fails to add short columns of
three figures. Does not know the process of long division. Says
6x8 = 54; 4x3 = 12; 8x8 = 64; 9x7 = 62; 4 + 4
-f- 4 + 8 = 34. Fails to do even our simple introductory puzzle.
Argues about the impossibility of filling up the triangular space,
insists there is one piece short, and finally gives it up. Fails to
do our Construction Test HI. Works at it with one hand for
a long time, jostling the pieces around. Says, " I could not do
this in a hundred years. I can't do it. Try as hard as I can, I
can't do it. In a hundred years I could n't do it." In the Antonym

595

§ 298] MENTAL ABERRATION [Chap. XX

Test XV, makes 4 failures and 1 error; average times 3.3", a
very slow record. Writes a fairly good hand. Knows correctly
the date. Is distinctly talkative.

His moderately intelligent father in describing his mental
symptoms tells us he always was a funny kind of a boy. Would
not do what the teachers told him. At one time was so severely
punished by one of the sisters in his school that the family raised
trouble about it. Is a great liar. Says he will drown himself
when it has been suggested they put him in the navy. He likes
to read joke books. Is crazy for " naked pictures and picture
shows, and whenever he gets a half a dollar goes to a theatre."
When he would get his wages he would proceed to spend them.
He frequently wanders about all day when he is not working,
sometimes wet and cold. Often does not get much to eat when
away, and comes home tired out. Says to his family, "If nobody
cares for me, I don't give a damn for nobody." Is offensive at
home on account of various dirty habits, and incontinence of the
bladder. At times sits long in a chair, bent over and not doing
anything. Sometimes rubs his wrist for long.

From the family we get very little in the way of hereditary or
developmental history that throws much light on the problem.
The people are ignorant immigrants. Father says they came to
this country when the boy was an infant. In the old country
there was not any education, and the mother in particular does
not care much about it here. Her idea is that " when children
get to be 21 they are getting their senses.',' There are seven others
in the family, but there has been no such trouble with any of
them. The father is clearly the more intelligent. He tells us
that his own father was extremely alcoholic and died of tuber-
culosis, but outside of that, the family history is practically
negative. No one known to be insane, feebleminded or epileptic.
In regard to this boy's developmental history, it has been nega-
tive. He was born after a healthy pregnancy with a normal
delivery. He walked and talked early. Had a healthy infancy
and indeed has never been very ill. Five years ago he was injured
in the genital region by sliding on a fence, but even for that no
physician was called.

The boy's own story is of great significance for us, and one
could fairly make the diagnosis from that alone. He tells it
readily and talks rapidly. The following is a verbatim sample
of his conversation.

596

Chap. XX] DEMENTIA PRECOX [§ 298

" For three years I 've been sick — not in my right health
— I 've been in the Bridewell. I told my father I refused to work
for his family and everything like that. First time I was arrested
I was wdth a boy. He was throwing potatoes in the windows of
the \dce district. Then I was given $25 and costs. My father
paid one-half of it. Then I was in the Bridewell January and
February this year because I would n't work. My father starts
an argument, he starts calling me a monkey. I can't help it if
I was born that way. So far I feel rotten. I irritate every minute.
I don't feel like other men do that come in this world. I 'm weak
and sick and I ain't fit for work. One man says because I can't
do his work I was better to drown myself. He says that. Of
course I could n't do that, because I would n't want to suffer.
I suffer enough in my house already. Well, my father starts an
argmnent, and hits me, and wishes I 'd die and everything. He 's
got one right way, and I 've got my right way. You see I eat in
his house and eat his meals. He says lightning should come and
strike everybody there. He hit me with a chair this morning
and knocked me out of wind. He punches over my eyes and over
my face and all over. The doctor said at the Polisinic, ' You
are one of those unfortunate fellows that don't seem fit for any-
thing.' "

(When quit school?) " I was about 14 — 14 I was — 5th
grade. I was pretty fair. All the rest seem all right, but I 'm
no good — that 's what my father tells. Me? I was working in
machine shops. Worked there one week and quit. For two years
I feel rotten. Almost worser every day. People make complaint
of me. People all stick their finger out at me. I ain't none of
these people that can show themselves good, that get along in
the world. He was going to send me out there now, but I was
crying like ever}i:hing. Me? I was working in a box factory.
Did n't pay much for me and that 's why I quit. I could n't
get raised up with that job — it was no good for me. The doctor
over at the Polisinic he examined my head to see if I was insane.
My head is all right, but I 've got some sickness and I don't seem
fit to work. Read? Why, I read Catholic books and everything.
Sure, we 've got lots of miscellaneous books at home and every-
thing. Well I don't remember their names, I 'd have to think
it over. I tell you, doctor, I don't read them five-cent history
novels like some boys do. Well, newspapers — I read the News,
Journal and every other sort. Well, yesterday I read about the

597

§ 298] MENTAL ABERRATION [Chap. XX

Mexicans lost in the battle. The United States is going to inter-
vene because they are fighting against the border. No, I never
read any books like that." (Viz. Robinson Crusoe.) "I tell you,
doctor, I can tell you about things — Washington was the first,
president and things like that."

" Doctor, I tell you about myself. I often have to lay down
and sleep. When people come to the house, instead of going and
talking to them about life and things like that I have to lay down.
That 's no way to make a man out of me."

" I think about good, and bad, and such things. Every man:
has his own troubles. Doctor, it is a shame and disgrace to tell
those things, for any fellow to tell them and so I 'm going to say
I never did — I never did any of those things and never went
with a woman and I never did those other things. Doctor, I
want to tell you that I thank you from the bottom of my heart
because I want to make a man out of myself."

"I 'm one of those fellows who never had any luck in the world.
Doctor, I '11 explain you my trouble from A to Z. All my brothers
and sisters are all right, and they get up in the world — people
say they are all right — they are satisfied. My people were going
to get out a warrant at the station and have me sent out to the
Bridewell, but I tell you out there they work you like a horse,
and you get beatings with sticks and things, and the blood runs,
it runs high up on the wall from the beatings. What do you
think about my life? Me? Why, I was going to school and every-
thing. I did n't get plenty of education to get along in the world.
If I 'd got through the 8th grade they would call me a grammar
school graduate, and I can't get good positions in offices because
I ain't worth it. My father has argument every day about it.
If I get a job I would n't go by my father for a hundred years,
but the trouble is I 'm sick and weak and not fit for anything.
Me, I was bad — no, pretty good in school. I could pass 8th
grade if I wanted to. I got in bad company — it spoiled me.
Last year I went with a couple of partners, but they don't come
around me now. I was arrested, and the boy was arrested, but
he 's afraid now. He got scared now. He 's afraid to show his
face. I was bad in school. I did n't read. Oh, I was n't good
in arithmetic, and other miscellaneous things- — that 's the reason.
I did n't get put down in grades.

" My father 's an old man. He works every night and day..
He 's down on me — he don't see why he should give me meals

598

Chap. XX] DEMENTIA PRECOX [§ 298

for nothing. I did n't get in bad company in school. I was too
quick in school. I did n't grow up in the right way — I did n't
grow up to be a man. I got in bad company afterwards. I mean
I did n't pass the school in the right way. Yes, it was hard to
learn. ISly father was going to send me out to the Navy to make
me a manly man, to make a man out of me. They told me I 'm
sick and weak, and better go to the doctor to get cured. He says
' We 've got thousands of healthy men waiting to get in, the right
kind, too.' I want to be a manly man. I don't want to be a
devil. Educational people tell me I ain't right."

At another interview he said, " I 've been feeling no good for
half a year straight. Well, now some more confessions. I never
smoked or chewed in my whole life. Smell my breath. I ain't
the right kind. Lots of fellows on the outside smoke and chew.
I can tell a fellow that does by his breath. I don't drink any
beer. There 's a lot of fellows that drink beer, but I don't. I can
get good and plenty without it. I mean I eat only health food,
but I ain't strong the way I should be. I tell you what a man
I 'm trjdng to make out of myself, if I grow up to be 50 or 60
years old what kind of a man will I be? Lots of these old men
used to be boys once, and they are lawyers and doctors and so
on. I ain't got the chance because I ain't fit. A boy told me
once about them bad houses. I asked him where was the houses.
He took me. We did n't go in. We got caught ■ — he was throw-
ing potatoes — just possibly for fun. They asked us if this was
the place where you get work, and good health, and make a man
of yourself. My partner that time he was going to pay 50 cents
for me to go and stay with a woman and I said no. I don't go to
no shows. LTsed to. My father refuses now to give me money.
He says there must be some reason I stick to the rotten bunch
— I must get out in the country, in the fresh air. They always
come over and ask me to go there and there with them."

" I have to jump up in that bed and I can't lie quiet because
I have irritations" (He meant urinations). "Any man's life,
he 's sorry he don't kill himself. My father says he would take
me out on the prairie and shoot five bullets through me — He
says you 're good for nothing — I 'm sorry you 're living on this
earth. I always had trouble in that way. I always got the bed
wet. I get something comes in my eyes and head like that and
I feel like killing myself, but I don't make no attempts. I was
arrested once and the judge says don't jump in the lake, it 's too

599

§ 298] MENTAL ABERRATION [Chap. XX

cold — and I have n't. But if I had any cause I would. Often
have headaches. I have to spit all my food out sometimes.
Some people say you eat too quick. My head feels bad, rotten.
I was n't injured as long as I live I was n't injured. I was sick
a lot of times and everything." (Note denials of father's story.
Urged to tell the truth.) " Oh, yes, a long time ago. Of course
it was bad. I thought I was going to be dead one time when I
fell off the fence. I was about 11 years old. I ain't got no trouble
from it. It comes from the stomach, that irritations. We was
going in that house in the vice district and we got caught.
Because that 's the law of the United States, boys of such age not
allowed to go in such places — he can't do as he pleases. The
law says his father can feed him until he is 15 years old, or some-
thing like that, but the father he can't, he 's got to go and work
for his own living. I like to see women in those shows. Pictures,
no. He can't feed rne all my life. I 've got to go out and work
for myself. Let them teach 'em to be correct. That 's what the
House of Correction is for, that 's to make people correct and make
'em be good. Naw, you ain't allowed to talk. They watch over
you at night. They hit you. If you holler out, gees! they club
you to death. They never said a bad word to me. Two times
I was there. I don't know for what I am sick, I am weak,
worse every day. Jesus Christ, I 'd like to know for what I am
weak."

At times this fellow talked much of sex affairs, and, despite
negative assertions, showed plainly by his behavior that he
indulged in bad habits.

§ 299. Paresis. Dementia Paralytica.

The symptoms of paresis, which in the light of modern knowl-
edge is to be regarded as one of the manifestations of sj'philis
of the brain, can easily be seen to be conducive to criminality.
There are profound disturbances of emotional life, varying from
complete satisfaction with all things, to the manifestation of
great passion at the most trifling and even imaginary annoy-
ances. There is formation of delusions, which, however, quickly
change their character, and the patient is sometimes subject to
hallucinations. Now it so happens that the deterioration of
mentality which accompanies this disease, fortunately generally
interferes with the carrying out in conduct of prolonged vicious
impulses. It is generally considered that paresis leads only to

600

Chap. XX] JUVENILE PARESIS [§ 300

minor offenses, but this is not always true. I know of one case
in which a murderous assault upon a wife was the first indication
to the family of the existence of any real mental disease. The
effect of sudden passions and delusions does sometimes lead to
violence in paresis, but, as a rule, the delinquencies are of a less
startling nature. Petty thieving, even by rich men, the public
use of shameful language, indecencies of conduct, engaging in
orgies of dissipation are more usual forms of offense. The well-
known tendency early in the disease to splurge in business,
and engage in speculation, using for the purpose all the money
possible to lay hands on, becomes under some circumstances a
very grave delinquency. The fact that impulses are very readily
acted on, and suggestions quickly taken, may account for a good
deal of the anti-social conduct.

The disease has well-marked physical as well as mental signs,
and has nothing of the subtlety for the criminologist that marks
a border-line case of paranoia, for instance. It is quite unnecessary
to take space for the citation of examples. The diagnosis ought
to be readily made, but as Bowers (49) has recently shown, cases
are sometimes unrecognized and sent to the penitentiary.

§ 300. Juvenile Paresis.

Paresis is usually described as a disease of the prime of life.
It rarely occurs in a juvenile form, but when it does may have
many moral complications.

Case 116. — I was asked to see a boy in whom I should find
the epitome of criminalistic tendencies. If there ever was a
young fellow headed for the penitentiary, and perhaps for the
gallows, this was one. Under the kindest influences he had proved
utterly incorrigible. He stole, lied, ran away, and was violent
and abusive to his mother and others — doing most of these
things in outbursts, with intervals of fairly decent conduct.
This behavior, noted for a couple of years, had made him regarded
as an atrociously anti-social individual. Five minutes of exam-
ination, when the complete loss of knee jerks, and the unequal
pupils which failed to react to light were observed, made the
case clear as one of juvenile paresis. Report later from the
hospital on the blood and spinal fluid findings made the case
plain as one of congenital syphilis. The criminal, as such, van-
ished, and we had left the victim of parental syphilis.

601

§ 301] MENTAL ABERRATION [Chap. XX

§ 301. Melancholia.

The criminalistic acts committed by sufferers from melan-
cholia are induced not only by their emotional depression, but
also by the nature of the delusions and hallucinations from which
they may be suffering. The tendency to suicide is very much
more common in this mental disease than in any other form. In
the endeavor to carry out the suicidal impulses the most extra-
ordinary persistency may be shown, and strange methods may
be undertaken. The relationship between the feeling of extreme
ill-being, and a desire to die is obvious, but it must be remembered
that the attempt at suicide is often carried out, even in melan-
cholia, under an impulse received directly from hallucinatory or
delusional sources. There may be a belief that one ought to die
because of extreme sinfulness, or voices may be heard command-
ing that suicide be undertaken. Crimes of violence may rarely
be committed by a melancholiac under the same delusional
impulses. Murder of near relatives, followed by suicide^ is a
usual form, and the general impulse to put an end to things con-
nected with one's personality may lead to setting fire to the home.
The offenses are thoroughly tj^^ical and understandable through
the nature of the disease, and need not be gone into further.
The disease is very rarely seen before late adolescence.

§ 302. Manic -Depressive Insanity.

Sufferers from the excessive psychomotor exhilaration, always
sooner or later followed by abnormal depression, which character-
izes the manic phase of manic-depressive insanity, are sometimes
criminalistic. Usually their disease is so manifest that they are
taken care of comparatively early in institutions, and conse-
quently figure but little in the courts. Quarreling, fighting, run-
ning away, unprovoked assault, and attempts to misrepresent,
are the types of misdeed ordinarily seen in connection with this
disease. Anti-social conduct is so readily seen to be a part of
the mental disorder that diagnosis of the cause rarely presents
difficulties.

Case 117. — A girl of 12, with the most rapid alternations of
exhilaration and mute depression that I have ever seen, running
in periods of about twenty days for the former and ten days for
the latter, came first under observation on account of collectmg

602

Chap. XX] DEMENTIA [§ 304

money under false jjretenses. In her period of excitement she
obtained subscriptions ostensibly to help certain sufferers.
Prior to this she had been quarrelsome and untruthful. At a
later period she ran away from home at night, and on one occa-
sion was caught telephoning to a strange man.

When first seen, the results on test work were most interest-
ing. She could with difficulty hold her mind on even the shortest
tasks. Our notes state that she would continually interrupt her
work to talk about some unrelated topic. The next time she
absolutely refused to speak or approach us, and had not uttered
a word for several days. Still later she came running in one day
and begged to be allowed to do our interesting tests, saying that
she remembered them well, but had not felt like doing anything
at all at the previous visit. After several years this girl remains
in much the same fluctuating condition, sometimes in the hospital
for the insane and sometimes on parole from it.

§ 303. Epileptic Psychoses.

Epileptic manifestations may take the form of major psy-
choses which, so far as the observer is concerned, may develop
apparently out of a clear sky. I once saw a case in which two
weeks of excitement, confusion, and disorientation supervened
before the fact of earlier epileptic seizures was obtained. No
previous psychosis had been observed, and the patient showed
only slight mental deterioration. Generally there is a background
of dementia on which the psychosis supervenes. The common
aggressiveness of the epileptic may lead to dangerous assaults
and other offenses during the attack, but, on the whole, on account
of the better recognition of the mental state, epileptics who are
obviously insane, are to be regarded as less dangerous than those
who are not. This whole subject, since both major and minor
forms of psychosis are involved, is treated of under the special
head of epilepsy.

§ 304. Dementia.

The dementia secondary to psychosis, or brain disease as such,
including the involutional conditions of old age, have no large
correlation with criminalism. Usually these individuals are
taken care of in institutional life and they are not particularly
tempted to anti-social conduct. The minor mental peculiarities
of old age are treated of by us under the head of senility, § 163.

603

305] MENTAL ABERRATION [Chap. XX

§ 305. — Paranoia.

This psychosis may be defined best as a chronic, systematized ^
delusional insanity. The delusions are always egocentric, and
center around ideas of personal persecution and of personal
grandeur. They are held with great persistency and expand
usually into a coherent system of false ideas. The disease occurs
as a rule without marked evidences of mental deterioration or
disorders of mental activity in other spheres. This latter aston-
ishing peculiarity has led to the psychosis sometimes being called
monomania — aberration in only one phase of mental life.

Getting the main characteristics of this psychosis clearly before
us serves at once to show the possibilities of aberrant social con-
duct. Most frequently the individual shows various minor forms
of erratic behavior and much complaint of the way he is treated
— both being in consonance with the delusions. When the indi-
vidual believes himself about to be injured in some way, it may
seem that something aggressive must be done about it. Or when
he believes that the country is being sacrificed by someone whose
actions he has been dwelling on, he, seeing the facts so clearly,
must be the avenger. Thus it comes about that assaults and
homicidal attacks are indulged in with ideas which center about
the person of the paranoiac himself, and that occasional impor-
tant political crimes are committed upon the basis of systematic
delusions.

Another type of action characteristic of paranoiacs, not ordi-
narily classed as delinquency, but sometimes associated with it,
and always having great legal importance, is carried out as the
result of their well-known tendency to find fault and make formal
complaint. I speak of paranoiac litigation, which sometimes
assumes large proportions. The same tendencies, based on
delusions that others are continually doing wrong to them, which
led to the designation by Hitzig of some cases as querulant insanity,
bring about litigious monomania. Legal action, on new and old
claims, is continually sought with great expenditure of time and
money and endeavor. Dr. Glueck, of the Government Hospital
for the Insane, tells me that in his department are some indi-
viduals who in the course of years had lumbered the courts with
hundreds of actions at law before they were officially declared
non compos mentis.

604

Chap. XX] PAEANOIA [§ 305

Any common-sense consideration of the conditions of prison
life would lead to belief that delusions of persecution might
readily arise in predisposed persons during long incarceration.
\Mien retaliation which society has insisted on is the prisoner's
main subject of thought it is little wonder if this be conceived
in terms of persecution. Whether mental disease ever arises
entirely as the result of imprisonment it may be hard to decide,
but the fact is that in prisoners not already mentally strong,
psychoses do spring up, and one of the best recognized forms of
mental trouble arising under those circumstances is paranoia.
Nitsche and Wilmanns (48) discuss this condition, and cite the
many observations by prison physicians of delusion formation
during prison life. It occurs in various psychoses and has char-
acteristically to do with ideas of innocence, of pardon, etc. These
delusions may disappear, and return, or become fixed, as in the
cases of paranoia. In some of the latter there is also to be
observed the development of a litigious tendency, which would
seem to be a natural outcome of the legal restraint.

It is true that delusions of persecution arise sometimes on a
basis of other mental diseases, so this feature alone is not suffi-
cient for diagnosis. Paranoia itself develops most notably on a
background of hereditary mental abnormality of some sort. Pre-
ceding the characteristic symptoms there may have been noted
distinct mental defect. No doubt the stress of poverty, emotional
strain, business reverses, or of a severe illness may be a deter-
mining cause in development of the disease.

The whole subject is of great importance, one reason being that
the paranoiac often preserves intact many capabilities of a good
mind, and another that his delusions may be entirely unsus-
pected. There are different grades of development of the para-
noiac tendency — some may present incompletely developed
forms of the disease, and may belong to the more or less harmless
class of " cranks." From the clear-cut, classical types of the
psychosis, as might be expected in view of the complexities of
mental life, there are many variants. A case showing both
criminal and litigious tendencies may be shortly summarized as
follows.

Case 118. — A strong, healthy -looking German, who emigrated
to this country some fifteen years ago, has been appearing in
court either as defendant or complainant a large number of times.
By his attitude as he sits with his chest thrown out, and his

605

§ 305] MENTAL ABERRATION [Chap. XX

voluble self-assertion one sees at once the egocentric personality.
He informs us of his abilities and, notwithstanding these, his
failures in business, and tells us at great length of assaults made
upon his person, and insults offered, and attempts to destroy his
character. All these have emanated from his family. They, all
of them, have a grudge against him, and sneer at him, and call
him bad names, and incite or even hire others to insult him, and
offer him bodily violence. This has been going on for years, with
gradual involvement of various members of the family. At times
he has perceived, he tells us, impending danger to himself, and
has assaulted others, and been arrested for it. On one occasion
he did not dare to do anything when his wife called him dirty
names, and pounded him with a stick, because his step-son sat
in the next room with a shotgun. They have broken him up in
business five or six times, and his store has been robbed dozens
of times at their instigation.

This man talks well and makes clear statements. He does
not always stick to his points, but then he has a tremendous
number of them to make; he sometimes counts them off as he
proceeds in conversation. He is sure that his wife is unfaithful,
that he has been unfairly treated by all, and he discusses in detail
the injustices done him by those who have had to do through
the courts with his family affairs. He has brought numerous
complaints into the courts, and instigated several law suits.
He has followed up old records, he says, and done detective work
to verify the points which he suspected. He has written very
numerous letters, some of them extending over fourteen pages,
to various officials and presents affidavits of the truth of his
allegations. He continually threatens his present wife, as he did
his two previous ones. A characteristic action was shown by
his buying a shotgun, and shooting it off early in the morning to
let others know that he possessed arms. The neighbors by
taking sides with the family have become implicated in his delu-
sions of persecution.

This man has been under observation by court authorities for
years and has not shown notable deterioration. His delusions
still center about his family, from which he is now parted. He
does well at times in a business way, being able to make a good
presentation of himself and his wares. The difiiculties and danger-
ous possibilities of such a case are to be readily perceived and
need not be enlarged on here.

606

Chap. XX] rXCLASSIFIED MAJOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [§ 306

Case 119. — Occasionally, as in the case of a boy of fourteen
years we have studied, paranoidal s\Tnptoms may appear in
the young. In this instance the individual was subnormal by
tests given on numerous occasions, but showed a vast amount
of ability and ambition to push himself forward. His forceful-
ness, as in many a full-fledged paranoiac, made him convincing
to many, and his charges of ill treatment against institutions
and persons gained much credence. Everybody was unfair to him
and to his father, the latter being a man who felt keenly that the
world owed him a living, and that he ought not to be put to the
trouble of even collecting what was owed. Charges of ill treat-
ment were so continually made by the boy, who gave every indi-
cation of being sincere, and who indeed put himself to much
physical discomfort in pursuance of his delusions, that their very
frequency aroused the suspicion of most of those with whom he
had to deal. Nevertheless this t;y"pe of aggressive character
can continually make new friends who will for a time be per-
suaded of the fairness of the contentions, and who will sjonpathet-
ically enlist themselves in righting the wrongs. Paranoia is a
psychosis of slow evolution, and a mental break-down that defi-
nitely forces institutional care may come late or never. The
final diagnosis in such an instance as our last cited case must be
held in abeyance, but for court purposes the fact was clearly
registerable that important aberrational tendencies existed on a
basis of mental subnormality.

§ 306. Unclassified Major Mental Aberrations.

For many reasons we are interested to note the cases of un-
doubted insanity which are held in institutions for the insane as
unclassified or unclassifiable. It is clearly acknowledged that
individuals with even major manifestations of insanity may not
fill the outlines of any set classification. The relation of one such
case to criminalism is shown below:

Case 120. — We have long been interested in the career of a
woman who was one time under our observation, because of the
fact that her mental aberrations have proved so refractory to
classification, and because of its several interests for students
of criminalistics. At 20 she was a fine-appearing and w^ell-devel-
oped young married woman of ordinary grammar school educa-
tion. Her mental symptoms were first manifested about a year

607

§ 306] MENTAL ABERRATION [Chap. XX

prior to that time, and the cause was attributed to the excite-
ment of religion. She then made a homicidal attack upon her
husband under the stimulus of hallucinations, but it was readily
thwarted. Later, at a menstrual period, she procured his revolver
and shot him so that he permanently carries the bullet at the
base of his brain. Then she was treated in a private sanitarium,
where she showed no signs of insanity. After this she became
pregnant, and during this period was said to be normal. Two
or three months after the child was born menstrual signs reap-
peared, and with them her excitement. This time she danger-
ously injured her baby. Under observation for some months
immediately after this last attack, she was found to be consid-
erably disturbed over religion, but soon became cheerful and
talkative and showed marked improvement which continued.
Then her husband insisted on taking her home again, and within
a year she had taken the life of her second child by burning it in
a stove. She then remained under observation in a hospital for
over 6 years, and during all this time she only had two or three
attacks of excitement during which she was violent and destruc-
tive. These were always of short duration. At other times she
was very ladylike, agreeable and rational in conversation. It
is reported that she showed no mental deterioration. Judgment,
reasoning and memory remained about as normal. There was
some lack of emotional feeling toward her situation at all times,
but perhaps no more than might be seen in many religious people
who are living under adversity. Her actions, she explained to us
at first, were done under the full feeling that she was carrying
out the will of God, and that, indeed, she heard His voice com-
manding her to do these things. After all these years of obser-
vation she remains an unclassified case, though clearly insane
at times, and a case of immense importance in the field of
criminology.

608

Chap. XXl] H YPOALA.NI A — CONSTITUTIONAL EXCITEMENT [§ 307

CHAPTER XXI
MiNOE Mental Aberrations

§ 307. Hypomania. Constitutional Excitement. § 308. Psychosis of Chorea.
§ 309. Traumatic Psychoses. § 310. Menstrual Mental Aberrations.
I 311. Mental Aberrations of Pregnancy. § 312. Amnesic Fugues. Other
Amnesias. §313. Mental Aberration from Bad Sex Habits. §314. Hys-
terical Mental Aberrations. § 315. Transitory Mental Aberrations.

§ 307. Hypomania. Constitutional Excitement.

As representative of a psychiatric group in which there is abnor-
mal excitement and lack of control leading to many delinquencies,
the following cases are thoroughly representative. In these
instances the mental sjTnptoms were never severe enough for
the individual to be committed as insane, and yet the psychotic
condition quite precluded normal social behavior.

Case 121. — A girl of 15 has been a repeated sex offender,
uses the vilest language, and is altogether incorrigible. She comes
of a most ignorant immigrant family. The father was known
to the police as an intensely excitable and rough man. He drank
much at times, and was a wife beater. He was notorious on
account of his great excitability, perhaps he was insane. He had
been dead for some years when we saw this girl. The mother was
ignorant and dull. She could hardly name her own children. She
herself lived in improper relationship with a low-grade foreigner.
Of 11 children 5 are dead. One of the remainder is a young
man who is a typical loafer and has been under probation from
a court. The other children are said to be fairly good. The
mother is a scrub woman. The girl's development was quite
normal, according to the ignorant mother. Facts about hered-
ity are probably unreliable, but, for what it is worth, the
mother's story is that there is no insanity or epilepsy in the
family.

On the physical side we found the girl in good general condi-
tion. Very strong and active. Much use of the facial muscles.
Constant fine tremor of outstretched hands. Pleasant, vivacious
and merry expression. Great strength of arm muscles. Good
color. Menstruation at 13.

609

§ 307] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

Mental tests: our own series:

I. 1'. Very little trial and error.

II. 1' 25". 3 errors.

III. Construction Test A. 41". No repetition of impossibilities.

IV. Construction Test B. 45". Twelve moves.

V. Puzzle Box. Done by trial and error method clumsily in just
10'.

VI. "Aussage." Short enumerative account followed by very poor
result on cross-examination. Five suggestions taken, and many items
incorrectly given.

VII. Reproduction of Geometric Figures. Neither one given
correctly.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Done correctly.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Only correct at 3d reproduction, after two
times drawing the figure herself.

XI. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. Only eight of the
twenty items given correctly. In logical sequence as far as they
went.

XII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Seven of the
twelve items given in order, but without full appreciation of the sig-
nificance.

XIV. Puzzle Box. Failure even after three trials.

XV. Antonyms. Average time 2.4". Four errors and one failure.
Reactions on words she really knows were very rapid. In other in-
stances she took full 10" before answering.

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. 76 and 67 squares tapped re-
spectively at 1st and 2d trials without errors.

XVIII. Knows as far as the process of long division. Inaccurate,
however, on work.

XIX. Reads ordinary passages correctly.

XXI. Answers to moral questions much mixed up. First says he
did right and then he did wrong. Fails to understand the story in the
second question.

XXII. Has a complete jumble of information on many subjects.
Taft is the president, but Bryan was the president before him. Abra-
ham Lincoln was a bad boy who cut down a cherry tree. Largest city
in America is Bohemia, or Chicago, or Illinois or Michigan. Flour
is made out of seeds on farms, etc.

Her own story was accompanied by excitable, restless, quick,
nervous actions. She spoke very rapidly in a deep, thick, low
monotone. " I feel all right but I 'm lonesome. Everybody is
lonesome for their parents ain't they? I 've got three brothers, and
I can't think how they look. It is hard to see just how anybody
looks." Slams fist down on table and then rubs hands on table.
" Where 's that woman? She said she would give me a book.

610

Chap. XXI] HYP0MANL\ — CONSTITUTIONAL EXCITEMENT [§ 307

See these scratches? Pins and nails on the floor where we have
to scrub. We got three girls sick upstairs. Got twenty girls
and three of them sick. ]Mother she works in the hospital and
we got trouble with her. She 's sick lots. I hope Wednesday
comes soon. ^Vhat day is today? Today is Friday the tenth.
Five days more will be the 15th, Wednesday. I bet you I go.
There 's girls run away from home upstairs. How 's Mr. Y? I
hope he 's well. I used to go to his church. I love that man.
Is Miss M. here? I know her. She had a son. (Who?) Mrs. M.
He plays that long thing that goes across your mouth. In my
ear it goes like steam. Sometimes it goes like that," etc. etc.

Conversing with the examiner she said, " I can't do that box.
There was a lady here yesterday. I could do that box of hers
good." (She alluded to the puzzle box.) " Did you ever do that
box. She aint come yet." (How far did you get in school?)
" Low sixth. Do you know the principal of that school? " (What
school?) " T. school. Do you know any of the teachers there?
She was mean. I hated her. She would not give you any book.
I did not care if I did not have no book. I would have given it
away. It ain't right not to give a book to poor people. It ain't
her book anyhow. It don't belong to her. It belongs to the school.
It belongs to the Board of Education. And when you wanted
to stop school she would not let you. Did you graduate from
school? You get paid down here, don't you? Have you got
parents? Have you got a sister? Does she go to school? "

A reliable policeman who has known the family for years
states that this girl has long been most excitable. She differs
in this from the other children, who are normally quiet. She
seems to take after the excitable father. A social worker con-
firmed this statement and says the girl talks a great deal and
screams sometimes when excited. She seems to show no regret
or shame. As observed in school she proved very noisy and
excitable and lacking in self-control. Often bursts out into coarse
laughter while she is at work. No evidence could be obtained
of periods of depression.

Many lay observers had decided that this girl was not right
mentally. At the trial of a man who had been sexually delin-
quent with her, her mental conduct was peculiar and an exam-
ination was recommended. However, at no time had there been
any complaint of her lack of industry. She was steadily earn-
ing her own living by factory work. To call her out-and-out

611

§ 307] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

insane seemed unfair. On the other hand, her mental character-
istics were certainly largely responsible for her unrestricted sex
delinquencies. There had been many efforts to help her in the
family environment, but she lacked self-control sufficient to take
advantage of these. She was sent to an institution for delin-
quent girls.

After about a year, during part of which time she had proved
herself very troublesome, she was released. In the 2 years which
have elapsed since then this girl has worked steadily and behaved
herself so well that, considering her environment, her conduct
may be said to be quite normal. All this is good proof of her
mental improvement. We have had no chance recently actually
to observe her ourselves.

Mentality; Constitutional excitement. Case 121.

Home conditions: Poverty. Incom- ^^^' ^^^ ^^•

petency.

Heredity: Father very excitable. Alcoholic.

Wife deserter. Mother mentally dull.

Adolescence ?

Delinquencies : Mentality :

Sex + +. Psychosis as above.

Case 122. — This girl of 14 showed abnormal psychomotor
activity, marked enough to be classed as hypomania. She was
a poorly-developed, thoroughly nervous child. Weight 76 lbs;
height 4 ft., 8 in. Teeth excessively crowded in the upper jaw.
Tonsils very large.

Mentally; abilities distinctly above average. Advantages,
through poverty, very poor. She left school by falsification of
age when in 7th grade. A pert, talkative, quickly responsive
girl. An extreme fabricator. Talks incessantly in an airy, but
sure way. No hesitation at all while making up her inventions,
which are clear, connected and plausible. Does the tests bril-
liantly in regard to rapidity, but is less accurate in proportion.
Much facial expression.

We hear from a parent that the girl comes from a neurotic
family, but no insanity, feeblemindedness or epilepsy is said to
exist in near relatives. Her mother during pregnancy was in
poor condition on account of poverty, sickness and worry. At

612

Chap. XXl] PSYCHOSIS OF CHOREA [§ 308

birth she weighed only about 5 lbs. and showed poor vitality then.
Walked and talked very early. Only one illness of any im-
portance. There is a bad family reaction through displays of
nervous ill temper.

For a year or so she has been giving much trouble by her very
active delinquencies. She has repeatedly stolen and engaged in
misrepresentation. An example of her brazenness was when she
stole some goods from a shop, returned them as an undesired
purchase, and persuaded the people to refund her the cost price.
She has run away from home on several occasions. Once she
" beat her way" on the train to a distant city and there, after being
in jail, got a place in a nice family through her powers of falsi-
fication. She has been written up several times in the news-
papers of different places on account of the bright, but untrue,
stories she has told, and the activity of her peregrinations.
Repeatedly when thoroughly tired she has been known to lie
down to sleep under a tree, under a department store counter,
or am'where she happens to be. She has made several trips to
a neighboring town, and there has stolen from stores three or
four times. When the police get hold of her she quickly invents
stories that are not deeply clever, but serve the purpose of the
moment. She tells us with much vivacious merriment that she
wants to go to other cities; she is tired of the slowness and
drudgery of home life. " I am proud of being quick — nothing is
too hard for me." Over a period of several months this girl in
extraordinarily industrious fashion got into one escapade after
another; then we lost sight of her through the family moving
to a different state.

The display of activity in this case was, of course, quite abnor-
mal for any girl, and was tremendously out of proportion to her
defective physiological conditions. No evidences of mental
aberration other than those given above were ever discovered
by us.

§ 308. Psychosis of Chorea.

The confusional mental state which frequently accompanies
chorea is often mentioned ; indeed some authors have gone so far
as to say that in all cases there is more or less mental disturbance.
The connection between this mental condition and delinquency
has been repeatedly forced upon our notice. Truancy, running
away from home, extensive lying — sometimes including the

613

§ 308] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

very serious delinquency of false accusations — petty stealing,
and, above all, the development of immoral sex tendencies in
girls, are the types of bad behavior which are to be seen devel-
oped as the result of this disease. The sequence may be illus-
trated by the following cases.

Case 123. — A girl of 14 1-2 years had been creating a great
deal of trouble for her family by her excessive lying and general
unreliable behavior. On one occasion she stayed out all night.
She went to shows and later out on the street. The next day
she related a story of kidnapping to the police which led to a
lot of fruitless effort. After that, and still more serious, came
the girl's false accusations of rape against a distant member of
the family.

We found her poorly developed and nourished. Weight 93
lbs., height 4 ft., 9 in. Defective vision for which she has glasses.
Exaggerated knee jerks. Palatal-pharyngeal reflexes almost ab-
sent. Marked tremor of the hands and very distinct choreic
movements in both arms and legs, even when attention dis-
tracted. Heart sounds negative.

Reached 7th grade, and has had a good school record. We
did very few tests on account of her excited condition; these
tended to show her possessed of good mental ability. On the
other hand the evidences of her aberrational mental conditions
were conclusive, as shown in her own story of her behavior. This
was corroborated from several sources.

The account of the girl's heredity and developmental history
has many points of significance. Mother has long been dead.
The father is excessively alcoholic and a tremendous brute.
When a little girl she lived with him. They were at a sort of
road house where there were terrific drunken fights in which
other members of his family were more or less implicated. On
the mother's side the family is quite reputable. The mother was
terribly abused by her husband. No evidence of any family
disease was obtained. The girl herself has had a number of
severe illnesses. Was in a comatose condition when only six
weeks old, from scarlet fever and diphtheria. Had measles, whoop-
ing cough, etc. For a time she suffered badly from extreme
constipation. Walked and talked early. No convulsions. Some-
times severe headache. First menstruated recently. One observer
reported that the girl had been subject to slight melancholy in
the last year or so. The choreic movements have been present

614

Chap. XXI] PSYCHOSIS OF CHOREA [§ 308

for about a year, but have not been diagnosed as such until
recently. During all this time, however, she has been unreliable.
In regard to the charge of rape which she made at one time to
the police, it was found on examination by the official physician
that this had not taken place, nor was there the slightest evi-
dence of an attack of any kind.

The statement which she made to the police and then signed,
contained a detailed account of association with bad girls and
with men with whom she said she had repeated sexual inter-
course. As stated above, she also accused a certain member
of her family.

When seen by us the girl was very pleasant and responsive and
her story was told directly and coherently. She seemed to have
entire memory of her past actions and, in general, of what she said,
but the unreliability of her statements is shqwn in her story,
from which the following are excerpts.

" I went away from home by myself. I met a man who looked
like a man who had given some money once to another girl and
myself on the car when we said we had lost our money. He said,
don't you remember when I gave you thirty-five cents to go
in the ice cream parlor. He took me to the F theatre. Was
there until the show was out. He wanted to bring me home but
I would not let him and he gave me a quarter. I went to a nickel
show and went to sleep in there and a man told me to get out. A
lady saw me and asked me where I was going. It was 4 o'clock
in the morning."

" Well, I was telling the first lie, and then I was going to tell
the policeman I knew I was telling wrong, but he was so cranky
and he said such things to me. He said he knew somebody had
done bad things to me and I thought I had to give names and so
I gave these names."

This case was readily straightened up when it was explained
to the family and to the police that the girl was in a thoroughly
unreliable mental condition. It was clear that her misbehavior
had only begun within the last year or so. Treatment for her
chorea was recommended and carried out, and further delin-
quency has not been heard of.

Case 124. — A boy of 12, very small for his age, has for long
been engaged in various delinquencies. He is a great truant
with boys who have been suspended from school. Then he also
stays out very late at night. On several occasions did not come

615

§ 308] MINOR MENTAL ABEEEATIONS [Chap. XXI

home until 2 o'clock in the morning. Has also run away from
home. Has stolen sometimes, but on the whole is not considered
to be much of a thief. Already he has been tried in one institu-
tion and in several private homes, but in the latter places the
people would not keep him because of his general disobedience.
Shows a good deal of irritability at times, and strikes his brother
and sister. He has been taught bad sex habits, but it is doubtful
if he is indulging to any extent.

On the physical side we found a very poorly developed and
nourished lad. Weight 65 lbs., height 4 ft. 5 1-2 in. No sensory
defects noted. Fair color. Small, boyish features. Frank expres-
sion. Traces of choreic movements. Pigeon breast. Consider-
ably increased area of cardiac dullness with a roughened systolic
sound at the apex and a slight thrill palpable over cardiac region.
Diffuse impulse at apex. Complains of getting out of breath
easily. Other examination negative.

On the mental side we were particular to do thorough tests
because of the fact that the boy is so retarded in school, being
only in 2d grade. However, we could account partly for this
backwardness by his illnesses, truancy and frequent changes
of abode.

Mental tests: our own series:

I. 2' 13". Considerable trial and error on triangles.

II. 1' 18". Three errors.

IV. Construction Test B. 7'. 33 moves, with much manipulation
of pieces, not registered as actual moves. Did this immediately over
again, upside down in 32".

V. Puzzle Box. 4'. Steps interspersed with errors and much use
of fingers instead of hook.

VI. "Aussage." Fairly good enumerative account with poor result
on cross-examination. Three out of six suggestions accepted.

VII. Reproduction of Geometrical Figures. Extremely poorly
done — not recognizable as copies.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. Three errors, but
these were merely of transposition of the semi-circles.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at 2d reproduction after drawing
it himself.

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct at 3d reproduction after drawing it
twice himself.

XII. Does not read well enough to do this test.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. 11 out of 12
items given in logical sequence.

XIV. Instruction Box. Done correctly only at 3d trial.

XV. Antonyms. 0 failures and 1 error. Average time 2.5".

616

Chap. XXI] PSYCHOSIS OF CHOREA [§ 30.8

XVI. ]\Iotor Coordination Test. 37 squares tapped in 30" with
2 errors. At another trial did about the same. Always proceeded
very carefully and deliberately' in an attempt to overcome his motor
disability.

XVII. Writes his name slowly and painfully, but almost no other
words.

XVIII. Arithmetic about equivalent to 2d grade. When asked
the half of 24 he slowly evolves 12 as an answer. Said he did it by
getting half of 20 as 10 and then half of the remainder as 2 and adding
them together.

XIX. Reads only the simplest monosyllables.
Binet Tests (1908 series);

6 years — all done correctly.

7 years — 5, failure; all others correct.

8 years. — 1, 5, failiires; others correct.

9 years — 1,2, correct; 3, 4, 5, failures; 6, not given.

10 years — all four done correctly.

11 years — 1, two-fifths correct; 2, correct; 3, failure, but names
53 words which was almost up to passing mark; 4, 5, failures.

12 years — 1, failure; 2, correct; 3, failure; 4, correct.

This boy was brought to us as being probably feebleminded,
but from the results of the above it is clear he was not at all so.
There are many irregularities in his work, especially as shown
in the Binet tests, but a number of failures in the latter were due
to a lack of formal education. For instance, he could not read,
and therefore could not do those tests which called for reading
ability. In using the Binet 1908 series just this allowance will
always have to be made. The other irregularities are signifi-
cant of his psychotic condition, which is also very well displayed
in his own story.

" My step-mother has been boarding me out. Have been in
about four homes because I 'd be a bad boy. My mother did
not want to put me in a Home and she would board me at a lady's
house. I used to hit my little sister, and would not do my work
right, and besides I 'd sass my mother back. My uncle did not
like that. And besides I 'd stay out all day, and would not see
my mother and she 'd be looking for me all day. I wanted to
go out. I went with bad boys and uncle did not like it and would
give me a box on the ear. They were stealing and smoking and
swearing and all those bad things. My uncle knew they did that,
and he did not let me go with them. The boys I used to play
with taught me how to do them bad things. I run away from
the reform school. Then I was out at the institution. I stayed

617

§ 308] MINOE MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXL

there one time for a year and at another time for 5 or 6 months
and then went back for about 3 months. When I went first
time I was 8 years old. I was home for about 4 or 5 years when I
walked away last time. I was 9 or 10 then. It 's been about 2
years." (There was no indication that he saw any incongruity
in this or in his other curious statements.) " I was lots about
the city. You could not tell me any place to go that I could not
find it." (Gave me correctly the description of the way to get
to various places.) " I go down town and buy my own clothes.
I buy clothes for my mother when she is too sick to go. She
tells me what color to get and I buy it."

" Sometimes I have hard things to do in school and I get
nervous about it, and don't like to go to school that afternoon.
There was a boy he was expended (suspended) from school,
and me and him we 'd play around. My step-mother treats me
right, but I don't treat her right. I sass her, and this is the first
or second time I run away. One night I come in late. I was up
joining the Salvation Army. I heard the singing on the car and
I followed it. I joined it. I never was sore at my step-mother.
There was a cousin. She was telling me I was not my mother's
kid at all. I used to think my mother was dead, and who was
my mother right. It was long before I asked her. There was a
boy, he taught me all them bad things, and there was a girl, etc."

"I get sometimes — in school — I 'd be out at recess and I
get excited and I get so I forget everything. Then when I get
ready I study good. I had the first attack about 5 years ago.
My mother sent me to the doctor. I was in the hospital once.
Went about 4 months altogether to school last year."

Very little is known of his heredity, both the father and mother
being dead. Father died from an accident. Said to come from
a family of big strong people. Mother's family totally unknown.
She is said to have died during confinement. The step-mother
brought him up since he was 3 years old, at which time he appeared
to have developed normally. Never had any severe illness except
his numerous attacks of chorea, the first of which occurred when
he was only 7 years old. Once was 2 months in a hospital with
it. At one time his gait was extremely awkward. He would
trip and even fall. Often is irrationally irritable. When a little
child was once run over, but not badly hurt.

He went to kindergarten first at 5 years. The kind of moral
treatment he has had is suggested by the step-mother's story, who

618

Chap. XXI]

TRAUMATIC PSYCHOSES

[§309

tells us that on one occasion she took him to a police station and
down to the cells and showed him the rats and everything. (We
hear that she is addicted to alcohol.) For about two months he
was good, and then started his misdemeanors all over again.
Accounts from other sources as well, made it quite evident that
this boy has long been abnormal in his mental, moral and physical
conditions.

Rather than in an institution, at least at first, it was recom-
mended that he be placed in the country at a good home. After
a couple of months of rest he showed a slight gain in weight and
in other ways improved. His heart conditions grew better.

Fundamental features underlying criminalistic behavior were
most instructively illustrated by the findings in this case.
This treatment of chorea with mental complications by a poor
and ignorant family was t\^ically neglectful of causes. On
account of his nervous troubles he was not fit for school life.
Practically nothing was done to cultivate any other mental inter-
ests. He had only the worst of companions with whom to asso-
ciate, and, of course, most readily learned bad things from them
because his mind was not occupied at all with better things.

Mentality : Minor aberrations of chorea. Case 124.

Physical conditions: Chorea, several ^^y' ^^e 12 yrs.
attacks.
Organic heart disease.
Poor development.

School irritations, on account of nervous trouble.

Home conditions: Parents dead. Irrational

treatment by step-mother.

Lack of healthy mental interests.

Delinquencies :
Truancy.
Runaway.
Stealing.

Mentality:

As above.

Fair ability.

§ 309. Traumatic Psychoses.

The fact, well known to students of cerebral injuries, that
the after effects of a severe injury to the head are frequently
shown in change of character, bespeaks the importance which

619

§ 309] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

a cranial trauma may have for the production of criminalistic
behavior.^ It has been clearly recognized that the alteration
in disposition may take place even without evidences of severe
mental damage at the time of the accident, such as unconscious-
ness or confusion with loss of memory. The so-called post-
traumatic disposition or constitution of Meyer (47) forms a
clearly recognizable entity. There is instability and irrascibility,
there may be feelings of pressure or pain in the head, forgetful-
ness, etc. For our purposes it is most important to note that
the mental changes typically lead to passionate outbreaks and
great decrease in the power of self-control and that an easy
mental fatiguability creates lack of continuity of purpose.
Another point, often observed and of great social importance,
is the development of an intolerance for alcohol. A small
quantity now upsets the moral poise and induces violence and
crime.

Many of the signs of mental disease pass over by easy degrees
to mere character peculiarities. In our present subject, as in
other instances where erratic conduct is found to have a basis
in pathological mental conditions, it may be very difficult to
draw the line and make a diagnosis between a real traumatic
psychosis and a character change seen reflected in social con-
duct. The intermittency of many of the mental phenomena in
post-traumatic cases, and variations in environmental stress,
such as work in overheated places, and in physiological condi-
tions, such as those created by imbibition of alcohol, all lead to
great variation in conduct. The individual seen now as a rational
and well-behaved human being is at another time an active
criminal. There is much hypersusceptibility to minor stresses
which do not produce extravagant misconduct in the normal
individual.

The outstanding fact in our own findings which bear on this
subject, is that among our series of repeated offenders we have
found an amount of preceding head injury far greater than that
which would be discovered among an average group of individuals.
No less than 21 cases out of our 1000 are known to have suffered
from some severe head injury. We have not reckoned at all the
little accidents which have been so often related by parents, even

^ Many points of importance for students of criminalistics are to be found
in AdoK Meyer's study (47) of "The Anatomical Facts and Clinical Varieties
of Traumatic Insanity."

620

Chap. XXI] TRAUMATIC PSYCHOSES [§ 309

when we have heard that the individual was stunned for a short
time. In classification of these cases we have rarely had to resort
to calling them psychoses, because frequently only an abnormal
irritability was ascertained to exist as a possible after-effect.
Where there was an actual arrest of development as the result
of cerebral traumatism the case belongs under an appropriate
heading, § 287.

Here again in the matter of assigning the role of a major cause
for the delinquent tendencies we are frequently confronted
with difficulties. Other possible causes are also nearly always
in the background. Often we have gained evidence of a prior
neuropathic constitution, or of some grave defect in heredity.
Except in a case of arrested development, we can fairly say we
have never been able to discern traumatism as the sole assign-
able factor. We are thus forced to agree with other authors in
asserting that injuries to the head are most apt to produce
untoward results in already neuropathically predisposed in-
dividuals.

Case 125. — A man, age 25 years. In this case we were able
to study the individual for only a very short time prior to trial.
He was then taken out of our sphere of observation, but we had
then and later the opportunity for gaining a most excellent his-
tory of him and of his family and developmental background
from several reliable people who thoroughly corroborated each
other.

This man has been very frequently under arrest. Just now he
was in jail for having stolen and pawned some clothes. It is
most interesting that he could at the time have taken jewelry
and money even more readily. He has stolen in this foolish
way previously and engaged in many other erratic misdemean-
ors, particularly violence.

His personal history, in short, runs as follows. He was a
large baby at birth. Walked and talked early. He had no con-
vulsions as a child and did not suffer from enuresis. He went
to school at the normal age and seemed to his intelligent family
to be quite all right until he was 9 years old. Then he was in
the 3rd grade. At this age he had an injury to his head which
resulted in a large scalp wound and a rather short period of
unconsciousness. The skull was not known to have been frac-
tured. All say that following this his character and mental ca-
pacity changed. He complained of not being able to study and

621

§ 309] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

became a frequent truant. At 14 he had only reached 5th
grade. Beginning with his truancy there was frequent associa-
tion with bad companions. By the time he was 14 he occasion-
ally drank and used much tobacco. During these years he also
ran away, even for a week or two at a time, and stole in petty
ways. No desperate characteristics were developed until later.
Physically he was strong, but not athletic. He always displayed
very acute affections; was extremely kind to stray animals,
and often sought to help boys poorer than himself.

By 17 he began to have times of believing that his family were
conspiring against him, and was sometimes violent at home.
He started regular drinking bouts now, made off from home and
returned after a week or two in rags and even bare feet. Enlisted
in the navy at 18. He had a bad record for erratic behavior,
drinking, and attempted desertion. On one occasion when not
drinking he attempted to jump overboard. At 19 he received a
second head injury followed by a considerable period of uncon-
sciousness. Again the skull was not known to be fractured.
Received a medical discharge.

Since that time he has had long periods of good behavior
interspersed with extraordinarily erratic conduct. Marriage
brought great jealousy and worry about his wife. His child he
hardly looks at and speaks of the fact that he has not normal
parental affection. Sometimes talks nearly all night. Once he
jumped out of window, and followed an imaginary person. Such
actions develop when he is not drinking. He has been in jail at
least a dozen times. He was working on a machine recently
when he lost control of himself, and his hands were badly
smashed.

He occasionally drinks for a short time. These periods are
preceded by very erratic behavior when he breaks things at home
and rushes out suddenly. He carries prayers about with him.
He says that God ought to help him. He gets up in the middle
of the night to pray that he may be good. Has threatened suicide
if he is not relieved of his erratic tendencies. He has fits of cry-
ing. Complains of headaches. For years has been a great reader
and occasionally will become so absorbed in a book that he reads
all night.

Physically we found him poorly nourished. Our rather incom-
plete examination revealed nothing of special interest. He com-
plains of severe headache every two or three weeks in the frontal

622

Chap. XXI] TRAUM.\TIC PSYCHOSES [§ 309

region. He says that if he is tapped on the head there it does
not feel solid. We can find no evidence of fracture of the
skull.

On the mental side the man seems well oriented. Is rather a
talkative tj'pe. Is quite sure that at times he is beside himself.
Says that he is not and never has been a heavy drinker. Some-
thing queer comes over him when he takes even a single glass.
He does not allege that he is insane, and does not ask to have
his punishment mitigated, he only desires relief.

This whole case is considerably complicated for diagnosis
and prognosis by the family history. The paternal grandfather
and an uncle w^ere excessively alcoholic. Another paternal uncle
was more mildly addicted. The father himself was a periodic
drunkard, sexually immoral and finally a deserter of his family.
He had attacks, preceded by his crying out, in which his heart
beat very fast, and he had to lie down. The grandfather on the
other side committed suicide. Out of a large family of children
the subject of our study is the only one who has shown aberrant
traits. The others are all grown up and are steady and normal.
One brother, a successful clerk, has rare attacks, always at night,
in which he shakes all over, falls as if dead and acts as if some-
thing was choking him. Afterwards he goes right to sleep. No
other family history of mental or nervous trouble was known.
The antenatal period of our subject's development was much
perturbed on account of worry about his father's behavior; abor-
tion was attempted.

Mentality:

Post-traumatic minor Case 125.

psychosis. Man, age 25 yrs.
Perhaps innate neuropath.

Injuries to head at 9 and 18 years.

Heredity : Very defective. See details.

Antenatal conditions defective.

Alcohol, intermittent.

Delinquenci
Truancy.
Vagrancy
Stealing.
Violence.

Bs:

Mentality:
As above.

623

§ 309] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

Case 126. — Boy 17 years of age. This lad has a very exten-
sive delinquent record. He has run away from home many times,
associated with bad companions and with them engaged in steal-
ing and burglary. The family and others have regarded him as
thoroughly incorrigible.

Physically, at 15 years we find a large tall boy. Weight 129
lbs.; height 5 ft. 1 in. Decidedly premature sex development.
No special sensory defect. He is a slouchy chap with a dull
expression, considering his social advantages. Strong and well
muscled. Headaches frequently.

On mental examination we find an extremely pleasant fellow,
many of whose social reactions are of the best.

Mental tests : our own series :
I. 1' 1". No trial and error.

III. 2' 13". 7 impossibilities tried and 2 repetitions of impossi-
bilities.

IV. 4' 19". 61 moves.

V. 4' 58". No errors, but was a long time in manipulating with
his fingers instead of using the tool. Put the box together with no
errors.

VI. Fairly good free recital, many items given on questioning.
No suggestions accepted.

VII. Both correct.

IX. Correct on the 3d trial.

X. Correct on the 2d trial.

XI. Got the idea himself and accomplished the task with only 3
errors.

XII. Gave 13 out of the 20 items with fair accuracy and correct
sequence.

XIII. Gave 11 out of the 12 items also with fair accuracy.

XIV. Correct at 2d trial.

XV. All given correctly. Average time 1.9".

XVII. Writes a very good hand.

XVIII. Does arithmetic tlirough interest correctly.

XX. Reads fluently an ordinary passage.

XXI. On both of the ethical questions he gave a rational and
moral interpretation of the problems involved.

XXII. Has a good range of information and reads many books.
Shows interest in healthy subjects.

This boy had reached 7th grade in spite of his severe illness.
We classified him as having fair ability. His tests show that he
does not have thoroughly good powers of mental representation
and analysis. We note also that in his own story of himself
and his family there is a lack of cogency and consistent self-

624

Chap. XXl] TRAUMATIC PSYCHOSES [§ 309

realization. All tlirough, both in our tests and in his own account
of himself, there is a marked attitude of not having thorough
self-control. The question was long before us as to whether the
boy had a mild psychosis, but observation of him under quiet
conditions gave us no positive evidence of this. However, there
was his own story of himself and the account given by others.

The early developmental history of this boy is said to have
been entirely negative. He comes of an intelligent German family.
There are several other children, some younger, all of whom are
doing well. We can get no evidence of defective heredity except
that the father, now about 55, has in the last few years developed
epilepsy and dementia. No other cases of convulsions or epi-
lepsy are known to exist in the family, and none of the children
has suffered from this trouble.

This boy began going with a crowd of bad companions before
he was 12 years old. He showed even then a distinct tendency
towards unmanageability. His scholarship record was not bad,
but he did not apply himself well. When he was almost 13 years
old he was struck by a moving train and had a terrific injury to
the head. He was unconscious for three days and in bed for sev-
eral months. No paralysis ensued. The skull was fractured.
Since that time the boy has been growing steadily more difficult
to manage. He shows great irritability, quarrels much with
other members of the household, and seems to the family to be
irresponsible, although not actually insane. Since then he at
times stays out half the night, and on two occasions has run
away to a distant city. He has stolen from members of his
family as well as from others.

The boy tells us that the discomfort in his head prevents him
from holding any steady job. He has had many good chances, but
cannot do inside work. He never had this feeling prior to being
injured. He says himself that he has a bad temper, that he is
nervous, and that he cannot control himself well. He thinks
that his family are unfair to him, and complains that the police
get after him for nothing. He spends much of the time in loafing
about the streets. At one time he smoked much, but soon
stopped.

This boy continued to do very poorly under probation in spite
of every effort being made by his family. We advised from the
first that he be placed in a quiet environment away entirely
from city temptations,

625

§ 309] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

Head injury severe.

Case 126.

Bad companions.

Boy, age 15.

Home control defective.

Adolescent instability (?)

Premature sex development (?) !

Heredity (?)

Delinquencies :
Running away.
Stealing.
Burglary.

Mentality:
Fair ability, but trau-
matic instability.

The treatment of the mental after-effects of cerebral trauma-
tism is a matter of perennial interest because of the frequent
claim made by surgeons that through operation there will be
relief. Now, as a matter of fact, one can find almost no satis-
factorily recorded cases of character changes or other mental
cures which have followed operation. It ought to be obvious
that brain substance, notoriously incapable of self -restoration,
is not going to be regenerated by removing a body which has
been for a long time acting unfavorably on it. Not only this,
but the most significant damage may have been done in parts
of the brain which are not in immediate contiguity with any
substance which might be removed. Then at the time of the
injury there may have been damage from that vague process
known as concussion, or more likely from swelling of the
parts.

Of course, if there is any intracranial pressure which can be
diagnosed by ordinary neurological methods, operative relief of
this may be considered. But it is too much to ask that there
should be surgical cure of the more indirect and subtle effects
of a severe injury.

Other phases of the treatment of the psychoses and mental pe-
culiarities which follow upon head injury are clearly indicated.
There should be absolute avoidance of stimulants, particularly
of alcohol, of excessive tea and coffee, and of excessive smoking.
Overheating and overwork, too, may prove disastrous. A quiet
rural life is most to be desired. We have seen one case where
city noises proved extremely irritative, causing a reaction that
showed itself largely in anti-social conduct.

626

Chap. XXl] MENSTRUAL MENTAL ABERRATIONS [§ 810

§ 310. Menstrual Mental Aberrations.

We discuss here mental disturbances at the menstrual period
in women who at other times are accounted normal. Very rarely,
as in a case cited, § 306, will there be difficulty in discriminating
these cases from the chronic insanities which may show their
main manifestations at the menstrual period. As students of
criminalistics may see them, the women who have enough mental
disturbance at menstrual times to cause anti-social conduct are
nearly all victims of a neuropathic tendency. The stress of the
periodic auto-intoxication is just enough to carry such individuals
a little beyond the bounds where impulses are readily controlled.
In connection with the often insoluble problem of responsibility,
or in regard to the application of the term insanity to these cases
a fine point comes up. To take the typical case of menstrual
aberration as seen in the courts, the woman who engages in shop-
lifting at her periods (vide § 366), we may readil}'^ find that the
individual knows very well the difference between right and wrong
and could even have so discriminated at her menstrual time had
she been asked. But she had not the powers of self-control
which were hers during the other days of the month. Impulses
commanded her which under other conditions would have been
resisted. Thus, so far as responsibility is concerned, this person
from a standpoint of moral self-control was below normal.

There can be no doubt of the several mental changes which
take place in some individuals at menstruation, any more than
that many other physical conditions affect the output of mental
hfe.^ Marx (305) in an article on the forensic bearings of men-
struation summarizes the facts which several investigators have
brought out. Most important is the work done by means of
mental tests, giving the unequivocal findings that there is ordi-
narily mental change at this period. Gaupp (289) shows the same
statistically by the relation of the menstrual period to suicide.
In general, the alterations seem to be that there is an increase
of impulsivity and irritability, and that there is less inhibitory

^ A remarkably lucid chapter on this subject is to be found in Krafft-
Ebing's text book (331). There he says, "If an individual be neuropathic,
tainted and bordering upon instabiUty, then the normal process of menstrua-
tion may be sufficient in itself to induce disturbance of the central nervous
organs, which, depending upon the severity of the taint, expresses itself in all
degrees. Actual periodic insanity may result." Also his special work on
Menstrual Psychoses (332) may be consulted.

627

§ 310] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

control at this time. Aberrational tendencies, as we said before,
are shown much more in women who are of the neuropathic or
psychopathic type. Gudden (294) states that in all such indi-
viduals there are changes in intellectual powers, will, and emotion
at this period. Anxiety states, unrest, wandering impulses,
dizziness, and temporary stupefaction develop then. All this is
well corroborated by observations of other authorities. We par-
ticularly introduce these citations in order to show the non-excep-
tional character of our own cases. Under the head of pathological
stealing (§ 366) still other bearings of this subject may be found.

Very well recognized, especially by women themselves who
are sufferers from it, is the premenstrual excitement which occurs
for two or three days before the monthly period. During this
time the tendency towards restlessness and perhaps miscon-
duct, may be just as great or greater, than in the succeeding
days. The inclination towards sex misdemeanors is certainly
more at this particular time of stress.^

A question of practical responsibility would be whether a woman
who knew of her own tendency at this period should not be held
responsible for going to shops at such times. It is perfectly
evident that it takes a combination of three things to arrive at
the misdeed itself. There must be the prior tendency, the men-
strual period, and the environmental opportunity. We have
been peculiarly in position to discover cases of menstrual aber-
ration among adolescents. It might be supposed that the fre-
quently found instabilities of adolescence would in girls be in
conjunction with menstrual upsets and add to the latter. On
the whole we are surprised at the comparatively small number
of cases of this kind we have seen. In the great majority of
instances the instabilities of adolescence are not at all centered
about the menstrual period.

The following unusually well-observed cases will be quite suffi-
cient to show the type of behavior sometimes developing as a
periodic phenomenon.

Case 127. — A girl, age 17, of splendid development and
nutrition, a distinctly good-looking girl with a rather sensuous
type of face indulges in such bad conduct that her mother insists

1 In order to favor scientific accuracy, the more recent German literature
has spoken of ovulation rather than menstruation, in its relations to mis-
conduct. The ripening of the ovum and the menstrual flow are not necessarily
quite synchronous. Krafft-Ebing (331) asserts that the mental aberration
may occur at a regular period, in absence of menstrual flow.

628

Chap. XXI] MENSTRUAL MENTAL ABERIL\TIONS [§ 310

she must be crazy to do as she does. Others say that she certainly
is not mentally normal at times.

As observed by a number of good women, who have tried to
help her, as well as according to the testimony of her mother,
the girl is restless, independent, obstinate, and utterly willful
at times. She leaves home and seeks shelter elsewhere. Even
to the women who are her friends she then uses extremely bad
language and shows the most violent temper. On several occa-
sions has gone directly to them in a miserable state of intoxi-
cation. She has had sex affairs with a number of men or boys,
beginning at 15 years, when she ran away from home.

Of her family we know little except that the mother is unques-
tionably somewhat erratic. Other relatives seem to be quite
normal. The story of the girl's developmental history is quite
negative. It is only during her adolescence that she has shown
bad traits, and it has always been at her monthly periods that
she has been so extremely cross and mean.

On the physical side as stated, we find in every way a splendid
specimen. Lately there has been an operation for some pelvic
infection.

On the mental side the girl proves to have extraordinary abili-
ties in many ways. She did well in school life and on our tests
gives some strikingly good results.

Mental tests : our own series :

I. 45". No trial and error.

II. 1' 22". No errors.

III. Construction Test A. 11". Minimum moves, namely, 5.

IV. Construction Test B. 52". Minimum moves, namely, 11.

V. Puzzle Box. 3' 28". No errors. Steps worked out with keenest
perception of logical sequence.

VI. "Aussage." Full functional account. No suggestions accepted.

VII. Reproduction of Geometrical Figures. Correct the first time.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct at 1st trial.

XL Code Test. Got the idea herself and did the test with only one
error.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. Nineteen of the
twenty items given correctly in logical sequence.

Xlil. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Eleven out
of the twelve items given correctly in logical sequence.

XV. Antonyms. Average time 1". Only one error.

XVII. Penmanship normal.

XVIII. 6th-grade arithmetic done with accuracy minus.

XIX. Reads fluently.

629

§ 310] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

According to tests we should have to classify this girl as some-
what above the ordinary in general ability, although backward in
school work. This diagnosis was confirmed by her record at
various places where she was employed. Everyone stated she
had most extraordinary capabilities.

Concerning herself, the girl says she sometimes gets disgusted
at home and feels very cross. Does not know what is the matter.
She knows she is particularly cross and obstinate at her monthly
periods and perhaps does not do what is right. At these times
she does not feel any too well and sometimes does not care what
anybody tells her or what becomes of her.

We have attempted to analyze the possible correlation in this
case between menstrual periods and bad behavior. It has been
noted by several who have known this girl that she was at times
ungovernable, obstinate, and that she talked as if she were insane.
She herself comes to her friends and reports when doing well.
At other times she is as if she were possessed of the worst impulses
and quite uncontrolled. She has deliberately sought intoxica-
tion several times, and has run away four or five times. She seems
then full of hatred towards evers'body, including her own mother.
Periodicity has been noted by several competent observers. It
seems clear that the account of her disturbances occurring at
menstrual times is accurate. On a couple of occasions she was
so angry that she walked the streets all night, once being arrested
then. Once as the reaction to her own bad conduct she made
an attempt to commit suicide. She brooded for a time upon the
death of a child in the family. We could get no evidence that
the pelvic trouble had anything to do with her behavior — there
was as much trouble after as before the operative relief. No
dysmenorrhea complained of. At times she controlled herself
for months, even when under adverse circumstances. It is
notable that she did not do her best when apparently most pro-
tected from bad environmental influences and apparently when
most was done for her in the way of giving her healthy interests.
At this time her periodic disturbances happened to be very
severe. In this case it is certainly true that bad behavior has
occurred at other times besides menstrual periods, but never to
anything like the same extent. As she has grown older her
tendency has been to do better. For a year or so now there
have been no outbreaks of bad behavior. She is now over 19.

This case shows the uncertainty of reckoning on the menstrual

630

Chap. XXl] MENSTRUAL MENTAL ABERRATIONS [§ 310

factor as the sole cause. However one can but feel that the com-
mon-sense observation of parents and other close observers that
there is excessive tendency towards misconduct and irrational
behavior at menstrual periods is true. The stress of this period
belongs in the category of causes sufficient to send over into the
border of mental aberration such an individual as the above,
who is predisposed by general nature or adolescence towards
upsets.

A year later we have another report. An experienced ob-
server, not knowing our study of the case, tells us that the
young woman has had great difficulty all along in controlling
her impulses at menstrual periods. She did finely for nearly a
year in a clerical position. Recently she has shown violent
outbreaks of temper, precipitated largely by home mismanage-
ment. These were followed by depression and recourse to drink-
ing. This conduct has led to arrest and probation again. Her
pelvic conditions are serious and demand another operation.

Mentality: Minor, menstrual aberration. Case 127.

Adolescent instability. ^^^^' ^^e 17.

Physical conditions: Over-development.

Perhaps pelvic conditions.

Bad companions.

Heredity : Mother erratic and not
intelligent.

Delinquencies :
Temper.

IncorrigibiHty. Mentality :

Intoxication. As above, but

Sex + +. very good ability.

Case 128. — A girl tremendously well endowed physically we
have seen from time to time over a period of two years, between
the ages of 15 and 17. We know her story before that time. She
is a strong personality; has a remarkably strong face. Obstinate
and rather fiery disposition. Not in the least subjective or intro-
spective. On the mental side she is quite up to the ordinary in
ability; shows no deficiencies or peculiarities by tests. Does
advanced school work and has held a position that pays well.
She comes of an intelligent family. Several brothers and sisters

631

§ 310] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

have all turned out well. The family history is all negative with
the exception that one maternal great-uncle of the girl was insane,
and that the mother herself is more or less a nervous invalid and
has attacks of major hysteria, following a period of rapid child-
bearing.

Our long account of this girl need not be given in detail. It
is sufficient to say that at 13 years she began showing signs of
temper, obstinacy, restlessness, and that since that time she very
frequently has stolen. Her family insist that these appearances
are more or less periodic. On account of the mother's invalidism
there has not been careful watch kept upon this daughter in any
way. Her delinquencies continued over several years, including
the times she was tried in boarding schools. When first seen by
us we were unsuccessful in getting at the correct facts about the
beginnings of her delinquency. All that we could then obtain
was that she had strong impulses to theft, and would steal things
she did not want, and suffered much from the consequences.
She freely acknowledged bad temper and restlessness, which
were inconstant phenomena. She herself thought they had
nothing to do with her menstrual periods, and there is no doubt
that part of the time her misdemeanors were shown during other
periods. She absolutely denied to all any undue knowledge of
sex affairs. But when she was 17 years old and had been demon-
strating for long an exceeding amount of interest in the opposite
sex, and had been flagrantly immoral on a number of occasions,
it came out that she had really been first tempted and had suc-
cumbed when she was 13 years old. All along she has had much
hidden mental life, and many covert experiences.

Now for the purposes of our present discussion it is interesting
to note that at times, principally when she was about 15, this
girl was under the observation of a very intelligent woman, who
had much influence over her. This older friend found the girl
perfectly trustworthy at all times except during her monthly
periods. Then she was not herself. Just prior to her period she
" seemed to be miles away." Then and only then, at this age,
did she steal. Her thieving consisted merely of trinkets and per-
haps a little money.

In the next two years the girl became quite notorious for steal-
ing and had some sex affairs. Her family still regard her as not
being thoroughly vicious and bad, although they have had so
much trouble with her. She displays at times most terrible tem-

632

Chap. XXI] MENTAL ABERRATIONS OF PREGNANCY [§ 311

per. She is said to be fairly crazy about men. She now states
frankly to us that the trouble with her all along has been her
excessive sex temptation to which she has rarely succumbed.
She has repeatedly stolen small sums from places where she has
worked.

This case illustrates a point that is well worth considering,
namely, whether moral aberrations shown at menstrual periods
are not merely temporary excess of a tendency which is present
at other times. The lid of inliibitions, which at other times is
closed tight over the tendencies, is loosened. The observations
of the good friend who, while not knowing the cause of this girl's
bad tendencies, was able to control her except at menstrual
periods, is of much interest to us. Perhaps the girl on account
of inheritance of neuropathic disposition, or on account of poor
development of self-control through lack of active parental
oversight was not quite up to the normal in inhibitory powers
in general, but one may be doubtful on such a point since she
seems so strong physically and mentally. The fact is that there
was general stress through repressed sex tendencies, and either
this stress became excessive, or inhibitions became much lowered
at the menstrual period. Reaction in aberrational behavior was
sometimes confined to that period.

Early sex experiences. Case 128.

Physical: Early development. Girl, age 17.

Mental conflict and repressions.

Mentality: Menstrual, minor aberrations.

Heredity: Mother, major hysteria.

Home conditions: Very poor control.

Delinquencies :

Stealing +. Mentality:

Sex. Good ability.

§ 311. Mental Aberrations of Pregnancy.

The relation of pregnancy to mental aberrations which in turn
may lead to criminalism is well recognized. The physical condi-
tion is evident and sympathy is at once aroused on account of
it, so that there has been much more recognition of the fact and

633

§ 311] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

less trouble in getting the case adjusted than when similar aber-
rations are caused by less evident conditions. There is no doubt
that in some individuals pregnancy has a marked influence upon
mental processes. As in menstrual conditions, the psychopaths
are prone to suffer worst. There is a great increase of impulsivity,
and inhibitory powers are diminished. Many references could
be given to literature bearing in some way on this subject, but
no satisfactory monograph has yet appeared on it. In many crim-
inal cases it has not been the physical condition alone which has
induced the mental aberration, but there have been excessive
worries at this period. The most important worries, naturally,
are those incident to the bearing of an illegitimate child.

What constitutes sanity or insanity, responsibility or irrespon-
sibility, will here again frequently be a very difficult matter to
decide. As Gross (64, p. 318) says regarding legal trials, " who-
ever has before him a pregnant woman with her impressions
altered in a thousand different ways, may therefore well be ' up
in the air.' " The difficulties surrounding cases can undoubtedly
best be solved in accordance with humanitarian ideals after the
facts are ascertained. Women during pregnancy are not going
to be either incited or deterred to any appreciable extent in crim-
inalistic ways by what has happened under the law to some other
women.

Some of the examples from our own experience show many
of the questions involved.

Case 129. — A woman of 35 years whom we had reason to
study, lived for many years in such connections that we were
able to get the most reliable information concerning her charac-
ter. While not an educated woman, she had been in a position
of considerable trust and had proved herself always extremely
reliable. She had recently been married and now was pregnant.
Her health now and previously had been fairly good. Her hus-
band, a very intelligent man, tells us that early in pregnancy
she showed irrational desires which have been causing quite a
little trouble on account of the impossibility of his acceding to
them. To the great astonishment of her friends and husband
she has recently been arrested for shoplifting. With another
woman known to have a bad reputation, and who probably had
suggested the stealing, she had taken a good many things. A
number of these were articles for which she had no use.

The case was very clear in court and this woman was soon

634

Chap. XXl] MENTAL ABERRATIONS OF PREGNANCY [§ 311

released. As we studied her immediately after the court pro-
ceedings it was very clear that she was in a dazed condition con-
cerning the whole affair. She has no idea, why she stole, and in
fact is in a confusional state about many things. It seems she
has thought she is going to suffer greatly at the time of her con-
finement and that worries her much, but worse than all is a feel-
ing of being mixed up, as if she does not know whether all sorts
of things are exactly right or not. Her friends have realized
something of her mental condition, but there was no intimation
that it would lead to bad conduct.

Case 130. — The effect of pregnancy was well marked in another
instance where members of a family were much mixed up in de-
linquency. A woman of past 40 who had not had a child for over
ten years, was pregnant. Her daughter of 18, under arrest, was
studied by us at this time. She was found to be a case of patho-
logical stealing. Scores of articles had been taken home by this
girl and placed under lock and key. Their value was consider-
able. The mother had been showing an immense amount of
bad temper and irritability, so that the home for months had
been intolerable to the family. Although this had nothing to do
with the stealing, the father had taken to drinking on account
of home conditions. Previously both he and his wife were of
distinctly good habits. Both came from neuropathic families.
This woman discovered the daughter's hidden stolen property, and
took many of the articles and disposed of them without saying
anything about it. Without doubt her moral attitude was not
at all during this pregnancy what it had been previously or what
it would have been at other times.

Case 131. — A young woman, 20 years old, very well devel-
oped and strong; defective vision corrected by glasses; physi-
ognomy suggestive of sensuality; passive, weak type; small
chin and rather flat features.

Mentally: after tests we classify her as having fair mental
ability, but exceedingly poor educational advantages. She has
not been to school since she was 11 years old. We note her
peculiar mental characteristic of great passivity. She shows no
self assertion, does not even inquire as to what is going to be
done with her in any way. Reports about her show that she is
thoroughly a passive type and is easily led or taken care of by
others. There is no evidence whatever of a psychosis at the time
of the examination.

635

§ 311] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

This woman has been a great sex delinquent. She has had
illicit relations with a number of men and already has had two
illegitimate children. One of these she has industriously sup-
ported. When the last one was born she attempted infanticide;
indeed, she thought she had accomplished this criminal act. At
the time of its birth she was doing housework for a family. Her
pregnancy was not suspected. When she felt labor pains well
established she went out in a rainy night to an old cemetery
where she delivered herself. She then wrapped the child up and
threw it under an outbuilding. The girl then returned to her
room, slept during all the latter part of the night, and next morn-
ing prepared breakfast for the family as usual. Early that day
some one heard a cry coming from the place where the child was
and pulled it out.

There was a great deal of stress upon this girl on account of
the coming of this second illegitimate child. She had taken care
of the first one until recently, when she had succeeded in having
it adopted by a good family. It is notable that this girl had
paved the way for explanation, should her absence be noted that
night, by saying that she sometimes walked in her sleep. When
her absence was noted the family were alarmed, but when she
returned they supposed she had been in a somnambulic con-
dition.

We have in this case a girl who is morally colorless about sex
affairs, having been brought up amidst surroundings in which
illicit relationships and illegitimacy were very common. She
always had to work hard, and socially was a menial. Her sex
delinquencies could well be accounted for by her sex feelings
being all out of proportion to any environmental development
of social inhibitions. Her attempted child murder was the result
of the mental and social stress of the moment. To cover her
shame and disadvantage she was living under the most unfortu-
nate conditions. She was concealing her pregnancy in ways
calculated to bring about very abnormal states. It is true she
showed premeditation, but the terrible circumstances under which
the child was born were enough to account for almost any imme-
diate mental upset. She says she attempted the child-murder
because she did not want the people in the house to know she
had a baby. She felt later, she said, that it was wrong to do as
she did.

636

Chap. XXI] AMNESIC FUGUES — OTHER AMNESIAS [§312

Puerperal conditions — mental aberration? Case 131.

Home conditions : In early life great Woman, 20 yrs.

immorality, etc.

Heredity: Mother mentally subnormal.

Mother had illegitimate children.

Lack of education and other advantages.

Mentality:
Sex + +. Fair abihty. Poor

Attempted infanticide. advantages.

The above case illustrates the point made by Marx (305) and
others, namely, that in studies of criminal abortion or infanticide
it is very difficult to evaluate as a factor the mental states pecul-
iar to pregnancy and confinement.^

§ 312. Amnesic Fugues. Other Amnesias.

A subject of great interest to scientific students of abnormal
psychology is that of transitory amnesia, with or without wan-
dering. In cases where there is a wandering with loss of memory,
the phenomenon is called an amnesic fugue. (Fugue means
flight or wandering.) In this country, the whole subject seems
to have less practical importance — we observed only one case
among 1000 young repeated offenders — than it has in Europe
where, judging by the literature, not a few vagrants are sufferers
from this condition.^ In our study we naturally should have come
across more cases had they been common, because wandering or
vagrancy in young people is particularly regarded as an offense.

Irrational journeyings occur as episodes in several patho-
logical mental conditions, particularly in epilepsy, dementia
precox and hysteria, and no doubt most cases of pathological
wandering are to be properly subsumed under these headings.
Indeed, it has been conceived by some authorities, such as Benon
and Froissart (72), that all cases belong to some one of these

1 For the special student of this subject some very keen observations con-
cerning the bearing of social and mental conditions upon infanticide will be
found in a short article by Audiffrent (373).

2 French hteratiue pertaining to the legal aspects of abnormal psychology
contain many references to the subject of fugues. Joffroy and Dupouy (313)
give a thorough survey of the hterature. A more recent contribution by Mairet
T317) covers part of the same ground. More on this same point will be found
in our section on vagabondage. Patrick's (130) contribution on ambulatory
automatism offers for readers of English practical points of much value.

637

§ 312] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

diseases. But it certainly is a fact that one sees instances in
which there are no other signs of disease beyond these aberra-
tional tendencies to wander, and so rightly one cannot classify
them except by this symptom. This is true both of children and
of adults. In the first case that we shall mention, no diagnosis
other than that of amnesic fugues seemed in the least justifiable,
although one might easily speculate about its ultimate nature.
When a more complete diagnosis is possible, such as that of
dementia precox, or epilepsy, or hysteria, it is highly important
for treatment that it be made.

The existence of other forms of amnesia plays its part in the
study of offenders. Every now and again one meets some patho-
logical type or some individual who has reacted in pathological
fashion to some upsetting experience, who shows apparent forget-
fulness for some period in the past. (We are not here speaking
at all of the medico-legal question involved in amnesia arising
from traumatism of the head, etc.) When these cases are boiled
down they will be mostly found to be instances of hysteria or
one of the epilepsies. The application of modern methods of
psychological analysis will also clear up the nature of many of
these amnesias and of the experiences which have caused them.
All who work with this subject should be acquainted with the
nature of Ganser's syndrome, in which the patient's desire not
to know brings about a state of mind in which he does not know.
Cases are recorded in which the forgotten events are recalled
under hypnotic and other suggestion, and one has seen cases in
which sudden disciplinary shock has brought about the same
results. But this type of amnesia is probably quite different
from the automatisms with which one deals in rare cases of
double personality and in such phenomena as amnesic fugues.

Case 132. — This was the case of a remarkably bright child
of 7 years from whose intelligent parents we obtained much
detailed information. His physical and mental status can be
summarized in a word. He was well developed and apparently
entirely normal in all ways. Mentally he was decidedly super-
normal, having especially good ability in language. We charac-
terized him as rather a nervous type, but frank, open and
agreeable.

This little boy began running away from home when he was
3 years old. At that time he wandered on to a suburban train
and went out of town before he was discovered. Since then he

638

Chap. XXl] .UINESIC FUGUES— OTHER AMNESIAS [§312

has been away frequently, the longest time without discovery has
been ten hours. Of late his attacks of wandering have been less
frequent, only once in four or five weeks. He is usually fond of
being neat, but during these spells is said to change in this and
in other ways. His family think they can tell when his attacks
are coming on by the change of expression. He is very fond of
thoughtful occupations and has never been with bad companions.
He never has run away with others. Sometimes he starts early
in the morning before his family is up. He wanders without
food and thinly clad, even in inclement weather. He does not
remember where he has been. His family find him by getting
the police to look for him or seeking him themselves. A remark-
able feature about the case is the hardship which the boy under-
goes in the course of these wanderings.

The antecedents of this boy are remarkable. He is the elder
of two children, the other still being very young. The mother
is an excitable, neurotic individual who herself has had occasional
blank periods with wandering. Also has had several attacks of
nervous prostration, etc. She comes from a family in which
wandering with amnesia was common. Her father was a very
erratic individual. Two of her brothers and one sister were also
peculiar. One of the brothers used to journey off during peculiar
lapses. Once when he was already a married man with a family,
a train stopped near a place where he was resting and he suddenly
jumped on and stayed away for a month. Another brother was
always a wanderer, and served a term in some penitentiary.
Epilepsy in the family is not known, neither is alcoholism. The
family has been so broken up that about certain of the fraternity of
the boy's mother there is no record available. On the father's
side there is also mental peculiarity. His father was nervous
and eccentric and exceedingly superstitious. He also had a
brother who was somewhat peculiar.

Whence this boy derived his aberrational tendencies it was
easy to see, although no ultimate diagnosis could be made, even
with the help of his intelligent family. One might well think
of psychic epilepsy and hysteria, or the wandering as a peculiar
trait of a psychopathic personality. However the only out-
standing fact was that he very definitely suffered from a ten-
dency to wander during periods for which his memory was
lost, and that this began at an age when anything in the way of
simulation was hardly to be thought of.

639

§ 312] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

Case 133. — Girl 14 years old. She has been repeatedly taken
in by the police or found by her family wandering about the
streets away from home. On one occasion she gave herself up
to the authorities. Her running away began when she was 8
years old. On the first occasion she was found one morning
sleeping on a neighbor's porch. There was no reason known for
her going away, nor could she ever give any. Since that time she
has been away dozens of times. She has never stolen except
perhaps some little things to eat when she was away from home,
but she has begged her food and slept in hallways even during
inclement weather.

Phj'sically we never found anything significant except some-
what defective vision. She bites her finger nails much. She has
a perplexed expression and rather tired look about the eyes,
especially after a period of wandering. She complains of little
attacks in which things get dark in front of her eyes, especially
in connection with headaches. Says first it gets all light and then
it gets all dark in her eyes, and then goes away in a little while.
Maintains these attacks come two or three times a week. The
mother corroborates to the extent of noticing that occasionally
the girl's eyes do look staring and queer for a little while, and
she does not seem to be herself. Her expression changes in these
moments. The girl has fainted a couple of times, but no other
attacks are known.

On the mental side we have had very good chance to observe
her, and classify her as having fair ability and normal advan-
tages. The results on tests it is not necessary to recapitulate;
there is nothing especially significant about them. The girl
reached 5th grade in spite of being away from school much, and
thinks she would like to be a teacher. We note that she is a
sweet, quiet and shy child with a certain amount of repression,
but still rather frank. No aberrational tendencies whatever
were found at any time by examination, nor have we observed
her in any kind of attack. We have many times talked with
her about her running away. She is very sad about her behavior,
and maintains always that she does not know why she wanders.
Insists she does not understand what impulse carries her away,
and that she does not remember the first part of the time she is
away. Says she sometimes suddenly comes to herself. Says
that once it was on the street 2 a. m. when she recovered
herself, and she was terribly frightened and sought out a friend's

640

Chap. XXI] AMNESIC FUGUES — OTHER AMNESIAS [§ 312

house at once. On other occasions she says she is sort of con-
fused and hardly knows what she is about. She sleeps anywhere
she can and sometimes is very cold. Once she was away from
home about a week and says she stayed away so long because
in the latter part of the time she was so ashamed of herself.
Insists there was no cause for her first running away nor for her
later doing so. She does not understand what is the trouble,
and wishes she could be cured of it.

From the mother, who has been repeatedly seen, we merely
get the following facts, but these are most interesting. She has
complained of headaches often. Mother is convinced that some
sickness does seize her and make her wander away, because there
is absolutely no reason otherwise for her going; she is a good
girl. Ever}i;hing at home is all right. Heredity is negative except
for the very significant fact that the father himself, who lived
in a small town in Europe, and came from fairly well-to-do
parents, used himself to run away without any cause whatever
until the time when he was about 20 years old. They have dis-
cussed this matter often, and he is much ashamed of what the
girl does. He thinks it is just the sort of thing he used to do.
He would make off from home and sleep anywhere. He says
he does not know what made him do it, nor did he know at that
time. He would even wander for two or three weeks until his
father found him and brought him home. No epilepsy, insanity
or feeblemindedness on either side of the family, but most of their
relatives are in the old country and not well known. The mother
herself is rather a nervous type, but she says it was largely brought
on by worry over this girl. Developmental history is entirely
negative; early the girl w^as normal and bright. When first
seen, the mother maintained the girl always ran away from home
at the same time every month, but our later observations did
not corroborate this. The possible epileptic features of the case
are only known as given above.

Mentality : Transitory aberrations,
probably epileptic.
Amnesic fugues.

Case 133.
Girl, age 12.

Heredity : Father earlier fugues.

Delinquencies :
Running away.

Mentality :
Fair abihty.

641

§ 312] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

The outcome of this case forms a social lesson. Of course the
girl could not be out this way often without falling in with bad
companions. The bad reputation which she had gained in her
neighborhood would tend to bring this about. In spite of her
family doing what they could in their way, the girl has continued
at intervals to wander. Now at last she has been mixed up in
an illicit sex affair. This, so far as we know, has not occurred
while she has been away on her wanderings. Her character has
changed a good deal with these experiences, and it is interesting
to note that the last time she ran away she did so quite volition-
ally as a reaction against proposed discipline. She said herself
that this was a definite transgression. Institutional life became
imperative for her.

§ 313. Mental Aberration from Bad Sex Habits.

We have elsewhere, § 286, attempted to make it very clear
that over-indulgence in depleting sex habits causes mental dull-
ness, that is, disinclination for effort and inability to use full
mental powers. To what extent these bad habits may cause
aberrational conditions is not so sure. Earlier writers spoke of
an insanity of masturbation, and even Marro (273, p. 764)
recently maintains the same point. One is very certain, however,
that if masturbation ever does cause insanity it must be extremely
rarely. With the development of better diagnostic methods
of insanity we shall later learn more on this point, and especially
since the symptoms resemble those of dementia precox. We
have dealt with some phases of this subject in our chapter on
abnormal sexualism.

It is a common supposition among the laity, including police
and court officials, that masturbation is the cause of many mental
symptoms which lead to social offense. Judges rightly concede
much importance to bad sex habits in the causation of delin-
quency, but how far to ascribe mental symptoms to this cause
is not clear. However we have seen now not a few cases in which
dullness, and aberration as well, probably rightly were to be
ascribed to depleting sex habits since they proved thoroughly
amenable to treatment for the latter. The results have been
so striking in some cases that I should strongly urge the devel-
opment of the very best methods of care in these cases, even
though this entailed considerable expense. Of course we would

642

Chap. XXI] IMENTAL ABERRATION FROM BAD SEX IL\BITS [§ 313

not allege that all cases turn out well; we have seen poor physical
conditions, mental dullness, erratic behavior, and even suicide
follow upon continuance of the habit. The general aspects and
behavior of the offender who is given to excessive sex practices
are so w^ell known that w^e need not dwell on the obvious points.
A single case and its outcome will show characteristic features
and possibilities.

Case 134. — Boy, 16 years old. Physically; tall, well nour-
ished, strong for his age, but pale and unhealthy-looking; 124 lbs.;
5 ft. 5 in.; large, well-shaped head; no sensory defect; sex de-
velopment already of complete adult type; physiognomy very
peculiar, weak profile, small chin, watery, puffy eyes; very eva-
sive expression, stiff and unresponsive. Remarkably untidy for
his age, in spite of coming from a very decent family; appears
in knickerbockers.

Mental tests : our own series :

I. 1' 55". No trial and error on triangles.

II. 1' 23". 4 errors.

III. 2' 34". 22 total moves. 6 impossibilities tried, and 5 repe-
titions of impossibilities.

IV. Failm-e in 10'. For 8' had been tr^dng interchange of 4 pieces
in all sorts of impossible situations.

V. 5' 30". Errors occupied 4' 40" and then the steps were done
consecutively with one error between.

VI. Gave a very slight account of picture at free recital, but added
20 items upon cross-examination.

VII. One of these figures was reproduced in absurd forms and only
correct at 3d trial. The other correct at 1st trial.

VIII. All correct.

IX. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Correct only at 3d trial.

XI. Got the idea by himself and accomplished the task with only
two errors — - strange contradiction to the preceding test.

XII. Very poor result. Only 8 items out of 20 given correctly.

XIII. Also very poor result. Only 6 items out of 12 given cor-
rectly.

XIV. Correct at 2d trial in 34".

XV. Only 1 error. Average time 2.9".

XVI. 73 and 78 squares tapped respectively at 1st and 2d trials,
with 3 errors made at last trial.

XVII. Writes a fairly matm-e hand and composes rather well a
long letter, but makes errors in grammar and spelling. (Writes
entirely about himself and his own sensations under various con-
ditions.)

XVIII. Does long division correctly with some effort.

643

§ 313] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

XIX. Reads a 5th-grade passage correctly except for some long
words. Monotonous voice.

XXII. Knows the ordinary items of history and current events.
Knows practically nothing about scientific items. Seems to have
A^ery little interest in recreations. Has not played ball for 2 years.

During this interview with him we noted the following important
features of his behavior. He sits abnormally quiet, except for move-
ments of his face. For instance, for about three-quarters of an hour
he sat quite still in a remarkably uncomfortable position — one leg
and foot were held inwards and sideways. Facial muscles unusually
active, considerable twitching of them. He shows jerky movements
of the eyes, and moves his nose somewhat, and even his mouth. Draws
the latter down in various peculiar positions. Gaze always averted;
never smiles; hair is long and is blown over his eyes. He never pushes
it back, but attempts to get it out of the way by tossing his head.
In his deep voice he drawls his words in sleepy fashion. He never
vouchsafes any information, although he may add a little to what
is asked. Although such a big fellow he cries a little, but for the most
part is apathetic. As observed under detention in the school-room
one morning he refused to do any work at all, but sat quietly. In the
afternoon when he was threatened with no dinner he did get to work.

" I don't want to work. There ain't no reason why I should n't.
I 'm not sick. There 's nothing the matter with me. I just don't
w^ant to. Don't feel like it. It's too hard. No, I never tried it.
I tried chopping wood at the house. That was too hard. My
father's mouth is too large. He scolds. No, I don't play no
games. I don't get to go out. I have n't been out for about a
year. Used to like ball all right, but not any more. No, can't
swdm. I don't want to, I tell you. That 's all. I don't like to
play. Sure, I want to go home. I don't know that I would w-ork.
You can't do nothing for me. Don't want nothing done. At
home I just sit around — sit quiet — I don't do anything. No,
I don't read. I feel all right. I lay awake sometimes. I 'm not
happy — I 'm not sad — I 'm not nothing. I get sore at my father.
He scolds. I had a fight with my sisters. I never speak to them.
Have not spoken to them for about 2 years. Oh, it was about
something — I forget. I don't know what 's going to happen.
Sure, I was arrested before. Quit school at 14. Have not worked
at all. No, no friends. Coffee about 12 cups a day, I guess. I
don't feel like working. My sisters work. I don't talk to them.
Never go to the parks. No headaches. There 's nothing the
matter with me."

This very curious fellow earlier was sent to an institution on
account of truancy. Since he left school at 14 he has done no

644

Chap. XXI] HYSTERICAL MENTAL ABERRATIONS [§ 314

work. Has occasionally been quarrelsome at home, but for
the most part simply wants his own way and to be quiet. His
father has not even been able to get him down town within the
last year to buy a suit of clothes. He is now brought in by his
parents on account of his general recalcitrant behavior. His
mother maintains he is not right in his head, and wants him sent
to an insane asylum. Parents deny any insanity, feebleminded-
ness or epilepsy in either family. The mother is a nervous and
irrational woman, but both she and her husband are well inten-
tioned. This boy is the youngest of four children. Two others
are alive and doing well. There has been no trouble whatever
at any point of this boy's developmental period. He walked
and talked early. Never been very sick in his entire life. It is
true, as he says, that he drinks at least 10 or more cups of coffee
a day. He sits quietly about the house and sometimes does not
speak for a long time. After a time, the boy went fully into the
question of his habits with us. He shows no signs of worrying
particularly about them, nor did he seem to have much concep-
tion that he was suffering from indulgence in them. No sensi-
tiveness in this matter. He told us he had learned masturbation
when he was about 9 or 10, and had practiced it very frequently
since — at times more than once a day. It came out that the
father knew something of this, but not that the case was so
bad.

The tentative diagnosis was made that perhaps the aberrational
tendency might be due to these excessive habits, and the boy
was sent to a certain institution for delinquents where he could
have very close watching in this regard. He showed steadily
great improvement, and was released after a few months. Since
then he has been completely changed in behavior. For more
than 2 years he has had a completely good record, has been work-
ing steadily, and turning in his money properly at home.

§ 314. Hysterical Mental Aberrations.

The term hysteria represents an abnormal condition of the
nervous system which is evidenced by the most numerous and
variable signs and symptoms of mind and body that are to be
found in any disease. It would be hopeless here to attempt even
a review of the findings in their various " complexes." For-
tunately, since the individuals suffering from it are particularly

645

§ 314] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

hard to handle and difficult for the laity to understand, this
ailment has little connection with the major forms of delin-
quency. The bodily signs of this psycho-neurosis run all the
way from epileptoid convulsions and periods of actual blindness
to perhaps a loss of feeling in hand or arm. The mental sjTnp-
toms run through a long category.^ The etiology of this con-
dition we also cannot enter into for this involves many phases
of technical discussion.

Certain manifestations of hysteria are very well known and
easily recognized. It is not generally realized that hysteria exists
in forms where the individual does not have attacks of excitement.
The general impression that it exists only in females is incorrect,
although it is much rarer among males. The hysterical indi-
vidual is correctly conceived as being an individual who is often
more or less of a simulator, and who does not carry through delin-
quent actions which demand considerable exercise of will power.
It is a fact that such persons are threateners rather than doers,
but yet occasionally their mental condition does lead them much
farther than mere intentions. Going over the cases of our hyster-
ical offenders we note that they are guilty of the following offenses :
false accusations and other excessive lying, threatening suicide,
running away, vagrancy, begging and obtaining money by other
false pretensions, petty stealing, notorious obscenity and the
more passive sex offenses. As our statistics show, § 92, numeric-
ally hysteria does not play a very large part in producing delin-
quency. Fully realizing the impossibility of covering the varie-
ties of hysteria, about which many volumes have been written,
nevertheless giving a short summary of a typical case that
has been amply studied, socially and psychologically, seems
profitable.

Case 135. — Girl of 18. This girl and her family have given
a great deal of trouble to a number of worthy people who have
attempted to help them out of their unfortunate circumstances.
They have always been most solicitous about receiving aid in many
ways, but no one has even been able to get them upon a stable
footing. Several factors enter into the family condition, not the
least of which is defective heredity. They are immigrants and a
thorough knowledge of their antecedents is not to be had, but

1 The student of the mental signs of hysteria can best be referred to the
volume by Janet (197) on the subject. There the multitudinous forms of the
mental manifestations are clearly set forth.

646

Chap. XXI] HYSTERICAL MENTAL ABERRATIONS [§ 314

some facts are very well known. The father was a steady worker.
The mother was a mental border-Hne case, a semi-responsible
individual of mental capacity in some ways, but said by some
specialists to be really insane. Other competent observers have
maintained she was merely an excessive case of hysteria. After
the father died the family suffered much from poverty although
there were certain funds always at their disposal and they had a
little property. The family environment was defective, so far
as our patient was concerned, through poverty, the mother's
erratic control and irrational bickering and complaining, early
illicit sex knowledge acquired in the home, and the existence
of an hysterical and quarrelsome sister. Her delinquencies have
consisted in excessive lying, obtaining help by misrepresentations,
failure to hold good positions which have been given her, begging,
and petty stealing.

Physically we first found this girl in poor general condition.
She was undernourished and anemic. Weak type of face, small
mouth held in a queer compressed fashion. She laughed often in
a foolish fashion, and did not directly answer a question. (All
these conditions, as treatment has been carried out, have vastly
improved.) No special sense defect noted. Menstruation
appeared normally and is regular. All other examination nega-
tive except palatal reflex minus, sensation of pain in the arms
distinctly diminished. Complaint of numbness in the fingers,
and of peculiar headaches when it hurts her to comb her hair.
Distinct dermographism.

On the mental side it was easy to grade her. She was ordinary
in ability, considering her advantages. Except for her showing
poor psychomotor control on our tapping test, all of her perform-
ances were intelligent and quite satisfactory. The results were
so uniform there is no need of giving them in detail. (Often
hystericals give very irregular results.) She had passed 6th
grade in school.

Much more important than the results of tests was the dis-
covery of her peculiar mental attitude. She displayed much indig-
nation against the world, and tried to explain away her delin-
quencies. Later she was somewhat affected by recounting her
offenses, but showed no particular concern for what she had
done. She became very friendly, but from time to time showed
herself extremely unreliable, even under the better circumstances
to which she was introduced. Her main source of worry and men-

647

§ 314] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

tal conflict proved to be about sex affairs, and she said she desired
to be cured of bad sex habits which had been somewhat indulged
in since she was a child of 4 or 5 years. At times she was obsessed
by day-dreams about these affairs, and at night her dreams
were fairly saturated with representations of sex matters which
were vivid almost to the point of hallucination.

This girl has been most intelligently handled, and her progress
during a couple of years has been steadily upward. Whereas
she used to give way to attacks of excitement with crying and
perhaps wringing of hands, and to times of religious fervor, periods
of total moral unreliability, times of muteness and strange fits
of giggling and laughing, she now is a fair worker, is much more
content and her facial expression is greatly changed for the better.
Her friends have helped her to overcome her sex habit and she
has stopped excessive drinking of tea to which she was prone
previously.

Mentality: Aberrational. Hysteria. Case 135.

Mental conflict — about sex, with repres- ^^^^' ^^^ ^^'
sions. Obsessional
thought and dreams.

Masturbation.

Heredity: Mother semi-responsible.

Home conditions: Neglect, poverty,
excitement.

Physical conditions: Poor nourish-
ment, etc.

Lying +. '

Unreh ability. Mental:

Begging. Ordinary in ability.
Petty stealing. Hysterical.

The treatment of hysterical offenders is only properly to be
carried out under the auspices of a neurologist who will attempt
to get at what there may be in the physical and mental background
of the case. It is undoubtedly a fact that many cases of hysteria
in girls are straightened out under conditions of regular living,
but the exaggerated cases need thorough investigation and treat-
ment of the kind which is undertaken in special private practice.

648

Chap. XXI] TRANSITORY MENTAL ABERRATIONS [§ 315

§ 315. Transitory Mental Aberrations.

Of the existence of transitory mental aberrations there is no
more doubt than there is of the fact that the mind of any normal
person is not consciously controlled at some moments. Indeed,
many of the most stable people can recall short periods when they
themselves behaved in some fashion quite out of accord with their
general character. Of course, the transitory aberrations which
are of importance as producing delinquency occur in individuals
whom by temperament we should expect to be upset by stress.
There is no need here illustrating the general fact, for under our
headings of epilepsy, hysteria, amnesia, menstrual aberration,
adolescent conditions, etc., etc., there are numerous instances
given of these transitory phenomena. The bearing which the
adventitious circumstances of worry, poverty, sorrow, and hard-
ship may have in producing the aberration in predisposed indi-
viduals stands out clearly. Zingerle (40) in his study of the sub-
ject brings this out clearly. He shows, for instance, (p. 4) in a
case that we could hardly parallel in this country, how hunger
and sorrow unbalanced a father to the extent of rendering him a
murderer of his beloved children.

The student of a case of transitory aberration will do well
never to omit thorough consideration of the influence of alcohol
or habit-forming drugs. In habitues transitory pathological
mental states are often observed quite apart from the moment
of actual intoxication. Of course such effects are seen more often
in the psychopathically predisposed. Everybody sees the dan-
ger which exists, under our present methods of deciding cases
according to the theory of responsibility, in giving too much
chance for the plea of transitory aberration. But that does not
militate against the fact of its existence, one of the best proofs of
which is that deeds are enacted which are totally at variance with
the desires and impulses of the individual in his normal state.
There may be other criteria, but this is a feature of the miscon-
duct which frequently obtains.

Those who examine offenders shortly after arrest must not
forget the possibility of the existence of a mental condition
dependent upon the incrimination and arrest itself. We have
seen cases in which we felt it unsafe to pass judgment upon the
mental condition for the time being, because of the possibility

649

§ 315] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXI

of the above factor. Generally, the mental states which super-
vene partake of the nature of depression, dullness, apathy, immo-
bility, and even negativism. Sommer (163) in his work on crim-
inal psychology devotes a chapter to the subject. Risch (374)
gives a clear presentation of this group of cases, and calls atten-
tion to the fact that the psychogenetic states which may occur as
the result of arrest are often regarded as simulation by the laity
and as dementia precox by the specialist. Of course with the
passage of time the diagnosis is cleared up, but the existence of
such conditions shows the danger of rapidly passing judgment
for court purposes.

650

Chap. XXll] ADOLESCENT MENTAL ABERRATIONS [§ 316

CHAPTER XXII
Minor Mental Aberrations — Concluded

Adolescent Mental Aberrations. § 316. Diagnostic Considerations. § 317.
Illustrative Cases. § 318. Varieties of the Tjqae. § 319. Treatment.
Psychoses from Alcohol. § 320. Nature of Alcoholic Psychoses. §321.
Alcoholism and Criminality. § 322. Treatment under the Law. § 323.
Psychoses of Chronic Alcoholism. § 324. Acute Alcoholic Psychoses.
§ 325. Alcoholic Psychoses in Adolescents. Psychoses from. Drugs.
§ 326. Psychoses from Morphine. § 327. Psychoses from Cocaine. § 328.
Psychoses from Other Drugs. § 329. Other Minor Mental Aberrations.

ADOLESCENT MENTAL ABERRATIONS.

§ 316. Diagnostic Considerations. — In treating the subject
of minor mental aberrations which arise during adolescence
as distinguished, on the one hand, from the actual insanities,
and, on the other hand, from the normal impulsions and pecul-
iarities of this period, we may be at times on ground difficult
to maintain. But in some cases the point stands out very clearly
that there is at this period an abnormal lack of balance which
does not develop into any typical psychosis. We have seen
numerous cases that prove this point, and which confirm what
we say in discussion of adolescence in general (§ 336), namely,
that mental traits during their awakening at this epoch may very
readily pass over into abnormality.

The very nature of many of these nascent characteristics,
egotism, self-assertion, jealousy, psychic hypersesthesia, feelings
of physical exaltation, and so on, directly suggests lack of balance.
The quite normal development of this period includes increase
in the power of self-control, reasoning, and development of ideals,
but these latter inhibitory forces may come late for the purposes
of good mental balance and morality. Marro (273) classifies
mental troubles of adolescence as those (a) to which the individ-
ual has a predisposition, and which merely find in pubertal
stress a directly inciting cause; (6) mental troubles which are by
their nature allied with the evolutionary conditions of puberty;
(c) mental troubles which are due to imperfect evolution at
puberty. Whether his divisions hold or not, at least these the-
ories place the causations of abnormal conditions at this period
clearly before us.

651

§ 316] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

Many authors unite in the statement that it is at puberty
when the instinctive and moral traits give most trouble in
individuals of the degenerate or inferior type. Their powers
of self-control are innately too weak to stand the new
demands made upon them. It is often also said that at
puberty the individual first shows marked evidence of being
mentally the offspring of his ancestors. That is, certain hered-
itary mental traits first tend to show themselves at that
period.

There are very few cases of insanity among young children.
Even by pubescence cases of psychoses are numerically unim-
portant. When they do occur then, as Clouston (280) well says,
there is an accompanying preponderance of nervous troubles,
showing lack of psychomotor control. The duration of the trouble
is short, although there may be remissions. But farther along
in adolescence the mental ailment stands more by itself, and more
often shows typical sjonptoms belonging to the psychoses. Even
when there is not the development of an actual insanity there
may be a tendency to maniacal s^Tuptoms — this is seen much
more often than melancholia — and there may be religious or
erotic preoccupation.

As we have noted our cases we should say. that the most char-
acteristic s^Tuptom of those who showed temporary aberrational
troubles in adolescence was that of extreme incalculability, general
mental incoherence. The individual frequently seems to be so
played upon by varying internal impulses and environmental
influences that conduct becomes utterly irrational. It would be
impossible to say that the behavior reactions fall at all within
the broad lines of any typical psychosis. Any one of the new
characteristics, or visionary scheming, or irregularity of temper,
peculiar aversions, the general unsettled feelings, the reckless-
ness, may be expressed with enough force to be reckoned a defi-
nite mental aberration.

A large number of the cases gradually develop the ability to
normally adjust themselves. Rarely under some great stimulus
there may be a sudden growth of will power that overcomes the
tendency to erraticism. Altogether, the psychiatrist would find
much difficulty in placing these cases anywhere in his categories,
as named by types of behavior. That so little attention is paid
in works on mental troubles to this class can only be due to the
fact that nearly all books have been written by men who have

652

Chap. XXII] CASES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§ 317

relied mostly on institutional experience.^ To be sure these
individuals give considerable trouble, but frequently they are
regarded simply as social offenders, and do not receive profes-
sional attention. We venture to say that some new chapters
in text books would be written if the authors sought extensive
experience in juvenile court work, or in institutions for young
delinquents.

A strong, complicating feature of many adolescent mental
aberrations is found in the debilitating mental and physical
effects of bad sex habits, particularly masturbation. Such over-
stimulation of the nervous system at this period of hyperirrita-
bility, greatly predisposes to general erratic conduct. As seen
among young offenders there is no other cause of these tempo-
rary mental aberrations at all equal to this. The common-sense
observations on the subject by many judges and other court
oflBcials are true to the facts. We discuss this more properly
elsewhere, § 245, § 313.

The difficulty in differential diagnosis of the minor mental
troubles of adolescence is often very great. It is often impossible
to give any specific name to the type of trouble. When it comes
to the question of prognosis, the matter tends to be a little clearer.
If the disturbances are grafted upon a basis of mental subnormal-
it}' or markedly defective hereditary traits, then, of course, the
outlook is comparatively poor. One need not be nearly so pessi-
mistic about the outlook as in general psychiatric practice, for
the unexpected often happens in the way of cures. Our case
histories well illustrate many of the above points. In reading
them it should be remembered that these are not the histories of
adolescents who could definitely be considered insane to the
extent that they need to be sent to a hospital for the insane, or
that they need be taken before a court to have the fact of their
irresponsibility determined. They belong between the insane
and those who are showing only normal adolescent phenomena.
So far as their acts are concerned, these are not under the sway
of normal powers of self-control, and that is the fact of vital
importance for us here.

§ 317. Illustrative Cases. Case 136. — A young man of 19

we have had under observation for about 4 years. Earlier he

^ Statistical data, even on insanity among adolescent criminals as given by
North (281), is worth little for us because they represent the findings on cases
that have been actually found insane by courts, or deal with the well-known
forms of chronic insanity which happen largely to begin during adolescence.

653

§ 317] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

was repeatedly in trouble with the court, and it was on account
of his extensive offenses that he was first called to our attention.
He had often stolen, associated with thieving companions, and
run away from home. At times he led the life of a typical thief,
running down alleys, sleeping out anywhere. So far as known
he never stole alone, it was always with other boys. At school
he was somewhat of a truant, lazy and inattentive. Although
he was given good chances at boys' clubs and the like, he was
always extremely changeable, first into one trouble and then
another. He broke open a cash register, stole a handbag from a
woman, was arrested with other boys in the middle of the night
while looting a shop,' and twice was committed to semi-penal
institutions.

The boy was born in this country from immigrant parents
who are on the upgrade financially and socially. The mother is
a very intelligent woman for her class and much concerned about
the boy. From her and others we probably get very reliable infor-
mation. He is the fifth of 8 children. None dead and no mis-
carriages. The other children have done very well indeed in
school and in business life. We hear that there is no insanity,
feeblemindedness or epilepsy in either family. Developmental
history was practically negative. Pregnancy said to have been
normal, and birth all right. Walked and talked early, and never
been severely ill. Has received intelligent care. Tonsils out at
12 years. It is of much interest to learn that up to within a few
months of the time we first saw him at 15 this boy had not grown
at all for years.

He only reached the 6th grade at the time he was 14, but this
was on account of shifting about in schools, and less perhaps
because of his truancy. He began work at 14 and held a number
of jobs for very short times. The longest period was 2 1-2 months
as a telegraph messenger, until he grew mentally steadier at 17
years.

On the physical side we found him when first seen to be a very
well developed and nourished lad. He was then 15 1-2 years.
Weight 108 lbs.; height 5 ft. 1 3-4 in. No sensory defects noted.
Signs of premature sex development. Voice already changed,
mustache appearing. Fairly large head — 54.7 cm. circumfer-
ence; 19 cm. length; 15 cm. width. Physiognomy somewhat
peculiar, more on account of habitual expression than any abnor-
mality of features. Restless facial movements. Lips twisted

654

Chap. XXII] CASES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§317

about much. ]Most definite, perhaps, is a peculiar quizzical look,
which many observers have noted.

In the mental examination it soon became evident that he
was up to the ordinary in ability and information, and that
his peculiarities did not show in the tests. But in the accounts
and our observations of his conduct, and in his own stories about
himself, complete proof of aberrational tendencies was obtained.

Results on mental tests are as follows:

Our own series:

I. 1' 20". Very little trial and error, even on the triangles.

II. 56". No errors.

III. Construction Test A. 1' 15". No repetition of impossibilities.

IV. Construction Test B. 3' 14". Done by method of reasonable
trial and error. (This was done before our present method of scoring.)

V. Puzzle Box. 2' 50". Steps followed out in logical order, with
good perceptions.

VI. "Aussage." Enumerative account, very good in detail. No
suggestions accepted.

VII. Reproduction of Geometrical Figures. Correct at 1st trial.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. All correctly done.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Cross Line Test B. Correct at 1st trial.

XI. Code Test. Done promptly and without error.

XV. Antonyms. All words given correctly and rapidly. (Time
not scored as later.)

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. Exceedingly good result. 112
and 113 squares tapped respectively at 1st and 2d trials, with only
one error on 1st trial.

XVII. Writes a rapid and fairly mature hand.

XVIII. Does long division correctly, but not fractions.

XIX. Reads difficult pieces of poetry fairly fluently.

XX. Plays a foresighted game of checkers.

XXII. Used to read the usual boys' books as taken from the
library. Knows the ordinary items of history and geography, but
very httle about scientific things. Goes to nickel shows practically
every night.

From a number of people who have been interested in this boy
we hear of his peculiar actions. Various observations run as
follows. The report from school was that he was very clownish,
lazy and inattentive. With one teacher whom he especially
liked he did well for about 6 months, otherwise was troublesome.
Many measures have been tried by his mother and others, but
he did not respond. Cannot be interested in lectures, or in other
subjects of boyish interest. One person said he was not able to

655

§ 317] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

hold a job for longer than a week because he could not concen-
trate his mind. One observer who had long known him, said he
was a most peculiar boy. Had visions about what he was going
to do, and was always changing from one thing to the other.
Notwithstanding his delinquent tendencies, he really was a timid
fellow, easily frightened. We note that he is very silly in his
talk and actions. At 15 he appears as a large child, not manly.

Among the boys he was regarded as peculiar, and spoken of as
" Crazy Jim." A relative, who could give him a place to work,
will not have him on account of his foolishness. He answers
quickly and pertly. Tries to be smart in a shallow way in what-
ever is said or done by him. Laughs foolishly in one's face. One
teacher, who had had much experience with boys, said she could
do nothing with him because he answered so foolishly. On one
occasion when under detention he told an attendant he wanted
to go to an insane hospital, and suddenly drew from his pocket
a clipping from a newspaper which in large letters had the name
of the hospital on it. Altogether a number of lay observers were
in accord that this boy was irrational and probably insane.

We have seen him very repeatedly over a number of years,
and intimately known his development, and his own account of
himself at intervals has been of great interest. He has always
been on friendly terms with us and told his story directly and
cogently. Perhaps at first when he was heavily involved in
delinquency, he lied somewhat, but never very much. We have
watched his evolution into a completely self-controlled individ-
ual. His story, as told at first, ran as follows:

" I 'm all right, except my nose which sometimes gets stopped
up. Was sent out for 3 1-2 months this last year. Had been
stealing. The trouble was I ran around with so much bad com-
pany. Ran around with them so much it was hard to keep away
from them. This last trouble happened on a Sunday. Me and
that other little kid was down on the lake front. We went past
a fruit stand where there was a cash register. We began looking
at it, and talking about opening it. He went over, and I heard a
ring, and I got scared, and ran up an alley. The man caught
the little kid, and found 65 cents on him. That was my own
money. Father gave it to me. I had on my old clothes and the
pockets were full of holes, and I gave it to him to keep. I went
home and the detective followed me, I seen him and ran out
in the alley. I went down to the boy's house to see what was

656

Chap. XXII] CASES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§ 317

the matter, and a kid told me he was arrested. I told hhn I had
run away from home, and had no place to sleep. He gave me
some carpet to sleep on in his back yard. The man said there was
$8 missing. My mother went and paid $4 to him. She did not
want to have any trouble. The judge said I ran away, and left
the little boy to his fate. Before that I used to go around with
another fellow that stole. When I was about 8 years old a kid
learned me to go down town and steal. He used to take me
around. I never stole alone, always with kids. I get frightened
if alone."

" Down there at S. where I was for a week it is mostly iron
works. No good kids down there. About the only thing they do
is to play cards out in a lot and drink. I was out with them and
they kept saying, ' Now you drink,' and passed around a pail. I
am not used to it and so I got drunk. That 's the first time I was
ever that way. My father gave me some spending money down
there, and I took it and bought a rifle, and a kid took it and kept
it. I did not want my father to know I had it. The next morn-
ing the kid would not give it back to me."

" The trouble with me is I do too much thinking. Maybe I
begin work and then I get to thinking, and I start to work again,
and don't seem to know what I am doing. Maybe I 'm reading
about something, and then I get to thinking, and put the book
aside, and then start reading again. Sometimes I think about boys
and sometimes about girls, and sometimes about other things.
Sometimes it comes like a picture in my mind. No, I don't remem-
ber my dreams. In the daytime I 'm thinking I 'm doing things,
or maybe taking things, and getting caught, or maybe not getting
caught, or maybe I 'm fighting and all like that. Then comes
the capture and a lot of robbers and all strange things like that.
It comes many a time like that in my mind. I get to reading,
and get to thinking, and I don't know what I 'm reading about,
and have to read it all over."

At a later time he gave the following account of himself : " Been
many places to work lately. I quit or was fired. Was arrested
for disorderly conduct. Was out on. the street throwing matches
lighted into the air. I thought it was fun to throw them up, and
the copper arrested me for nothing. I took the matches out of
a saloon, and the copper took me in, and the fellow said I was
trying to steal cigars. Well, I don't know what is the matter.
I think myself it is something like that I am not right. Guess I

657

§ 317] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

am kind of luny. I would not like a farm. It is too quiet. I
throw money away foolish, out to the Park on shooting gallery
or anything. That teacher was down on me because I could
not do numbers without talking to myself."

After his second incarceration he looked well, and said he
was not going to be so foolish in the future. He constantly
regarded himself in the light of a boy who was foolish, or even
distinctly queer mentally. Again his good intentions only lasted
for a little while, and he was arrested for burglary. At this time
in appearance he w^as queerer than ever. His face had grown
thin, his long hair was brushed back in eccentric fashion, his eyes
wavered in nystagmoid movements. He looked most strenuous
and peculiar. This time constructive measures were urged
instead of more incarceration, and when he was placed on pro-
bation he asserted, " Now, I will make good."

His behavior from then on, namely, the time when he was
16 1-2 years, has been steady and reliable. He reported regu-
larly to his probation officer, who did much to encourage him,
and after a month of good behavior announced that he really
did not understand himself, he was doing so well. After that
he repeatedly said he wondered why he was doing so well, and
what was keeping him straight. It is notable that, following
on his own success, he has taken up the idea of helping others
straighten out, and has done wonders with a crowd that had
become very troublesome about a certain school. He went in
for athletics, and, recently seen, he is found to be in very good
physical condition, with a much changed expression. The former
curious facial movements and quizzical expressions have entirely
disappeared. He has worked in one place for a year and devel-
oped reliability in every way. He saves up money in business-
like fashion, and is anxious to be employed every minute. In
looking back upon his old career he still regards himself as having
been somewhat crazy over a period of years. Says he was queer
then and a little off. Distinctly feels he is an entirely different
person now. " I guess I did n't know what I was doing then.
I have changed so that I am another fellow now."

The prognosis in this case was long held in abeyance, but in
the light of our later experience with cases of this type it should
have been more favorable from the start. The boy could con-
trol himself quite well at times, as evidenced by tests, and had
good ability to size himself up, even when we first saw him. His

658

Chap. XXII] CASES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§ 317

misbehavior was evidently the result of erratic impulses which
were irregularly manifested, and at no time really connoted an
essential lack of self-control. The trouble was one of temporary
internal maladjustment.

Mentality: Aberrational, probably temporary, Case 136.

adolescent. Boy, age 17.

Physical. Features of adolescent abnormality.
Very rapid growth late.

Steahng + +. Mental:

Burglary. Good ability,

Running away. but aberrational.

Case 137. — Ver}' different manifestations were found in the
case of a sweet-appearing little girl of 13 1-2 years who was show-
ing most dangerous delinquent tendencies. The main complaint
was that recently at home she had indulged in such threatening
and vicious behavior that her family were really terrified. Our
information came from different members of the family, so that
there could be no question about the truth of what the girl at
first denied. While her mother was ill in bed this child threat-
ened to kill her, and made such attempts that she had to be con-
stantly watched. On one occasion she turned on the gas. At
another time went with a lighted match to the edge of the bed
and said, " No, I won't burn you up — no, not at all." She has
thrown milk bottles at the other children, actually pinched pieces
of skin off her sister's arm, pinched other children so they were
black and blue, and stared and grinned at them in a curious way.
Her language has been vile at times, and she would spit at her
father and mother. She threw a glass on the floor, and threatened
to throw a knife at her mother in bed.

While the above offenses are prominent, still other phases of
her conduct give an idea of her mental condition. Her teacher
reports that other children tell of the strange things she says
to them. She appears melancholy at times in the school-room.
At home she locked herself in the clothes closet when other mem-
bers of her family came. Told her mother that she wanted her
to die so she could get a step-mother. Bites her finger nails,
pulls her hair, and sometimes lies on the bed and screams. It is
notable that she always controls herself when strangers are

659

§ 317] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

present, although even then she shows some nervousness. For
a time she was sent to a relative's home, and there behaved very
well. Her father says she was never anything but the best of
girls until a couple of months ago. Since then she swears terribly
and uses words that were never known in his house. Even in
the presence of other relatives she may whisper bad things to her
mother.

The fairly intelligent parents say there is no epilepsy, insanity
or feeblemindedness on either side. We have seen several other
members of the family, and from them hear the same. This girl
is the third of nine children, the rest of whom are doing well, with
the exception of a brother who has recently gotten into the court
on account of disobedience and getting into bad company. The
pregnancy was healthy. Birth was normal, and she never has
been very ill. Has had several children's diseases mildly. Passed
for 6th grade at 13. Recently on account of mother's illness
has had to stay out of school frequently. It may be this girl's
mental upset was caused by a fright which she had some time ago.
An officer called to arrest her brother for being a member of some
crowd that had committed a depredation, and, as the officer
came in the front door, the boy ran out the back, and there was
much turmoil. It was within a few days of this that she devel-
oped her present strange tendencies. She has not yet men-
struated.

Physically we found a fairly well developed and nourished
girl. Weighed 96 lbs.; 5 ft. in height. A very pleasant expres-
sion, innocent-looking and rather pretty child. Complains of
headaches, but on account of her unreliability, one is not sure to
what extent she has suffered. She has not complained much to
her family. Nothing of importance was noted in the entire
physical examination except asymmetrical ears, the helix on one
side being almost flat.

On the mental side our findings were full of significance. It
was quite evident she had a defective remembrance of many of
her actions, and that she was not quite well oriented. On tests
we found a good deal of irregularity as follows.

Our own series:

I. 2' 32". No trial and error on triangles.

II. 1' 22". No errors.

III. Construction Test A. 20'. 5 moves.

IV. Construction Test B. 1' 10". 1 1 moves.

660

Chap. XXII] CASES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§ 317

V. Puzzle Box. Failure in 10'. Says quite sure she can't do this;
works quite aimlessly in a half-hearted way.

VI. "Aussage." Very short functional account given. Maintains
she did not notice a great many of the details that were asked. No
suggestions accepted.

VII. Reproduction of Geometrical Figures. A, correct at first ex-
posure. B, incorrect.

VIII. Learning Arbitrary Symbol Associations. No errors.

IX. Cross Line Test A. Correct only at 4th trial after drawing it
three times herself.

X. Cross Line Test B. Failure at 4th trial after drawing it three
times herself.

These last two results are very remarkable in comparison to most
of her other work.

XII. Memory from Visual Verbal Presentation. Eleven out of
the twenty items given in correct logical sequence.

XIII. Memory from Auditory Verbal Presentation. Nine out of
the twelve items given in correct logical sequence.

XIV. Instruction Box. Done correctly only at the 3rd trial.

XV. Antonj^ms. Five errors. Average time, 3.4".

XVI. Motor Coordination Test. 66 and 71 squares tapped re-
spectively at 1st and 2d trials with 3 errors in 1st trial and one in
2nd trial.

XVII. Penmanship normal. Wrote a coherent composition about
a farm.

XIX. Reads 5th-grade passage fairly well.

XXII. Information. Is quite inaccurate about the items of
geography and history which have been presented to her in school.
Some of them given correctly, however. Is very little of a reader.
Does not play games and says she likes best to play with a baby.

We feel assured this girl does not talk freely to us although
quite pleasantly. Mind does not seem to be altogether on what
she is talking about. Seems just a little dazed, then comes to
herself, and turns quickly. Answers shortly and in rather an
off-hand way, but always pleasantly. Does not express herself
at length about anything. Under the circumstances is notably
lacking in emotional reaction towards the whole situation, either
as being brought to the court, or on account of her bad actions
at home. Although she says she wants to go home she does not
show any feeling over it. She says she thinks she could control
herself now, but steadily maintains she does not remember what
she has done. Says she does know that one day her head felt
very queer and dizzy. In the presence of one aunt, who corrob-
orates the story of other members of the family, she absolutely
denies to us that she has behaved so badly. Later in friendly

661

§ 317] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

fashion she gives us her own account of the troubles in the fol-
lowing peculiar way.

" I have pains in my head and sometimes go to bed." (On
account of pain?) " No, sir, cause felt kind of tired. My mother
says I talk so much, but I don't know anything about it. I don't
remember. Mama and papa says I speak foolish. I used to
keep on talking, she says. Three weeks about I 've been that way.
Was n't in school for three weeks, about two weeks. Was in
5th grade, supposed to pass for 6th, but I did n't have exam-
inations. Started at around 6 years. Born in Chicago. Think
I was in 3rd grade for a year and a half and in 5th grade — think
two years in 5th grade on account of arithmetic. I use n't to
understand, now I understand. Went over to grandmother's
two weeks — stayed there two or three days. Went to other
grandmother's about a week, stayed about the same days, too.
I don't know what was the matter. Mother said I used to bother
her and she wanted me to go. Mother is sick with rheumatism.
I have n't done things, my mother did n't say I done things. I
just spoke all the time. Oh, I 've slapped them — sisters, when
they done wrong, that 's all. I have n't pinched her." (Urged
to tell the truth.) " I remember long time ago I pinched her,
and she slapped me back. Think it was about three weeks ago.
She tried to fight with me — sassed me back. Don't think I
remember that I did anything to mama. Said I would n't hit
her with something I had in my hand — spoon or something.
Never took no knife to her. Just happened to say it. Never
meant to say it. I remember it was a spoon. Never threw it at
her." (More than once?) " Don't know, just once." (The
glass?) " Accidentally I threw it down when I was washing dishes,
did n't do it on purpose. I was n't mad. My aunt said I 'd shake
the bed. If I 'd ask something, maybe she 'd not hear and be
asleep, and I 'd just touch it like that."

This little girl says often aside to herself, as if she were trying
to persuade herself of something " I don't remember, I don't
remember."

" I think what I did do I never meant to. They say I threw
a spoon at my mama. Don't remember saying any bad words.
Even my mother says I don't remember so well. I don't remember
if I used any bad expressions. I feel kind of excited when I talk.
I always used to be nervous. If I 'd say one thing I 'd always
keep on talking it — saying if I would hit my mother with

662

Chap. XXII] CASES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§ 317

this or that — I 'd keep on saying something — if I 'd say I 'd hit
my mother with this. Then I might say something else with
different things. My mother told me I would say she was
crazy, and I would forget all about it. Forget that I had
said it. Once I lit the gas is true, and threw the match down,
and I told my sister she would burn her skirt, but I never
told anybody I would throw the matches. She told my father
I said I would burn her, but she must not have understood.
I don't remember taking any matches to my mama. Don't
remember."

"Been scared many times when anything would happen. If
any one would cut themselves, like my little sister, I used to feel
afraid of it. It was many years ago that I used to feel afraid.
Once my father fell off a wagon and I was frightened about it.
When my mother was sick I was afraid about that, too. Because
she got up and could n't move her arms. Used to feel scared
and nervous about it. x^fraid she should n't get worse. Once
there was a man hurt, and the ambulance came past and I was
scared. There was man across the street, and he shot himself
and his wife. That was about three months ago. When my
aunt's baby died and the}^ came and told my mother and I felt
sorry. Sometimes at night I would be afraid to go to sleep. I
would hear some noise." (Urged to tell what frightened her
most. She has not told about her brother.) " One day a man
came in to see if my brother was working, and I was just coming
out of my bedroom, and my brother ran and the man ran just
as fast as he did, and I did n't know who he was. He caught
him down in our basement. That 's the time he was arrested.
I was scared for that, was pretty scared. It was soon after that
I began acting that way. I would be scared the way he always
acted. He would n't work at all. He never used to behave
himself. Would get up any time he wanted to. I was always
afraid he was going to hit my mother. My mother fell over the
chair as he was going past, I guess he gave the chair a push,
she happened to hit him. Never heard him say bad words.
Sometimes he would slap me."

" I remember telling my mother I would spit at her, that 's
all I remember. Don't remember ever spitting at father or mother.
Must have been when my mother was coming past I spit at her.
I did n't scream, but I cried because I acted that way. I could n't
help mj^self and I was ashamed of it. I have never been any

663

§ 317] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

place on a vacation. Would like to have some one with me,
any one of my relations."

After her first change of environment she stated, " It 's very
nice. It 's very nice out there at the new place — I would like
to stay. Mother is better now. She has been once to see me and
father twice."

" About that woman in the country — I used to help her with
the work. She said things about me that were not true. She
said I threw a knife at her. Why she happened to say that was
because I left the bread knife on the table. She was reading a
book that evening. She said I pinched her too. She told these
things behind my back and never gave any proof. I never thought
of doing such a thing. I never touched her — it certainly never
could be true. Well, my aunt came out and told her little things
like that about me, and she wanted some excuse for things. She
would not take me places. She tried in the best way to get rid
of me. I was afraid to go out in the dark and she would hit me
for that." Later she said she did remember having the knife
in her hands on that occasion, but could not recollect throwing it.

With the feeling that this girl when first seen was suffering
from what proved to be a temporary mental upset it was recom-
mended that she be placed in some private home in the country.
At the first place there was much trouble, and the kindly woman
who took her became so frightened that the child was soon
returned. Things would go well for a week or so, and then she
would sneak up behind her hostess and pinch her until she was
black and blue, or tensely clinch her own hands and seem des-
perate. Then she would go out of doors and throw things about
and stamp her feet. This was put up with in all kindness until
on one occasion w^hen the good woman's back was turned a butcher
knife came whizzing past her head. During all this period the
girl was in good physical condition and gaining in weight.

Then another place was tried, this time a training school for
girls, and there for several months her behavior was quite good.
Outside of a little forgetfulness, and the desire to play with
younger children, rather than with those of her own age, nothing in
particular was noticed about her there. Apparently she became
quite normal mentally, and w^ent back to her home where she
continued to do well.

About a year afterward this girl again began using bad lan-
guage and was disobedient. The family, remembering the pre-

664

Chap. XXII] CASES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§ 317

vious success, asked that she be placed away again for a time.
Nothing serious had happened, but prevention was desired.
When sent away she began at once to do better.

This case is instructive as showing the possible temporary
nature of a mental upset which may take on very serious aspects.
It w^as only by the narrowest good fortune that a tragedy did
not occur from this girl's violence. She represents a type of which
"we have seen numerous examples, usually with less marked in-
clination to violence, but yet showing many aberrations which
lead directly to delinquency. The recklessness and lack of self-
control of girls at this period is more frequently expressed in
sexual offenses than in other ways, but in this case the aberra-
tional tendency is so clearly set apart from any indulgence in
natural desire for pleasure, that it stands out with great signifi-
cance.

Mentality: Aberrational, adolescent. Case 137.

perhaps temporary. Girl, age 13.

Threatened Aaolence. Mental:

Bad language, etc. Ability fair. Aberrational.

Case 138. — Albert S. Age nearly 17.

The general behavior and the delinquent record of this young
fellow convinced a number of people that his mental condition
should be investigated. He had already been twice in institu-
tions for delinquents, and was still getting along very poorly.
His father is a hard-working, poor man. This boy runs away
and sometimes refuses to go home when found. He is not con-
sidered exactly vicious by anybody, but he steals and tells a good
many lies. He has applied for lodging at a relief organization.
In late school life he Was a persistent truant. Since leaving school
he has been most of the time unwilling to work. He has stolen
money from his father and from boarders in the house, once getting
away with about S30. Once he burglarized a house, and was
later caught in the act of trying to get into the same place. After
he has stolen he runs away, even to other states, where he stays
for weeks at a time. Some people who became interested in the
case found him tractable, and he has proved honest with them.

On the physical side we found rather a curious mixture of
conditions. Weight 130 lbs. ; height 5 ft. 8 in. Large bones and

665

§ 317] MINOK MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

frame, but poorly-developed chest. Very slouchy carriage. Ex-
pression peculiar in its evasiveness. He cries upon the slightest
provocation, and at times seems silly and even simpering. Except
for an unusually small mouth, his features are good. Broad fore-
head. Slight facial asymmetry and slight cranial asymmetry
in the parietal region. Notably flat occiput. Head; length 17.3;
breadth 15.5 cm. Vision about 20/60 R. and L. (Later report
from a specialist is that the boy has been constantlj^ undergoing
a great deal of eye strain.) He suffers from occasional head-
aches. All other examination negative. It is interesting that it
was the weak and silly expression of this boy in the court room,
in spite of his fairly good features, that led directly to his case
being further investigated.

On the mental side we also found contradictions. After con-
siderable study we classified him as having fair ability with poor
educational advantages, and as suffering from distinct aberrational
tendencies. Our diagnosis was based on the following. The boy
had attended school from 5 to 14 years but had reached only
the 4th grade. The uneducated father could not explain what the
trouble was, except that there was considerable complaint from
the teachers and the boy was often truant. He has only been
to Polish school, and never has learned English well. In the family
it was considered that he could not learn well. By tests we found
this contradicted as follows;

Our own series:

I. 1' 26". Some trial and error on the triangles.

II. 1' 28". Only one error.

III. 1' 23". 16 moves, but only one repetition of an impossibility.

IV. 2' 33". 30 moves.

V. 2' 51". Proceeded by trial and error method for a short time
only, and then the steps were done consecutively with only one
wrong attempt.

VI. Gave only 10 items on free recital, but followed these up with
18 items given correctly on cross-questioning. Accepted 7 out of 8
suggestions.

VII. Both drawn correctly at 2d trial. At the first effort did not
get correct conception of geometric figures.

VIII. All correctly and promptly.

IX. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Correct at 1st trial.

XL Could not do because did not know the alphabet in order.
XII. 11 out of the 20 items given with proper sequence for the ideas
presented. It is doubtful if he understood all the words.

666

Chap. XXII] CASES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§ 317

XIII. 10 out of the 12 items given correctly in logical sequence.
The general sense of the passage well comprehended, but does not
understand all the longer words.

XV. 2 failures and 5 errors — all of these very largely on account of
trouble \\'ith the language. 13 given correctly in average time of
1.2", a decidedly good performance.

XVII. Writes unexpectedly well. Spells short words correctly,
but again there is e\ndence of trouble with the language.

XVIII. Does long multiplication quite correctly, but stops short
there. Does not know the process of long division.

XIX. Reads a 4tli-grade passage in a halting way with no mispro-
nunciations.

XXII. Knows correctly the simple facts of geography, of current
liistory, and has a fund of information gained from the newspapers.
Thinks he would like to go to Texas and learn to ride a horse. Has
enjoyed manual training in the institution for delinquents. Goes
much to moving picture shows. Shows great dearth of healthy men-
tal interests.

During our earlier acquaintance with him we repeatedly noted
the boy w^as frank after his confidence was gained, but that he
was somewhat hj^pochondriacal and extremely suggestible. In
the school-room of an institution he showed much mental hebe-
tude unless he was definitely stimulated. He will copy the work
of others and get any one to do a mental task for him if he pos-
sibly can. He has many emotional changes and cries easily.

In the course of his own story of himself he says, " Every time
I work in a shop I can't stand it; I can't stay any longer than
a couple of days at a time. I get nervous. One day seems like
a week. I can't stand it in a factory. I worked two weeks in
a box factory, and every evening when I went out of there I was
deaf. My father w^as going to send me to college, but I have n't
no mind for it. I can't see good. It would be a long time before
I would get through, and then it would not amount to anything.
I used to bum from school once or twice a week. The rest of
the kids told me to. WTiatever they told me to do I would
do it."

" This is the third time I was arrested. It was for stealing
money. I have not a good mind. My mind is weak. I can't
remember nothing. Cigarettes spoiled me, too. I swear to quit
and then I can't. I quit only when I 'm locked up. I was locked
up in that last place for 6 months. When I got out of there I was
looking for a job, and then I looked for three weeks, and I could
not find anything, and I got sore and went up into Minnesota

667

§ 317] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

and worked in a camp on the railroad. Then I went to St. Paul
and did not have a cent. I would go around to the houses and
ask ladies for something to eat. I slept in a lodging house. I
came back here and I thought I was in a different country.
I was all mixed up. I went to a corner down town where I
always used to go to nickel shows and I did not know where
I was."

" My step-mother she bosses me. Once I hit her on the head
and I said, ' You have no business to boss me.' I have headaches
every day from ice cream and moving picture shows. I 'm nerv-
ous when I write. Things get green before my eyes when I
read for an hour or so."

" I tell my story and I don't remember half of it. When I get
a job I can't keep it long — something tells me in my mind I
can't keep a job. At home I can do work of all kinds. Something
in my mind tells me I should quit — I should go stealing, and like
that. One thing tells me good, and the other bad. I had it already
a year and a half ago. Sometimes I think of my mother and
I start to cry. Sometimes I feel happy, and don't care about
anything. My father sent me lots of times to the hospital to
see whether I 'm well or not. He thought I 'm crazy and like
that."

" In my mind things come up, nickel shows and like that, and
I think of my mother. She was in the hospital when I got out of
that place. I was sorry. She felt bad about me. I play base-
ball, but not much. I ain't got muscle for doing much. I'd
always go by myself — never hang around with kids. I 've got
just one partner. He was never arrested. I never went with
any gang."

" I can't hold a job — something makes me quit. Sometimes
it is all right, and then after ten or fifteen minutes it is different
and I quit. Sometunes I feel so happy I jump around and sing,
and then in about two minutes I feel as if I was going to be hanged.
I feel rotten. The only job I think I like best is on a farm. When
I see pictures of farms I get crazy. I wish my father would leave
me go. I asked him lots of times. I would like to wash cows
and stuff like that in a barn and drive horses."

" Well, it is in my mind to steal. Maybe I would get to doing
some work and I would feel like stealing. Something made me
take that money on my father. When something gets in my mind
I got to do it."

668

Chap. XXII] CASES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§317

" When I go out in the yard or down in the basement I see
things sometimes. I see ghosts. About four weeks ago I had a
fight with a ghost and I told my step-mother about it. You bet
I was scared. When I went down in the basement with a lamp
there was two devils standing there and a ghost, but when I
came up near they run off, and gee, that scared me. The first
time it happened I was in the toilet room. Something knocked
three times on the door. I looked out suddenly and nobody was
there. I was afraid to go out in the yard lately. When I look
down in the basement I think I can see people standing in the
corner. I heard a funny noise down there. It was like a bell
going slowly, ding — d-o-n-g."

" When I am at home I can sit in the rocker and rock all day
long. My mother says she washes she could murder the rocker.
I don't read any at home."

Further inquiry about his habits brought out that he takes
about three or four cups of coffee a day, and rarely a glass of beer
away from home. Three or four years ago he began masturba-
tion, which was taught him by other boys. He has indulged
altogether too much in this at times. He began smoking cigarettes
at about the same period and occasionally would smoke a package
in a day. He is quite convinced that both these habits are partly
what is the trouble with him, and dwells on them a good deal. He
tells us that he has heard that people go crazy from them. (It
is to be remembered that during the last 4 years he has twice
been for long periods under detention where at least one of these
habits could not have been indulged in.)

Gathering up more of his history from available sources,
namely, members of the family who are not especially bright,
we obtain the following. The mother has been dead a few years.
She was healthy formerly. This pregnancy and birth were normal.
The other children are mediocre in ability, but certainly not
defective. One dead. Albert is the second child. He has never
been very sick; measles followed by scarlet fever at 10 years. No
enuresis. The father is only a moderate drinker.

No satisfactory family history obtainable, but all main points
bearing on this case were declared negative. No other member
of the family was regarded as queer. Neither Albert nor any
other member of the family had convulsions.

The family thoroughly believe this boy is not right in his head
because he acts so strangely. He says queer things to his step-

669

§ 317] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

mother about seeing people in the yard when they are not there,
and tells stories of ghosts. He also acts in a very silly way. At
times he cries a good deal. He does not sit by himself, but mixes
with the others at home. He will always pick up money when
it is lying around, no matter to whom it belongs. Just recently
he has been smoking excessively. They think he is too indolent
to work. His conduct at home is good.

It is plain to see from all' this that, indefinite though the
type of trouble was, there is evidence enough of aberrations.
Extremely defective vision very likely caused school dissatis-
faction and truancy. Later came the two bad habits we have
mentioned. It was clear the boy needed an environment where
he could be kept away from these habits, and that he was really
quite strong enough to work. It seemed likely that his mental
symptoms might pass away.

After his last transgressions the boy entirely refused to go home,
saying he was ashamed to do so. He was temporarily placed in
another home, but soon ran away. After a little he again turned
up, and begged to be placed for a long time in some institution.
This was done. Glasses were procured for him, but difficulty
was experienced in getting him to wear them.

Mentality: Aberrational, probably Case 138.

temporary, adolescent. Boy, age 17 yrs.

Adolescence.

Debilitating habits: At times masturbation
and smoking plus.
Defective vision.

Poor family control and understanding.

Former truancy. Mental:

Runaway. Fair ability, poor

Not working. advantages.

Stealing. Burglary. " Aberration.

Case 139. — William R. Age 12 years, 9 months.

We saw this boy after getting an admirable account of him
and his antecedents from the intelligent mother. He had recently
been causing the police much trouble. He was found in a lodging
house, and while he was taken for much older than he was, still
he was recognized as of juvenile age. He claimed to be a runa-

670

Chap. XXIl] CASES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§ 317

way from a far western city, but telegraphic communication failed
to establish his connections there. After some days he gave a
city address and his mother was finally found. He had run away
from home about two weeks before, taking a considerable sum
of money which his mother had saved, and made his way to
the part of the country which he later maintained was his
home.

The gist of the story as told by the well-mannered, self-sup-
porting and good mother is as follows: Mother and father both
American. The father has long been thoroughly immoral, but
not alcoholic. He is a big and prosperous-looking individual,
common school education. They have long been separated.
William is the only child. The mother induced miscarriages
prior to his birth. The father's family is not well known, but
there is nothing suspicious ever heard about them. So far as
known, no one on either side was feebleminded, insane or epileptic.
On the mother's side the men were extremely hard drinkers.
Their mentality was normal, but their passion for liquor was
beyond their control. Some of them died early, directly from
alcoholism.

During pregnancy with this child there was much misery. The
father at that time would stay away sometimes all night, and the
mother would walk the floor. Her husband was absolutely without
conscience in money matters, but never did anything to be actually
arrested. During all the pregnancy the mother was on a strain.
Then at this time she had' a very severe attack of bronchitis.
The birth was normal. At 6 weeks baby had severe bronchitis
with complications, and it was thought he would die. No con-
vulsions. He was a very fretful baby. Bottle fed. At 7 years
he had an operation for tonsils and adenoids. Walked and talked
at normal age; to school at 6. Had been more or less nervous
since he was 3 or 4 years of age. There has been careful watch-
ing for bad habits, but none known to have developed. He
grew rapidly and now he is a very large boy for his age. The last
year or so he jerks his shoulders and face frequently, and gnaws
at his fingers.

He is a bright boy in many ways, but in others a baby. Now
in 7th grade. Has always seemed fond of his mother, and could
not bear to see her suffer. He appeared a very innocent boy
until lately. Reads a good deal; likes to play childish games.
The mother's occupation demands that she live in a crowded

671

§ 317] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

portion of the town and he has little chance to be in the open.
Some 6 months ago he ran away, but came home the same night.
Recently he has been staying out at night, once or twice coming
in very late. He has been taking little sums of money from his
mother. He talks about Indians and revolvers a good deal. On
this last occasion he wrote from out west and his mother for-
warded money to him, but when he finally reached his home city
he did not go to her. The father has probably had no bad influ-
ence over him whatever; he has left the boy very much alone.
Naturally, the mother has been terrifically worried about her
child.

We found a lad who could easily pass for 16. Weight 116 Ibs.;
height 5 ft. 3 in. In the first stages of pubescence. General de-
velopment and nutrition decidedly good. Regular and extremely
mobile features; variable expression — pouts nervously at times.
Well-shaped head. Vision about normal. Slightly defective
hearing in one ear. Bites finger nails excessively. Color good.
Heart sounds normal. Knee jerks rather lively. Constant jerk-
ings and twitchings of face and neck, entirely of the purposive
type; during examination demonstrates that these are largely
controllable. Staccato speech. Good strength. Other exami-
nation all negative.

On the mental side many interesting features came out by
examination. Comparatively few tests were given on account
of the boy's nervousness.

Mental tests : our own series :

IV. 1' 12". 16 moves.

V. 3' 9". 3 errors and then the steps done consecutively with only
one error.

IX. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Correct at 1st trial.

XI. Got the idea promptly. Made 5 errors out of 11 possibilities.

XII. Gave 12 out of the 20 items, leaving out a whole series of
details.

XIII. Gave the entire 12 items in logical sequence with various
verbal changes.

XV. Only one failure. Average time 2".

XVI. 1st trial 75 squares tapped with 12 errors. 2d trial 85
squares tapped with 8 errors. Remarkably bad performance.

XVII. Writes a fair hand.

XVIII. Arithmetic for grade quite accurate.

XIX. Reads well.

XXIII. Pictorial Completion Test. 2' 28". 2 logical errors.

672

Chap. XXII] CASES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§ 317

During the work William behaved very flightily. It was diffi-
cult to get him to concentrate at times, and often he would
interrupt his work by suddenly talking on wholly irrelevant
subjects. He has a very jerky way of talking, and shows many
signs of lack of self-control. In conversation it is difficult to hold
him down to anything. He constantly breaks in with a question
or remark about some object in the room. He acts like a nervous
child of 4 or 5 years. Face is in constant motion.

" I '11 be 13 in September. Gee, that teacher gets me mad
when she calls me Willie. Anybody ought to be ashamed to lie
the way i did. Gee, I got a habit of twisting my neck. Gee,
do you see how bad it is? Miss D. was making a fool of me — no,
I mean she w^as joshing me about the pupils of my eyes — they 're
so big. Gee, but they say I 'm nervous."

" Some kids told me to go on a bum and then my mother told
me the principal wanted to see me. Gee, I was afraid. I thought
she was going to send me to prison for bumming. Are you going
to give me medicine? I heard my mother tell the teacher to put
me under observation. Gee, I got 87 questions to answer in
history. I got so far ahead of the others I guess that is the reason
she gave me that."

" I did not take any pocket book. Sure, I never took any pocket
book." (At this time we asked the boy not to lie to us.) " Well,
I did take it. I bought a ticket to Denver because it was a capital.
I thought it must be a big place. I did not know anything about
it. When I was there I lost $7 someway. I got to Boulder and
these other places and lived in Boulder three days. I just read
about them places on the map and went there. Never heard
of them before. Gee, I got such funny habits. I can run 3 miles.
No, I don't smoke. I never did. Don't take no tea or coffee.
Is that bad for me you think? "

To put down even as connected a story as the above, it was
necessary to overlook his laughing at inappropriate times and
the efforts to get him to withdraw his attention from some object
in the room.

It was easy to make the diagnosis that here we had a boy of
good native ability who was showing very poor control of his
association and psychomotor processes. There was aberrational
trouble on both the physical and mental sides. We recommended
he be placed at once under favorable circumstances in the coun-
try, and have his complete fill of outdoor life.

673

317] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

Mentality: Case 139.

Aberration, psychoneurosis. Boy, age 123^.

Adolescence : Premature puberty.

Developmental : Antenatal, mother much
worried, illness. Sickly
infancy. Early nervousness.

Heredity: F. moral instability.

Several maternal male
relatives inebriates.
Runaway.

Stealing. Mental :

Misrepresentation. Normal ability.

§ 318. Varieties of the Type. — Many other cases could be
cited in detail if it were necessary to show variations on the gen-
eral theme.

Case 140. — One boy from being implicated at about the time
of puberty in the accidental killing of another lad, developed
an anxiety psychosis and neurosis. A potent cause of the ensuing
psychopathic condition was his repression of knowledge of the
affair. In the midst of extreme sensitiveness aroused by all this,
he, after forced association with delinquent boys, became defi-
nitely a delinquent, mingling with a new type of comrades
and engaging in stealing. Then later he showed mild symptoms
of exophthalmic goiter. Under good auspices he has become some-
what more stable, but is still a difficult problem.

Case 141. — Another adolescent became so obsessed by reli-
gious impulses that he despised his family, who, as a matter of
fact, were very good people. His excessive feeling in the matter
led to his attacking his mother, breaking furniture, and even to
prevarication. It took a long time, and much patience on the
part of the family, with periods of living away from home, to
get this young man's mental attitude tuned to family living
conditions, but with common-sense management it has been
accomplished. The boy, at one time, could easily have been
adjudged insane, if the incongruity of his violent behavior and
expressed beliefs had been emphasized.

Case 142. — In illustration of the fact that the stress at puberty
upon an individual who is nervously inferior may be mentally
overwhelming is the following. A boy of 15 for three years has

674

Chap. XXII] VARIETIES OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§ 318

been playing truant and staying away from home sometimes a
week at a time. He has also been stealing in petty ways. At 9
months he had some nervous trouble which left him partially
paralyzed. He was never regarded as backward mentally; he
reached 7th grade. In spite of only partial use of one side, he
gets around well, and occasionally earns his own living by odd
jobs. He began masturbation at 11 or 12. It was evidently
not long after that when he began to have times of looking very
pitiful, so his mother says, and would laugh in a silly way without
answering questions asked him. Periods of depression set in
which would last for several days, following some of which he
would run away. He threatened to commit suicide. His work
on tests shows no indication of defect or abnormality, but his
emotional behavior and his tendencies to misconduct, through
which he himself suffers a great deal, are highly significant. He
is backward in puberty and very poorly developed and nourished.
Weight only 68 lbs.; height 4 ft., 10 in. In such a case personal
attention in a sympathetic country home would usually be best.
If this is not procurable, as it was not in this case, then the proper
kind of a boy's industrial school is to be recommended. This
particular lad has been mentally steadied in a very remarkable
way under the latter treatment, so that now at 16 1-2 he is re-
garded as quite normal. This is a great success, considering the
desperate nature of the s}Tiiptoms manifested earlier.

No account of the mental aberrations of adolescence could
pretend to outline the field without doing some justice to the
curious, reckless, vicious, and violent behavior, entirely irrational,
that is frequently observed in adolescent girls. Most striking
in this is the utter neglect often of the first elements of self-
preservation. The demand for self -activity and self-assertion
is quite beyond the mark of ordinary prudence and foresight. Of
course there are as many variations in the cases as there are differ-
ences in the physical, mental, and environmental substrata of
the individuals, but the following short summary of a very
long case will serve to show the marked aberrational behavior
of girls who are not, however, to be considered insane.

Case 143. — Jennie S. This girl of just 17 is extraordinarily
well developed. Weight 164 lbs. Height 5 ft. 5 in. Large frame
and very large bones. In age of onset of puberty and in develop-
ment of sex characteristics she has been rather backward in com-

675

§ 318] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

parison. Extremely defective vision for which she has not been
willing to wear glasses of late.

On the mental side there was no difficulty in diagnosing her
as having fair ability. On some tests she should have done better,
but then her eyesight without glasses is atrociously bad. We
note that she is a dull, heavy type. When stimulated she always
succeeded in doing better at her work; lack of initiative was
always present. She is firm and decided in her manner of talking,
and has positive opinions about many things. She shows much
sense of humor, and quite a little ability in introspection; has
developed a definite attitude toward life. Her grudge against her
family is largely justified.

After several months of observation and knowledge of her
career, to the diagnosis we added that Jennie at times showed
a peculiar, unstable mental condition in which she was not at all
equal to controlling herself. She made frequent voluntary appeals
for moral help, showing herself generally desirous of behaving
well, but when much was done for her without committing her
to an institution, she did not play fair, or keep her promises. Her
delinquencies were of a nature so obviously harmful to herself
that their commission seemed highly indicative of mental aber-
ration.

Jennie began at about 14 with recalcitrant behavior at home.
Prior to that time she had always been a good girl, and had had
a healthy developmental history. One great defect in the envi-
ronment was the alcoholism of the father; he was a great dis-
turbing influence at home. He comes of a quarrelsome family.
Jennie wore glasses during her school period, and got along well
to the 7th grade by the time she was 14. At about the period
she entered adolescence there were several very upsetting factors,
which led to mental conflict spreading out over 2 or 3 years. The
abusiveness of her father in the home was one point. Then she
worked for a man whom the family respected, but who at a
time when he was drunk, attempted to persuade her into bad
sex affairs. Then, thirdly, the mother, after enduring some months
of Jennie's bad behavior, deceitfully placed her under duress.
It was after this that the feeling of grudge, and desire for revenge,
and general moral confusion partially unbalanced her. She
indulged in much bad language, quarreling, lies and obstinacy.
She repeatedly ran away, and failed to do well in a number of
places where sympathetic people tried her. Still later she became

676

Chap. XXII] TREATMENT OF ADOLESCENT ABERRATION [§ 319

involved in sex affairs, but never was extensively bad in this
direction. She grew steadily more unreliable. She disappeared
from all her friends. In numerous places where she was traced
she was said to act as if she were insane. Her final arrest was
brought about through vagrancy. Being taken to a certain jail
she created a great sensation by working up a desperate plot to
kill the matron. At this time she had a very furtive and pecul-
iar appearance. Later in court she was perfectly uncontrolled,
used extremely bad language, and even made an attempt to
strike the judge.

The significant feature of this case is the development of aber-
rational tendencies under conditions which gave her good chances.
Her frequent appeals for moral aid were met by unusual oppor-
tunities for reform. In her case there were no adventitious
influences such as the use of stimulants, or excessive sex temp-
tations, either personal or environmental. The unfortunate
family irritations were greatly diminished by her being placed
out. We noted that her aberrational behavior did not center
about the menstrual period.

Under restriction in an institution this young woman has
finally developed completely stable behavior. From this fact we
can offer a further good prognosis if later environmental condi-
tions are reasonably satisfactory. (We are able to add another
word: A year has elapsed; the girl is now nearly 19; she has
been living quietly at home for several months and is a changed
character. She says she has learned to put up with things that
used to annoy her bitterly. She is a happy and attractive young
woman.)

§ 319. Treatment. — The possibility of the successful treat-
ment in an institution for delinquents of a case showing minor
mental aberrations of adolescence is of vital importance. That
some instances of recovery under the regime of an industrial
school do take place we have proof, as illustrated above. The
change that has come over the individual with good manage-
ment and correct hygiene is sometimes most rapid and remark-
able. Not every case can be tolerated in these schools, on
account of the needs of the other young people, but under the
classification possible by the cottage system it is evident, from
our experience, that most cases can be taken care of in such an
institution. In these adolescent troubles, as so frequently in
considering mental disease, environmental stress has to be taken

677

§ 319j MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

into account. Proper institutional life, affording hygienic mental
and physical conditions, reduces this to a minimal irritation
in our type of cases, and so at once eliminates a large element of
causation.

A very short summary of a typical case, such as we have seen
a number of, is the following:

Case 144, — Boy of 14, who earlier had been a truant, and re-
cently had been engaged in stealing and burglary. In the back-
ground there was a prolonged serious illness during infancy, pre-
mature puberty, and perhaps sex habits. Physically he was poor
in development. Weight only 83 lbs.; height 4 ft. 8 in. Not-
withstanding this backwardness sex development was almost
adult. About his mentality it was very difficult to decide on
account of having to work with an interpreter. Tests were done
with much irregularity. The parents were sure the boy was not
right mentally.

To the judge: "Undoubtedly this boy is mentally peculiar
as his mother says, but we can find no reason strong enough
for recommending him to any institution for the mentally ab-
normal. He may be temporarily upset, but is very likely to
straighten out under regular conditions of living and education,
such as at X."

The report on this boy after a year is that he is getting along
famously in the institution and showing great improvement both
mentally and physically. He is regarded there as a suitable case
for them.

PSYCHOSES FROM ALCOHOL.

§ 320. Nature of Alcoholic Psychoses. — For a complete chap-
ter on the intoxication psychoses we must refer to special works
on psychiatry. We could not undertake to recount here all the
many mental symptoms of acute and chronic alcoholism; the
diagnosis frequently demands expert and perhaps prolonged
observation.

Some idea of the astonishing variety of psychoses caused by
alcohol can be gained from the enumeration of Cramer (221),
one of the foremost authorities. He distinguishes: (1) the gradual
progressive dementia of chronic alcoholism, (2) delirium tremens,
(3) alcoholic delusions of jealousy, (4) acute alcoholic paranoid
psychosis — the hallucinosis of Bonhoeffer and Wernicke, (5)
chronic paranoidal insanity, (6) alcoholic anxiety psychosis, (7)

678

Chap. XXII] ALCOHOLISM AND CRIMINALITY [§ 321

alcoholic paralysis — pseudoparesis, (8) alcoholic epilepsy, (9)
the psychosis of intolerance to alcohol, (10) pathological drunk-
enness, (11) dipsomania, (12) Korssakow's psychosis — a dis-
order characterized by a peculiar loss of memory and power of
orientation.

§321. Alcoholism and Criminality, — When considering the
close connection between alcoholic intoxication in general and
criminality ^ we are constrained to exactly agree with Mercier
when he insists that acute alcoholic intoxication should be classed
as a toxic insanity, usually brief in duration, and having many
direct and indirect relationships to criminality. Everybody is
acquainted with the crimes against person and property, the
acts of cruelty, the ugly deeds of neglect and meanness which are
perpetrated in a condition of temporary insanity from alcohol.
It seems quite unnecessary to even designate the types of mis-
conduct which are here involved — the subject is so very well
known.

However, it is important to note that there is the greatest
difference in the predisposition of individuals, and even of cer-
tain races or nationalities, to be mentally upset by alcoholic
poisons. The whiskey which a Southern gentleman innocently
partakes of before breakfast, may in another physiological type
incite to murder. All physicians with experience in these mat-
ters have known those to whom a glass or two of beer is sufficient
to create a topsy-turvy world of moral conditions. In court we
see, unfortunately, how the ugliest passions and the most das-
tardly impulses, ranging from neglect of children to stealing and
murder, have been aroused by the imbibition of only a small
amount of liquor. Delinquencies are repeated over and over in
subsequent attacks of this temporary insanity, and the same type
of unlawful behavior may lead the individual to be committed
scores of times. The astounding record of Jane Cakebread {vide
Holmes, 66), the notorious recidivist in the London courts, with
her 280 commitments for " drunk and disorderly," is approached

1 The 1910 Judicial Statistics for England and Wales (40, p. 15) show that
of a total 168,260 convictions 54,305 involved drunkenness. The report of the
French Minister of Justice in 1909 (Journal officiel, 41) concerned itself largely
with the relations between alcohohsm and criminality. The statistical re-
sults were based upon a system of individual records which were filled out by
magistrates, and showed that 22 per cent, of the murders were committed under
the influence of alcohol, 33 per cent, of the cases of rape or offenses against de-
cency, and 24 per cent, of the cases of manslaughter. Yvernis (42) states that
in 1909, 31 per cent, of all those condemned were alcoholics or were intoxi-
cated at the time of the offense.

679

§ 321] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

in the careers of other alcoholic delinquents, wife beaters, street
brawlers, saloon fighters. Some of these are normal enough
socially and mentally when they refrain from drink; they must
be sharply distinguished from such as suffer chronically from a
psychosis, whether this has resulted directly from the abuse of
alcohol, or is merely correlated with it in other than a causal
relationship. In passing judgment on this latter point we must
ever remember that very many alcoholics are such because of
already existing defects or aberrations of mentality.

§ 322, Treatment under the Law. — For the practical deter-
mination of the actual bearing which alcoholism has in the pro-
duction of criminality an estimation must be made of the offend-
er's mental status. In undertaking any prediction for court
purposes it must never be forgotten that the feebleminded and
epileptic have not only less powers of resistance to temptation to
drink, but also very frequently are more easily inflamed by alcohol
than their better balanced brothers. Although it may not yet
be, as stated by the court decision we have cited under the head
of epilepsy (§ 257), that the law can safely regard one person as
being more readily turned towards crime by liquor than another,
nevertheless no fact is better known to even casual observers.
This should have much bearing upon the disposition and treat-
ment of those who are thus hypersusceptible.

Taking the general question of alcohol and the criminality
it causes through inducing different kinds of mental disturb-
ance, it seems clear that the treatment of the individual case
should always be calculated to serve as a warning against fur-
ther indulgence, and at the same time should look out for the exist-
ence of such physical and mental conditions in the offender
which make abstinence reasonably possible. Otherwise social
treatment becomes totally absurd. Incarceration under will-
weakening conditions offers worse chances for improved conduct
in the future. Our knowledge of delinquent drunkards leads us
to coincide with the opinion of Mercier (45) : " The usual course
of letting him (the drunkard) off with a trifling flne, or a few days
imprisonment, has been shown, by the experience of several
generations, and of hundreds of thousands of instances, to be
utterly futile and ineffective. It has not, apparently, the slightest
deterrent effect; and the same offender receives these sentences,
hundreds of times repeated, without amending his condition in
the least. ... If every person charged with willful drunkenness,

680

Chap. XXIl] PSYCHOSES OF CHRONIC ALCOHOLISM [§ 323

or with offenses committed in a state of willful drunkenness,
were to be punished on the first offense with 6 months', or even
3 months', imprisonment, without the option of a fine, charges of
drunkenness would be enormously diminished. . . . The drunk-
ard is as much a danger to society as a lunatic at large, which he is;
and when he comes to commit an offense in consequence of his
drunkenness, he should, in my opinion, be punished, not so much
in proportion to the gravity of the offense committed when drunk,
as in proportion to the deliberateness of the intentions with which
he brought himself into this dangerous state."

§ 323. Psychoses of Chronic Alcoholism. — To the student of
mental conditions chronic alcoholism presents very definite
abnormal psychical features which are as yet little recognized
by the law. Cooper (245) in his conservative study maintains
that all inebriates show in greater or less degree the following
peculiarities: (a) incapacity to bear physical or mental pain;
(b) defective moral sense; (c) defective sense of responsibility;
(d) intolerance or tolerance of alcohol beyond the normal; (e)
defective realization of abnormalities even when the individual
is sober; (/) defective inhibitions for meeting desires and impulses;
(g) defective mental equilibrium, shown in deficient powers of
concentration and attention, in abnormal emotionalism, etc.
]Many authors draw attention to the same kind of fact. Crothers
(251), acutely reviewing the forensic bearings of alcoholism,
strongly favors the idea of chronic alcoholics as such being con-
sidered not normal mentally. He well calls attention to the fact
that testifying physicians get much mixed on the point when they
pass judgment according to the theoretical legal conceptions of
insanity and responsibility. He rightly insists, moreover, on the
fact that there has been altogether too little careful investiga-
tion of the actual effects of alcoholism upon various mental
powers. The interest in the subject is ahead of our exact knowl-
edge. As Heilbronner (252) says in his scholarly review of the
subject, the only w^ay to clear the ground is for psychiatrists to
stick to their own findings and professional facts, and let legal,
theoretical dicta alone.^

^ The literature on the various phases of the relationship between alco-
hoHsm, criminahty and the law is very rich, and any one who would pass judg-
ment on the individual case, or who would plan for measures of amehoration
or prevention should have acquaintance with the best authorities. For such
students we offer a selection of some of the best works: A tremendous bibli-
ography covering the whole question of alcohol came out by Abderhalden
(253) in 1904. A shorter list of the principal books was published in the Jour-

681

§ 323] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

The definite mental disturbances of chronic alcoholism which
are particularly related to criminalistic conduct are as follows:
there is the progressive dementia of chronic alcoholism, which
may be accompanied by delusions, hallucinations and uninhibited
impulses that incite to misconduct. Sufferers from this weak-
ened mental condition readily find their way into the ranks of
criminalism. Their earning capacity is lowered, their social
status is poor, their moral inhibitions are largely lost; it is an
easy step to vagrancy, petty stealing, and offenses against decency
and sex morality. Then there is the so-called acute alcoholic
hallucinosis (vide Bonhoeffer, 9, and Mitchell, 46) in which
states some of the worst tragedies have been enacted. The con-
dition is mainly characterized by insomnia and irritability accom-
panied by hallucinations of hearing and vision and depressive
delusions. (Delirium tremens is only rarely connected with the
commission of crime.) Another important chronic mental state
associated with alcoholism is alcoholic paranoia. In this there
is developed a delusional state marked principally by ideas of
persecution and jealousy. A word about a case cited elsewhere.
Case 30, will make this point clear, and also demonstrate the
importance of the practical recognition of this group. The mother
of a family has been sentenced to short terms some scores of times.
The reason of her recurrent arrest is that when she gets out she
starts housekeeping with her family, very often in a new locahty^
and then rapidly develops delusions concerning her neighbors.
Either with or without drunkenness, she has exacerbations
accompanied by violence. She breaks windows and doors,
destroys other property, becomes very noisy, and indulges in
personal assaults. The cost to the community of this woman's

nal of Inebriety (254), in 1903. A comprehensive work by Helenius (255)
appeared in same year. A much quoted study by Baer and Laquer (256),
which includes the subject of criminaUty, was pubhshed in second edition, in
1907. Perhaps the most valuable general reference work, with citation of nu-
merous authorities, is that by Hoppe (257), the eminent German authority, 4th
edition in 1912. The same author (242) has a special work covering the rela-
tionship of alcohol to criminality, and devotes stiU a third considerable essay
(258) to the more theoretical legal aspects. Professional people, both legal and
medical, will find much of interest and importance in the chapters on the
medico-legal connections of alcohoUsm in Crothers' book (251). "The Relation
of Alcohol to the Feebleminded " is the title of a work by Potts and others (259).
Juvenile alcoholism as correlated to criminahty is treated at length by Hoppe
(242), and in its relation to general social pathology by the same author (257).
For those contemplating the possibilities of institutional work, the various re-
ports of institutions should be consulted; in this country particularly those
from Massachusetts, vide Neff (246).

682

Chap. XXII] ALCOHOLIC PSYCHOSES IN .UJOLESCENTS [§ 325

never having been efficiently treated may be judged by contem-
plating the history of the family.

§ 32-1. Acute Alcoholic Psychoses. — Leaving aside the brief
insanity named intoxication or drunkenness, there are acute alco-
holic psychoses especially productive of criminality. Few text
books on psychiatry give them. These mental states are seen
mostly by those who study offenders as such.^ Pathological
reaction or psychic intolerance to alcohol is seen particularly in
neuropathic individuals, in those who have suffered head injuries,
and in adolescents. A complete disturbance of the personality
may ensue with release of inhibitions of sex impulses, of tenden-
cies to violence and other criminality. In the so-called pathologi-
cal intoxication there may be the most sudden change of emotions,
with impulses to violence, or there may be other characteristic
signs of insanity such as stereotyped movements. The condi-
tion may last from a few minutes to an hour or so. Bonhoeffer
divides the forms of this psychosis into delirious and epilepti-
form, but there is no real line of demarcation. In criminal annals
individuals experiencing this psychosis figure as those who sud-
denly respond to some perception or self-initiated impulse, which
is entirely at variance with the individual of the moment before.
There is usually an utterly uncalled-for attack upon person or
property. German observers have laid much stress for diagnosis
upon the fact that the period of pathological intoxication is fol-
lowed by a terminal sleep, after which the individual usually
has no recollection of immediately preceding events.

§ 325. Alcoholic Psychoses in Adolescents, — Our special con-
tribution to this subject comes from our observation of still
another group of cases in which a pathological reaction to alcohol
has extended for days and even over a week or two. Significant
bodily signs, such as enlargement of the pupils {vide Stapel, 362),
which occurs in pathological intoxication are not found, but the
mental aberrations are characteristic and important. There is
complete impulsivity which throws all prudence to the winds.

^ Several German authors have written at length on the topic of patholog-
ical intoxication (der pathologische Rausch) and intolerance to alcohol. We
would refer particularly to the chapter by Cramer (221) on alcohohc psychoses,
and to the discussion (15) of the same author of the medico-legal bearings of
the subject. Bonhoeffer (9) stUl earlier contributed a study on this topic, and
Richter (11) has a special dissertation on it. Others have given details of
cases, one of the best studied in its legal relations being that by Weber (361).
The type of prolonged pathological reaction to alcohol which we have observed
and illustrated above we have found no satisfactory account of in the literature.

683

§ 325] . MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

There is rapid alteration of the emotions. There is mental rest-
lessness, and frequently mild incoherency, inability to pay atten-
tion, and perhaps decidedly imperfect memory for recent events.
In other words there is a mild clouding of consciousness, confu-
sion, excitement and irritability. The effect upon conduct of
these psychotic states may well be imagined. In young males
we have had particular reason to note a tendency to extravagant
violence, entirely prejudicial to their own interests, and in girls
reckless abandon to sexual practices w^hich were certainly not
called out by any usual desires. The lack of mental control,
impulsivity and mild confusion are illustrated in the following
cases, where the symptoms in these adolescents have lasted for
days, or even a week or two after cessation of drinking.

Case 145. — A boy of 16, very small for his age, when under
detention, acted for days in the most violent fashion, directly
against his own interests. Even when before the judge he at-
tempted viciously to assault first a witness, and then a court
attache. Everybody, including his own parents, thought that he
certainly must be mentally disturbed. As observed by us, a
few minutes after the court scene, he was an extraordinarily
dissipated looking youngster, with swollen eyes and bluish skin.
Now, instead of the desperate tough, we had a highly nervous,
excitably-talking, friendly boy, who soon began to weep and sob.
His only talk was of drinking and smoking, which he said he
had been indulging in excessively for some days prior to his
arrest, which was about a week previously. Nothing in the way of
testing could be done on account of his nervousness, but he was
obviously unbalanced. He had been ordered to an institution
for delinquents.

The interested parents gave a clear account of a curiously
mixed career. This boy is considered the only dull member of
a large family of children. His development was normal and he
was never seriously ill until he was 8 years old. Then he began
having periods of severe headache and vomiting, which would
come after a couple of days of queer actions. He had these then
for years. He also had typhoid badly at 8 years. He was some-
what of a somnambulist, and a great coward always at night. He
did very poorly in school, and was at last sent to an institution
on account of truancy. Previous to his truancy he had worked
hard for over a year, getting up early in the morning to deliver
milk before school time. At 14 he was only in the 4th grade.

684

Chap. XXII] ALCOHOLIC PSYCHOSES IN ADOLESCENTS [§ 325

Then he found a phice to work with a big financial concern,
braced up and did splendidly for nearly a year, when a craving for
country life came over him and he left his good position, where
he was well liked, to go on a farm. After he came back from the
country he commenced going with one of the toughest gangs
in the city. Then followed strange behavior, singing ribald songs
at home, jumping out of the window when reproved, staying
under the table and looking like a hunted animal when afraid
of his father. He even slept on the floor under furniture rather
than in his own bed, and at last stayed away from home for days
together. His parents say that at times his eyes were glassy
and wild, and altogether he appeared most abnormal.

This boy when an infant had one convulsion, none of the other
children had any. Nor do they suffer with sick headaches. The
father was earlier subject to migraine, later became a hard drinker,
but for years had entirely reformed, and was now reliable and
respectable. A maternal aunt of the boy was subject to severe
headaches, and then later developed epilepsy followed by insanity.

The boy was seen a month later. We found an entirely changed
individual, of normal appearance and rather strong type of face.
Except for his small size and large adenoids and tonsils we found
his physical conditions normal. Mentally, to our great surprise,
we found by many tests that his ability was well up to the ordi-
nary. He says he detested school life, deliberately learned as
little as possible, and always wanted to live in the open country,
which he was never allowed to do. From the story of this now
manly appearing boy we hear that for 6 months or so prior to
the time we saw him in court, he had been drinking, at least a
little beer every day. This is what made him so strange at
home, he saj^s. Then what led to his final period of crazy behavior,
with burglary, a street robbery, extraordinary defiance of the
police, as well as the irrational actions mentioned above, play-
ing a part, was whiskey-drinking with the gang. " I did n't
know where I was at in those days."

We never obtained any account of actual intoxication of this
boy from any one; the effect of the liquor was simply to create
exceedingly erratic and dangerous behavior. The background
of neurotic tendency is to be remembered. The best proof of
the cause of the trouble was in the total change of his character
and condition after a month of abstinence, with no more charges
of criminalistic behavior for now several years.

685

§ 325] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

Mentality: Psychosis, temporary. Case 145.

Stimulants: Whiskey and beer. ^^^' ^^ ^^^•

Tobacco + +.

Neuropathic constitution.

EarHer attacks resembKng migraine.

Heredity: Father earlier migraine, alcoholic.
Maternal aunt epileptic and insane.

Earlier truancy. Mental :

Recently fighting. Fair ability.

Stealing, etc. Temporarily aberrational.

One might cite other cases in which an aberrational mental
condition persisted, with dangerous social behavior, for a week
or two after the cessation of a drinking bout. One could instance
the effects of saturnalia engaged in for several days by young
toughs, when they shut themselves up in a barn, eat and sleep
but little while drinking and smoking excessively. This may
bring about a half-dazed condition in which the most vicious
impulses have full sway. Offenses, even murder, may be then
readily committed. The individual is then quite incapable of
listening to reason or appreciating proposals for his own advan-
tage. Neuropathic, defective and adolescent individuals undoubt-
edly succumb easiest, and are therefore the most dangerous.
Perhaps the most vicious young tough we have ever known is
a moron in mental grade, a pleasant-faced, dull-minded chap,
who with a little liquor becomes utterly irrational and reckless,
a wild beast loose in society. A pathological reaction to alcohol
is also seen in females, such as the following:

Case 146. — Girl of 17. In this instance a girl, who was held
as a witness against some men with whom she had engaged in
excessively immoral practices, showed signs of mental disturb-
ance. She was found very difficult to take care of because of
her extremely erratic, restless, and reckless behavior, her con-
stant use of the vilest language, and her continual dwelling on
sex affairs. In a short time she had managed to pour into the
ears of a number of other detained young women the most abject
details of low sex practices.

The mother told us that earlier this girl showed unusually
good traits. She had a splendid record in school for both scholar-

686

Chap. XXII] ALCOHOLIC PSYCHOSES IN ADOLESCENTS [§ 325

ship and deportment, and later worked steadily and gave every
cent to her mother. The mother had not considered it necessary
for the girl to be carefully watched in any way. A couple of
months prior she began to stay out late at night and two weeks
ago had run away from home entirely. She had now been in
custody about a week.

We found on the physical side a very strongly built young
woman. No sensory defect. Well-shaped head. Her expres-
sion and attitude were remarkable. She was silly, laughing,
simpering, slouchy, and nervous.

We soon found that mentally we had to do with a rather bright
tjpe of individual who did most of our tests in a nervous way
\\athout trouble, but who showed certain peculiarities in the
performance.

Mental tests : our own series :

I. 3' 10". Very nervous performance on the triangles.

III. 2'. 20 moves. 11 impossibilities, 4 repetitions of impossi-
bihties.

IV. 2' 13". 13 moves.

VIII. 1 error, but this was inexcusable for it was a repetition of
the same number.

IX. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Correct at 2d trial.

XV. 1 failure and 1 error. Average time 1.3".

XVI. 88 and 89 with 2 and 4 errors respectively in 1st and 2d trials.

XVII. Writes an ordinary hand. Spells correctly.
XIX. Reads fluently an ordinary passage.
XXIII. Pictorial Completion Test all correct.

Kraepelin subtraction test with simple numbers, as taking 4's from
50, she finds it quite impossible to accomplish correctly.

Nothing further was done at this time on account of the girl's be-
ha\'ior. She would make a diligent effort for a minute or so, and then
become nervous, would sigh, and frequently exclaim she wished she
had a drink or a smoke to brace her up.

On the next day she still failed to do the subtraction test.

Six days later when this girl was mentally changed, as we state below,
she did test I in 36", test II in the exceedingly swift time of 4", test IV
in 19". Test XI, the code test, was done with only 3 errors, and the
Kraepelin subtraction test on more difficult numbers was done cor-
rectly. At this time her behavior was totally different and she said
that she felt mentally like a new person.

In the family it is said there has been no insanity, feeblemind-
edness or epilepsy on either side. The girl's father was a thor-
oughly bad man, alcoholic and immoral. Earliest development

687

§ 325] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

normal, but at 4 years she had '' brain fever " severely and was
taken to a hospital. Had many other children's diseases lightly.
Progress good in school, 7th grade. Never convulsions.

It came out by the girl's story that she had been living a life
that the mother knew nothing of. For a year or so, even when
a good earner, she had been frequenting wine rooms on the way
home in company with young men, and had cultivated a definite
taste for alcghol. In the couple of weeks before incarceration
she had been drinking hard. She showed some apperception of
her own mental condition, even at our first interview.

" I was drinking all last winter, wine and stuff in the saloon.
The fellows would buy it for me and then I would duck out.
I was wise then. Now, I 'm a dummy and they can fool me in
everything. I 'd believe anything they say. A fellow had a
ring and he said it was a diamond ring, and he took my dollar
and my gloves for it, and it was only a 10-cent ring. That was
the dollar I had from work. If it 's a lie or the truth I believe it
just the same. I can't subtract them sixes for you, I don't know
how to do it. I forget."

All the time at this first interview the narrator was laughing,
leering and nervously moving about. When we attempted to get
some details of her recent history, especially concerning time,
she became confused and incoherent (Korssakow's symptom).
Suddenly she jumped up and went to the window. " I want to get
out of here, I want to go back to the saloon so I can drink. I like
wine. I want a drink now, I 'm crazy for it. I used to go with
a nice crowd, but they was not wild enough for me after I got
started."

Three days later she appeared most unkempt. Says she feels
like singing and laughing. When asked to do a simple test insists
over and over, " It 's too hard for a young girl like me. I can't
think the way I used to, it takes me an hour to get anything
through my head now. If I could get out now I would start to
drink. I love wine, port is the best; gin fizz, that 's good."

We note now that her behavior in its negativism suggests
some features of dementia precox. She would not allow the
physician to see her mouth and throat. Laughs in a silly way.
Takes no care of her person.

Four days after this a remarkable change came over her. She
wanted to see us and wanted to say that she thanked God an
officer had found her before it was too late. She thinks now

688

Chap. XXll] PSYCHOSES FROM MORPHINE [§ 326

that her head was not all right the other day, and asked if she
said any queer things. She feels much better, but not quite
right yet in her mind. Thinks it would be hardly safe for her
now to go out, is not sure that she would stay away from saloons.
Is sure that previous to drinking hard she used to be much
smarter. We note that this girl today looks much cleaner and
brighter in expression. Asked if she would do tests, she willingly
responds with the good performance we noted above.

Nothing that we observed was any more indicative of mental
aberration than the extremely low and reckless behavior which
this erstwhile modest girl indulged in after she started her drink-
ing bout away from home. The details that came out in the
court were nauseating in the extreme. It seemed incredible that
a girl of such previously good reputation could, when in no
obviously intoxicated condition, seek out such situations.

She made later still more progress to complete mental nor-
mality. It should be remarked that at the time we found this
girl showing her marked aberrational symptoms, she had been
without alcohol for a week, and that it was after two weeks of
custody when her behavior and mental powers became normal,

PSYCHOSES FROM DRUGS.

§ 326. Psychoses from Morphine. — On this, as on the fol-
lowmg subjects, suitable text books on psychiatry must be con-
sulted for full information about the different psychoses which
arise from morphine. We are concerned only with such forms
of uisanity as are productive of criminality. The general mental
and character changes produced by different drugs are discussed
elsewhere, § 198 ff.

The long use of morphine brings about dementia, in which
moral decrepitude stands out strongly. Thus it comes about
that some miserable, demented hag, an old drug habitue, becomes
a procurer for houses of prostitution, or engages in ilHcit distribu-
tion of habit -forming drugs. Well known to hospital people are
the hallucinatory and delusional states produced by morphine.
These latter mental conditions lead to the commission of crimes,
but probably no more when they have been produced by mor-
phine than when they arise from other causes. Some of the
insane mental states resulting from morphine are only tempo-
rary — there may be a sharp recovery from them.

689

§ 327] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

§ 327. Psychoses from Cocaine. — We have considered else-
where, § 199, the general mental changes produced by cocaine.
Definite insanities are also the result of the use of this drug.
Whether because cocaine is particularly selected by neuro-
pathic individuals, or because of its own peculiar effects, mental
aberrations and deterioration much more rapidly ensue than
in the case of the overuse of morphine. The chronic excitement
of cocainists readily passes off into delirious states. Indeed,
there is an acute cocaine hallucinosis which is described in the
text books. Individuals suffering from the insanities produced
by cocaine are particularly dangerous on account of their
maniacal condition. The partially depressed and partially ex-
cited state seen after withdrawal of the drug may, too, be
provocative of desperate conduct. Both mentally and morally,
one of the most unreliable of human beings is the habitual
cocaine user.

§ 328. Psychoses from Other Drugs. — Insanities produced
by chloral, cannabis indica, and other drugs play comparatively
little part in criminalism. We confine our remarks to this country,
for in the Orient it is a fact that the mental effects of cannabis
indica, hasheesh, have long been celebrated as provoking extreme
tendencies to violence.

In connection wdth this subject and, indeed, all the way through
our discussion of the effect of stimulants and narcotics upon the
mind and character, we should emphasize the relatively powerful
effect which drugs have on an individual who is in the more
unstable periods of life, such as adolescence. Added to this we
should insist on their greater effects also on those of neuro-
pathic heredity and constitution. The following case of mental
upset caused by excessive use of tobacco as snuff, in an adoles-
cent neuropath, is a most exaggerated instance of the effects of
tobacco, but is thoroughly typical of drugs.

Case 147. — A young man of 16 was seen by us after he had
been twice in the hands of police authorities. The charges against
him were loafing on the streets, not staying at work, getting into
street rows brought on by himself, and, worst of all, viciously at-
tacking his good mother. On the last occasion when he was taken
in charge he was discovered just about to cut off the tail of a cat.
He was seated at home in the midst of furniture and dishes which
had been broken and strewn about. Even the stove had been
taken to pieces. On previous occasions, it had been noted that

690

Chap. XXIl] PSYCHOSES FROM OTHER DRUGS [§ :)28

the boy's mind was much on eriminahstic affairs. One could
hardly get him to talk of anything but criminals and life at
Sing Sing.

We found a pleasant-faced, tall boy, with greatly variable
response both as shown by facial expression and mental reaction.
Regular features and well-shaped head gave him a thoroughly
prepossessing appearance. No sensor}^ defect noted. Knee
jerks very lively. Constant fine tremor of the hands. Strength
poor for his size. Weight 112 lbs. Height 5 ft. 5 in. Excessive
biting of the finger nails and finger tips. Slouchy attitude.
Very restless, with peculiar, quick, jerky voluntary motions.
Is said to have shown signs of excessive nervousness for
years.

His erratic general behavior and great variability made the
givmg of ordinary tests valueless, except as showing negative
results. It was found, however, that in moments of better con-
trol he could do our Completion Test, XXIII, correctly. In
3' 50" he said he had finished, although there were two errors.
WTien urged to do better he finally put all the pieces in their
right places. One found him to be an excessive liar, to have
very deficient memory for certain recent events, and to show
in general a tremendous amount of lack of mental control. In
conversation every few minutes he would assert, " I can prove
it." Although some vague account of his own bad habits was
forthcoming, yet in general his own account of himself was quite
unreliable.

From the very intelligent father we learn that this is the only
living child, that a step-brother by the same mother had epi-
leptic attacks and finally committed suicide while insane. The
mother herself had suffered from an attack of melancholia prior
to the birth of this child. She later recovered. She was an
unusually good woman. Other members of the family are well
educated and successful. The pregnancy with this boy was
normal. He was very large at birth and instruments were used,
but no damage was known to be done. Several convulsions dur-
ing infancy. Walked and talked early. Had a severe opera-
tion for appendicitis at 7 years of age. When in Europe at 10
years learned the use of snuff. The last two years has been tak-
ing it regularly. Recently has made an extremely rapid pubertal
growth. The family have noted this as being very peculiar.
The boy was regarded as bright, but on account of changing

691

§ 328] MINOR MENTAL ABERRATIONS [Chap. XXII

residences never advanced well in school. Later he had a good
position, and was thought well of by competent business men.
He held this position for about a year. His bad conduct began
only recently, although before adolescence he was regarded as
being nervous.

The connection between the use of snuff and this boy's previous
mental condition and bad conduct can only be conjectured. But
the last outbreak was so closely under observation that the rela-
tionship became clear. After once previously being taken charge of
by the authorities he became ill with pneumonia and was placed in
a hospital. There he was observed as being nervous and erratic,
and when he found that one of the other inmates of the ward had
snuff, he gave a great deal of trouble because of his endeavor
to get hold of it. Immediately following his illness, and while
still in a depleted condition, he went home, and at once indulged
in an orgy of snuff using. He used a whole box of it within 24
hours, and as an immediate result began the erratic conduct
which again made him complained of. Before becoming violent,
his family say he sat and rubbed his hands through his hair, or
crawled on his knees over the floor. When we saw him the boy
had partially recovered his mental equilibrium. He was frank
enough to state that he did not believe he wanted to give up
the habit, and that he thought in most public institutions he could
use his ingenuity successfully to get hold of snuff.

This is an unusual case, inasmuch as it is rare to see such marked
psychic disturbances and misbehavior arising from the use of
tobacco in any form — it is to be presumed that the snuff which
this boy used, being the usual commercial article, was not any
one of the doctored snuffs sometimes obtainable. One would
expect to find just such disturbances from cocaine and chloral
and hasheesh, but the significant points are all the more valuable
when the immediate source of trouble is a less noxious drug.
The behavior in this case is almost exactly similar to that of
some cocaine users we have seen, and the case will serve with its
several factors as a paradigm for the whole group of adoles-
cent drug users. It appears clear from our experience that one may
expect the appearance of temporary psychoses with criminal-
istic behavior in neuropathic individuals, in depleted physical
conditions, and particularly during adolescence, when there is
indulgence in habit-forming drugs.

692

Chaf. XXIl] OTHER MINOR INIENTAL ABERRATIONS [§ 329

§ 329. Other Minor Mental Aberrations.

For the sake of completeness we must refer under this caption
to the various types of minor mental aberrations, either transi-
tory or permanent, which are discussed by us under the headings
of epilepsy, § 258, senility, § 163, pathological liars, § 344, abnor-
mal sexualism, § 242, and criminalistic mental imagery, § 233.
Under constitutional inferiority, § 290, we mention the char-
acteristic episodes of mental upset which are frequent among
persons of this type. The aberrations of this last group may be
fleeting, but severe while they last. They may arise on a sheer
emotional basis, or from stresses of which alcoholic poisoning
may be reckoned as one. Our idea of the problem of " moral in-
sanity," which may through misconception be regarded as an
aberration, is to be found in a special discussion of the subject,
§372.

About the existence of criminalistic impulsions or obsessions
which cannot be further analyzed and which in some text books
of psychiatry are regarded as minor mental aberrations, we are
not at all sure. After the case is studied for mental defect, mental
aberration, mental conflict, social suggestion, etc., there is appar-
ently extremely rarely anything which is fair to denominate in
any final sense as impulsion. Of course there is an immediate
impulsion, but the explanation of it is to be found in some con-
dition or force back of it. Some idea of the concrete value of
going farther than the mere study of the impulsive tendency is
shown in what we have to say about pathological stealing,
etc., §366ff.

693

330] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIII

CHAPTER XXIII
Mental Peculiarities

§ 330. General Considerations. Abnormal Social Suggestibility. § 331.
(a) Abnormal Social Suggestibility of the Individual as a Mental Peculi-
arity. § 332. (b) Abnormal Social Suggestibility of the Members of a
Crowd. § 333. (c) Abnormal Social Suggestibility to the Influence of
One Individual. § 334. Hypnotism. § 335. (d) Dual Social Suggesti-
bility.

§ 330. General Considerations. — Study of the causation of
criminalistic tendencies shows in some instances a special mental
trait or peculiarity that is to be regarded as the major factor.
By peculiarity I mean some characteristic which cannot be
subsumed under the head of either mental defect or aberration.
In a considerable proportion of such cases the peculiarity cannot
be correlated with any known physical condition, structural
or functional, but perhaps extension of oiir knowledge will some
day trace further relationships. Whenever a physical basis for
conduct is known I have made it the main consideration for
classification. For instance, we do not include here the mental
instability of the neuropath, nor the vigorous restlessness of
over-development. But there are traits for which no physical
correlate or basis is known, and some of these are of high impor-
tance in our type of study. Although the comparative number
of cases in which mental peculiarity stands out as a major causal
factor is not great, each demands skillful attention in order that
the individual may be efficiently handled.^

We present here findings merely, not theories. We presume
that there are mental peculiarities other than the ones we enum-
erate, tending to produce criminalism, but we must confine our-
selves to observed facts. To be sure, part of what we might
place in this category has been swallowed up by discussions

^ One might go far in criminalistics with the discussion of mental peculiari-
ties, as expressed in temperament and character, but profitably we can only
here deal with certain of the most important peculiarities recognizable as driv-
ing forces. Those wishing to pursue this subject farther can refer to the work
of the physician, Krauss (355), who a generation ago attempted to build up
a psychology of the criminal, largely on studies of temperament. Recently
Wulffen (2, vol. II) has dealt, mostly in enumerative fashion, with tempera-
mental peculiarities, in a chapter on characterology as appHed to offenders.

694

Chap. XXlIl] ABNORMAL SOCIAL SUGGESTIBILITY [§ 331

under other headings. Those, for instance, who show peculiar
partial mental defects, even of self-control, have been treated in
our chapter on mental defect (§281); those obsessed by anti-
social grudge are dealt with under mental conflict (§237); some
temporary mental peculiarities are handled as adolescent phe-
nomena (§316); and so on. Transitory adolescent peculiarities,
such as the instabihties of this period, offer proof that, just as
conservatism is a trait of advanced years, some other peculiari-
ties are largely those of special ages.

Our method of presentation of most types of mental peculiari-
ties concerned in the production of criminalism is, under appro-
priate heading, simply to call attention to the significance of
their bearings. But the cases of abnormal social suggestibility,
and extreme love of adventure, have proved of such great impor-
tance for the adoption of constructive measures in treatment that
they are discussed in much more detail. We know full well,
however, that both in enumeration of facts and cases, we have
not nearly covered all the points. This part of our study is
intended to be practically suggestive, rather than a complete
survey of all the manifold variations of human temperament
and character.

ABNORMAL SOCIAL SUGGESTIBILITY.

Social suggestibility lies at the very core of social life, and the
mere evidences of its existence are to be regarded in nowise
as proof of abnormality. The data on abnormal suggestibility
which is a factor in criminalism, we may treat by use of the
following divisions, (a) Abnormal social suggestibility of the
individual as a mental peculiarity. (6) Abnormal social sug-
gestibility of the members of a crowd, (c) Abnormal sug-
gestibility to the influence of one individual, (d) Dual social
suggestion.

§ 331. (a) Abnormal Social Suggestibility of the Individual as a
Mental Peculiarity.

The immense variation ' between individuals in their innate
liability to social suggestion we have had ample proof of in our
case studies. It is a common observation of jurists, especially
those who have to deal with offenders in their formative period,
that this trait of suggestibility is of high significance for the

695

§ 331] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIII

establishment of a criminal career. The differences in suggesti-
bility at different periods of life are easy to recognize; we note
the gradual development of self-assertion as the individual ma-
tures. But also at the same period of life there may be dis-
cerned essential differences between the characteristics of different
persons in this respect. Knowledge of any tendency to abnormal
suggestibility is essential for correct estimation of the pos-
sibilities of moral development under various environmental
conditions.

Although a word on this subject is found here and there in the
literature, we are struck by the inadequacy of its treatment by
writers on criminalistics. We are not surprised that such a funda-
mental psychological characteristic as suggestibility was not
treated by the fathers of criminology when they were so busy
with their physical data, but the neglect by later writers merely
shows that they have been more occupied with generalities than
detailed study of cases.

Tarde (5), who so brilliantly lays stress upon the preponder-
ance of social causes and points out the influence of individuals
on each other, fails entirely to note the practical point of differ-
ences in the social suggestibility of individuals. Mercier (l6)
in his discussion of customs, fashions, conformity, reciprocal
conduct, and so on, verges towards our essential point, but never
clearly sees it. Partridge (18), who specifically writes on individ-
ual differences in traits, does not at all go into the question of
social suggestibility. Stern (79), whose efforts to develop a
science of differential psychology are second to none, finds no
room, even in the latest edition of his main work, for discussion of
types of individuals showing varying social suggestibility, Sidis
(17), who has given us one of the most original of contribu-
tions in his study, of social suggestibility, who emphasizes the
fact that man has social suggestibility as an essential character-
istic, and who deals with the laws of suggestion, offers no gauge
for estimation of the effect of social suggestion upon anj^ given
type of individual.

Gross (64, p. 492) in a short summary acknowledges the impor-
tance of the whole subject of suggestion in criminalism, and makes
a final statement with which we are in thorough accord, namely,
that " we still have too little material, too few observations, and
no scientifically certain inferences." More observational study
and collection of material is needed. We cite the omissions

696

Chap. XXIII] ABNORMAL SOCIAL SUGGESTIBILITY [§ 331

and weaknesses of the literature in order to show the discrepancy
between the previous development of the psychology of criminal-
istics, and such practical issues as are embodied in the common-
sense observations of the many judges who note the significance
of suggestibility.

Many relatives also have remarked to us upon the undue
suggestibility of some members of their own families. They
say, " He can be very easily led," or, " She is altogether too
pliable," or, " That 's just the way she is. She can be persuaded
by am'^body to take their views," or, " He will do anything
anybody tells him to. If anybody told him to jump into the
lake on a cold day I believe he would do it."

The following are t;\T3ical quotations from offenders' state-
ments: "He told me to," "Somehow I always do what they
say," " Like a fool I went back when they called me. They
wanted me to go down there and I certainly was a fool," " If I
would not go with these boys it would be all right. My mother
always told me I would get to this," " If I could go into a convent
and keep away from those girls I know I could build up my
character."

Should there be the slightest doubt that there is a vast differ-
ence in individuals in regard to their susceptibility to suggestion,
either as socially observable or as evidenced by tests, one could
offer much proof by recounting reactions of diverse types. Any one
who will make a study of these qualities can speedil}^ distinguish,
not only among children, but also among adults, some individuals
who are self-possessed and self-assertive when suggestion is
offered, and others who show passive acquiescence. These differ-
ences can be observed among normal individuals and defectives
as well. I should be far from asserting that extreme social sugges-
tibility is found oftener among delinquents than among others.
(We have no norms to compare the two.) But when this trait
is observed in offenders it is highly important to recognize it,
and adjust conditions with it in mind.

In observing the reactions to suggestion brought out in our
" Aussage " test, § 60, § 73, we have found immense differences.
Traits of self-assertion, independent judgment, and non-ac-
quiescence to suggestion are found in individuals even prior to
adolescence, while the opposite characteristics may be observed
in any period of life. However, it must be clearly understood
that when distinct traits of suggestibility are shown in social

697

§ 331] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIII

life, sometimes the individual during examination will brace
himself up to react with great firmness. The citation of actual
cases will serve to make some of these points clearer.

Case 148. — A boy of honest Swedish parents was seen by us
at intervals during a couple of years, until at 18 he was shot
dead by a policeman. He was attempting escape after having
been caught with a companion in a burglary.

We had frequently been consulted by the sympathetic and
intelligent mother, and had probably very reliable information
about antecedents. The family had immigrated twenty years
before. The father was a very steady man, long in the govern-
ment service. He died when the boy was 8 years old. A good
home, however, had always been maintained by the mother.
There had been six children, but only two survived, the others
having died of various children's diseases. The older sister has
grown up to be an unusually nice young woman. We are told
there has been no insanity, feeblemindedness, or epilepsy in the
near relatives of either family. The pregnancy and birth of this
boy were normal. During the nursing period the mother was
much worried about the illness of the father, and this child was
badly nourished. During his infancy he had whooping cough
and several intestinal attacks, once with dropsy. At 15 he had a
slight attack of appendicitis, but no operation. Otherwise he has
always been well. No convulsions. He has not been accustomed
to stimulants. At one time he smoked a little, but later entirely
stopped. Walked and talked at normal age, and his develop-
ment in every way was regular. He was only in the 5th grade
at 14, but this was due to much changing about in school life,
and especially to interruption on account of delinquency.

Physical: rather well developed; strong and active; 107 lbs.,
5 ft. 1 in., no sensory defect noted; good color; well-shaped head;
circumference 52.5, length 17, and width 15 cm.; small ears with
lobules almost absent give the only suggestion of stigmata.

Mental tests: our own series:

I. 1' 2". Small amount of trial and error on triangles.

II. 59". 2 errors.

III. 3' 12". Moderate repetition of errors. (Later method of
scoring not then used.)

V. 2' 15". Very slight amount of trial and error.

VI. " Aussage." Full functional account given and no suggestions
accepted.

698

Chap. XXIII] ABNORMAL SOCIAL SUGGESTIBILITY [§ 331

VII. Both correct at 1st trial.

VIII. Done promptly and all coirectly.
X. Correct at 2d trial.

XIII. The twelve items produced absolutely accurately with the
exception of one short phrase omitted.

XV. One error. One failure. Average time 1.4".

XVI. 68 and 60 squares respectively tapped in 30" with only one
error in the first series.

XVII. Writes a very good hand. Produces a fluent letter, but
defective in punctuation. Spells all ordinary words correctly.

XVIII. Does arithmetic up to his grade work. Succeeds with the
simple process of fractions.

XIX. Reads rapidly and fluently.

XX. Plays a rather good game of checkers for his age.

XXI. Response to moral questions was (1) The man did wrong.
One should not take anything that does not belong to one. Whatever
happened the man ought not to have stolen. (2) The white man
should not have been given up to the Indians unless he himself was
willing to go. He ought not to have been given up because he was
innocent.

XXII. He is fond of reading and has many books at home. Says
he does not like to read about murders and burglaries in the paper be-
cause always dreams of them. Ordinary iteiris of geography and his-
tory he gives correctly. Knows very little about scientific items. Has
pet animals at home. Is fond of baseball and football. Plays games
at home a good deal with his step-father. Would like to be a lawyer.

The diagnosis in this case was easy to make. The boy was
in good physical condition, and showed himself to be well up to
the ordinary in mental ability. At one time to our knowledge
he was doing well at work for a manufacturing firm. Altogether
he showed many good mental qualities. In our tests no signs
of suggestibility whatever were found.

This unfortuuate boy was a great friend of ours, and a favorite
with many people. When first seen by us he told us he had been
going at times with bad company — a crowd of boys who were
nearly all delinquents. His own delinquencies consisted in earlier
truancy, for which he was sent to an institution, and later stealing
in various ways. He, with others, had stolen bicycles, a horse
and buggy, and goods from shops. One of the first times he was
caught he was with another lad trying to sell some coal they had
stolen.

The boy stated, and it was thoroughly corroborated, that all
of his delinquencies occurred while he was with his companions.
Sometimes he stayed away from these fellows for months at a

699

§ 331] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIII

time. He says himself that he has a very good home, and some-
times he stays there all of his spare hours reading. He has read
18 books in the last 6 months. He does not smoke. He says
the trouble with him is that he has a weak will. When others
suggest escapades he forgets that he might get arrested, although
he has been in trouble before. When asked about a special delin-
quency, he tells us that he was one day with a boy some distance
from home and they had no car fare. The other boy said, " I '11
show you what we can do," and they went over to where a bicycle
was standing and appropriated it.

On one occasion when a trial of himself and companions was
pending they were allowed to go home. One of the boys ob-
tained some money and persuaded our friend to go with him
to another state — a most foolish trick in the face of his record.
They got away a little distance, but soon returned home in
much fear.

This boy proved an honest worker, and for 18 months succeeded
in getting along without being delinquent by completely stay-
ing away from his companions. At home he was always the
best of fellows. Frequently he would not go out at all in the
evening in order to avoid trouble, for it was well recognized in the
family circle that he had neither power nor inclination to resist
when any proposal was made to him by his old comrades.
Repeatedly at home and with us he showed much contrition and
wept bitterly over his own record. After his long period of doing
finely with the manufacturing concern, he did not feel well one
morning and stayed at home. Later in the day he went out, met
one of his old friends who proposed some escapade, and instantly
the long good record and unusually good prospects were thrown
away.

We urgently advised a new and more sequestered environment,
perhaps on a farm, but to our regret this was never acted upon.
As is so frequently the case, both the family and the boy felt
that in the old environment he somehow would do better. Thus
we never were satisfied with the family attempt at constructive
work. There was genuine, but not thoroughly intelligent effort to
serve him. Our earliest diagnosis was that the boy was abnor-
mally suggestible socially, and he should have been treated as
such. It was not long after he had served a short sentence
that again with a companion he attempted robbery and was
killed.

700

Chap. XXIII] ABNORMAL SOCIAL SUGGESTIBILITY [§ 331

Mental peculiarity: Social suggestibility +, Case 148. '

very marked case. Boy, age 18.

Bad companions.

Early truancy. Mentality:

Stealing +. Ordinary in ability.

To give in detail the stories of other cases of this same sort we
have known would hardly add much. The general point is that
there are individuals, mentally normal, who succumb with great
ease to the suggestions of bad companions. To give the results on
tests, even on the " Aussage" test (§ 73), would prove no standard
correlation between them and social suggestibility, although it
must be confessed that in a few instances our first indication of
extreme personal suggestibility was found by the performance on
tests. Some variation on the antecedent and environmental
conditions are shown in the following cards:

Mental peculiarity: Social suggestibility +.

Case 149.

Home control — defective in interests.
Father away much.

Boy, age 15.

Bad companions +.

Adolescent instability.

Early truancy.
Running away.
Steahng + +. Ore

Mentality:
inary in ability.

Mental peculiarity: Social suggestibility +. Case 150.

Childish type. Girl, age 17.

Family conditions. Quarreling at home +.

Adolescent instability.

Mentality:
Sex +. Ordinary in ability.

It is almost needless to state that social suggestibility may also
be found in abnormal degree among those who are subnormal
physically or mentally, but even among such individuals sugges-
tibility is not a standard trait any more than it is among the insane.

701

§ 331] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIII

Some of the latter are practically impervious to suggestion. The
constitutional inferiors, who as a class might offhand be considered
weak in will power, show no uniformity in this matter. The
following case, however, does show these traits.

Constitutional inferiority: Case 151.

Mental peculiarity: Social suggestibility +. Boy, age 15.

Developmental conditions :

Convulsions very frequent in infancy.

Backward in development.

Nose and throat obstruction earlier.

Heredity. Paternal uncle subnormal
and criminalistic.
Father alcoholic and later
psychosis.

Stimulants: Smoking excessive.

Masturbation -|-.

Bad companions.

Mentahty:
Stealing +. Dull, perhaps

Violence. from physical

Attempted arson. causes.

The treatment of abnormal suggestibility should be obvious
when once the characteristic is diagnosed and the environmental
circumstances are known. The main point to be remembered
is that individuals who are abnormally suggestible are suggestible
to good as well as bad influences. We have had prolonged experi-
ence with a number of cases, and we should earnestly counsel
that there be environmental protection as complete as possible,
away from bad influences, until the unstable years of adoles-
cence are past. There is no doubt that in general there is a
distinct decrease in these weak tendencies as age increases. The
phenomenon of extreme suggestibility belongs essentially to the
category of childish traits, although there is the greatest varia-
tion at corresponding ages. One feels very keenly, after wit-
nessing a series including both failures and successes, that while
relapses may occur, treatment which takes the nature of the case
thoroughly into account will be successful if there is normal
intelligence.

702

Chap. XXIII] ABNORMAL SOCIAL SUGGESTIBILITY [§ 332

§ 332. (b) Abnormal Social Suggestibility of the Members of a

Crowd.

The several remarkable studies of crowd psychology, partic-
ularly those of LeBon (349), Sidis (17), von Bechterew (14), and
Sighele (351), which have appeared in the last decade or two
throw much light upon certain strange phases of human conduct,
sometimes involving criminality. Crimes of a crowd, as many
criminologists have acknowledged, partake of very different
characteristics from offenses which involve only one person.
The psychic contagion of a crowd is an unmatched phenomenon,
and, as Bechterew says, " stands as an analogous world fact to
be compared with pathological contagion." The crowd crimes
of a St. Bartholomew's night, or of a modern American lynching,
illustrate the fact. Under such circumstances suggestibility is
exhibited in its fullest force. The normal moral sense of the
individual is for the time uprooted and overthrown. Exactly
the same t^^pe of social force is at work in lesser degree in the
activities of mischievous crowds or gangs which frequently
become criminalistic in our crowded centers of civilization.^

It is quite beyond the mark to offer any case studies in illus-
tration of the reciprocal influence of members of crowds towards
one another in criminalism. The reckoning with companionship
as an influence when the individual was a member of a crowd or a
gang at the time of commission of a crime is absolutely necessary
in any rational consideration of a penalty. Something is said of
this in another section of our work. The matter is so patent
psychologically that it needs no further elaboration. A very
nice point for those who would base the penal system on the fact
of responsibility is found in discussion of whether or not the
individual as the member of an excited crowd does not by
virtue of the fact lose normal self-control. He may have un-
wittingly joined with the crowd, and later become criminalisti-
cally inflamed.

1 We must pass by the many references which could be given to the Utera-
ture of criminaUstic crowds, and which demonstrate the social suggesti-
bility that is the keynote of their activities. Tarde (5) summarizes the situa-
tion perhaps better than any other. Riis (350) has given us the best account
of predatory gangs in American cities. From magazines and newspapers we
get fairly good accounts of the Camorrists of Italy and the Apaches of Paris.
One author, Sighele, has made a specialty of collective criminality. His work
on the criminalistic crowd (351) is worthy of much attention.

703

333] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIII

§ 333. (c) Abnormal Suggestibility to the Influence of One

Individual.

The person abnormally suggestible is often so well protected
that little of social significance comes from the fact, unless
influence is brought to bear by some single person so that trouble
ensues. In such a combination it is often a balance between the
relative strength of the person who imposes his own ideas, and
the weakness of the person who succumbs. One can see this just
as well at a shop counter, as in criminal affairs. But in still
other instances an individual who does not appear in general
socially suggestible, may very curiously be swayed by some single
other person who apparently is the sole individual who has
power over him. Very strange examples of this may be seen.
The following is an instance.

Case 152. — A young woman of 17, rather backward in develop-
ment, but otherwise normal physically, and of good mentality,
was under arrest for repeated stealing. She came from an exceed-
ingly good home, and was attending preparatory school. She
had met a very commonplace woman, apparently unprepossess-
ing, and quite outside of the girl's own social sphere. This woman
had shown her the art of shoplifting and stealing in other ways.
On numerous occasions she prevailed upon the girl to get things
for her. The source of her influence was inexplicable, even by
the girl herself after she had been arrested and was most anxious
to break away from the liaison and fathom it. The only other
causative factor which could be brought out in the case was
that the girl was rather a spoiled child and so had not developed
a normal measure of independence; she had retained in mid-
adolescence a rather childish type of mind. Very careful atten-
tion to the causative factors in this case gave no other insight.

There can be no doubt that in many instances the influence
of one person on another rests on a basis of overt or perhaps
even unconscious sex relationship. This is true between persons
of the same sex as well as the opposite. The strange hold that a
bad man or a bad boy occasionally is found to exercise over
another individual of the same sex is frequently discovered to be
due to secret sex knowledge which is mutually held, or to sex
practices between them. The same is true for women or girls.
This, we have found, is a highly important fact to remember.

704

Chap. XXIII] HYPNOTISM [§ 334

In rarer cases the influence may be the result of a sort of hero
worship, in which one of the persons feels himself to be the weaker
of the twain, and desires to follow directly in the shadow of the
activities of the more aggressive one. In our section on profes-
sional criminalism we have mentioned the well-known suggestive
influence of a shrewd old-timer upon a neophyte. Occasionally
we have found the younger to be the more influential, but always
because of superior mental or physical activity.

All this about suggestibility should be kept in mind for the
social treatment of the offender. Abnormal suggestibility, even
as a reaction to one individual, is an important point to consider,
whether the individual is in the penitentiary, is under parole, or is
on probation in the environment where a court officer has him in
charge. One of the great values of the personal attention to the
offender that is planned in the Big Brother movement, has its
source in social suggestibility, the influence of one person upon
another. This social reaction, so potent for evil, is just as power-
ful for good. The weakness of institutional treatment is largely
due to the impossibility of applying this principle in an ordinary
environment.

An interesting point noted by us on a number of occasions is
that the individual accused before a judge, or elsewhere, of
being readily influenced by others, often strongly resents the
statement. The essential weakness implied in the accusation is
realized, and the offender insists that he did the deed only because
he himself wanted to. We have known this to take place when
there was every e\'idence from parents and officers that the
gist of the situation really did lie in the individual's suscepti-
bility to the influence of another offender, or of the gang. The
phraseology of such an occasion is, curiously enough, the same
as that used by the subjects of post-hj^pnotic suggestion. The
individual who has been definitely influenced to do a certain
act, at a later time says he only did it because he desired to.

§ 334. Hypnotism. — Discussion of abnormal suggestibility to
the influence of one person leads directly to the subject of hypno-
tism. The performance of crime under hypnotic influence has
never played anything like the part which was predicted for it
a generation ago. The question whether a person could be
induced under hypnosis to commit a crime that he was other-
wise disinclined to perpetrate, has never been satisfactorily
answered. We have never gone beyond the dictum of Delbceuf

705

§ 334] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIII

(363) and James (21, Vol. II, p. 605) concerning the probabili-
ties of this matter. If one attempts to work out the question
by experiment, "the subject surrenders himself good-naturedly
to the performance, stabs with the pasteboard dagger you give
him because he knows what it is, and fires off the pistol because
he knows it has no ball, but for a real murder he would not be
your man." Garofalo (328, p. 289) the jurist, more recently
writing on this subject, is unable to find any authentic proof
that hypnotism has been employed in the commission of crime.
Babinski (359), and after him Meige (360), deny to the hypnotic
state all medico-legal importance. We ourselves have never
seen, nor have we found in the literature a single instance where
the subject has been hypnotized into an offense which was against
his nature to perform.

There is no doubt that occasionally impressionable individuals
may under the influence of an hypnotic state accede to sex advances
which they otherwise might reject. Several authors have main-
tained this point. (The influence occasionally seen in ordinarily
considered repugnant sex relationships and attributed to hypno-
tism, may be based on sensualism. In such way is the dominat-
ing influence occasionally seen of colored men over white women
and girls to be partly interpreted — vide § 243.) Either in
nature or effect, hypnotism exerted over a woman differs so
little from the persuasion of other methods that it is not to be
separated from them as anything unique. Hypnotism used to
produce passivity when rape is committed, if it ever takes place,
hardly belongs to our present field of discussion. The influence
of a man over a weak-willed girl may be semi-hypnotic in the
sense that one person may have the power to entirely over-per-
suade another into vice by bringing about a certain paralysis of
volitional powers. But in such cases the susceptibility of the
person controlled is just as important a factor as the strong will
of the controller. Most authors concede this same point for all
the phenomena of hypnotism. It is indeed doubtful whether
any person of normally strong will power could be hypnotised
against his will.

The border line of hypnotic phenomena may be seen in the
following case.

Case 153. — A young woman of 19, in poor general physical
condition, poorly developed and anemic, was brought by her
mother after misconduct which led to her arrest. She was a

706

Chap. XXIII] HYPNOTISM [§ 334

graduate of the common schools and had worked at times. She
came of a family which plainly showed distinct physical and
mental retrogression through two generations from a previousl}'
high standard. Her father is somewhat peculiar and erratic,
and her mother a thoroughly weak-willed woman. They are both
proud of their family connections, and boast much of the intensely
religious upbringing of their children. The girl has long been a
religious enthusiast and church worker, but is a colorless character.
There was no difficulty in diagnosing her as having ordinary
ability and normal emotions.

This young woman had been brought up in the most narrow
way, without knowledge or experience in many of the most
vital affairs of life. A year or so previously she had met a cer-
tain unattractive and coarse-appearing man on a train, and from
that time seemed to be entirely under his influence. On this
first occasion she went far beyond her destination to travel with
him, and clandestinely met him many times afterward. Speak-
ing of her experiences she sax's, " It seems so funny I can't explain
it." She never thought he was particularly good-looking or nice,
and yet she -felt attracted to him. Of his numerous illicit rela-
tions with her, which began almost at once, she says he did not
actually force her, but she was always weak-willed in the matter,
and always felt him to be her master. She cannot explain it in
any way. She never before had any experience with boys or men.
He looked at her always in a very strange way, she says, and then
she was under his influence.

The first word of the parents was in regard to hypnotism.
The man's record was looked up, and it was found he did have
some reputation as an amateur h^q^notist, but there was not the
slightest evidence that he really induced anything more than a
passive condition in this girl, which was an ordinary phase of
her character. He had used her passivity to bad ends; others
had used it for good purposes. It is doubtful from what we
learned whether she had been any more influenced by another per-
son on these occasions than she had been hundreds of times before
in her life. She was a constitutional inferior, a thoroughly weak
character, with defective heredity, who had been brought up
amid conditions which had not developed her knowledge or will
power. The bad, but strong man, came along and found her
easy prey.

707

§ 335] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIII

§ 335. (d) Dual Social Suggestibility.

Just as the members of a gang will enter into criminalism of
which they would have been afraid and would have avoided had
they been alone, so two persons may perpetrate an offense which
either of them alone would be far from undertaking or even
conceiving. This subject has received scholarly treatment at
the hands of Sighele (352), who gives the history of illustrative
crimes. This author founds his conception of dual influence upon
the facts of social suggestion. He insists that the mental union
of individuals makes a strong force for either good or evil, and
that such a dangerous combination as is represented by two
persons who develop criminalistic tendencies should be met by
much stronger measures than are meted out to single individuals.

There is no doubt that neuropathic personalities are ordinarily
in company more led by suggestion than are normal individuals.
Two of them, who may be arrant cowards by themselves, as
Meyer and Puppe (353) suggest in their article on the subject,
melt together to act as one in a misdeed. From our extensive list
of individuals who have bad companions as a causative factor,
we might select many cases which demonstrate the fact that
two persons acting together would perform acts which might
better be regarded as equal to the product rather than the sum
■of their separate activities. The following two cases given in a
few words illustrate the rather obvious point.

Case 154. — Boy twins, 5 years of age, we were once asked to
study because they had together evolved some strangely crimi-
nalistic plans to do away with their mother. They were over-
heard talking about it in their cribs at night. There was no
known cause for their disaffection towards her, but the idea
grew and grew with them, largely no doubt, as the result of their
communications together in the matter.

Case 155. — Sisters, 17 and 15 years old, living with their
father, made criminalistic plans which bore fruit in the course of
a few months by their running away from home, forging checks
and very deliberately engaging in sex affairs. Neither of them
was known to be delinquent before then. The mother was an
alcoholic, and the family on account of this had long been broken
up. They worked up their scheme for a new kind of life by
revolving it over with each other.

708

Chap. XXIV] ADOLESCENCE [§ 336

CHAPTER XXIV

INIental Peculiarities — Continued

ADOLESCENCE.

§ 336. General Statement. — The phenomena of puberty
and adolescence in their general significance, and also in their
psychiatric import, have been made objects of extended study
within the last generation. Special data have been acquired
on many points, and the entire field has been philosophically
approached and summarized, particularly by Marro (32) and
Stanley Hall (31). It is undoubtedly true that there has been a
distinct exaggeration of the erratic possibilities of this period
and an overdrawing of the facts, which cannot be understood by
those whose own adolescent years have been tranquil. But
adolescence brings very real peculiarities in many individuals
and must be thoroughly reckoned with for the interpretation of
some of the careers in which we as students of criminality are
concerned.^

In this particular place it is our business to deal with the anti-
social conduct of puberty and adolescence as met with in those
cases where there is neither actual abnormality of physical develop-
ment nor actual mental aberration. Elsewhere (§189, § 190,
§ 316) we have discussed the more untoward physical and mental
conditions which complicate this period. Even in the ordinary case
there is an amount of storm and stress accompanying the remark-
able new growth and new experiences of puberty which may have
strikingly definite connection with the production of moral twists.
In a general way the importance of the rapid change from childish
to beginning adult type of characteristics has for thousands of
years been recognized. The history of religious ceremonies

1 The student will find in recent digests of the Uterature by B. T. Baldwin
(319) an invaluable source of information on the progress of the study of
adolescence.

709

§ 336] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIV

proves this point. But studious observations of the phases of
adolescence have only begun in the last few years. Something of
what is now actually known we can offer in a bare sketch.

§ 337. Characteristics of Puberty. — The age of puberty
simply means the age of pubescence, that is the appearance of
bodily hair. The best observers now agree that only by physical
signs can puberty be known. To give average ages, as Crampton
(229) says, is likely to be misleading. Diagnosing it in an indi-
vidual by an age basis is quite unsafe. We have elsewhere (§ 184)
in connection with abnormalities of development discussed this
point. Speaking of the length of the adolescent period according
to average time is open to less objection. We might follow Marro
(273), who says that the period of puberty and adolescence covers
5 to 6 years in girls and 8 to 10 years in boys.

The general features of this period it may not be amiss to men-
tion. Marro rather artificially divides the time into three stages;
period of preparation, a period of marked acceleration, and a
period of perfection. As a whole we may say that there rather
suddenly begins an activity of the essential sex organs at the
beginning of the pubertal period, with the actual maturing of germ
cells. Whether this in turn does not depend upon the internal
secretions of certain other glands is not yet satisfactorily deter-
mined, but certain pathological conditions of development would
indicate a close relation. At the beginning of puberty there is
normally a rapid growth of the external sexual parts and of the
whole body. The skeletal and muscular structures grow quickly,
and the heart shows a peculiar hypertrophy at this time. This
acceleration of growth rate means that all of the organs are put
under new conditions, which involve an upheaval of the whole
being. These physiological features might certainly be consid-
ered as cause sufficient for many of the character changes and
peculiarities which develop at this time. Stanley Hall says,
" Puberty is like a new birth." How to control the new impulses,
and to what use to put the new functions and this new strength
is the problem that every young individual has to solve. The
growth in strength, which frequently amounts to large propor-
tions within a year or so, is alone enough to temporarily inter-
fere with complete balance. The whole time is one of vastly
important new adjustments.

On the mental side the changes are no less great. Even nor-
mally there is a rapid growth of individuality, of constructive

710

Chap. XXI V] CHARACTERISTICS OF PUBERTY [§337

imagination, of the powers of self-control, and of abstract reason-
ing. At this time, resultantly, conceptions of higher morals
are evolved. For us, most important is the fact that during
these months or years of passage through new-found activi-
ties to complete adaptation to social requirements there may be
many stormy places. It is as if the excitation of the physical
organism was carried into the mental sphere. As Marro puts
it, this is not only the period of development of new desires,
aspirations, self-love, jealousy, and so on, but it may also be
characterized as the time of psychic hypersesthesia. It is vastly
significant that, since it is only in later adolescence that the
higher mental qualities develop, the individual for a long time is
receiving impulses which he has not yet the judgment to con-
trol. Thus rebellion against authority and the desire for many
new experiences arise, which previously have not been even
dreamed of. We can easily conceive how various exaltations
and depressions and morbid imaginations come about, and the
peculiar fault-findings and dissatisfactions with home surround-
ings that we sometimes find among adolescent Qffenders. Fortu-
nately many of these peculiarities are temporary.

Looking at the subject in another way, we see from the above
considerations that during the pubertal and adolescent period
many characteristics develop which may easily, under faulty
en\dronmentaI or poor disciplinary circumstances, make for
delinquency. And these are, so far as the practical treatment
of behavior is concerned, to be regarded as entirely separated
from the affairs of the sexual life which is the mainspring of this
developmental epoch. It is true that in the adolescent period
there is enough trouble directly on account of actual sex impulses
— early, we find, much more commonly among girls than among
boys — but taken altogether, the main difficulties arise as the
result of what may be termed the secondary characteristics of
puberty and adolescence.

The line of demarcation between the normal and the aberra-
tional during the adolescent period is very difficult to maintain.
There is hardly a symptom which the psychiatrist names as
beginning evidence of adolescent insanities but is to be met with
as a temporary condition in many adolescents who never have
a psychosis. For instance, Clouston (274), writing on the sub-
ject of developmental psychology, notes as morbid changes of
adolescence stupidity, lethargy, causeless aversions, incompati-

71.1

§ 337] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIV

bility of temper, visionary schemes, frothy religionism, immorah-
ties, general unsettled conditions, and craving for stimulants.
This author also calls attention to the fact that the tendency
towards aberration at this period is nearly always along the
lines of exaltation. Hardly ever is there depression.

§ 338. Adolescence and Misconduct. — It would seem alto-
gether understandable that with these revolutionary physical
and mental mutations there should be correlated disorders of
conduct. An interesting statistical proof of this is given by
Marro (273), from the school records of Italian children. He
finds that at 11 years six per cent, of the scholars are registered
for bad conduct, and at 12 years, ten per cent. There is no par-
ticular variation until 16 years is reached, when the number
again drops to 7 per cent, and continues at about that figure for
the two years more which are enumerated. Thus with the onset
of the pubertal epoch there is a distinct change in average con-
duct tendencies. Many other authors have commented in some
way or other on this point.

In our own study of the causative factors of delinquency we
have time and again seen every reason to put down adolescent
instability as a cause of misconduct. By such instability we
mean the exhibition of many of the physical, mental and, partic-
ularly, conduct irregularities easily recognizable as belonging
peculiarly to that period. In so doing we do not intimate that
the individual is suffering from any aberration which could be
denominated a psychosis, although as stated before, sometimes
it would be very hard to draw the line. Of one thing we may be
sure, namely, that these individuals are not up to full powers of
self-control, and yet have thrown in upon them impulses which
even a strong will might find hard to combat. Whether such
individuals are to be considered as persons of lessened responsi-
bility is here again a matter for those who deal with legal principles
to decide. For the psychologist there is no difficulty in the ques-
tion. Any widely experienced student of juvenile delinquency
could give many stories of suddenly followed impulses, which
were later but vaguely remembered, and for which no satisfactory
reason could be adduced. That these were merely momentary
and irrational impulses, followed only because of poor inhibi-
tory powers, can be proved by their variance from the rest of
the individual's career and the irrationality of the result. Such
impulses may run all the way to that of murder. One most

712

Chai'. XXIV] ADOLESCENCE AND .MISCONDUCT [§ 338

remarkable case of homicide by an adolescent whom I studied
had apparently as its chief causation the following of a sudden
blind impulse. The so-called pubertal ethical defects, as Ziehen
(275) maintains, are not due to a lack of power of ethical con-
ception, or of emotional feeling, but rather come from a transi-
tory dropping-out of the capacity for mental resistance. Duprat
(33), who devotes an entire work (mostly sociological) to the impor-
tant relationship between criminality and adolescence, makes
much of the peculiar impulses and obsessions frequently found
at this period.

The greatest interest for all students of criminology centers
about the fact that most frequently the career of the confirmed
criminal begins during adolescence. In our opening chapters we
have made a special point of emphasizing this. The cause, in turn,
is almost altogether to be found in the formative conditions of
this epoch, which have such vital significance for the life of the
individual that they are equally important for establishing the
habits of delinquency or the amenities of spiritual life. Indi-
vidual growth in the five or six years of first adolescence is
strongly centered around new social relationships, whether con-
sidered on the physical, instinctive, or intellectual sides. Nothing
like it takes place at any other time in the whole of life. The
new-growm physical or mental conditions are not nearly so impor-
tant in themselves for the individual as are the correlated newly-
felt needs of social adjustment. The outcome of this adjustment
colors all the rest of life.

There have been studies, such as those of Duprat (33), made
in the endeavor to discover the peculiar crimes of adolescents.
Our own tabulation of the types of delinquencies engaged in
during this age shows as characteristic only what might obviously
be expected. It is perfectly clear, for instance, that with greater
age will come greater skill necessary for committing such crimes
as forging, swindling, and so on. The delinquencies of adolescence
are, in general, those of impulse. Rough violence is readily
indulged in, and there is a recklessness of conduct that is not
found later on in life. The behavior that ranks as criminalism
partakes of the nature of the other behavior of the period. With
the advent of almost full adult strength, and with the retention of
immature mental traits, we are not surprised to learn that the
maximum age for crimes against the person is between the ages of
18 and 21 years.

713

§ 339] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIV

§ 339. Mental Characteristics of Adolescence Causing Delin-
quency. — As we look over our adolescent cases, those in which
the newly-developed mental characteristics of the period play
a considerable part, we find always the admixture of causes which
is elsewhere seen. But we can fairly enumerate the main features
of mental life which make for delinquency at this epoch: (a)
General changeableness or instability of ideas and emotions, and
consequently of character. (6) Excessive impulsions, belonging
both to the physical and mental spheres, (c) Excessive lack of
self-control. (d) Mental and physical lethargy vor laziness.
(e) The general feeling, perhaps only occasional, of recklessness.
(/) Hypersensitiveness, as shown in romanticism, dissatisfac-
tions, hypochondria, etc. (g) Lack of foresight, which is per-
haps nothing more than a feature of childish mentality carried
over to the time when signs of adult development are showing
themselves, (h) Egocentrism. Ambitiousness. These with im-
pulsiveness and lack of experience may lead to unfortunate
behavior. Running away to go on the stage is an example.

§ 340. Illustrative Cases. — The following case is of great
interest because our records carry us through the period of ex-
treme adolescent impulsions to the development of later com-
plete stability.

Case 156. — Annie L. 18 1-2 years. Scotch and American
parentage. We saw this girl at the request of her guardians.
Her mother, a widow, had been long ill with a chronic disease
and had died only a few months previously. Over a consider-
able period, the exact time being unknown on account of the
mother's death, there had been much trouble with Annie. Some
nine months previously she had first come in conflict with the
authorities, having been reported by a good woman where she
had sought shelter. At about this time it was discovered, in
spite of the extreme poverty of the family, that the girl had in
her possession an unusually fine lot of clothing. When this
was discovered Annie told of having kept company with a man
who had influenced her a good deal and who wanted to run away
with her. At another time she accused a professional man of
having ruined her. She maintained that he had given her much
money while she was doing office work for him. This was when
her mother was in a hospital. When the advisability of pushing
the case against these two men was considered, a physical exam-
ination revealed that she had not been immoral as she stated.

714

Chap. XXIV] ILLUSTRATIVE ADOLESCENT CHARACTERISTICS [§ 340

It finally came out that Annie had stolen a considerable sum,
about $100, from a woman who had befriended the family. She
had spent part of it on clothes and loaned 30 or 40 dollars to the
man who, she said, wanted to run away with her. This latter
statement proved to be correct. The man was of the swindler
type; he was already married.

Within the last two years it seems that Annie has been repeat-
edly away from her home over night, but when traced she is always
found to have been with acquaintances, or to have stayed in a
cheap hotel by herself. Her word has long been considered
unreliable. On one occasion within the last year she reported
herself to the authorities, stating that she ought to be sent to a
reform school. When placed in a thoroughly good home her
conduct was most irregular. On two or three occasions she has
been out all night, but has always accounted for it by sajdng
she was with some other girl. She appears very tired the next
day. Notwithstanding appearances being so much against her,
the physician's report satisfies every one that she has not been
immoral.

Ph^^sical: Slight t;\'pe. Strength good, but slouchy. Pleasant
expression. Laughs much, and seems very childish for her age.
110 lbs. 5 ft., 2 in. Broad face with weak type of chin. No
sensory defect. Well-shaped head. Good color.

Mentally, we find a girl of quite good ability. She had gone
through 7th grade, and says she liked her school work. She
writes a very good hand, and is neat and accurate in her work
in arithmetic. She does all of our performance tests well. She
is quite deft with her fingers, showing in general good psycho-
motor control. Perhaps the most interesting result was obtained
in the reaction which she gave to our request for analysis of
moral situations. She floundered about, and could not get
clearly before herself the varying possibilities of the situation.
She always advocated a high moral action, but never was sure as
to just how it could be carried out. It was very clear that she
had difficulty with comprehension of the situation as a whole
— much more difficulty than one would suspect from the results
on other tests. She has a very narrow range of mental interests,
but the information gained from school work she has retained
well. She thinks she would like to be a dressmaker because she
would like to work with dainty things.

Her family and developmental history was only partially

715

§ 340] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIV

obtained. Her father is said to have been a bright and well-
educated artisan; non-alcoholic. The mother did not have
much education, but was a good housekeeper. She had been
sickly for many years, had many operations, and been unable
to look after her two children properly. Annie has one brother
who is a bright boy. She herself had only had one severe illness,
and that in her infancy. Menstruation when 13 years old. This
has been irregular in the last year or so, with considerable back-
ache. Annie worked for a short time in several places, but has
mostly stayed at home looking after her mother until within
the last year, when she was placed out in a couple of unusually
good private homes.

Annie tells us about herself with much frankness, but some
of the details of her story are questionable. She states that she
has worked hard to pay back part of the money she stole, and
that we know is the truth. But while living in the home where
they have given her every chance, she has several times engaged
in almost an orgy of misbehavior. She says she has told many
lies. " I forget half of what I 'm to say." When she has come
back from being away over night and seemed so queer she says
it was because she was so excessively tired. Sometimes she had
been up all night walking about on the streets. Says everybody
keeps her so closely tethered nowadays that when she does get
out she is worse than a wild calf. Thinks that if she went out
oftener she would not be so bad.

Annie now says she gave that man the money because he
threatened her. She used to go out walking with him and grew
to be afraid of him. He used to say he would fix her if she would
not marry him. She also denies that she ever accused anybody
of immorality with her and says she never reported herself as a
desirable candidate for the reformatory. (It seemed really
doubtful whether she did distinctly remember what she said
formerly.) Although she tells us of the money she has stolen,
she blushes a great deal when it comes to the question of a watch
which she also purloined. She says she does not know why she
took it, and that she has been ashamed about all of these things.
Maintains that at one time she went out to a suburb and walked
about all night long. Complains of being lonesome. Says she
has been around with young men whom she met on the streets,
but a nurse told her the dangers of disease and pregnancy, and
she has been careful of herself.

716

Chap. XXIV] ILLUSTRATIVE ADOLESCENT CHL-VRACTERISTICS [§ 340

Later we had a very good report from the intelHgent people
with whom she now lived. They have tried their best to take
care of her. They say she acts like a young girl; she likes to
play with children. When left alone she stops her work and
seems to forget herself. She does fairly well when people are
with her. Does not care for reading. She used to be a great
prevaricator, but lately hardly lies at all. But they cannot depend
on her because she varies so from day to day. Sometimes she
seems shrewd and at other times a dunce. She is peculiarly sly
at times in little things. For instance, she had been given a dime
for car fare, then went to a neighbor several blocks away saying
that her people had given her a penny by mistake instead of a
dime. She is very good-natured, but seems irresponsible. She
went down town wdth them to buy things and when she got
there she claimed to have lost her purse. They advanced her
money and searched for days in her room and also in the paths
she had crossed. Months later she confessed she had spent the
money. She gave them an immense amount of trouble while en-
gaged in the search with them on account of this loss of her sav-
ings. Another curious story told by her was of a man being sent
by the authorities to test her to see if she was behaving herself.

From these and other facts it seems very clear that this girl
has, in the main, wanted to do well. Some of her transgressions
represent a silly attempt to avoid condemnation. She gave one
kindly officer a great deal of trouble by misrepresenting certain
facts when he was trying to help her.

We early offered the opinion, based upon the facts given above,
that Annie was in need of light amusement and close companion-
ship, as well as of repressive control, and that after a year or
two she was likely to develop much more stable characteristics.

Six months or so later she was again in trouble on account of hav-
ing stayed away from her guardian's home for several days and
nights. Part of the time she had been in the parks with girls
and boys. She had been flirting a good deal, but had not been
really immoral. She complains to us now of getting very tired
of being good for so long. She feels as if she simply " had to go
out on a bust." She tells of her experiences with much gusto.
She says that this last time she started away with the idea of
avoiding the work of the annual housecleaning. We still see
evidences of prevarication and note curious contradictions as if
she did not think things out at all clearly for herself. Still some

717

§ 340] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIV

months later she was again away for a week. She tells others
she has the feeling as if she must go. She is restless and satisfied
with nothing. An experienced observer reports to us that Annie
speaks as if she were under definite impulsion to do what she
does. There is some question as to whether these impulses are
not much stronger just before her menstrual period, but the
point is not clearly proved. On this last occasion she met a
young man she used to know and stayed with him for several
nights. She contracted gonorrhea.

After this the record for two years more is that Annie has
got hold of herself completely and has become a thoroughly
stable person. Prompt medical treatment left her with no per-
manent ill efi^ects from her infection. She has been much liked
by those with whom she has come in contact and has long been a
steady-going, self-supporting young woman.

Adolescent instabilities and impulsions. Case 156.

Home conditions: Parents recently ^^^' ^^^ ^^ ^^•

dead.
Earlier lack of control.

Lack of healthy mental interests.

Delinquencies :
Lying +.

Stealing. Mentahty:

Sex. Good ability.

Another case with very convincing data on adolescent impul-
sions is the following.

Case 157. — Harold. 16 1-2 yrs. American parentage. The
parents asked us to study this case; something strange has come
over the boy within the last year. He graduated before he was
14 from the grammar school with the best record for scholarship
in his class. After that he worked two years for a financial firm
and was particularly well thought of. But the mother's hair
is said to have turned gray in the last 6 months over worry with
this boy. He has become lazy and listless, but the family are
mostly concerned about his stealing. He has been bold and
strange about this. Recently he has taken many things from
home and he has repeatedly stolen from stores. On one occasion
he coolly helped himself to goods in a shop. Once he opened a

718

Chap. XXIV] ILLUSTKATIVE ADOLESCENT CIIARACTEKISTK'S [§ 340

child's bank to get the money m it. Several times in the last
year he has left home and shifted for himself for a week or two
at a time. ]More than once he has spent his whole week's wages
in a few hours.

He is a boy well liked by everybody. People in places where
he has worked are very fond of him. On leaving home in the
morning he promises his mother to behave himself, but fails to
get through the day without misconduct. All this trouble has
been since he left his previous responsible position. The family
have tried to influence him by religion. They have taken him
to revival meetings, and there, he would pray, but the next day
would laugh about it.

The father and mother both come of good stock; we can
obtain no history of mental defect, insanity or epilepsy on either
side. Harold is one of a large family of children, and all the
others have turned out well. Birth was normal. Never injured
severely and never been seriously ill.

The physical examination shows a big, strong, and healthy
boy. Xo sensory defects noted. Altogether a satisfactory and
normal condition.

A fair opinion of his mentality could not be given from the
results on tests. These were surprisingly poor when one con-
sidered his past record. But the boy at the time of examina-
tion was apathetic, careless and evidently not trying to do himself
justice. He said later he did not know what the examination was
for and so did not do well. His depression was undoubtedly the
result of being brought in contact with the authorities. After
the tests he woke up and presented his own case very clearly,
expressing himself in decidedly good language, and it was evi-
dent that for his age he was really a good thinker. Social apper-
ceptions were surprisingly good and he showed much ability to
introspect his own feelings and experiences. One could not
doubt from this and his previous remarkably good record that
he was quite normal in mental ability. At the same time there
w^as no evidence of any actual psychosis.

He tells us that he is feeling very bad because he is in his
present trouble. He worked for the financial house a couple
of years and had very responsible work. " Then I got so I did
not feel well. Felt dopey and tired most of the time. I worked
outside for awhile getting subscriptions, and I seemed to get
better right away, but that work is uncertain. It depends on

719

§ 340] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIV

the kind of people you meet and the impression you make. I
left the office, I was not fired. I wanted more than they were
paying me. Then they got a big man to do the work."

" The last 6 months I have not worked regularly, but have not
been out of work more than a couple of days at a time. It was
nearly always office work. I always got good positions because
I was not afraid to go after them. I could make a good impres-
sion, but the work did not last long. I would get tired and stay
home a day or so, and of course they would not stand for that."

" The trouble at home was that it stands to reason that when
your folks see you work a week and then quit that they think
you are not much good. Once when I was away I worked day
and night — office work in the daytime and helping about
automobiles in the evening, but of course I could not stand that."

" When I was not at home I would steal some. When I took a
handful of candy the girls did not say anything. Anyhow I was
never caught. I guess I 'm pretty clever at it. Perhaps you
would not call it exactly clever, but I was quick. People could be
looking at me and never see me do it. Anyhow I never stole
any money away from home."

" I was always a good boy in school. After that I guess I did
not get into quite the right kind of work. I Ve got a talent for
making things. I get nervous just the same as my mother does.
It seems to come over us about the same time of year. I get
so I can't go out and enjoy myself with my friends. There 's a
kind of constraint comes over me and I feel I don't belong there.
Once when I had been working at that office for a long time, and
I was feeling at home all right, I somehow seemed to be a stranger
there. I did not belong there. The place seemed strange to me,
and when I was told to do something I jumped and ran to do it,
and then forgot what I had been told."

The parents had told us they suspected the trouble with this
boy was perhaps bad sex habits. He quickly showed he was
desirous of talking to us on this subject which had been worrying
him. It was a typical case, inasmuch as there was very little
to the actual practice of such habits, but there had been a great
deal of adolescent worry considering the whole sex subject. He
said that a friend had taken him to see a house of prostitution.
He entered into a voluble tirade against the existence of such
places. " I did not know these places were so public before.
They are bad. They are a great detriment to the city. They

720

Chap. XXIV] ILLUSTRATIVE ADOLESCENT CHARACTERISTICS [§ 340

ought not to allow them to run. I don't see anything in it. It
only ruins your health." Of masturbation this boy says he has
engaged in it sometimes during the last few months. " I have
worried about it. It 's just like an impulse that I can't control. I
am like a man that likes drink too well. I have tried to stop it,
and I have prayed to God about it. I was afraid to have it get a
hold on me, I denied it to my father. It 's such a foolish thing
to do. I feel so ashamed because I can't control myself. I had
another habit once that they helped me to overcome. From the
time I was a baby until I was 8 years old I could not go to sleep
without my thumb in my mouth. They put stuff on it and finally
broke up the habit."

It is to be noted that this was quite a gentlemanly young
fellow who showed neither boastfulness nor undue shyness. He
seemed to regard himself in rather an impersonal light. He
seemed to be grateful for a chance to have a frank talk. To his
parents were recommended closer supervision and more under-
standing, and perhaps a trade school if he continued to feel he
had special ability.

A couple of years have passed and there has been no further
complamt about him.

Adolescent instability and impulsions. Case 157.

Mental conflict about sex. ^oy, age 16 yrs.

Delinquencies :

Stealing. Mentality :

Running away. Good ability.

We could cite dozens of other cases illustrating the instabili-
ties which make for delinquency during adolescence and which
pass away with the advance of years.

Case 158. — This was a boy quite normal physically and
mentally, who tells us he is of the rough and ready type. He is
16 years old. His people state that they have been having a
great deal of trouble with him in the last couple of years. He
lies, gambles, and will not work steadily. His father died insane,
developing his paresis, however, after this boy's birth. The
paternal grandfather also died insane.

This lad tells us he does not like to work at the job his mother
wants him to take. He quarrels much at home with her and his

721

§ 340] MENTAL PECULIARITrES [Chap. XXIV

older sister. He is playing the part of a young city tough. When
we discussed his future he burst into tears and said he would
like to stop all his bad behavior and go to work. He says it is the
feeling of restraint in his family circle which has made him so
irritable. There is a complicating feature of much indulgence in
tobacco.

After our study of this case it seemed as if his conduct was a
phase which might soon pass over. This opinion was set forth
and the boy was placed in the country. He then reacted by a
complete change of character. He remained at the same place
of employment over a year and there were no further complaints
against him.

Adolescent instability.

Case 158.

Home conditions :

Lack of under-
standing control.

Boy, age 16 yrs.

Tobacco +.

Heredity (?) : Father and grandfather

msane.

Delinquencies :
Loafing.
Quarreling.
"City tough."

Mentahty:
Fair ability.

Worry about clandestine love affairs may be very upsetting
during adolescence, to the point of causing delinquency.

Case 159. — This was a particularly fine, clean-looking,
athletic fellow of 16. Previously he had done very well in tech-
nical school work. A young married woman, a close friend of the
family, had become enamored of this boy. She urged him well
to further his professional and other interests, but in the mean-
time led him along the path of sexual immorality. His reaction
was that of complete moral upset. He began truancy, ran away
from home, and developed a scheme for obtaining goods by mis-
representation. This was entirely an anomalous reaction, for
there was no financial need in the family. As we saw him this
young man was utterly depressed. His own behavior seemed
inexplicable to himself. It was very interesting to note that the
affaire d'aviour might easily have been carried along as a secret,
but the boy was not accustomed to either deceit or immorality.

722

Chap. XXIV] ILLUSTRATIVE ADOLESCENT CHARACTERISTICS [§ o40

His newly awakened impulses he reacted to by behavior which
would seem to be no logical result of them.

Adolescent impulses. Case 159.

Illicit love affair. ^^y, age 16.

Delinquencies :

Running away. ' Mentality:

Stealing. Good ability.

This same t^^pe of reaction we have observed when a bright
and capable adolescent has met with sex perversion. One strik-
ing case w^as where a remarkably bright young man found him-
self introduced into these practices with the most sumptuous of
accompaniments. Instead of either falling into line or expressing
complete opposition and aversion, there was the development of
anomalous behavior. It was only after the individual had become
delinquent along other lines that the underlying cause of his
strange moral break-down was discovered.

Immigration during adolescence may be provocative of delin-
quency.

Case 160. — This is a boy of 15 who is normal both physically
and mentally. He was sent to this country to live wdth distant
relatives because of the extreme poverty of his family in Europe.
The change from a quiet and narrow^ country life in Europe to
the conditions of a large American city, especially in the absence
of complete family control, proved altogether too much for him.
Notwithstanding this boy's proved ability and his expressed
desire to lead a steady life, he appears utterly unable to resist
his impulses. His relatives tell us the boy seems almost h>"p-
notized at times; he must go out and wander, and then he stays
away for nights at a time. A number of people tried to help in
this case, and the boy was given thoroughly good chances, but
everywhere he showed dissatisfaction with his circumstances.
Under close observation no bad habits were discovered. His
reputation for behavior before he came to this country was
good. His lack of self-control is perhaps shown by the fact that
he has occasionally suffered from nocturnal enuresis. He showed
great desire for education and was placed in a good school. From
this he ran away, and two years afterwards his whereabouts were
still unknown.

723

340] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIV

Adolescent instability and impulsions.

Case 160.

Recent immigration.

Boy, age 15 yrs.

Family conditions: Parental control
lacking.

Delinquencies :

Running away + +.

Mentality:
Fair ability.

Adolescent desire for self-assertion and gaining notice is a large
factor in producing delinquency among girls.

Case 161. — It came out sharply in one case where a girl of not-
ably boyish physical contour assumed boy's clothes and went
out to work as a young man. There were some irritating circum-
stances at home, but the girl made no effort to adjust them by well-
directed means. Her reactions were typically adolescent. She
made of her running away a sensational matter, and kept a diary
which gave every detail of her really interesting escapade. Her
account is largely exaggerated, showing thereby poor judgment
in spite of her assumed mature outlook on life. When she was
placed under detention she was very anxious to know if all had
seen account of her doings in the newspapers. This girl soon
afterwards settled down to completely quiet behavior.

Adolescent impulsions.

Case 161.

Home conditions: Irritations.

Girl, age 17 yrs.

Physical characteristics.

Delinquencies :
Running away.
Assuming male disguise.

Mentality:
Good ability.

Romanticism may also play a large part in the production of
adolescent delinquency.

Case 162. — This was a bright and physically normal young
woman of 17. Germanic physical and mental characteristics;
schwdrmerisch. We studied this girl after her two desperate
attempts to commit suicide. Her father had objected to a young
man of good reputation paying attention to her. Both he and also
her most intimate girl friend were of the romantic type. The girl
friend had suggested it would be nice to die together. When

724

Chap. XXIV] ILLUSTRATIVE ADOLESCENT CIL\RACTERISTICS [§ 340

the father scolded this girl about her lover she swallowed poison
which she had kept by her for a couple of yeare. The occasion of
her getting this in the first place was that when she and this girl
friend were looking for work they thought if they were not success-
ful they would be scolded, and they contemplated suicide as a
response. This girl's emotional life was highly developed in many
ways. It was noticed that while in the hospital following her
attempt at self-destruction she was frightfully lonely. An older
sister is insane and said to have become so from deep grief at the
mother's death. An interesting incident in this case followed
when the lover, impressed deeply by her loneliness in the hospital,
also took poison and himself had to be sent there.

Adolescent impulsions. Case 162.

Peculiar characteristics: Romantic ' ^^^ ^^'

type.

Companions: Other romantic adolescents.

Home conditions: Irritating and irrational.

Delinquencies : Mentality :

Attempted suicide. Fair ability.

Adolescent dissatisfaction with family habits or family beliefs
has been frequently seen by us as a cause for delinquency.

Case 163. — This was a Jewish girl of 16 who had developed
great self-assertiveness which led her to break acutely with her
family on the score of their ancient religion and general narrow-
ness in life. Her reaction, however, was excessive, for she took
to stage life and sex delinquency.

Case 177. — A Slavish boy found himself here in America
so much above the traditions of his people that he could not
tolerate the way in which his peasant grandmother cut the bread.
As an example of his behavior it may be stated that after fre-
quent appeals to her he grew so enraged one day that he threw
the bread at her, seriously hurting her face. On a number of
occasions he has grown desperate, as well as exceedingly wullful,
in his misconduct. But it is notable there has been a growing
tendency for him to become steadier as time has elapsed.

We have come to know many other delinquents who find their
own home surroundings extremely unsatisfactory and have
shown in their reactions such extremely recalcitrant behavior

725

§ 340] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIV

that they have been led into beginning a career of criminality.
All this is a token of the psychic hypersesthesia which we ha^'e
previously mentioned.

§341. Treatment. — In considering treatment for any given
unstable adolescent offender full justice should be done to the
peculiarities of the case. Wise observers readily perceive that
slight breaks from discipline do not mean total depravity. The
impulsions, and lack of control, and other special phenomena
of this period may last over a considerable time, and then disap-
pear. A change of environment, even though institutional care is
not invoked, may help. The adolescent offender may be quite
ashamed to show extravagant impulses to strangers, and so do
altogether better away from his own family in the deliberate
cultivation of self-control.

We must not forget that the adolescent is in a peculiar situa-
tion in regard to control of his own environment. The adult who
feels himself good for this or that, and who has dissatisfactions,
can find some way of socially adjusting himself, but the young
adolescent has to be satisfied with the environmental circum-
stances given him. Not that he has the wisdom to choose the
proper environment, but he has nevertheless the dissatisfactions
of not commanding his own surrounding conditions.

Lest we be accused of rendering over-optimistic prognoses in
delinquents whose criminalism begins with the peculiarities of
adolescence, let us say that the above cited cases were selected as
offering scientific requirements. In these the frequent favorable
outcome, as well as the beginning, seemed to prove that adoles-
cent instabilities and impulsions were really the causative factor
which we are always looking for. We grant at once that many
others may have had just this same beginning in adolescence,
and then, through habit formation and the result of other unfor-
tunate conditions, the individual has gone on to develop a career
of criminalism that has extended far beyond the termination of
adolescent years.

§ 342. Treatment Under the Law. — The question of age
limits for treating offenders as if they still were in the formative
stage and still were to be practically influenced either for good
or bad by inner and outer conditions is pertinent at this point.
Upon what psychological principles or practical observations a
juvenile court law, for instance, is based that implies a sudden
advent of responsibility and mental stability and general maturity

726

Chap. XXIV] TREATMENT OF ADOLESCENT TROUBLES [§ 343

of moral realizations and control is not at all clear. A purely
arbitrary discrimination is made in this matter which is not
justified in the least by the facts. It is true that occasionally
by 17 or 18 years in some cases mental maturity has been par-
tially reached. The same might be said of occasional cases at 15
or 16 years. But I venture to say from long observation that the
vast majority of offenders at 17 or 18 years of age are still in
great need of being understood and treated by the methods in
vogue in a well-conducted juvenile court where past records with
all their showing of factors in environment, personality, oppor-
tunities, etc., can be taken mto account for further disposi-
tion of the case. INIany delinquents at the age limit of the
juvenile law are still utter children.

It is a matter of practical observation among the best workers
with delinquents we have known that the changes of character
which apparently result from good influences often take place
after they were 17 or 18 years old. Adolescence is supposed to
extend from the age of puberty to 22 or 23 years. The adoles-
cence, the formative period, that students of delinquents are so
much concerned with, may be reckoned as lasting up to 19 or 20
years, and still be well within the limits that physiologists have
set.

§ 343. Preventive Treatment. — The best treatment for ado-
lescent troubles is preventive. The preemption of the field with
healthy interests before the age of 13 or 14 forms the best possi-
ble safeguard against the development of dangerous social tend-
encies. The consideration of adolescence as a causative factor
of criminalism is no longer a theoretical matter, it is of vast
practical import. There is a great social need for carrying the
individual safely into this period that during it he may not tend
to form bad associations, mental and environmental, which stand
in the way of desirable social development. Preventive treatment
unquestionably involves the training of proper discipline which
gives the basis for self-control, and also equipping the young
individual with knowledge which shall forfend development of
considerable amount of delinquency which is entered into as the
result of ignorance or mental \^acuity.

There is little doubt in my mind, as I have elsewhere insisted,
that much of the success of institutional work with young delin-
quents is to be attributed, not so much to the specific activities
of the institution, as to the fact that the individual is tided in a

727

§ 343] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXIV

stable environment through the adolescent period. The need of
just this thing being done appears so assured that to my mind
there is no doubt of the value of placing all adolescents showing
criminalistic tendencies in some environment that creates healthy
interests and is free from stimulation towards misconduct — and
this for a considerable share of the formative period of their life.
Struggling, for instance, under probation in a bad environment,
with adolescents who have deep-set tendencies to misconduct is
inviting social failure. That success can be had sometimes by
placing the offender in a different home where there is a better
range of interests, or where there is less friction, or in country
life away from city temptations, as well as by placing in insti-
tutions, goes without saying. The success of a variety of thera-
peutic means may be read from our cited cases.

All through our own studies in adolescent behavior, whether
considering what might be called normal outbreaks or distinctly
aberrational phenomena, we are impressed by the fact that
individuals with defective hereditary background are most prone
to suffer. We agree entirely with the many authors who insist
that it is the neuropathic and psychopathic types who show the
greatest moral, as well as mental upset at puberty and during
adolescence. Individuals of this type require for a prolonged
period the stablest possible environment, if society is not to
suffer later by the development in them of anti-social tendencies.

In attempting moral treatment of the adolescent offender,
the peculiar mental characteristics of adolescence must never be
forgotten. For instance, the steadiness of purpose or normal
desire for self-preservation found in an older person cannot be
reckoned on. One comes to have little faith in the efficacy of
the cry of danger to many healthy boys and girls during adoles-
cence. At this feckless age the appeal to self-interest will often
bring little result. We have noted it fail time and again. The
irregularities, impulsions and emotions of this period are all to be
considered in their true light as conditions to be struggled with,
which with good care may later drop entirely away. Only too
often do we hear, even from parents, character tendencies of
adolescents interpreted as being the permanent traits of the
individual.

728

Chap. XXV] PATHOLOGICAL LYINCi AND ACCUSATION [§ 345

CHAPTER XXV
Mental Peculiarities — Continued

Pathological Lying and Accusation. § 344. Definition. § 345. Charac-
teristics. § 346. Formative Personal Experiences. § 347. Prognosis.
§ 348. Illustrative Cases. § 349. Cases of Self-Accusation. § 350.
Some Cases Prove to be Psychoses.

PATHOLOGICAL LYING AND ACCUSATION.

§ 344. Definition: — Pathological lying is falsification entirely
disproportionate to any discernible end in view, engaged in by a
person who, at the time of observation, cannot definitely be de-
clared insane, feebleminded, or epileptic. Such lying, rarely, if
ever, centers about a single event; it manifests itself most fre-
quently over a considerable period of years, or even a lifetime.
Various charges against others, and even self-accusations, are
sometimes indulged in, which may prove troublesome matters in
courts of law.^ Extensive, very complicated fabrications may
be evolved. This has led to the synonyms : mythomania; pseudo-
logia phantastica.

§ 345. Characteristics. — For people concerned with court
w^ork, the understanding of the peculiar behavior and peculiar
personalities discussed under this heading has special impor-
tance. The whole subject serves well to illustrate the great
A^^alue of acquaintance with psychological aspects of legal proce-
dure. A large share of the difficulty, either in court or elsewhere,
in dealing with pathological lying arises because the testimony,
as judged by ordinary standards, shows little or no antecedent
probability of being untruth. Indeed, in some cases, as where a
child makes serious charges against a parent without reason for
disaifection (vide Cases 165, 166), the presumption seems strongly
in favor of the testimony being truth.

So far as motives are concerned, it is clear that in many instances
advantages to be gained by the lying are not clearly formulated
in the individual's mind ; there is mere following of an impulse. In

* The relation of pathological lying to development of a tendency to swind-
hng is easily recognizable; we have seen marked examples of it. As Wulffen
(2, Vol. II, p. 131) says, "Die Gabe zu Schwindeln ist eine 'Lust am Fabu-
lieren.'"

729

§ 345] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

other cases the motives are well buried; the connection between
design and conduct is only to be traced along hidden and round-
about paths. In some, to be sure, the relation of crude lying to a
desired end is not difficult to perceive, but the utter disregard of
the obvious social disadvantage accruing to a known liar may
cause, in the observer's mind, doubt whether the subject knows
that he is lying. One great reason for general ignorance of even
the existence of this variety of human conduct is due to these
incongruities. Pathological lying does not follow the ordinarily
conceived standards of misconduct.

For 20 years there has been a slowly accumulating literature ^
on the subject. However, almost nothing has appeared in Eng-
lish, and the legal aspects have not been thoroughly discussed.
Here we can only deal with some general phases of pathological
lying and a few concrete cases; from our numerous observations
a special monograph will be devoted to the subject (202).

The group of pathological liars shows some signs of homo-
geneity. In other traits besides the peculiar type of lying we
find likenesses. Pathological lying seems nearly always to be
developed on a mental background from which we might expect,
in the light of defective heredity or development, peculiarities
to arise. However, there are exceptions, and, occasionally,
merely out of some tremendously upsetting personal experience
this strange phenomenon shows itself. In addition to those who
exhibit no indication of mental or nervous abnormality, we have
found pathological lying in persons who are the subjects of rare
epileptic attacks, chorea, hysteria, traumatic neurosis, consti-
tutional inferiority, constitutional excitement, mental subnormal-
ity. According to our practical diagnosis of mental ability, we
have noted individual variations all the way from supernormal
ability to subnormality and border-line psychoses. (As stated
at first, we have included under our definition no cases of insanity,
feeblemindedness or recognizable epilepsy. In these categories,
of course, many egregious, fantastic and even notorious cases

1 The pioneer student of pathological lying was Delbrueck (203), whose
work has been much quoted by succeeding authors. We may also select for
the student the writings of Jorger (205), and Koeppen (204), who fm-ther elab-
orated the subject and added case studies; Stemmermann (206), who collected
more cases than any one else. Later Risch (207) contributed a study of sev-
eral instances of youthful fantastic hars, Vogt (208) made a special study of
types of female pathological hars, and Wendt (209) offered the most philo-
sophical discussion of the subject. A long discussion of a single case of much
legal importance is by Belletrud and Mercier (210) . Rouma (211) gives a valu-
able psychological and pedagogical analysis of a young boy's pathological lying.

730

Chap. XXV] PROGNOSIS IN PATHOLOGICAL LYING [§ 347

of lying, with or without proved dehisions, are to be observed.
The notorious lying of drug habitues, which may include even
weird self -accusations, is mentioned in another place, § 198 ff.)
Pathological lying, then, is only a symptom — the whole diag-
nosis and the etiology are farther to seek.

§ 346. Formative Personal Experiences. — Taking this group
in general, passing over the physical and mental differences which
may be in the background, it is surprising to observe in how many
cases there has been extremely upsetting personal experience, most
often involving sex life. The psychic trauma which underlies
mental conflict (§ 240) is here frequently met, and indeed in some
instances very definite indications of mental conflict itself are
discovered.

As practically observed, the tj-pes of lying belonging properly
to this category are, for the most part, as follows : There may be
simple, impulsive making up of stories centered about the relator's
own self and experiences. These are often to be easily sized up
for what they are worth. There may be indulgence in elaborate
fabrications which have no apparent objective end in view,
although perhaps some idea of a temporary advantage is con-
ceivable as the aim. It may be that these complicated stories
represent dreams of what is desired as experience. We have
observed t^•pes of lying even more important for the lawyer to
become acquainted with — lying that involves false accusations
without the motive of grudge, and even false self -accusations.
An accusation against those who have done most for the indi-
^■idual, against the nearest members of the family, perhaps
mother or father, is everj^^here recognized as having antecedent
probability of truth, yet some of our most striking cases involve
such unnatural accusations falsely made.

Most of our cases have been definitely delinquent over and
and beyond the peculiar lying, which, with a few, was in itself as
dastardly a delinquency as can be imagined. Most of the offenders
have at times run away from home, some have engaged in steal-
ing, and some have indulged in much sex delinquency. In all
this there is a striking resemblance to the cases reported in Euro-
pean literature.

§ 347. Prognosis. — The outlook for the individual depends
not only on what is done in disciplinary or educational ways
— due emphasis is always to be placed on these during the forma-
tive period of life — but also on the depth of the neurotic con-

731

§ 347] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

stitution, defective inheritance, or whatever else may be a factor.
Many of the cases reported abroad have later become clearly
insane. In our classification we have attempted to steer clear of
all determinable psychoses. While we conceive it likely that a
few of our cases will eventually inhabit some hospital for the
insane, we have observed some that show signs of recovery by
the loss of most of their tendency to prevarication, and we note
others remaining unchanged in their main characteristics.

§ 348. Illustrative Cases. — We can here afford space only for
a few cases illustrating the main phases of pathological lying.
The first three involve the phenomenon of false accusations in
its most aggravated form, namely, against parents and other
members of the same family from whom there has been good
treatment.

Case 164. — John S., an undersized boy of 17 years, a pitiable
specimen, when under arrest for vagrancy told such a heart-
rending story of home conditions with assertions of family im-
morality, that the judge and others were moved to indignation
and an investigation was started.

On the physical side we found a poorly-developed, but fairly-
nourished young fellow; plainly of Scandinavian parentage.
Only 5 ft. 2 1-2 in. in height, he showed good strength for his age.
Stigmata: slight facial asymmetry, ears very long and narrow,
dentition very irregular — one upper canine having erupted
behind the central incisors. Tattooing on the chest. Vision
defective, but how much so was impossible to estimate at present
on account of corneal ulcer and general gonorrheal ophthalmia.
Gait and attitude very slouchy. In contrast to general poor
development, has already full sex development with much hair
over body for his age.

On the mental side we find an excitable and talkative young
fellow, quite coherent, and giving in no way indication of aberra-
tion by the trend of his conversation. He tells us that he reached
6th grade. He willingly works on tests, the results being as
follows :

Mental tests : our own series :

I. I'll". Triangles put in by trial and error method.

II. 1' 45". 3 errors.

III. 24". 8 moves.

IV. 1' 19". 13 moves.

V. Failed in 15'. Tried a number of errors over and over.

732

Chap. XX\] CASES OF PATHOLOGICAL ACCUSATION [§ 348

VI. Moderately good free recital. Only a small number of items
with errors in color given on cross-examination. Accepted no less
than 7 proffered suggestions.

VII. One-half correct.

VIII. Entirely correct.

IX. Correct only at the 3d reproduction.

X. Correct at 2d reproduction.

XI. Made an entire failure because could not get correctly the
order of the alphabet.

XII. 16 out of the 20 items given with fair verbal accuracy, all in
correct sequence.

XIII. All items given, but •with, much incorrect sequence.

XV. 4 errors and 2 failures. On the 14 opposites given correctly
the average time was 2.1".

X^''II. Writes a very good hand and spells simple words correctly.

XVIII. Does the 4th-grade arithmetic work correctly, but fails on
fractions as given in the 5th grade.

XIX. Information on current events is good, but on things learned
at school is much mixed up. Says that this country gained its inde-
pendence from France, that Lincoln was president directly after
Washington, that Napoleon Bonaparte was an English nobleman who
fought against France and Waterloo, was never defeated, and got
sick in England. He has read popular magazines and books from
the library. Much of the above was given by the boy following sug-
gestions offered him. For instance, when he spoke of not remembering
what country Bonaparte came from, he was asked if it was England,
and he immediately seized upon this point.

From all this it will be seen that the boy was extremely poor
in school work, much behind what might be expected when we
consider other evidences of his ability, or what could be accounted
for by defective eyesight. His work on our tests was decidedly
irregular. He failed entirely where he was called on for a pro-
longed mental task, and showed himself in the highest degree
suggestible. On account of his present very defective eyesight
and general poor condition, a tentative diagnosis of mental
dullness from physical conditions was made, with the addition of
calling him a possible case of developing psychosis.

Going into his story, as requested, we hear at once that the
father has been dead for ten years and that there is a very cruel
step-father at home. This man was accustomed to beat the
children, and, on occasion, has put the elder sister out of the
house. He now has left his wife. Speaking of himself, John says
he does n't know what gets into him, but he has run away from
home eleven times. He runs away with his wages and stays at
a hotel. He has been arrested several times on this account. His

733

§ 348] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

mother always telephones to the police about him, and that is
why he is here now. He wishes he were at home.

The next day we hear the full horrors which were sketched to
the judge. The step-father is a professional thief, and the stolen
goods he takes are to be found m their home. John lived with
another relative until three years ago. When he returned, this
step-father began practicing horrible sex things with him, and
John found he was doing these things with the elder sister and
a younger brother. This man often leaves home, perhaps taking
the mother's wages — she has to work out — and even now is
living at a hotel. A doctor said the step-father must be crazy.

Seen later the same day by an assistant, the boy said he wanted
to tell the whole story of his family. He tells of the stolen things
which may be found there. The step-father blackens the eyes of
the sister, and is immoral with her. The latter practices began
two months ago. Also perversions began with John two months
ago, never before that. The mother is there, and knows about
and permits the immoralities. Cross-questioned, after a time
the boy says these practices began the night he came home,
three years ago, but with his sister it went on before that. He
knows, because his mother wrote and told him about it. An
uncle responded and told her to put a stop to it, but the step-
father follows his mother all the time, and has a revolver.

Talking about Lincoln led to the following story told by John
about a celebration at school. " They had it on Lincoln's birth-
day and on the 4th of July, too. The teacher did not believe
that Abraham Lincoln freed the slaves. The children said, oh
yes, he did. But she did not believe it. The children all hollered
and said yes, he did. Then they all run up on the platform and
got to fighting about it. The teachers would not believe that
Abraham Lincoln freed the slaves till an old soldier came up
there and told them yes, he did do it." I questioned him about
this matter, whether it was only playing or were they in earnest.
" Oh, all in earnest and they had a fight about it. The teachers
would not believe that Abraham Lincoln freed the slaves, and
the children all ran up on the platform and had a fight about it."

Home conditions were looked up by a court investigator and
found to be very different from what the boy stated. The mother
is an honest and hard-working woman who has had much trouble
with this boy and has given him many chances. The sister is a
girl of thoroughly good reputation. In the meantime we hear

734

Chap. XXV] CASES OF PATHOLOGICAL ACCUSATION [§ 348

of his court record. He has been under arrest several times
for vagrancy and petty steahng. The mother and sister, coming
to us in much distress, appear to be entirely self-respecting and
credible people; quite in accord with their neighborhood reputa-
tion. They give us the following story:

Parents Swedish. Father dead 10 years, accident. Both
families moderately well known. Significant points in heredity:
Mother's sister, insane; cause, "change of life"; father him-
self a very moderate drinker. He had occasional attacks of
epilepsy, not enough to hinder him from working as an artisan.
Mother previously healthy, now thinks she has cancer. Has three
living children. A number of miscarriages after John was born.

Pregnancy and birth of John normal. Walked and talked
very early. Never any convulsions. At about 2 years of age was
very ill with a great complication of severe diseases. Was sick
for 3 months. Later was operated on for rupture. The eye
trouble is recent. When he was about 10 years old a teacher
told the mother she did not think the boy was right mentally.

There has been an exceeding amount of trouble with this boy.
He was a great truant and reached only the 4th grade. When he
was living with the uncle there was trouble and he warned her
carefully about John. He has run away from home 12 times,
stays away perhaps two weeks at a time, and comes home ragged
and filthy. He has had many jobs, but stays only a day or two
at work. He steals in petty ways, takes money from home when
he runs away. He is very lazy, but a great reader, especially of
cheap novels.

Among the troubles with this boy is his extremely filthy talk.
He has even been discharged on account of this. An aunt caught
the boy in bad sex practices several years ago and told the mother.
Neighbors, and earlier the school people, warned her that they
thought this was what was the matter with him. About a year
ago John was found in a room with other boys and a man engaged
in bad practices, and the man was sentenced to a long term in
the penitentiary on account of it.

Worst of all, the mother says the boy is the most malicious
liar she has ever heard of. They have had a frightful time with
him on account of this. For over two years John has been telling
bad stories about the step-father who recently could not stand
it any longer and left the mother. He was a good and rather strict
man who took much interest in the children. He tried rewards

735

§ 348] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

with John but this was of no avail. She thought it her duty to
try further with her own flesh and blood. The boy has destroyed
the home. The sister is in utter despair about what John has
said concerning her. The younger brother also feels terribly.
The boy told these stories all about the neighborhood.

John was sent to an institution. There he was reported to be
of a very weak type, would do anything that was suggested to
him. No evidences of insanity noted.

Constitutional inferiority: Case 164.

Stigmata. Mentality. Boy, age 17.

Heredity: Father epileptic.

Maternal aunt insane.

Masturbation +.

Pervert sex experiences.

Developmental: Much early illness.

False accusations +.

Runaway +. Mentality:

Stealing. Pathological liar.

Sex perversions. Dull from physical causes?
Not working. Beginning psychosis?

Case 165. — A little girl of 9 1-2 years was studied by us at
the request of a judge of a criminal court and various relatives
and friends interested in the case. Her father, and brother of 18
years had been held in jail some weeks on the charge of incest
preferred by this girl, and were now on trial.

We found a bright, pleasant, affectionate child, in fair general
physical condition. No sensory defect noted. High, prominent
narrow forehead; long diameter of head, 19 cm.; breadth, 13
cm. Slightly asymmetrical frontal bosses. Asymmetry of ears
to the extent of .6 cm. difference in length.

The mental findings were, of course, of great importance.
She was in the high 3d grade, notwithstanding frequent moving
about. She showed no incoherency in her conversation, although
from day to day changed somewhat her various stories.

Mental tests: our own series;

I. 1' 50". Very little trial and error.

II. 2' 4". 4 errors.

III. 37". 7 moves.

736

Chap. XX V] CASES OF PATHOLOGICAL ACCUSATION [§ 348

IV. 1' 37". 13 moves.

V. 9' 15". The task was quickly understood, but she was awk-
ward with hands.

VI. The result on the "Aussage," or Testimony Test, was, natu-
rally, of special interest. It was done very well. 17 items were given
on free recital and 9 added on questioning. 5 out of 7 suggestions were
refused, 2 accepted. Only 1 error was made in her statement of details.

VII. All correct.

VIII. 2 errors in reproduction.

IX. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Correct at 2d trial.

XI. This was, as expected, too difficult: 7 errors were made out
of 11 possibilities.

XII. 17 out of 20 items on this memory test were given with
partial correctness and in proper sequence. With much verbal
alteration, the sense was correctly given.

XIII. 10 out of the 12 items were given quite correctly and all in
correct sequence.

XV. 17 items given correctly, average time 1.5". The 3 failures
were from lack of knowledge.

XVI. At the 1st trial 58 squares were tapped in 30", no errors. At
the 2d trial 60 squares tapped in 30", 2 errors.

XVII. Writes a remarkably good hand for age and spells all
simple words correctly.

XVIII. Reads 3d-grade passage in a halting manner, and with but
one slight error.

XXII. General information is very slight, as one would naturally
expect from her social siu"roundings, but she knows who is president,
and who Lincoln was.

We thus found this girl an unusually bright child, easily belong-
ing in our B class, showing no aberrational tendencies, and no
disability for testifying.

It is not necessary here to recount all the girl's long story,
with its unpleasant details. She showed such intimate knowl-
edge of sex affairs that her story about her father and brother
might seem entirely credible, and we did not wonder that a number
of good people were stirred to indignation. The mother had long
been dead. The father and brother were working people who had
no proper home for her, and recently had placed her out with a
kindly woman. Before that she had been with other families
away from Chicago. The father often visited her in this last
place. The woman, observing signs of local irritation, took her
to a physician. To him the girl made some statement that
caused him to turn the affair over to the police. They and a
number of private people pushed the case; the girl stated the

737

§ 348] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

charges, and the father and brother were incarcerated. No
study and analysis of the case had been made. The judge, in
spite of the direct testimony and antecedent probabihty of its
being the truth, since there had been no cause for anything but
affection in the family, wisely desired more investigation. We
readily found from the child that there was much more to the
case than had yet been revealed.

To us she gave an account of her life that seemed entirely
contradictory to her appearance. Her pleasant, bright and normal
looks and behavior were all in contrast to the experiences she
said she had been through. By the time we had had several inter-
views we heard from this innocent-appearing little girl one of the
most miserable recitals of sex practices, including perversions,
to which we have ever listened. She maintained that her affairs
began before she was 5 years old, and they involved, we counted,
at least six girls with whom she had practiced a wide variety
of homosexual relations, sometimes herself even soliciting the
worst sorts; at least 3 younger boys; and 4 men who had engaged
with her in various practices even though, in one case, a wife was
in the next room. Beside this she told of a variety of masturba-
tory habits. Her father and brother have been very kind and
good to her. She believes now, she says, as she thinks it over, that
perhaps they did not exactly have intercourse with her, although
previously she had given complete details. Her story of exces-
sive incest, repeated at first to us, dwindles to certain practices,
which she says she herself began. However, she insists that other
men long before this did have complete connection, which she
describes, and with them she has also engaged in perversions.
All this to us, as in the case of others who desired prosecution of the
father and brother, was entirely convincing of the most exten-
sive acquaintance with the subject, but times and persons varied
in successive accounts.

Later it came out that a couple of years ago, when boarding
with other people, the girl made complaint of local trouble and
had to be treated for it. Then after being in another home she
made charges to her father about the man there. When she
came back to her father he obtained salves and injections for
her, and used to treat her himself. It was after 6 months of
boarding at her last home, away from her father, that, under
the conditions mentioned above, she started up charges against
both him and her brother.

738

Chap. XXV] CASES OF PATHOLOGICAL ACCUSATION [§ 348

The local inflammation was found to be of long standing.
Whatever the conditions for examination concerning virginity
were previously, we cannot say, but now at a careful consultation
it was discovered that it was an absolute impossibility that inter-
course had ever taken place. The father in custody had earnestly
requested the examination for his own defense. The evidence
being so completely positive, the father and brother were, of
course, released. The girl's own statement of prior affairs was
never made in court. Her lymg was so extensive that there was
no use in pushing a case against anybody. Yet, somewhere she
had learned more than most women know.

The extraordinary fact of this child making such grave charges
against those of whom she evidently was fond, is not easily
explained. The irritating local conditions, which she gave us
reason to believe might have been induced by rough masturba-
tion, or perhaps by earlier local disease (no proofs of gonorrhea
were found), had long drawn her attention to herself. She prob-
ably had seen sexual affairs going on in the houses where she had
been placed, and had practiced them with other children. Then,
when rooming with her father, there were the improper sights
that are the inevitable results of crowded housing conditions.
Perhaps the father treating her locally was a factor. We never
had a reliable account of family history — the father unmistakably
was a poor specimen. The son appeared much above the paternal
level, as also did the girl.

Reports a year or so afterward were that this girl's mind was
still fairly obsessed by sex affairs.

Early sex experiences and habits atrocious. Case 165.

Physical conditions: local irritation. ^^^^' ^^^ ^^'

Home conditions : With very bad people
in private homes.
Parental neglect
(through poverty
and ignorance).
Crowded housing.

Heredity? : F. low type.
Stigmata.

False accusations against family. Mentality:

Sex -(- +. Good ability.

739

§ 348] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

For one more example of the trouble in courts which may be
caused by pathological lying, we ask attention to the following
summary of a case which covers many pages as worked up by us.

Case 166. — A girl of 16, moderately well developed and
nourished, with no sensory defect, and of fair mental ability,
was under arrest for prostitution. It was found that within
a year she had appeared five times as a witness against her mother
and step-father, charging them with having murdered a younger
child. She made the statement at the time of the child's death
and followed it up through all court stages until the parents were
finally acquitted, after having spent four months in jail. The
mother was a quiet, frail, tired little woman who looked anything
but a murderess. We were glad to be able to solve this strange case.

The dead child was an epileptic and had bruises from falling;
these physical signs, as well as the girl's testimony, determined
the coroner's jury to hold the parents to the grand jury. But,
of course, stronger than anything else was the antecedent improb-
ability of a girl falsely testifying against her mother, with whom
she was on good terms. We found that the girl had been a noto-
rious liar for years and had more recently become a sex delinquent.
No motive for her false accusations was found, but undoubtedly
there was a considerable element of mental conflict. The girl
had accumulated a great deal of unfortunate sex knowledge,
and the combination of this with the finding out of her illegiti-
macy seemed to have been overwhelming to her mentally. The
heredity was terrifically bad on the father's side. He was alcoholic,
a deserter, and perhaps insane. His treatment of this girl's
mother was brutal.

During her detention the girl was moved to tell the truth
about the whole affair, and gave an account of her own extensive
Iving which had had so tragic an outcome to the parents.

Mental Conflict -|-. Case 166.

Bad companions, including father. ^^ ' ^^^ ^^'

Home conditions : Very bad in early life.

Heredity: F. alcohohc brute.

False accusations -|-. MentaUty:

Stealing +. Fan- ability.

Sex -(-. Pathological liar.

740

Chap. XXV] CASES OF PATHOLOGICAL LYINC5 [§ 348

The next case is one of pathological lying hi general, with
constant verging towards the type of behavior of the adventurer
whose main stock in trade is duplicity.

Case 167. — A girl of 19, Irish and Scotch parentage, was seen
by us in New York at the request of her parents who lived in
the West. She had been in that city only a month or so, and
had become involved in a peculiar situation at her place of employ-
ment. We had ample opportunity at this time and later, when
she returned home, to become thoroughly acquainted with her
career and traits. Getting into strange sorts of troubles was an
old story with her — the problem for us was to get at the nature
of the cause, and decipher the outlook.

On the physical side we found a very well developed and
nourished young woman, with no sensory defect. She had rather
coarse features, broad, deep chest, quiet and strong attitude. No
signs whatever of nervous disease. The most notable thing was
her varying expression, for at times, when confronted by some of
the incongruities of her behavior, she assumed a very peculiar,
open-eyed, wondering, dumb expression. On occasions when
she was flatly told that her story was a falsehood, she looked one
quite straight in the eye and said in a wonderfully demure and
half -sorrowful manner, " I am sorry you think so." This expres-
sion was well calculated to make even experienced observers half
think they themselves must be wrong. Complains of headaches
and " quivering " attacks, but can get no corroboration of this
from the parents.

On the mental side there are several points of interest to note.
After graduating from the grammar school she had been able to
get to the second year in high school, and then had stopped because
it was said by her physician that she was too nervous to continue
successfully. The girl insists that she could not then study as
well as she did earlier, and that was why she was nervous. Later
she took a commercial course. Her record on tests is significant.

Mental tests: our own series:

III. 18". 9 moves.

IV. 47". 12 moves.

VI. Gave seventeen items in free recital with several incorrect ad-
ditions. On questioning she gave 12 more items correctly, but still
more freely invented details. However, she took only one out of 7
suggestions, and that one not important. When asked about one of
the persons in the picture she supplied details as her fancy dictated.
For instance, she stated the little boy (really a little girl) had his hands

741

§ 348] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

in his pocket, muffler on his neck, a stocking-cap on his head and
black shoes and stockings — all of which details are incorrect.

X. Correct at the 1st trial.

XI. Nine of the eleven items done correctly.

XVI. 75 squares tapped in both 1st and 2d trials with 2 errors at
the 1st, and none on the 2d trial.

XVII. Writes a fair hand and misspells only the longer words. The
composition in a letter is quite coherent.

XVIII. Does ordinary commercial arithmetic.

XXIII. Time on Completion Test 2' and 2 final logical errors.
The Kraepelin Test, subtraction of 7's from 100, done correctly in
57".

From this and from her record as a clerk, where we find she
is doing fairly satisfactory work, it is clear that she is quite up to
the ordinary in ability. The strange discrepancy between the
accuracy of her work on other things and in giving testimony on
the picture is notable.

In the heredity and personal history, as given by the intelli-
gent parents, there is much of interest. It seems there is a dis-
tinct neuropathic or psychopathic tendency on one side of the
house, and the parent on the other side has been addicted to
narcotics. At about 40 years old this same parent had a definite
attack of nervous prostration. A grandmother on the mother's
side was an incompetent and unsatisfactory person who was
prone to depart from the truth, and she lived in the family when
our young woman was a child. However, it is not definitely known
that she had any bad influence, although the children were aware
of her untruthfulness. There have been sturdy qualities exhib-
ited among the relatives, particularly on the father's side, where
some have been successful and learned people. One sister and one
brother are university graduates, and are thoroughly stable people.

The early developmental history is peculiarly negative. She
was never severely ill, and while she once fell down some steps
and was unconscious for a few minutes there were no after-results.
The young woman herself complains of many severe headaches,
but there was never any evidence at home of these being at all
severe. She also gave us some startling accounts of fainting
many times, but it seems she only complained of feeling faint
and required water to be placed on her forehead, and that was
all there was to it. She was never known to have fallen in a faint,
as she maintained. She was not taken out of school for any
specific nervous trouble, it was merely a matter of general advice

742

Chap. XXV] CASES OF PATHOLOGICAL LYING [§ 348

given on the strength of her not seeming able to keep up with her
studies, and so becoming harassed.

The account of this girl's fabrications would cover many pages.
As far as her parents could recollect she began to show this trait
at about 12 years. They are certain that as a young child she
was never especially imaginative. They then never thought
her in any way as different from the rest of the family. Later
she has been regarded as the most robust, but has certainly done
the poorest in intellectual work, and that has often been a matter
of family comment. The others have always been careful truth-
tellers. At first she told simple falsehoods, but soon she began
to make up little stories, and for the last two or three years has
frequently indulged in the most extensive and fantastic lying.
Her mother is inclined to think she indulges in this only in the
few days preceding menstruation, and maintains she has noticed
this with exactness. But as observed by us recently there is no
evidence of this periodicity.

Previously she was wont to meet people and give them extrava-
gant accounts of the wealth and importance of her own family.
She spread the report that her sister was married and living not
far away in a fine dwelling, giving many elaborate details. The
untruth was readily disclosed and caused much family discom-
fiture. By working up the story of an alleged entertainment or
party she has been able to fool her own family into getting ready
for it. At one time she developed the idea of a young man want-
ing to marry her and the delicacy of the situation forbade the
parents finding out what there really was to it, but at least it was
vastly exaggerated. She would argue with her family over many
of her stories, maintaining for long that they were really true,
even after they had discovered the contrary.

The following story, which we know in detail, will serve as a
good example of her fabrications. She had gotten into consider-
able trouble on account of untruthfulness and entanglement in
money matters, and she finally ran away from her home to New
York. There, as already stated, she readily obtained employ-
ment on account of her apparent sincerity and capability. One
day she went to the department manager, and out of whole cloth
told him a tale totally uncalled-for by anything in the obvious
situation, since she was doing fairly well. She said her father
and mother had died in the last year, and then -came a long story
about her life. When she was about 4 years of age she had been

743

§ 348] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

in an accident, and a man had saved her life. Her father, naturally,
had always thought very highly of him and pensioned him. This
man was old and penniless, and now that her parents were dead
she was in a perfect quandary about keeping up her father's
obligation. Formerly this pensioner had lived in the country,
in the state of New York, but now his family was broken up and
he had come to the city. She was earning $8 a week and was
able to get along by paying |3 for her own board and $5 for the
man's board. She had to take care of him in every way, even to
washing his face and dressing him, he was so helpless. She
made no demand for any increase of salary, and the story was
told evidently without any special intent.

The services of a social worker were enlisted by the firm, and
the girl's boarding house was visited. There she was found to
be living with distant relatives of her own family, whom she
had searched out upon her arrival in New York. They knew
she had run away from her home and, indeed, by this time the
mother was already present, having been sent for by them. It is
to be noted the story told to the firm had been reiterated to this
social worker, who might have been expected to look up the facts.

The situation then became still more involved through the
girl telling more explanatory details to the social worker and
somewhat accusing her own family — altogether making a mess
of lies that could with difficulty be unravelled. The story
of the man who saved her life was purely an invention from
beginning to end. Some time later it was found out that the
girl had taken a fancy to a young man whom she had recently
met, and who had unfortunately paid her indiscreet attention.
She had already begun depositing money to pay for a gold watch
for him — a most unwarranted show of generosity.

Later when I saw her she invented a wonderful tale about a
young man in her western home to whom she had been engaged,
but who turned out to be a defaulter (perhaps this was in defer-
ence to my work), and who later died. She maintained it was
the shock of this event which caused her to leave home. This
was all found to be false. The immediate cause of her running
away was her pretending to have a position which she did not
have. When pay-day came she had to lie to get out of the situa-
tion, and when things were getting too thick to be explained, she
took a sufficient sum from her parents and made off to New York.

Later investigation along psychogenetic lines brought out most

744

Chap. XXV] CASES OF PATHOLOGIC.\L LYING [§ 348

interesting points. The girl fount! herself able to dig up out of
her memory what she stated was her first experience at lying.
Her parents always had high moral standards, and the other
members of the family always lived up to them. She, as a younger
sister, recognized these facts. When she was 12 years old she fell
in with a company of girls who used to lie on the hillside and
discuss sex matters. By them at that time she was thoroughly
instructed in the methods of bringing about self-satisfaction.
Her parents did not know that these girls were in the leastwise
bad, but the dictates of her own conscience led her to tell her
parents that she was going with other girls whom she knew were
better. She kept up this deception, and later had to take special
methods of secret indulgence in the practice she had been taught.
It seems clear it was this habit and the secret concern about it,
which led to her nervousness during school life. However, there
is no sign that she has done herself physical harm by her sex prac-
tices, which she states, have not been liberally indulged in. But
she has had to do. a great deal of fighting with herself on account
of this, and gives a clear story of much mental conflict. The
mother, who, in spite of her own troubles and weak tendencies,
has been very watchful over her daughters, assures us there
has never been the least suspicion of the girl's knowledge of sex
things. The mother has attempted to meet her on these matters,
but has never grown thoroughly confidential, and the first word
was never said until years after her girl companions had implanted
knowledge.

Great difficulty has been found by the family in handling this
case, particularly on account of the attentions of young men,
of which it has not seemed wise to deprive the girl. She fabri-
cates extensively to her male companions.

Mental conflict.

Case 167.

Early sex experiences and habits.

Girl, age 19.

Home conditions: defective

control.

Heredity:

Neuropathic tendencies on
both sides.

Lying + + +.

Runaway.

Stealing.

MentaHty:

Fair ability.

Pathological liar.

745

§ 349] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

§349. Cases of Self- Accusation. — The following case is
offered as the sole example of self -accusation which we shall give.
It would not be difficult to present mental border-lines cases^
types well known to police and penal authorities, who, being
accused of one crime, proceed to allege their participation in
many others, even to implicating themselves in murders. But
it seems more striking to give the case of a young woman falsely
accusing herself of immorality.

Case 168. — On the physical side, at 16 years this girl showed
several peculiarities. Her general development was just fair, and
she was rather attractive-looking, with decidedly pretty eyes.
She suffered badly from hypermetropia and astigmatism, but was
never willing to wear glasses. Her pupils differed in size, but
no signs of organic affection of the nervous system were ever
found connected with this. She complained of headaches, and
irregularity in menstrual periods, and pains about the heart. The
conjimctival and palatopharyngeal reflexes were completely
absent. On tests for strength, in characteristic hysterical way
makes apparently great effort, but with little result. Distinct
analgesia of the arms was found on one occasion. Thyroid slightly
enlarged. Eyes bright. Skin clear and color good. She com-
plains much of cold hands. Severe crowding of upper teeth.
Other examination negative.

On the mental side we find peculiar reactions, so contradictory
at different times that it is not worth while giving the record for
tests. At times she clearly demonstrates herself not to be sub-
normal in ability, but during work on other occasions her mind
seems to be wandering and she may need much urging. Extreme
variability, then, as shown on different tests at one time, or as
shown from time to time, is the rule in her case. Beginning school
at 7 1-2 years, and being absent a good deal on account of sickness,,
she still reached 6th grade. She is fond of such authors as Lytton,,
Scott, Dickens, and is a great reader of the daily newspapers,,
dwelling evidently much on accidents and tragedies. Her asso-
ciation and memory processes seem.normal. She has a reputa-
tion for being able to give very long accounts of sermons which
she has heard, but the accuracy of her reports we have not heeiL
able to verify. Her psychomotor control is sometimes decidedly
defective, for in spite of much urging and several trials on the
tapping test, she makes an excessive number of errors. She
goes along quite well for a time, and then suddenly starts making:

746

Chap. XX\'] CASES OF SELF-ACCUSATION [§ 349

errors. When working on the \'erbal free association test, she
would stop for 20'' or so at a time and seemed to be thinking of
other things, before she gave another word. Our notes on the
case, after having seen her several times, state that every little
while some inhibition seems to seize this girl and prevent her
from doing her best. Arithmetic for her grade was done promptly
and correctly. Besides these main points of irregularity and
lack of self-control on other tests, we gained a remarkable record
on the testimony test (Test VI). She only gave 6 details in
free recital, and was sure that was all she saw. Then on cross-
questioning she told 9 more items correctly, but gave 8 other
•details extensively modified from the truth. There was no
main item added, but the result was almost illusional in its
incorrectness. She accepted two of the least important of the
iive suggestions offered, rejecting the others completely.

The developmental history is of great importance. The mother
was in excessively poor condition before the birth, probably hav-
ing malaria. She had convulsions of some kind both before and
after confinement. As an infant our subject is said to have been
frail, but not to have had any definite sickness or any convul-
sions, but beginning at about her 5th year there is a long story
of illnesses. She was severely afflicted with scarlet fever and
also had a number of other children's diseases. She began to have
attacks of jerking at 8 years, and these lasted off and on until
she was 14. The mother called this chorea, but we have no evi-
dence that it was. Correct diagnosis not ascertainable. The child
was once in a hospital for 3 weeks on account of these jerkings.
She was always regarded as a very nervous child. She was also
a somnambulist until she was about 12. Menstruation began at
15; she is notably nervous for several days before onset, but
her periods are regular. Of recent years she has been an exces-
sive user of tea. At times drinks as many as 12 cups in a day.

Heredity is exceedingly defective. Of the maternal family we
know almost nothing. The mother has long since died. The
father has been twice remarried, the second wife having divorced
him. The father really knows very little about his first wife's
family, but gives us a long account of his own ancestors. His
grandmother, one of his cousins on the same side, and his brother
were insane. The last was involved in a desperate tragedy.
Two of his aunts are peculiar, nervous, and suffer from attacks of
aphonia. He himself is a victim of poor heredity, and could

747

§ 349] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

best be denominated a constitutional inferior. He has had
numerous fainting attacks of some sort, and at other times is
subject to confusion. He has been a Htigant, causing much
trouble in the courts, and is a notoriety seeker at times. The
family has received much aid from charity organizations. The
story of his career as obtained from pastors and others would, even
in synopsis, cover many pages. Never been excessively alcoholic.
His daughter has made accusation of theft against him, but,
though his conversation centers much about sex aifairs, there
was never the slightest suspicion he taught his daughter im-
morality.

Home conditions, as might well be imagined, have been extremely
defective. At times there has been the use of much bad language,
but the chief difficulty has been irregularity of discipline and
living conditions.

The diagnosis of this case is not difficult. By reason of inherit-
ance and defective development the girl could well have been
expected to be a neuropath. Her symptoms are all in accord;
she evidently belongs in the category of hystericals. By no
stretch would it be possible to call her insane, and she has proved
herself not to be subnormal in ability. On account of the pecul-
iarity of her mental make-up she might well be denominated a
semi-responsible. More of her mental characteristics are shown
in the following story of her own behavior.

She first came to notice after much newspaper notoriety.
During the course of revival meetings, at one session of which
the scarlet woman was the subject of discussion, she became
much excited. A few days later she went to her Sunday-school
teacher, and with her to the pastor, and gave a most circum-
stantial account of her own life as a clandestine prostitute. She
gave times and places with apparent accuracy. On the strength
of all this detectives set about making a raid upon the secret
centers of vice which she named. At the time of the raid she
went with the detectives to show them the previously described
entrance to a certain house. ^Mien they got to this alleged
place, it seems to have suddenly vanished, and the girl could
not substantiate her story in the slightest detail. Of course,
she had thus pronounced herself thoroughly depraved.

Up to this time, by the girl's wishes, the information had been
given unknown to the step-mother. The girl was detained in
the station as the result of her self-accusation, and when the

748

Chap. XXV] CASES OF SELF-ACCUSATION [§ 349

family appeared it was stated that, notwithstanding her story,
she had never been away from home a single evening or night.
There was not the slightest reason to believe she had ever been
unchaste. It was her first stories as told to the police which
got into the newspapers. The family said she came home from
the evangelistic meeting, where conditions in the New York slums
had been described, in a very hysterical state, and it appeared
she had very soon afterward gone to these other people and made
astonishing confessions about her own life. Her family stated
that her memory was very peculiar. At one time she might
repeat much of a long sermon she had just heard, and at another
time would seem to be very forgetful of recent events.

In regard to the extent of her lying in the past it was very
difficult for us to get accurate information on account of pecul-
iarities of the father, whom we had reason to know from other
sources was himself a tremendous liar. But several years of
observation of this case have shown us that this young woman is
often prone to falsification, and has been able to put up such a
front in regard to her lies that many people have been taken in
thereby. It is interesting to note that the step-mother says
the same thing of the father, and particularly that she herself
has been utterly deceived by them both.

The girl later became a runaway from home, and on one
occasion stayed with a man in a hotel. She also created a good
deal of trouble by lying where she worked. Most of her stories
centered about the question of sex. She was taken care of at one
time in an industrial school by order of the court, but developed
such nervous tendencies it was thought best for her to leave there.
She has grown more stable as the years have gone by, and devel-
oped into a distinctly nice-looking girl, who has proved very
attractive to several boys.

Two years after her first escapade she went to a court official
and announced herself to be pregnant, charging some man with
the responsibility. In the meantime it was found she was corre-
sponding very affectionately with a certain boy, and after a
period of observation it was discovered she was not pregnant
and her whole story broke down again. At times she has been
able to hold a fairly good position, and to behave herself. Her
running away from home, considering conditions there, could
hardly be considered a major delinquency. Her associations
with young men, though perhaps not actually immoral, have

749

§ 349] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

been decidedly discreditable. It was noted by very good people
who had given her a home that she was an extreme flirt, and was
deceitful in regard to these matters, but that she did not lie to
any extent about other things. So far as known she had never
been immoral except on the one occasion, three years after her
original " confession," when after a dispute at home, she picked
up a man on the street, in despair, as she said, and stayed over
night with him.

The outlook in this case always was and still is obviously
precarious. The young woman is decidedly attractive and is
capable of earning a fair living — holding positions well enough
until her behavior creates trouble. As she has passed through
the earlier years of adolescence she has grown a trifle more stable
both mentally and physically. But with her constitutional de-
fects one would always expect that from any stress, such as social
conditions, pregnancy, or her own misconduct might throw upon
her, she would become still more erratic. There is little doubt
but that she will soon be married, and that if she has children,
they will in turn be sufferers both from what they inherit and
the irrational upbringing they will receive.

Mentality: psychoneurosis, hysteria. Case 168.

Early sex experiences. ^^^' ^S^ ^^■

Heredity: much insanity and semi-
responsibility in family.

Developmental: antenatal conditions defective,
later chorea.

• Physical : vision very defective.

Stimulants: tea + +.

Home conditions : very defective,
account of irrationality.

Lying + +. Mentality:

Stealing. Fair ability,' but

Runaway. mildly aberrational.
Sex. Pathological liar.

§ 350. Some Cases Prove to be Psychoses. — The following
short history illustrates the fact that some cases, at first definable
merely as pathological liars, may turn out to be suffering from

750

Chap. XXV] PATHOLOGICAL LYING AND PSYCHOSIS [§ 350

a mental disease. If it appeared necessary, we could give other
examples of excessive lying that have long proved bothersome
in courts of justice, in which the individual has finally been found
to be suffering from a psychosis.

Case 169. — This boy of 16 or 17 years showed on the physical
side no signs of abnormality; he was strong and well built. On
the mental side we found the following by tests — the boy having
repeatedly asserted to us and others that he had never been to
school.

Our own series :

I. 1' 55". Trial and error on the triangles.

III. 1' 4". 15 moves, 5 impossibilities and 2 repetitions of impos-
sibilities.

IV. 53". 11 moves.

V. 3' 16". Correct steps interspersed with 2 errors. Put the box
together, a much harder task, with only 1 error.

VI. 10 simple items on free recital, 16 details correctly on ques-
tioning, and adds 3 incorrect items. Accepts 3 out of 6 suggestions.

VII. Correct.

VIII. No errors.

IX. Failm-e at 4th trial.

X. Correct at 1st trial.

XL Does not know alphabet in order — did n't get idea.
XIII. 11 out of the 12 items with approximate accuracy.
XV. 18 correct. Average time 3.6".

XVII. Writes a fair hand and spells most short words correctly.

XVIII. Subtraction correct. Multiplication table correct. Says
he is just learning this. (A curious feature observed in his arithmetic
is the cheating he indulges in while doing proofs in addition or sub-
traction — makes the proof come right in any case.)

XIX. Reads a 4th-grade passage fairly well.

XXII. History and geography items partially correct, scientific
information nil.

Originally we saw this fellow as a vagrant, and otherwise not
delinquent. His story was so remarkable that determination of
his sanity was requested by the association that was looking
after him. We could not in any way find evidence of mental
peculiarity, but we did question his story because of its intrinsic
improbability. The same story, or with some variation, was
told to many people, and the boy proved to be a lengthy letter
writer, always dwelling on the theme of his many troubles. He
told a history of insanity, murder and other tragedy in the family
— all happening in such an obscure place in a western state
that no trace of it could be found on maps. He maintained he

751

§ 350] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXV

was the last of his family, had earlier lived about in barns with
his sister and brother, had wandered about in half a dozen states,
never had a chance to go to school, but had picked up his knowl-
edge while working on a farm, etc, etc. More significant for
understanding his case was his complaint of ill-treatment every-
where; one man had defrauded him out of his savings, another
had whipped him severely, another waylaid, frightened and beat
him at night in a field, the boys at another place had been terri-
bly mean, and so on. Careful questioning elicited the denial
of illness, convulsions, fits or anything of the sort.

The boy was found a place in the country. About 6 months
afterward he turned up again, having been arrested in the city
for carrying a revolver and being in company with a notoriously
bad fellow who was, according to our boy's account, planning a
street robbery. The stories began again, long letters were written
to the judge, winding up with the most gruesome details of how
his father became insane, and how he jumped into his mother's
grave, when she was buried in the field after being murdered by
his uncle. This uncle when she had typhoid fever held her in the
watering trough until she drowned, because he said she set the
house on fire. This was exactly the same tale the boy had told
before. Now there were additions of excessive ill-treatment at
the hands of the last farmer, a story of being coaxed away from
work here in Chicago by another fellow who persuaded our friend
to spend all his money on him. Finally there were long details
about just how he was persuaded to hold this robber's gun for
him.

This time, as he well knew, there was a chance to trace the
facts. The tales of mistreatment in the country were quite
untrue. After returning to Chicago he was given a home by a
kind-hearted woman. \Vhile there he had fits and a physician
pronounced them epileptic attacks. The boy denied these alto-
gether at first, but later told us he had had them for years, and
he also described other attacks, undoubtedly of petit mal.

After serving his sentence it is more than likely this boy resumed
his vagrant life. There is no chance to fairly handle such a case
as this outside a colony. It is more than likely that he will
commit some desperate crime. His lying, so constant, so in-
volved, and largely paranoidal in form, is to be regarded as
part of his disease. Until that could be diagnosed he was only to
be regarded as a pathological liar.

752

Chap. XXVI] LOVE OF EXCITEMENT AND ADVENTURE [§ 351

CHAPTER XXVI

Mental Peculiarities — Concluded

Love of Excitement and Adventure. § 351. General Statement. § 352.
Types. § 353. Illustrative Cases. § 354. Desire for Travel. § 355. Ex-
plosions of Desire for Excitement. § 356. Desire for the Stage. § 357.
Treatment. Other Peculiarities. §358. Racial Characteristics. §359.
Contrarj^ Suggestibility. § 360. Revengefulness. § 361. Excessive Irri-
tability. § 362. Special AbiUties. § 363. Restlessness. §-364. Stupidity.

LOA'E OF EXCITEMENT AND ADVENTURE.

§351. General Statement. — The love of adventure is a
trait not to be considered lightly in the treatment of young
offenders under the law. Perhaps occasionally the causation
of adult offenses might be looked at from this standpoint, cer-
tainly some of those that belong in the category of " wild west "
crimes. The tj^Dical cases, however, of those who show this
mental peculiarity in full measure are at the time experiencing
the instabilities of the adolescent period. Occasionally the trait
is strongly shown even younger than this. We shall properly
discuss, as love of adventure, the desire for self-expression and
for self-activity under unusually stimulating conditions, or apart
from the common paths of life. This is to be thought of as quite
distinct from the morbid impulse to wander, of which we treat
in another place, § 312. Of course here, as elsewhere, there
may be border-line cases which are difficult to classify either as
normal or abnormal. It behooves one, according to our experi-
ence, to rule out carefully the presence of various psychoses,
or even physically abnormal states. We have seen more than
one instance of undue desire for excitement turn out to be a case
of chorea, or of definite mental disease.

This is another subject that has received surprisingly little
attention in the literature, even from Stanley Hall and Duprat,
who have made a speciality of the adolescent phenomena of
conduct. It may be that in this country, where we are accused
of allowing our children full play for all their impulses, we should
naturally see more delinquency arise from the love of adventure
and excitement than in Europe. Apropos of this we have been

753

§ 351] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXVI

interested to note some slight discussion abroad on this point.
Abels (354), in a paper on rare motives for crime, centers his
idea on sport as a motive. He thinks that it is very rare, but
that it does occur in the United States. He quotes Naecke, who
naivelj' says that he, too, has heard of it with us. They are quite
right. It certainly is a very real phenomenon in America.

The whole subject has most practical import, because if a
certain type of criminalism is direct expression of a desire for
activity, normal enough to this given individual, and which well
might be satisfied vocationally, or by a different environment, then
the treatment should be clear. Besides this, the economic import
of the waste of energy and effort, of both the offender and those
who try to stop his offenses, should be considered. Why should
the state expend moneys for meeting misdeeds by arrest and
trials, and for prolonged courses of treatment in reformatories,
when the chance for activity of the self in a more open environ-
ment, or where there are more manly interests, is all that is
needed? The very strength of such impulses should be looked
upon as capital not to be wasted. The limitations of city environ-
ment in some instances may safely be regarded as sufficient
cause for the exhibition of criminalistic deeds.

We could not hope to detail in this chapter all the various
bearings of the mental phenomenon which we denominate the
love of adventure. In every case it must be a matter of indi-
vidual study to determine whether or not the love of adventure
or excitement belongs in the category of normal or pathological
mental conditions, whether it is based on physical conditions,
such as over-development, or whether it is the result of environ-
mental influences, such as that of a gang. Only upon the basis
of etiology can there be satisfactory answer regarding whether
or not the characteristic can be met by the development of other
mental interests in the present environment, or by opportunities
afforded under freer conditions of living, or whether the impul-
sions are so powerful that they must be met by repression in an
institution.

§ 352. Types. — In observing offenders predisposed towards
adventure and excitement we can discriminate several distinct
types. Their differentiation becomes important as we consider
the particular possibilities of treatment. Without presuming
to exhaust the field we might enumerate the following:

(a) The restless boy or girl whose mental peculiarities arise

754

Chap. XX VI] TYPES OF LOVE OF EXCITEMENT [§ 352

largely from the stress of prematurity or of over-de^'elopment.
Of these there are several subclasses, such as we have mentioned
in §§ 188 to 192. The tremendous urge, even in a quiet way, that
may overpower individuals who are not otherwise aberrational,
may be seen in Case 25.

(b) Some individuals, not over-developed or especially strong,
are possessed by an overpowering call to action. (It may be
that this peculiarity is partially built up from growth of forceful
t^-pes of mental imagery and mental habit. This would be an
interesting problem for psychological study.) Under this cate-
gory might be found such diversified cases as the individual
who in solitary fashion follows his cravings for activity, the
offender who loves the excitement of a predatory crowd, or he
who finds his greatest joy in personal combat. Certain rough,
wild, aggressive natures are unquestionably extremely fond of
actual fighting.

(c) The sheer love of wandering, or seeking new scenes without
the exercise of any special self-activity, is often found among
offenders who are not determinably abnormal. This, as is well
known, may be a passing stage of developmental life.

(d) Abnormal craving for externally furnished excitement,
such as that obtained from moving pictures, watching games,
and particularly as furnished by games of chance. The passion
for gambling is a very imperfectly studied and understood phe-
nomenon; certainly in the cases we have seen it has very little
to do with any fundamental desire for acquisition.

The last tliree t;^^es are such as may be found in individuals
not discernibly tainted by disease or influenced by known physical
conditions. A pregnant suggestion is that some professional crimi-
nals have the love of adventure as a cardinal cause of their mis-
conduct. Both sexes may show cravings of this order, but females
are much limited by physical conditions and social usage. It is
true that in all phases of this subject we find ourselves verging
towards pathological and border-line offenders. We have the
insistent excitability of hypomania, the wanderings of psychic
epilepsy and dementia precox, the fugues and craze for excite-
ment of the neuropath. We have also noted many instances in
which wandering and excitement are sought as a relief phenomenon
where there is mental conflict and repression, § 237 ff . We should
warn all students of offenders to attempt to rule this out before
assuming that the offenses of adventure are caused merely by

755

§ 352] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXVI

innate tendencies. We have sometimes been unable to decide
between the two. There is no doubt but that the maximum
age of developing powerful desire for exciting adventure is just
after the mid-period of adolescence. Thus these manifestations
may frequently be regarded as age phenomena, and fortunately in
most cases there is later the gaining of steadiness and self-control.

§ 353. Illustrative Cases. — Only space for a few examples
can be afforded, and these are given with the statement that
they represent merely some individual variations of the craving
for adventure and exitement. They serve well, however, to show
the great driving force which this craving may be towards social
offense. That the love of adventure may appear as mental pecul-
iarity apart from any other recognizable abnormality or defect,
and that it may show itself as an early trait, is well illustrated in
the following case.

Case 170. — After having been in the hands of the police, a
boy of 14 was brought to us because his parents had heard that
such actions as his were sometimes the result of mental abnor-
mality. They regarded the case in an intelligent light, and were
most anxious to get our opinion of it.

The father is a temperate, quiet man, rather quick-tempered.
He has held a responsible position for many years. Information
in regard to heredity is not complete on account of immigration.
The father is self-educated. His family are said to have been
rather well endowed mentally, and both they and the mother's
family were the kind who " settled down in one place and did
pretty well." No feeblemindedness, insanity or epilepsy known
to exist on either side. The mother is quite normal and intelli-
gent. This boy is the eldest of 5 children, 3 of whom are living.
So far there has not been the slightest trouble with the others.
x'Vbout developmental history only the following points appear of
any significance: normal growth of mind and body; one serious
illness in early childhood, but without known sequelae. Preg-
nancy healthy, but during that period the mother was in a western
train robbery, and was much frightened because her husband
was in another coach. No violence was perpetrated with the
robbery, but the mother attributes, in the absence of other known
causes, all the boy's peculiar tendencies to this event. Birth
normal, but a hard labor. He walked and talked early. The
boy drinks 3 cups of coffee a day and smokes a little at times.
Otherwise his habits are very good.

756

Chap. XXV ij CASES OF LOVE OF EXCITEMENT [§ 353

On examination one finds an unusually well-developed and
nourished boy, with no sensory defects of importance. Very
upright in posture and rather more than ordinary strength for
his yeai-s. Frank expression, boyish, open face.

Mental tests : our own series :

I. 1' 31". Works on the triangles by the trial and error method.

II. 1'24". 3 errors.

III. Construction Test A. 8' 39". Only ten repetitions of im-
possibilities. 63 total moves. This is a most peculiar score and not
easy to explain, especially in the light of the next two tests.

iV. Construction Test B. 1' 11". 15 moves.

V. Puzzle Box. 2' 24". Steps done without introduction of
errors. The only difficulty was with the manipulation.

VI. Fairly good enumerative account with good results on cross-
examination, and no suggestibility whatever shown.

VII. Verj^ well done at 1st trial.

VIII. All correct.

IX. Correct at 1st trial.

X. Correct at 1st trial.

XII. 12 out of the 20 items given correctly and in logical sequence.
Complete omission of the other items.

XIII. 11 out of the 12 items given correctly, but not in complete
logical sequence.

XIV. Done correctly at the 3rd trial. Previous errors simply on
manipulation of the dial.

XV. One error. Average time 2".

XVI. 69 and 74 squares tapped at 1st and 2d trials, respectively,
with no errors.

XVII. Writes a remarkably graceful and flowing hand for a boy of
his age.

XVIII. Does work of fractions rapidly and correctly and knows the
beginning processes of square root.

XIX. Plays a fairly foresighted game of checkers for a boy. Misses
no easily seen advantageous chances.

XXII. Information is good on ordinary items of geography and
history. Knows very little about scientific items.

His chief interest is theatres to which he goes by himself. He has
seen a great many plays, both good and bad. Has remarkably mature
tastes in this direction. Also goes regularly to the gymnasium and
swims well.

This boy is in 8th grade, and has a good report for scholar-
ship. There has been some complaint of his behavior in school,
but only on account of ordinary mischief. Except on one occa-
sion, he has been truant only when on his travels. His emotions
are normal. Once when we saw him he was highly indignant
for having been arrested when away from home because he was

757

§ 353] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXVI

loafing about, something that had never happened previously
on his wanderings. Most noticeable about him is his extreme
independence, self-reliance and feeling of ability to meet the
world upon its own terms. When he was held by the police a few
days among a tough crowd of boys, he remarked it did not matter
because he was quite able to hold his own anywhere. He has a
quick temper and may be quite mischievous on occasion. Self-
orientation is good, he has his own philosophy of life and only
shows partial boyish naivete. His own nature and inclinations
seem clearly to present themselves to him as irrevocable, and
in response to questions, he recounts his adventures without
concealment and without boasting. There is thus every reason
to diagnose his mental ability as good.

In general he is honest, although shortly after the time when
we first knew him he committed a little theft. He does not even
take the household money, and is otherwise a good boy at home.
His principal misdemeanor is causing distress to his family by
leaving home in search of adventure. This began before he was
8 years of age, when they lived in the suburbs of a large city. At
that time he would start off by himself and wander about the
city in search of what might interest him. Particularly he liked
to go to shows. Speaking of himself, he says that even then he
liked to ride — " ride all the time — on a freight — on ice boxes —
anywhere." Since that time, in spite of his having enjoyed school
work pretty well and kept up to his grade, and having normal
home interests — such as playing games with his father — he
has on many occasions run away. His longest stay has been a
month. He has visited numerous towns on his wanderings, and
made his own way everywhere by working at various jobs.

It is a tribute to his capacity that he has so readily found work
and good wages. Of course he often has to suffer hardship.
Sometimes he runs away alone, but occasionally he persuades
companions to accompany him. Frequently when he makes
an excursion to the large city from the outlying suburb where he
lives, he manages to get back for the night, and when he goes
farther he returns, as a rule, on Saturday. For such a young boy
his travelings have been extensive. On one trip he went to
various places in Ohio, and worked for awhile in a glass factory.
Sometimes he has secured employment with farmers. At another
time he went to Pittsburg, Baltimore and Philadelphia. He has
been to nearer cities many times. Most of his traveling is done

758

Chap. XXV l] CASES OF LOVE OF EXCITEMENT [§ 353

on freight trains. He himself says he does not exactly know why
he goes away — "I guess it 's just for the fun of it." Sometimes
he writes home when he is away. He has only one other time
been taken up by the police, and that was for looking on at a
game of dice, he says, and then he was quickly let go. He thinks
his mother does not worry much about him any more, because he
is well able to take care of himself. He has the idea that he
would like to be a dentist when he grows up, or something like
that.

Case 171. — Fred R. Age 18. We have known this young
fellow for 5 years. He is strong and active both physically and
mentally, but shows no over-developments or abnormalities in any
direction. Nor were mental defects found by tests. He is well
up to the ordinary in mental ability.

The reading of this boy has been significant. As a little fellow
he always sought out such works as " Treasure Island " and the
" Life of Daniel Boone." He has been known to sit up all night
to read. In his home life he has had an unusual supply of healthy
interests, but never enough to satisfy his intense desire for excit-
ing experiences. When younger he was even taken on short
hunting trips — only with the result of adding fuel to the fire of
his cravings.

Fred comes from an excellent family where his traits are frankly
recognized in their psychological import, although they have
never been adequately faced. His father and mother are very
quiet and stable people. They have lately moved away from a
large city in Ohio, where I first saw them, on account of the unpleas-
ant experiences of frequently having to deal with the police. The
latter, however, have been exceedingly lenient in this case. There
is a young daughter who is quite normal in conduct. There is said
to be no insanity, feeblemindedness or epilepsy in any of the
near relatives. Several are notably intelligent people. One
grandfather was a very active man physically; adventuresome,
and a great roamer. The other apparently was a distinctly
neuropathic type, at one time dissipated and at another exceed-
ingly religious. Fred himself has been dealt with by a mixture
of about one-third attempt at repression by punishment, one-
third occasional supply of sufiicient interests, and one-third
laissez-faire. There has been much financial drain in settling for
his misdeeds. At 15 he was sent to a private school where he
managed to hold himself within bounds for a couple of school

759

§ 353] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXVI

years, always breaking loose again, however, during vacation.
Lately he has escaped from a reformatory institution, has been
through an extraordinary series of wildly exciting escapades, and
has landed once more in jail.

We have had reason to know about the police record of this
boy in more than one city. It has been authoritatively stated
that as a boy of 13 or 14 he was one of the most skillful young
burglars on record. He carried on his adventures in the even-
ing, after properly attending to his school duties during the day.
When he was only 10 years old he ran away from home and
camped with other boys on a river bank for a couple of weeks,
his family not knowing where he was. On another occasion, at
about the same age, he traveled to a point some hundreds of
miles from home, and then went himself to the police and asked
to be returned. For the most part, however, the boy remained
at his home in the city until he was 15, and sought his pleasures
in the excitement of skilled burglary.

His own attitude towards his career has always been a matter
of great interest to us. We may quote a few of his own words.
" I don't know why I do it. I 'm excited. About stealing that
gun — I just got kind of excited after I saw it first. I saw a man
pointing with it — saw it through the window, and we joked
about it — a boy was with me. About three days afterward I
went back by myself, crawled in and took the shotgun. Had
not thought anything about it until I was walking by, and I was
thinking I would like to have it. I used to have a rifle and a
revolver. I bought them. Father broke up the rifle. I don't
know why he took it away."

" I like football and baseball best. I can hit clay pipes at the
shooting gallery nearly every time. I would like to live out
West. Would like to shoot and ride good. I get excited when I
think of how I want to go out — to Texas or Wyoming. I like
to fish better than I do to hunt. I told my mother when I ran
away and camped, but did not tell her where I was going because
my father would come out after me."

" Why do I get into houses? Well, I think I 'm a darn fool.
Oh, I just love excitement. When I see fire I just want to be
right up there on top of the house with an axe in my hand. I
don't think I would ever rob from poor people. These others
could afford to lose it. I have a partner mostly. We don't
have to go out very often for what we want. We get it easily.

760

Chap. XXVI] CASES OF LOVE OF EXCITEMENT [§ 353

We never carried revolvere. We figured the fellow in the house
would be just as scared as we would be. We never stayed out
late. One night we looked in an open window, and my partner
wanted to see if there was anybody in the house. I boosted him,
and then he called me in. We got eight watches and rings and
things. It is not so much fun doing it — all the time you are
afraid you are going to get caught. But, gee, it 's exciting when
^'ou know people are in the next room — you just ought to hear
your heart going pit-a-pat. I like excitement of any kind. I
never was discovered in a house."

If we went over the whole case as we have known it during
these years, pages would reveal nothing more to the point than
the above statements oifer. Fred turned from burglary when
he was less than 15, but later has sought adventuresome excite-
ment in other directions, much to the discomfiture of numer-
ous people whose automobiles have been stolen and wrecked,
and much to the depletion of his father's pocketbook. He still
says, " It 's just that crazy habit of mine; wanting to do some-
thing exciting." There has been desperate speeding of stolen
machines, and occasionally a street robbery has varied the pro-
gram. Thoroughly characteristic of this young man's whole
career is his most recent adventure. We have the details from
reliable police and other sources. He went back to his Ohio
home town. There he picked up two or three other fellows and
started in a stolen automobile on an excursion of adventure to
New^ York. After running a couple of hundred miles the machine
w^as wrecked. They returned, our young man produced another
machine, and they started off again. This time they got as far as
a Pennsylvania town when their funds gave out. Our fellow,
in true desperado fashion, proceeded to "hold up" by threat-
ening with a revolver, the cashier in a shop. He was caught before
they left the towai.

Concerning the treatment of this case : at the start we insisted
that the boy's aptitudes and desires were all in line with the
life that he might lawfully experience on the mountains, or plains,
or sea. The fact that his school course was unfinished militated
against anything that we could say, and at no time has he ever
been placed in what we conceived to be a suitable euAaronment.
The lesson of his failure is just as convincing as in cases where
success has been established by environmental modifications.
The fact that there is good mental ability in this instance has

761

§ 353] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXVI

always made his reform seem imminent to those most vitally
concerned, and I have little doubt but that it will eventuate.

Case 172. — The following card gives the main facts in a case
where no observable physical conditions had any bearing. The
boy was only moderately well developed for his age. His tenden-
cies showed before adolescence.

Mental peculiarity: Immense love of excitement Case 172.
and adventure. Boy, age 15.

Home conditions : Father away much on business.

Lack of healthy interests for his needs.

Bad companions:

Stealing. Mentality :

Rowdyism. Ordinary in ability.

Case 173. This is an instance of indomitable aggressiveness
long displayed, in spite of his having been sentenced three
times.

Mental peculiarity: Wild, aggressive, undisci- Case 173.

plined nature. Boy, 16 yrs.

Physically strong
(not over-developed).

Bad companions : Street robbers and others.

Heredity : Mother extremely aggressive type.
Brother subnormal.

Home conditions: Father dead.
Mother blind.

Terrific quarreling.
No discipline.

Adolescence.

Early truancy. Mentality:

Stealing + +. Ordinary in ability.

Violence.

The above cases represent a few of those which seem merely
to have innate love of adventure and excitement as the main
cause for their offenses. When we come to the instances of girls
showing these tendencies we nearly always have marked physical

762

Chap. XXVI]

DESIRE FOR TRAVEL

[§354

over-development. In both sexes there may be a distinct neuro-
pathic tendency as the basis for the love of exciting adventure.
An example of a border-line case is the following:

Mental peculiarity: Extreme love of excitement. Case 174.
Much imagery of adventure. Boy, age 15.

Neuropathic type : Nervous. Unstable.

Developmental conditions: Antenatal.

Mother in poor health

and old.
Brain fever and frequent

spasms in infancy.
Excess of opiates given.

Home conditions : Spoiled child.

Motion pictures.

Truancy in school.

Stealing. Mentality:

Runaway + -f. Ordinary in ability.

We have seen several cases where the desire for excitement of
some definite kind was overwhelming. Particularly in young
boys and girls one may observe the craving for motion pictures,
which latterly have taken the place of the old exciting cheap
novel. In older adolescent boys we may note the love of gam-
bling, particularly of throwing dice. The passion for gambling
as met with in men, and occasionally in w^omen, is well recognized,
and we need not give space for it here.

§ 354. Desire for Travel. — The desire to wander or to travel,
" die Wanderlust," is only one phase of our whole subject. It
has received in other places (§312, § 369) considerable attention at
our hands. The desire may be shown astonishingly early in life,
and may be only a passing trait, or it may be preserved for a
lifetime. We have had the chance to study many cases of pecul-
iar interest, showing in various combinations the t^y^pical causa-
tive factors we have spoken of. It is not easy to say at first
sight of a case what there may be in the background.

Case 175. — One little boy, very poorly developed, began
running away from home within a few days after landing in
America, an utter stranger. Over years he kept up his wan-
derings at intervals, until he was placed in the reformatory insti-
tution where he now is. This would seem to be a marked case of

763

§ 354] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXVI

the outbreak of innate tendencies, but we were never able to
persuade ourselves of this, because of the probability of there
being strong mental conflict concerning the unfortunate circum-
stances of his illegitimate birth of which he at about that time
first became aware.

The often mentioned relationship in vagrants between the
wandering impulse and laziness, when boiled down, as we have
shown under the heading of vagabondage, § 369, turns out largely
to be the relationship between wandering and physical or mental
disease and defect.

§ 355. Explosions of Desire for Excitement. — The craving
for excitement is always more or less intermittent. We note
that some criminalistic individuals are able to maintain them-
selves on a normal basis for long periods, and then the urgent
desire for explosion becomes overpowering. In one most intel-
ligent young woman whom we knew for years there would come
periods when she simply would have to " break loose." The
urgency of this desire is to be fairly compared with dipsomania.
Indeed the whole phenomenon, with its periodic lack of self-
control and throwing away of advantages, which amounts to
temporary loss of the sense of self-preservation, savors highly of
the pathological. Outbursts of temper, of flagrant sex indulgence,
of carousing, of rowdyism, and of adventuresome stealing are
characteristic. The strangeness of the impulse is well recognized
by some offenders themselves. We have often heard them com-
ment on it. Ellis (124, p. 168 if.) gives interesting illustrations
on this point. That any individual under the monotonous con-
ditions of prison life may desire occasionally to " break loose "
is most natural.

The phenomenon of intermittent explosions of emotion is a
common feature of every-day life. But the individual who
feels the necessity to break over the traces to the extent that
he jeopardizes his own welfare and liberty is most frequently a
distinct neuropath. It has been well suggested that further
investigation of these explosive features of criminalistic conduct
should be carried on in connection with studies of epileptic varia-
tions, as found in the families of the offenders. There is much
room for research in this line.

§ 356. Desire for the Stage. — An intense desire to enter
theatrical life, the impulse of the " stage-struck " girl, which may
definitely lead to delinquency, upon analysis seems to be little

764

Chap. XXVI] RACIAL CHARACTERISTICS [§ 358

else than love of excitement and adventure. The glamour of the
footlights may appear to arouse dramatic instinct and desire
for self-expression, and perhaps it does to a certain extent, but
the arousal of such desire does not imply any special dramatic
talent. It must be rare indeed, judging from our experience,
that the " stage-struck " impulse is based on any especial ability
for dramatics. The possession of real talent, then, has here
little or nothing to do with development of waywardness.

§ 357. Treatment. — The treatment of the abnormal love of
excitement and adventure is, as may be seen from the above
cases, a highly individual matter, but when properly undertaken
frequently yields immensely good results. It cannot be supposed
that suppression of these dominant characteristics is going to
evoke an;^i:hing but dissatisfaction and further recalcitrancy.
Some sort of an outlet must be afforded. In our civilization
we are not doing as well in this matter as we did a hundred years
ago, when pioneer and sea life offered opportunities for the satis-
faction of many of these cravings. As it is now, each case must
be sized up for itself in relation to physical background and
other things, and families must be convinced of the practical
necessities of the situation.

OTHER PECULIARITIES.

§ 358. Racial Characteristics. — We have occasionally said
that an offender represented in character the essence or proto-
type of his racial characteristics. For instance, a negro was so
lazy, shiftless, sensuous, immoral, and talkative that it seemed
as if he gathered within himself all the unfortunate and perhaps
aboriginal traits of his race. Or the offender with Indian blood
was so taciturn, cruel, and roving that he represented the worst
qualities of his people. In the same way we observe Southern
Italians, or Sicilians, who are easily angered and prone to quick
violence with weapons; one feels that they show strongly a
national characteristic. Thus in occasional cases one does feel
justified in diagnosing the mental characteristics of the indi-
vidual as those peculiar to his race. It may be possible to analyze
the general character into its constituent parts, but for the pur-
poses of direct expression and understanding, the use of the term
racial characteristics is often valuable in explanation of the
peculiarities which lead to social offense.

765

§ 359] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXVI

§ 359. Contrary Suggestibility. — A marked and easily recog-
nized human trait is obstinacy. In some this is so dominant
that general conduct may be measured in its terms. The obsti-
nate person is supposed to represent the very antithesis of social
suggestibility, and yet in some the tendency to opposition and
perversity is as clearly set along definite lines by way of reaction
as when the positive forms of suggestibility are shown. It is
the old story of the individual who is so against everything, that
he is .ready to do the opposite of whatever he is told. This would
hardly seem to have direct connection with delinquency, but
yet I am constrained to believe upon the basis of several experi-
ences that excessive, contrary self-assertion may be a real driv-
ing force towards social offense. One must agree with McDougall
(20) in his highly original essay on the subject, that in certain
individuals this " negative reaction to suggestion appears as a
permanent and temperamental attitude."

The high-spirited action of adolescence when there is a break-
ing away from family restriction and the disobeying of parental
admonitions may be a considerable cause of delinquency during
that period. The tendency to contrary reaction may thus appear
as a phenomenon belonging to the mental growth of a particu-
lar age.

General obstinacy no doubt is frequently part of a tempera-
mental attitude, but often there is a chronically aggravating
cause, such as results from some untoward experience. A case
which we originally wrote up for this section of our work was
apparently one of the best possible illustrations of a spiteful and
obstinate reaction on the part of a young woman physically and
mentally very well endowed. Her behavior for a number of
years had been the most glaring example of reaction by con-
traries. Exhortation to better behavior was to her a challenge to
do the opposite. Further study of this remarkable case brought
out, however, that the young woman had been undergoing an
experience which no one knew about. That she was an indi-
vidual with some innate tendency to react obstinately no one
could doubt, but the major incitement towards such reaction was
unquestionably the unfortunate experience which she had been
for years hiding.

We might philosophically assume with McDougall that the
function of contrary suggestibility is the enrichment and organ-
ization of experience. At least this is true of the self-assertion

766

Chap. XXVI] EXCESSIVE IRRITABILITY [§ 361

and contrary suggestibility shown during adolescence. But
when it comes to the setting of one's face against the social order,
only a stage of development is represented in which the crude
material of rational action has not been successfully coordinated.
The obstinate temperament thus may be taken partly into account
in considering the treatment of offenders, but as nothing final.
The next step for the student of the individual is to find out
why obstmacy is the dominant activity.

§ 360. Revengefulness. — A stubbornly persistent form of
self-assertion is the desire for revenge. Within limits it is one
of the most naturally expressed emotional reactions, but it may
follow upon anger as an obsessional phenomenon, and be as
much a sign of the lack of self-control as anger itself is. The desire
for revenge plays a considerable part in the production of criminal-
istic deeds of violence. As such it must be reckoned with alone,
although in the cases where it is exhibited to the degree that the
individual endangers himself, there is very frequently an abnormal
basis. Many of these individuals, as' we have noted them, are
deficient in self-control, in reasoning power, or are clearly aber-
rational. Further study of them after the recognition that they
possessed a revengeful disposition has always elucidated these
other facts. So it comes about that the term " revengeful dis-
position," although frequently offered in superficial judgment of
the facts, has found no place in our category of explanatory
causes.

Of course one might discuss this topic of revenge at much
greater length, but to little more purpose as far as diagnosis is
concerned of the causative factors in the individual case. The
spirit of revenge, sometimes a thoroughly dominating cause,
occasionally is to be considered under the head of social sugges-
tion inasmuch as it may be entirely inculcated by the species
of education or the contagion of ideals resulting from life among
certain associations and in certain communities, such as those
of Sicily or the Kentucky mountains.

§361. Excessive Irritability. — Although irritability is fre-
quently spoken of as a mental trait, and much understanding
of the individual is gained through use of the term, yet we have
failed to find excessive irritability without some physical cause
for it. It would be well if all workers with offenders would remem-
ber this, because of the added possibilities of treatment. In
cases reported as having excessive irritability we have discovered

767

§ 361] MENTAL PECULIARITIES [Chap. XXVI

poor general development, various nervous ailments (such
as chorea or traumatic neuroses), under-feeding, overuse of
stimulants, alcoholism, sex over-indulgence, incipient tuber-
culosis, signs of over-work, and other physical conditions in the
background. On account of finding these conditions so frequently
we have become more and more convinced of the value of look-
ing for them in all cases. We studied one very irritable boy at
intervals for a long time without understanding him until he was
placed under careful observation. Then it was found that he
indulged greatly in sex practices, which he had always, although
apparently frank, denied to us.

Mental peculiarity: Extremely irritable. Case 176.

Fiery disposition. Boy, 15 yrs.

Melancholy at times.

Physical conditions : Poorly nourished for long.

Depletion from masturbation.

Family conditions : Poverty from much tuberculosis
in family; lack of proper
\ control.

Violence. Mentahty:

Stabbing. Dull probably from

Threatening. physical conditions.

§ 362. Special Abilities. — In a few instances of adolescent
offenders we have seen much proof of the fact that the possession
of unusual general ability, or of some special ability, which would
not fit in with the environment was apparently a considerable
factor towards developing criminalism. We have already spoken
under the head of professionalism, § 227, of individuals who had
motor dexterity which readily led them, in a defective environ-
ment, to become skilled offenders. We noted in the case of one
vigorous, independent boy, who was a truant and a thief, that
there was a great deal of school dissatisfaction based on the fact,
it came out, that he was not in the least a book-minded young
person. We have seen instances of children with extraordinary
ability born in an environment where their capacities were not
only unappreciated, but held down by poverty and non-under-
standing. The reaction to this anomalous situation easily tends
towards delinquency. The possession of strong imaginative and

768

Chap. XXVl] STUPIDITY [§ 364

dramatic poAvers has also started children in social offenses.
In one particularly difficult case of a boy of 12, who was a great
wanderer from home, and a little thief, it seemed very sure that
the love of the dramatic held full sway over him. The poor home
gave him no opportunities whatever for satisfying his mnate
desires.

§ 363. Restlessness. — Whether or not restlessness is a mental
peculiarity that may be separated from physical conditions is not
quite clear. It can be a great factor making for delinquency.
It is sometimes observed in cases where there is decidedly good
physical strength and good mental powers. In nearly all cases
that we have observed the characteristic has been found appar-
ently to rest on some sort of a physical basis, perhaps inherited,
as in Cases 1 and 2.

§ 364. Stupidity. — We deplore the use of this term as em-
ployed by some authors to denote a mental peculiarity. Of course
many offenders show stupidity as a secondary characteristic, but
when their mental assets are tabulated very definite defects are
found, and they may be more fundamentally diagnosed. They are
either high-grade feebleminded, or individuals with special defects,
lacking perhaps foresight and powers of mental representation,
or they may be dull from physical causes.

769

§ 365] PATHOLOGICAL STEALING — " KLEPTOMANIA " [Chap. XXVII

CHAPTER XXVII

Pathological Stealing — " Kleptomania." Pathological
Arson — "Pyromania." Suicide. Vagabondage. Simu-
lation. "Born Criminals." "Moral Imbecility"

§ 365. General Considerations. § 366. Pathological Stealing — " Klep-
tomania." § 367. Pathological Arson — " Pyromania." § 368. Suicide.
§ 369. Vagabondage — Tramp Life. § 370. Simulation. § 371. " Born
Criminals." § 372. " Moral Imbecility " — " Moral Insanity."

§ 365. General Considerations. — A number of remaining
points need discussion either because they are moot questions
in the field of criminology, or because the widespread use of
some term has determined the way in which a related group
of facts is generally viewed. Nothing is so catching as a
name, and frequently, as shown below, appellation counterfeits
explanation. While these names represent subjects frequently
considered under criminology, they do not properly belong under
the head either of types of individuals or types of causes, such as
make up the divisions in Book II.

As we have endeavored previously to show in § 122, the classi-
fication by deeds means little for us. Murders may be com-
mitted with a range of intent varying from that of Charlotte
Corday to that of a Jack-the-ripper. A few definite types of
offense tend to be committed by certain types of offenders, then
the correlation is valuable. Our standpoint in slurring these
matters, although opposed to much in the literature, is justified
by the considerations which appear in many places throughout
this work. Such parts of the following discussion as center about
special delinquencies bring out interesting facts anent this ques-
tion of subdividing criminalistics according to crimes.

§ 366. Pathological Stealing — " Kleptomania."

In common with many authors we are much averse to using
the term " kleptomania." ^ This is because of the loose way in

1 "La kleptomanie est un mot, et c'est une explication qu'on demande"
(Dubuisson, 330, p. 16). Peculiarly offensive is the common employment of
the term, kleptomaniac, inasmuch as it pretends to tell something of the per-
sonal qualities of the offender and yet does not.

770

Chap. XXVII] PATHOLOGICAL STEALING — " KLEPTO]VL\NIA " [§ 366

which the word is used — the variety of connotations leading
away from anything Hke scientific accuracy and clear meaning.
Like " pyromania," it has been seized upon with avidity for
journalistic and general purposes. Often it seems to mean merely
excessive stealing, and hence has no particular significance for us.
Then on the other hand, as used by some psychiatrists, it betokens
a form of impulsive insanity. We find that limitation too narrow,
for just the same form of offense is indulged in by individuals
who are not insane. The general phenomenon we are interested in
is a peculiar kind of thieving, which can best be designated as
pathological stealing. As thus used, the term is consonant with
pathological lying — the latter being a designation that is already
clearly defined {vide § 344), and widely used.

The definition of pathological stealing is similar to that of
pathological lying. The criterion of both is the fact that the
misconduct is disproportionate to any discernible end in view.
In spite of risk, the stealing is indulged in, as it were, for its own
sake, and not because the objects in themselves are needed or
intrinsically desired. It is important to apply this gauge, because
otherwise cases of excessive stealing which arise from cupidity
or development of a habit might be included. Pathological
stealing, even if we do not go so far as the dictum of Kraepelin,
and accept it as evidence of insanity of impulsion, is obviously
to be regarded as abnormally conditioned action.

The tj-pes of causation which lead to pathological stealing
and the t}^es of individuals who engage in it are found described
under other headings. For these reasons it is not necessarj^ to
dwell on pathological stealing as the central fact in case studies.
We have discussed the relationship of mental conflicts, and of
the minor psychical aberrations of menstruation (§310), and
of pregnancy (§311), to pathological stealing. It is clear that
mental defectives may have the habit of stealing for the sake of
stealing, although here the distinction is difficult. One case of
so-called " kleptomania," was that of a feebleminded boy who
frequently stole watches, even when he had some, but the lad
was partly following out a sort of collecting impulse, and partly
wanted the watches to pull them to pieces. In his exaggeration
of a normal boyish instinct he succeeded in stealing many. But
it was hardly a case of pathological stealing any more than lying
indulged in by a feebleminded person is pathological lying. The
epileptic, during twilight or automatic states, may steal things

771

§ 366] PATHOLOGICAL STEALING — " KLEPTOMANL^. " [Chap. XXVII

which are not in themselves desired, and thus engage in patho-
logical stealing. But this is an individual with a brain disease
that causes temporary insanity, who automatically steals. Such
cases are rare and belong in their special categories. The vast
majority of all instances of pathological stealing are those in
which individuals, not determinably insane, give way to an
abnormally conditioned impulse to steal.

The interpretation of the causes of this impulse to steal is of
great interest. We have shown in our chapter on mental con-
flicts how it may be a sort of relief phenomenon for repressed
elements in mental life. The repression is found often to center
about sex affairs. Such basis for the stealing impulse is found
by analysing the underlying subconscious motives. Janet (306)
has very cleverly shown this relief activity in a case of recurrent
melancholia he has studied. He found that his patient overcame
her tendency to depression by extensive purloining of small
articles from shops. He avers that this illustrates a general fact.
Such an impulse gets its force from the need of excitement, occur-
ring, in his case, during the course of intense depression through
the feeling of incompleteness which the depression brings about.

The correlation of the stealing impulse to the menstrual or
premenstrual period in woman leads us to much the same con-
clusion. Gudden (294), who seems to have made the most care-
ful of studies of the connection between the two phenomena,
maintains that practically all cases of shoplifters whom he has
examined, were, at the time of their offense, in or near their
period of menstruation. Most of them were properly to be
regarded as hysterical individuals. They gave way to some
strong impulse which suddenly came to them while they were in
the shops. Their actions were planless. In other words, a tend-
ency was subconsciously present and relief was sought in action.^

1 The principal conclusions of this careful student, Gudden (294), are worth
citing in this connection on account of his considerable experience with depart-
ment store thieving. He states that 99 per cent, of shoplifters are womeii;
that very few of these are country people; that practically none are intoxi-
cated; that in two-thirds of the cases no special motive or need was present;
that the criterion of the pathological action is found in the steaUng of unusable
goods; that nearly aU cases were at the period of menstruation; that a few
were pregnant; that the deed was planless and reaUy done half consciously;
that many had shown a tendency to aberrational states before the steahng.
He thinks the exhibition of goods offers the opportunity for these women to
give vent to their impulses by simply stretching out theu* hands. The fact
that goods are frequently returned anonymously shows the lack of intent.
He saw some of these women at a later menstrual period, and found evidences
of excitation then. As far as they go these observations fall in hne with the

772

Chap. XXVll] PATHOLOGICAL STEALING — " KLEPTOM AN LV " [§ 366

From such observations as those of Guddeii it would be sup-
posed that practically all pathological stealing was connected
with menstruation, but as we have shown in our chapter on mental
conflict (§ 235), some of the most extravagant cases of patholog-
ical stealing occur years before the onset of menstruation, or
may occur in boys and young men. Instances of such stealing
which occurs during pregnancy (§ 311) are well known. We
studied the case of a woman of prior unblemished reputation,
who suddenly during pregnancy gave way to an impulse to
steal in a shop. She seemed afterward to be in a state of stupe-
faction in regard to the event. She was shocked by what she
had done, and could hardly remember doing it. This woman
had been for many years in a position of great trust, and preg-
nancy, it seems, brought about an impulse that was, as far as
ascertainable, foreign to her whole previous nature. The state-
ment that the impulse to steal may come on first at the meno-
pause we have not had opportunity to corroborate. Those, e. g.
Stekel (143), who are wedded to the view that " kleptomania "
tj'pe of stealing is always due to the repression of the elements of
sex life will, of course, find no reason to be less convinced by
Gudden's findings that so many of these cases occur about the
time when sex excitement is often increased.^

In discriminating cases of actual pathological stealing one
must be careful to rule out those who steal for the sake of adven-
ture, for the love of excitement plus possession. Other forms of
stealing, for example, of objects of fetichism, may in a sense be
termed pathological stealing, but yet here the objects taken are^

experience of other observers, and with our own, but by no means all the
field of pathological steahng is covered by a study of its correlation with the
menstrual period. Some of our most marked instances of excessive impulse
to steal have been in young children; one who upon analysis was found to have
a very striking conflict about sex affairs was only six years old.

1 The thousand and one other references which could be given to items in
the Uterature on this topic would bring forth no different point of view, nor
reaUy any better collection of facts. Considering the frequent use of the word
"kleptomania," there is astonishingly httle record of well studied cases.
Some authors, e. g., Wulifen (2, Vol. I, p. 120) demonstrate in this matter
the danger of malang a classification. Once more, it is deep analysis, rather
than the appUcation of a terminology, that we need for understanding the
subject. Kaufmann (81, p. 154), in his being forced, as he says, to confess that
in "kleptomania" there is evidence of pure monomania, because of a case he
observed, illustrates clearly our point. One wonders what his case would have
revealed had it been analytically studied for subconscious motivation. Dub-
uisson (330) in his analysis of 111 cases, says that 33 were victims of some
definite brain abnormahty, 26 belonged to the neurasthenic category, 37 were
hysterical, and 15 merely suffered from sex conditions, menstruation, preg-
nancy and the menopause. His analysis of possible stress is incomplete.

773

§ 366] PATHOLOGICAL AESON— "pYROMANIA" [Chap. XXVII

desired for themselves. Merely symbols of curious esoteric
ideas and imageries, they are desired as such. A word more
about this can be found under the head of Abnormal Sexual-
ism (§ 244).

§367. Pathological Arson — " Pyromania,"

" Pyromania " has often proved an inviting topic for lay
writers, but in professional works there has also been loose usage
of this term. The setting of fires, arson, even when indulged in
repeatedly, may or may not be due to the impulse of an insane or
otherwise abnormal person. Thus the word " pyromania," ap-
plied to fire-setting, as such, with its connotation of mental aber-
ration is often unwarrantably employed. This affords another
good example of the impossibility of classifying either the offender
or the cause by the character of the deed. For the abnormally
motivated fire-setting we offer, again, as a matter of consonant
usage, the term, pathological arson.

Under the conditions of modern insurance arson may be engaged
in for profit, and even, through conspiracy, as a business. It
also has long been practiced as one of the easiest methods of
revenge. On occasion it offers a chance of enjoyable excitement.
A number of cases have been reported abroad where homesick-
ness or desire to get away has been the cause. Among our offenders
we have seen some who show this last background for the offense.
An individual unwillingly kept in an institution, sets fire to it,
perhaps with the idea of creating a commotion during which
escape will be possible, or perhaps with the idea of getting even
with society, and with the institution in particular. In mental
conflict cases (§ 240), a reactive outlet has been sought in the
deed. Also feebleminded individuals have delighted themselves
by starting fires in houses. In other words, there are manifold
reasons for arson, and many types of individuals may be impli-
cated. The discussion of pyromania as given under the head of
impulsive insanity in works on psychiatry is extremely unsatis-
factory. A much wider view of the subject must be taken.

Cases showing peculiar causes for arson have been frequently
reported in the literature.^ The only large and important study

1 If the student wishes reports of special cases, a number can be found scat-
tered through Gross' "Archiv fiir KriminaUstik " during the last ten years.
MonkemoeUer's article mentioned in the text cites many other cases and
authors.

774

Chap. XXVII] sriCIDE [§ 368

is that by INIonkemoeller (304). This author thoroughly sum-
marizes the Hterature and gathere many cases for analysis. He
finds, as every experienced investigator must, that the impulse
to burn arises from many normal and pathological motives.
Statistical studies of the tA"pe of offenders show nothing of great
importance,, except, of course, that the defectives and epileptics
are proportionately more involved in this transgression. It is
true that puberty shows great rise in the tendency, but that is
only in accord with findings on other delinquencies. Immediately
following this period of life, girls more than boys show increase in
tendency towards fire-setting. The total significance of all research
on the subject is that there is the greatest need for the individual
study of every person who sets fires. Even if mental aberration is
not shown, there is every reason for unearthing the cause of the
impulse. Pathological arson is fire-setting under an abnormally
conditioned impulse by a person not determinably insane.

§ 368. Suicide.

Suicide, or attempt at suicide, is an act which stands at the
border-line of criminalism. Certainly it is, in our civilization, to
be regarded as anti-social conduct. For the criminologist it
has always been a subject of considerable interest because of its
frequent relation to other criminalistic tendencies and deeds,
and because of the possibility of correlating it with various
personal peculiarities, or mental diseases, or with external influ-
ences. There are very many reasons for committing suicide,
and very many types of individuals who attempt the act, but,
even so, much more scientific generalization on these points is
possible than in, for instance, murder. Correlation of one form
of insanity, melancholia, with suicide demonstrates this point.
For our purposes we need not dwell long on this topic.^ The

1 For the student who would go further in getting at the several points of
general interest in the problem of suicide, we may recommend the following
important studies. Stelzner (288) analyzed 200 cases and studied the subject
from the standpoint of the prognosis of cases in which there are mental dis-
turbances connected with suicidal thoughts. Perhaps the best general study
of the subject in its many phases is that of Gaupp (289). A very interesting
official report on the suicide of school children in Prussia appeared by the
statistician, Behla (290). Condensed summaries of 169 cases are given by
Wassermeyer (291). This author shows that of the men who were not insane,
one-haK were clironic alcohoUcs. Among the women who were not insane,
the majority were hysterical. But these are studies only of attempted sui-
cide. In his analysis of 1000 consecutive cases of attempt, East (292) lays the
same stress on alcohohc impulse. This author brings forward also a number of

775

§ 368] VAGABONDAGE — TRAMP LIFE [Chap. XXVII

bearings of definite causations on the suicidal tendency is nearly
always clear, and special case studies are here unnecessary.

Statistical investigations of the subject have proved fascinat-
ing for many scientific writers. The safest of their conclusions
are as follows: Of all mental troubles, melancholia stands in
much the closest relationship to self-destruction. As East (292)
points out, the suicidal attempt very frequently arises as an alco-
holic impulse. In children under 15 it is rare, but shortly after
the appearance of puberty the tendency in the female develops
rapidly. It occurs oftener in childless marriages, and is more
frequent in the widowed and separated. The notorious extent
of suicide among school children in Germanic countries has been
shown to be largely due to the mental disturbances, major and
minor, which arise about the time of puberty. Pathological
development of the fear impulse at this period is shown to have
important bearing. In our own case studies (Cases 60, 162) of
various types, some bases of the tendency to suicidal impulses
are clearly shown. We thoroughly agree with the students of the
subject, such as Gaupp (289), who have remarked that statistics
do not offer causes for this phenomenon, but only stimulate
further seeking. It need hardly be said that the most experi-
enced authorities do not allege that suicide is by itself any sign
of insanity. A point to be taken some account of as possibly
bearing on statistics, is that the causative background is, naturally,
easier to ascertain in cases of merely attempted suicide than
when the deed is carried out.

§ 369. Vagabondage — Tramp Life.

Considerable interest in the last decade or two has been cen-
tered about the phenomenon of tramp life. The anti-social
conduct exhibited by those who refuse to take up a fixed abode,
and who prefer the many hardships which they endure to the
greater comforts which could be obtained with the exercise of
only a moderate amount of occupational stability, is certainly
most curious. Many have insisted that this manner of life is
proof in itself that the individual is not normal. However, here

other important conclusions. The viewpoint of deeper analysis of the suicidal
impulse is to be found in a symposium (293) by Freud, Adler and several others.
This is a study, that should not be neglected by those who desire to go thor-
oughly into the subject. Terman (371) offers a short study of "Recent
Literature on Juvenile Suicides."

776

Chap. XXVII] VAGABONDAGE — TRAMP LIFE [§ 3(39

again we are in the presence of conduct which may have several
reasons for its existence. The dehghts of " the open road " are
very appeahng, even to those of poetic temperament. A period
of real Wanderlust, at least in the Wander jahre, is no sign of
aberration. We have seen vagabondage in cases of feeblemind-
edness, epilepsy, dementia precox, but we have also seen the
same behavior in normal boys who had conceived a grudge, with
or without good reason, against home conditions. Again, we
have observed normal lads who have been seeking larger experi-
ences in this way. Sometimes other causes may be at work,
such as the suggestion and influence of a crowd, or of another
individual; and bad behavior, particularly sex perversions, may
give the start towards tramp life.

Wlien vagabondage is continued past the unstable years of
adolescence, generalizations on the character of individuals
concerned are more likely to be correct. But even here the only
chance of adequate conception of the relationship between
behavior and the type of individual who engages in it is to be
found in personal study of him. What is found true in one country
or locality might be quite different from that in another. Already
there is a considerable literature on the subject, but in this
country the field has seemed more fruitful to the journalist than
to the scientific investigator.

Psychopathologists abroad have undertaken serious research on
vagabondage.^ It is because such a large percentage of tramps
are abnormal personalities that the subject has proven so invit-
ing to students of abnormal psychology. In our discussion of
certain minor mental aberrations, viz., fugues, we are upon the
same ground that many European writers have taken when
discussing vagabondage in general. But there are many types
of individuals, who on account of their peculiarities, become

^ Here, again, for the student we may offer the results of our experience
with the literature. There is a wealth to choose from. The scholarly volume
by Joffroy and Dupouy (313), while devoted mainly to the fugue impulse,
surveys other parts of the field. The work by Marie and Meunier (309), men-
tioned above, contains the conclusions of deep students. Wihnanns (314, 316),
a much quoted investigator, has made detailed studies of tramps with definite
psychoses. He especially affirms the presence of much dementia precox among
them. Pagnier (316) offers some notable figures on the social importance of
vagabondage in France. Mairet (317), in a well-considered monograph, with
much reference to the hterature, discussed various types of abnormal impulse
which led to wandering. Again we may refer to the works of Flynt mentioned
in the text. There is every reason to consider this whole subject in connection
with fugues proper (§ 312), as most French authors have done.

777

§ 369] VAGABONDAGE — TRAMP LIFE [Chap. XXVII

wanderers. The main pathological types who form the vagrant
class are constitutional inferiors, epileptics, the high-grade feeble-
minded (morons), and cases of dementia precox. Bonhoeffer
(308) found from his study of four hundred vagrants that at
least 70 per cent, would have been declared unfit for the usual
German compulsory military service. Not all, of course, were
mentally abnormal, but the majority presented incontestable
signs of psychical defect or aberration. From the immense
French literature we may best excerpt, with slight changes, the
following instructive classification of modern vagabondage from
Marie and Meunier (309) :

A. Wanderers from economic or social reasons.

1. Legitimate wanderers.

(a) Laborers without work.

(b) Exiles.

2. Delinquent wanderers.

(a) Those who are avoiding the scene of offenses, and recid-

ivists.

(b) Simulators of mental or other disease, and degenerate

types.

B. Vagabondage of pathological origin.
L Physical troubles.

(a) Temporary, such as convalescents and those with chronic

ailments who can only work at times.
(6) Permanent cases of weakness, or physical defect.
2. Mental troubles.

(a) Neurasthenic types.

(b) Hysterical types.

(d) Degenerates (constitutional inferiors), with eccentricities.

(e) Manic-depressive types with remittent symptoms.

(/) The persecuted and mystical types — apostles and proph-
ets, (paranoiacs).
(g) Vagabondage as the result of alcoholism, etc.
(h) Demented types, including dementia precox, senility, etc.

Further space in the text can hardly be afforded for more refer-
ence to the literature, with one exception. No American student
of this subject should forego acquaintance with the works (310,
311) of our countryman, who was both litterateur and tramp,
Josiah Flynt. Flynt has much to teach criminologists, although
occasionally his conclusions are found distinctly wanting in
knowledge of the details of psychopathology. He himself, bril-
liant though he was, offered one of the best illustrations of the

778

Chap. XXVII] SIMUL.\TI0N [§ 370

career of a constitutional inferior who had definite impulsions
to wandering, which amounted in his childhood days to fugues.
The power of abnormal impulsions in a family where some mem-
bers had ability to control them, and others not, is given a classic
place in the literature of human experience by this author.

Running away and truancy in childhood, although so frequently
made light of, has been found by ourselves, and many other
investigators, to be a distinctly serious matter. There is not
only the worry caused by it to any careful family, but there is
also the accompanying secretiveness, lying, association with bad
characters of all sorts, and indulgence in bad habits, all of which
tend directly to an anti-social career. Youthful vagabondage,
truancy, is well called the kindergarten of crime.

Not least among the evils of tramp life in general is the well-
recognized tendency under these conditions to homosexual per-
versions. Flynt (312) from his social standpoint has written on
this matter and many medical men have commented on it.

Prevention of vagabondage demands nothing more or less
than individual study of the particular person with a tendency
to tramp life, and social adjustment of his characteristic needs.
Any colony established for tramps, as such, will have to reckon
definitely with the difference in personalities, just the same as a
reform school or asylum for inebriates must, in order to be suc-
cessful. We have given examples in several chapters of various
types showing a tendency towards wandering.

§ 370. Simulation.

Since simulation of either mental or physical disease, as a
social offense, is not a fact of any great moment in this country,
we can dispense with it in a few words. With the development
of insurance against disabilities, malingering in Germany has
become an important delinquency. There fine discriminations
have to be made and whole volumes on different forms of simu-
lation have already been written.

With us there is occasional simulation of injury in order that
damages may be recovered. This t>^e of swindling is so obvious
that it need hardly be mentioned. A more subtle form of pre-
tense is found where the winning of sympathy for some supposed
trouble opens the way to stealing or to obtaining money by
false representation. Frequently the simulators are physical or

779

§ 370] SIMULATION [Chap. XXVII

mental underlings who take advantage of the disabilities which
they have and show appearance of exaggerated suffering. One
man with a bad heart lesion used to appear overcome in the
neighborhood of some physician's residence. He would, of
course, be taken in by kindly people who quickly sent for the
doctor. The latter would find the apparent cause of the trouble,
and all would join in helping the afflicted one. It was always found
that assistance was needed to help the sufferer get to his home in
a neighboring state. The several dollars required usually were
rapidly subscribed. The performance could be repeated in
different localities on the same day.

One of the most notorious criminals in this country is a woman
called " fainting Bertha," who comes from a criminalistic
family. She has been a real sufferer from attacks, which are
either epilepsy or hysteria. She also simulates her attacks to
perfection, falls against some likely person, who in all kindness
helps her to some neighboring house or shop. Later he finds his
pockets have been deftly picked. The amusing but highly prof-
itable method of the boy who simulated distress by voluntarily
weeping as he sold chewing gum, we have recounted elsewhere,
§ 165. Simulation by beggars is not nearly so frequent here as
it is in Europe.

He who deals with delinquents after indictment meets occa-
sionally with simulation of epilepsy and insanity. Detection of
the simulation of epilepsy presents very little difficulty to an
experienced person. I remember one case in a detention home
where a boy, who had a friend who was an epileptic offender, pre-
tended to have a fit so that he might not have to appear before
the judge. Some drops of water allowed to fall upon his eyelids
and upon his abdomen quickly produced reflexes which, although
the individual still simulated unconsciousness, gave sufficient
proof of the facts.

The successful simulation of insanity, as has well been said,
is almost beyond the powers of any one who is not already a
psychopathic individual. Very few cases have been recorded
which have given any trouble over long periods of observation,
although an opinion based upon a single interview may be quite
unsafe in the case of skillful simulators. The almost universal
tendency, as we have many times observed, is for both offendere
and their families to be vastly more willing to acknowledge delin-
quency than either epilepsy or insanity. We have never studied

780

Chap. XXVIl] " BOKN CRIMINALS" [§371

a case which gave us any ultimate trouble in this matter.
(I am here speaking of mental abnormality, and not of " legal
insanity," an opinion upon which is demanded by lawyers accord-
ing to their artificial standards of responsibility.)

White (73), who has had an immense experience in the legal
phases of insanity says, " In all my experience I have never
known of but one case in which a sane man escaped punishment
on a plea of insanity. In this case it was evident that the accused
was not insane, but the jury wanted to free him." Sommer
(163, p. 223) feels so sure of the above phase of simulation of
insanity, as well as of the fact that it is mostly undertaken by
those who are already abnormal individuals, that he specifically
insists that the diagnosis of simulation should be made with
the greatest care.

In considering some cases of possible simulation, transitory
mental aberrations (vide § 315) should be taken into account.

§ 371. " Born Criminals."

The subject of born criminals, which found a main place in
a criminology which discussed offenders by putting them in large
general classes, can be disposed of by us in a few words. When
we come to study cases more fully, we see no reason for
maintaining any general notion that there is a class properly
designated as born criminals. Of course, mental defectives and
epileptics and others, especially if brought up in bad environments,
may be regarded as having secondarily criminal dispositions,
but placing them in such a category tells us nothing of worth
concerning them. In spite of the denial of the value of this
terminolog;y by many authors, it still happens that the pictur-
esque is sought, and cases are described as belonging to this class.
There are several arguments against the use of this term at all:
one is that the use of it does not scientifically place individuals
in their proper primary category. Second, it would be a matter
difficult to demonstrate that these criminalistic individuals
were not such as the result of environmental defects added to
innate mental weaknesses. We have much reason for believing
the environment to be a big factor, because of the observations
on non-criminaHstic lives of the same types of individuals brought
up under better environmental conditions. Third, this theory
presupposes that it is possible to have a moral defect apart from

781

§ 371] "mokal imbecility"— "moral insanity" [Chap. XXVII

all other evidences of intellectual weakness. This has not 'been
proven, and, if it does occur, must be extremely rare (§ 372). A
fourth reason for discouraging the use of the term is the fact that
if we are satisfied with such a general characterization of the
individual we have really gained no clue to the practical disposi-
tion of him. This is one of the greatest objections.

The gist of the whole situation concerning " born criminals "
is that they are individuals who definitely belong in the scientific
categories of mental defect and mental aberration. They show,
by reason of early teaching, of environmental opportunities, of
developed habit of mind, or such physical conditions as ab-
normal sexuality, a very definite tendency to criminalism. They
are primarily mentally abnormal, and secondly, criminalistic.
Nothing is gained by loose generalization on the subject. There
is much food for thought in Devon's keen statement that " the
criminal is born and made just as the policeman is born and made."
Certain mental and physical qualities lead in certain definite
directions of behavior if society allows the chance.

§ 372. " Moral Imbecility " — " Moral Insanity."

The equivalent of many volumes has been written upon the
subject of moral insanity and moral imbecility since the first
use of the former term by Prichard (298) in 1835. The largest
share of this discussion has hinged upon the fact that different
authors have been talking about different things. It behooves
us at once, then, to define our terms. We, first of all, desire to
make it absolutely clear that we can see no reason for leaving
the definition open for loose construction. Cases of insanity
or mental defect with a tendency towards anti-social conduct,
perhaps as the result of innate tendencies, and perhaps more
often the effect of environmental experiences, we would at once
rule out. In this procedure we are at one with many students
who have given the subject careful consideration. (" Moral
insanity " sometimes signifies immoral tendencies developing on
a basis of mental disorders — in that sense it is misleading.
Oftener it covers the same ground as the other term, moral imbe-
cility. Our discussion, after this explanation, will gain clarity
by its avoidance.) The use of the term, moral imbecile, by Barr
(299), Tredgold (307), and others, in their categories of feeble-
mindedness, is highly confusing for the issues of moral conduct

782

Chap. XXVII] " MOEAL IMBECILITY " — " MORAL INSANITY" [§ 372

which confront the student of criminahstics. If an indhi(hial is
mentally defective or insane, it is desirable to primarily classify
him as such. It is often desirable to state that here is such and
such a t^-pe of abnormal pei-son with special trend towards bad
conduct, but the larger fact should first of all be made clear/
The field is then open for consideration of our real problem,
namely, abnormality of such mental functions as have to do with
the moral life.

This brings us at once to the question whether there is any
such thing as a separate ethical department of mental life. A
" moral sense " seems to have appeared first in philosophical
psychology with Locke, Shaftesbury and Hutcheson in the 17th
and 18th centuries. In the last two generations of philosophical
thought there has been a decided falling away from this concep-
tion. It is now clearly perceived that our notions of right and
WTong are inextricably mixed up with social judgments, and with
the evolution of social relationships. Not only does learning
and experience in these matters come into play, but also native
intelligence as well. One could almost say that the person who
failed to appreciate his moral duties was the person who had not
intelligence enough to realize what was best for even himself
as a social being. Indeed, such definitely was the trend of
Aristotelian thought.^

The results of our experience, and our main conclusion m this
whole matter would better at once be set forth; discussion may
then follow. When we began our work there was no point on
which we expected more positive data than on moral imbecility.
But our findings have turned out to be negative. We have been
constantly on the look-out for a moral imbecile, that is, a person
not subnormal and otherwise intact in mental powers, who
shows himself devoid of moral feeling. We have not found one.
Many cases have been brought to us as moral imbeciles, but
they have always turned out somehow mentally defective or
aberrational; or to be the victims of environmental conditions
or mental conflict, and not at all devoid of moral feeling. Super-
ficially the individual frequently has seemed to be mentally normal,
as in the cases where there was great development of language

^ Some writers do see this point. For instance, W. E. Fernald speaks,
not of the moral imbecile, but of the imbecile with criminal instincts (344).

^ For a clear-cut discussion of the problem of the existence of a "moral
sense" we would refer the reader to the masterly text book on Ethics by Dewey
and Tufts (372). >

783

§ 372] " MORAL IMBECILITY " — " MORAL INSANITY " [Chap. XXVII

ability (§§ 273, 276), but in every single instance a well-rounded
investigation has shown distinct abnormality in some other
field than the moral sense, or, in a few cases of children,^ further
growth has carried the individual past a stage of anti-social
conduct.

In the light of our practical findings we have considered care-
fully many opinions expressed in the literature. There has been
so much thoughtful attention paid to the subject that a judicious
attitude towards it is demanded. We may neglect the many
authors who uphold our point of view (vide Anton's summary
of the literature mentioned below). We find at once that the
great probable source of difference of opinions is in the extensive
theorizing, and the lack of careful statement either of definition
or of the results of survey of all investigatable elements of mental
life. The self-contradictions which are to be found in some
authors would hardly be possible if a graphic setting forth of
mental abilities and disabilities was undertaken in cases of so-
called moral imbecility. For example, Mercier's statement
(148, p. 201) regarding the absence of intellectual defect in moral
imbecility could hardly have been made and there been a pro-
found view of the case which he himself pictures on a preceding
page by way of illustration — the case of the Afghan thief who,
even after his hand had been cut off and he had been threatened
with execution, publicly stole an article useless to him. If
the fact that this man took no pains to avoid detection when he
was certain of his fate is not in itself a sign of intellectual defect
or aberration, then what in the world would indicate it? Just
so with another case this same author gives. The point is lost
by the very statement of it.

The instances of moral feeblemindedness (fundamentally

incorrigibles) given by Kraepelin (343, p. 285 ff.) as types, will

not stand the application of his own measuring rod. One man

with insanity in his heredity, who had been discharged from the

army as mentally defective, who had, both before and after this

time, shown many criminalistic tendencies, and who had already

been in three insane asylums is given as an example. " If you

only look at the knowledge, memory, and natural manner of

our patient," says Kraepelin, " and the continuity of his course

1 In these otherwise unexplained cases of children, I think it highly prob-
able that had we done better work, psychogenetic or experiential elements
back of the morbid behavior would have been discovered^ as they were in many
other instances.

784

Chap. XXVII] " MOILYL IMBECILITY " — " MORAL INSANITY " [§ 372

of thought — that is, at those features which first and most
obviously come under consideration, you will hardly suppose
that you have to deal with a morbid personality here." Later
it is acknowledged that this patient had always presented insta-
bility of will power, was irritable, sometimes had fainting fits, etc.
If all this and the utter lack of judgment, foresight, and apper-
ceptive ability which this patient displayed is not convincing of
mental abnormality outside the sphere of ethical perceptions
then it is hard to say what would be convincing. The fact that
the man while in an asylum had learned mathematics and other
things which enabled him to get employment for which he had
occasionally been well paid does not prove his normality. As a
matter of fact, Kraepelin acknowledges in a footnote that eighteen
months later this example of moral imbecility still remained in
an asylum, and showed depression at intervals resembling the
phenomena seen in epileptics.

In a recent argument for recognition of the moral sense as an
entity based even on cerebral localization (a supposition of which
physiological psychology knows nothing), Steen (342) mentions
as sole evidence of the fact, a case under observation in a hospital
which was said to show nothing but moral defect, such as was
expressed in the actions which had brought him there. Here
again we may be permitted the query, based both on common
sense and psychology; if judgment and will were really intact
in this individual how can one account for his getting himself
into such undesirable circumstances? Separation of the moral
from other elements of mental life certainly is not satisfactorily
demonstrated here.

One writer, Berze (301), who attempts to clear the ground
for judicial procedure admirably succeeds. He also emphasizes
the correlation of uneducability with " moral insanity," but
allows for the bare possibility of its occurrence without dis-
turbance of intellection, even as regards perception of moral
relationships. He says that even if it is impossible to deny the
existence of moral defect arising from degeneration of the feel-
ings alone, at least in such cases we need not be concerned about
the question of lessened responsibility. The latter is to be con-
nected only with intellectual defect. Berze insists upon the
changing intellectual and emotional conditions characteristic
of degenerates, and would introduce variability of moral percep-
tion into the main question.

785

§ 372] " MORAL IMBECILITY " — " MORAL INSANITY " [Chap. XXVII

One cannot read far into this subject without perceiving its
importance, not only for the student of criminalistics, but also
for philosophical ethics, psychology and psychopathology. Its
interesting bearings are well brought out in a recent thoughtful
article by Gudden (300), who relegates research in this problem
to students of comparative psychology. Moral imbecility, he
thinks, is ordinary among aborigines, and is based on physio-
logical conditions, namely, the lack of brain development. Among
civilized nations it is to be regarded as a pathological condition.
The very best way to gauge the presence of moral imbecility is
by evaluating educability. Let the various character accom-
paniments of moral defect be what they may — boundless self-
seeking, vanity, superficiality of reasoning, or what not — the
crowning and absolute sign of the trouble is to be found in the
individual's uneducability in those higher powers which make
for practice of the best social sanctions. He thinks there will not
be much difficulty in recognizing the mental defects of the so-called
moral imbecile if systematic testing of the learning ability is
carried out. He warns that the responsibility of such individuals
cannot be considered any higher than their ability to perceive the
differences between right and WTong, but this latter must not
be measured merely by verbal responses.

An extensive and interesting discussion on moral imbecility
is oftered in a forty-eight page chapter on " Moral Deviates "
by Arthur Holmes (141). This author reviews many opinions
and finds them contradictory; compares several theories of ethics
and discovers irreconcilable differences in the viewpoint; inclines
to the view that the moral sense may be absent without other
mental defect; and then proceeds to class all '•' moral deviates "
according to corrigibility and incorrigibility. The second class
alone contains the moral imbeciles. These latter he then proceeds
to subclassify, and out of his entire argument we get simply
the practical findings of Barr that moral imbeciles are mental
defectives. Even the highest grade has not reasoning power
enough to understand that his actions will deprive him of the
privileges he covets. The single case of " true moral imbecility "
cited by Holmes is that of an idiot who, insensible himself to pain,
frequently slashes others. Thus at the end of his long survey
of the subject, we come back to just our own standpoint, namely,
that probably all moral imbeciles are primarily mentally abnormal.

No student of this subject can afford to neglect the short mono-

786

Chap. XX\'11] " MORAL EVIBECILITY " — " MORAL INSANITY " [§ 372

graph of Anton (302) which treats the Uterature in the form of
a symposiinn. This anthor collects the opinions of 80 years and
endeavoi-s to chirify them. He shows that the majority of authors
maintain that " moral insanity " is always accompanied by
some degree of intellectual weakness. Others, however, take the
contrary point of \iew. Without going further into the separate
parts of his summary we may give his final conclusions : although
the term " moral insanity " betokens very many forms of trou-
ble, yet it remains as the signal for a definite clinical fact, namely,
that there are conditions of disease and abnormal develop-
ment which disproportionately affect feelings and moods, and
consequently influence the conduct which springs from these
sources. Anton, in verging towards the notion of an ethical
department of mental life separate from other mental activities,
ofters not a single case w^hich tends to establish his view.

The elaborate work of Mairet and Euziere (303) on " moral
invalids " touches on many t\^es of individuals who are patho-
logically anti-social, but the detailed citation of them shows all
to be mentally abnormal, either having congenital defects or
acquired pathological states.

Hermann (345) attacks this whole matter from another point
of view, namely, that of the moral comprehension of the feeble-
minded, and the degenerate tyipes of criminals. He finds that in
mental defectives the development of moral comprehension does
not run parallel to various other powers of mental representation.
(Of course we should not expect this, any more than we should
expect the parallel development of language ability.) In instances
of moral imbecility where defect of intelligence has not been
shown, this author asks if it is not due entirely to a fault of method.
Various psychiatrists have suggested this. He concludes that
the problem in criminalistics is not at all whether there exists
separate pathological deficiency alone of the higher moral com-
prehension. He maintains that, on the contrary, our business
is to so size up the individual that we may know what fairly
to expect from him in social life; that is, has the person intellec-
tual defect, or disturbance of the affective and impulsive life,
which causes him to be incapable of leading an average social ex-
istence? He specifically condemns the phrases " moral imbecility "
and "moral insanity" as positively unserviceable for modern
clinical use.

One might in this way deal long with expressed opinions of

787

§ 372] " MORAL IMBECILITY " — " MORAL INSANITY " [Chap. XXVII

many authors. (Ellis (124, p. 141 and 284 ff.) presents a particu-
larly readable survey of this subject.) However, the main trends
of opinion are already shown.

Our own conclusion, to repeat, is simply, that if the " moral
imbecile " exists who is free from all other forms of intellectual
defect, he must indeed be a rara avis. We see clearly the differ-
ences that varying innate characteristics and varying experi-
ences may create in inner moral reactions, but for the individual
to be without the possibility of developing such moral reactions
is another thing. As some suggest, the individual who is imbecile
on the moral side alone would be educable in social ways. Steen
says he might learn to respect what others respect, just as a
color-blind person learns to say that the grass is green. But in
the meantime, until well-studied cases prove the main point, we
need not concern ourselves with side topics. The fact is that
approximately, and perhaps entirely, all individuals who react
to moral situations as imbeciles belong in very definite pathological
categories. There is no reason for using terms, then, which
lead to confusion of practical issues.

788

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A
BIBLIOGRAPHY

253. Abderhalden, E., " Bibliographie : Alkohol und Alkoholismus."

Berlin, Urban & Schwarzenberg, 1904, pp. 504.
354. Abels, A., "Seltene Verbrech ens-Motive." Gross' Archiv fur

Kriminalistik. 1912, 49, p. 218.
231. Addams, Jane, "The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets."

Maemillan, New York, 1909.
158. Allfeld, Philipp, "Der Einfluss der Gesinnung des Ver-

breehers auf die Bestrafung." Leipzig, Engelmann, 1909.

68. American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology: Journal

of, July, 1910. "A System for Recording Data Concerning
Criminals." Report by William Healy. Also published as
Bulletin No. 2. Dec, 1909, pp. 15.

69. Bulletin No. 12. April, 1913. "Further Develop-
ment of a System for Recording Data Concerning Criminals."
Report by William Healy, pp. 17.

335. Angell, J. R., "Psychology." Holt, New York, 1908. pp. 468.
302. Anton, G., "Ueber krankhafte moralische Abartung im Kin-

desalter." Halle a. S., Marhold, 1910, pp. 30.
1. AscHAFFENBURG, GusTAV, " Das Verbrechcn und seine Be-

kampfung." 1st edition, Berlin, 1903, 2d edition, 1906.

English edition, "Crime and Its Repression." Boston, Little,

Brown and Co., 1913, pp. 331.
263. "Zur Psychologie der Sittlichkeitsverbrecher." Mon-

atschrift fiir Kriminal-psychologie. Bd. II, p. 404.
364. " Ueber die Stimmungschwankungen der Epileptiker."

Halle, 1906.
373. AuDiFFRENT, " Quclqucs considerations sur I'infanticide."

Archives Anthropologic criminelle. 1900, pp. 1-9.
359. Babinski, J., "Comment concevoir I'hypnotism," etc. Paris,

Semaine Medicale, 1910. July 7, pp. 349-360.
256. Baer, a. and Laquer, B., "Trunksucht und ihre x\bwehr."

2d ed. 1907. Berlin. Urban & Schwarzenberg, pp. 242.

62. Bahnsen, "Beitrage zur Charakterologie." Leipzig, 1862.
319. Baldwin, Bird T., "Adolescence." Psychological Bulletin.

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801

APPENDIX

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805

APPENDIX

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807

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808

APPENDIX B

ORGANIZATION OF THE JUVENILE PSYCHOPATHIC

INSTITUTE

The Juvenile Psychopathic Institute was organized in March, 1909,
A\'ith an endowment for five years, provided through the pubUc-
spirited generosity of Mrs. W. F. Dummer. The organization rep-
resented an effort in practical research which, as the result of several
preliminary observations, had been for some time deemed highly
promising. The plan of organization is due to Miss Lathrop, now
Chief of the Children's Bureau, Washington. The activities were at
once placed entu-ely in the hands of the director, who at all times has
been free to be guided only by professional needs and professional
counsel. Those of the advisory council whose activities have led them
to be specially interested have given freely of their advice. We must
also acknowledge indebtedness to a considerable number of other
persons — judges, psychologists, medical specialists, officers of in-
stitutions — who have felt the importance of the work enough to
give counsel.

The Institute was incorporated and the official organization made
up as follows:

OFFICERS

Miss JuKa C. Lathrop President

Mrs. George R. Dean Secretary

Mrs. W. F. Dummer Treasurer

Director
WilHam Healy, M.D.

ADVISORY COUNCIL

Prof. James R. Angell Dr. Adolf Meyer

Judge E. O. Brown Horace K. Tenney

Dr. H. B. FaviU Henry W. Thurston

Judge JuHan W. Mack John H. Wigmore

Prof. George H. Mead Judge M. W. Pinckney

Judge Harry Olson

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

Jane Addams Julia C. Lathrop

Mrs. W. F. Dummer Dr. Hugh T. Patrick

Dr. Frank S. Churchill Mrs. Geo. R. Dean

Allen T. Burns Dr. Graham Taylor

809

APPENDIX

The office of Psychologist has been successively filled by Grace M.
Fernald, Ph.D., Mary H. S. Hayes, Ph.D., Jean Weidensell, Ph.D.,
Clara Schmitt, Ph.D., Mary W. Chapin, Augusta F. Bronner, Ph.D.

Special researches have been carried out by Dr. Anne Burnet,
Frances Porter, and Dr. Edith R. Spaulding.

The efficient secretary to the director for four years has been Emily
Deane Macmillan.

In April, 1914, under an appropriation from the Board of County
Commissioners, the Juvenile Court of Cook County, Merritt W.
Pinckney, Judge, established the Psychopathic Institute as a new
department. The director remains the same, with Dr. Augusta F.
Bronner as assistant director.

Recently Dr. Frank Perkins, Miss Josephine T. Thomas, and
Miss Frances Porter have been actively assisting in the Institute.

810

INDEX

(References are to pages]

Aberrational tj^pes, analysis of, in our
group, 132.

Abilities as distinguished from desii'es,
101.

Abilities, classification according to,
113; special, of the feebleminded,
463; tests for, 100; varieties of, 101.

Abnormal developmental conditions,
discussion of, 234.

Abnormal psychologj" of fugues, liter-
ature on, 637.

Abnormal sexuahsm among epileptics,
424 ff.

Aboriginal moral imbecihty, 786.

Abortion, attempted, as causing defect
in offspring, 206.

Accusation of self, case of, 746.

Accusations, false, cases of, 732 ff. ;
pathological, definition of, 729.

Achievement capacity test, 96.

Action, impulse to, excessive in certain
individuals, 755.

Adenoids as a factor, 219.

Adolescence and immigration causing
criminaUsm, case of, 723.

Adolescence as related to defect in
self-control, 534.

Adolescence, general considerations
on, 709; mental growth during, 710
ff.; related to premature puberty,
248; stages of, 710; time of influence
by stories, 306.

Adolescent aberration comphcated by
bad sex habits, 653.

Adolescent age limits as related to
juvenile court law, 726.

Adolescent characteristics leading to
criminaUty, cases of, 714 &.

Adolescent dissatisfaction with par-
ents, 725.

Adolescent hypersensitiveness related
to psychosis and criminahsm, cases
of, 674 ff.

Adolescent hj^Dersusceptibihty in the
home, 290.

Adolescent impulses and love of excite-
ment, 753.

Adolescent instability as a cause of
misconduct, 712; as related to love
of adventure, 756; in relation to de-
fective heredity, 728; reaction of at
home, 290.

Adolescent mental aberrations of
gu-ls, 675 ff.; treatment of, 677.

Adolescent mental pecuharities, liter-
ature on, 709 ff.

Adolescent misconduct, treatment of,
necessity for individuahsm in, 726.

Adolescent over-development, 243.

Adolescent pathological lying, cases of,
732, 740 ff.

Adolescent period, tiding through, by
institutional treatment, 727.

Adolescent psychoses, 651; leading to
criminahsm, 653 ff . ; varieties of,
674.

Adolescent romanticism leading to
suicidal impulses, 724.

Adolescent self-assertion and obstin-
acy, 766.

Adolescent tendencies to misconduct,
treatment of, 726.

Adolescent types of criminahty, 713.

Adolescents, alcoholic psychoses of,
683; characteristics of, leading to
aberration, 651; effect of alcohol
upon, 267.

Adventure, abnormal love of, treat-
ment of, 765; and excitement, pre-
disposition toward, types of, 754;
love of, general considerations con-
cerning, 753.

Adventiuous type of behavior related
to pathological lying, 741.

Age levels discriminated by tests, 79 ff .

Age limits of juvenile court procedure,
reform necessary in, 726.

Age norms, developmental, 237.

Age-weight statistics, 144.

Ailments, physical, emunerated for
om- group, 135.

Alcohol, affecting mental defectives,
269; affecting responsibihty for
crime, 273; and dehnquency, 262 ff.;
and individual susceptibility, 679;
and mental defectiveness, 462; and

813

INDEX

[References are to pages]

procreation, 264; as a factor in de-
fective heredity, 263; in vice, 267;
as indulged in by our group of cases,
138; causing exhibitionism, 271;
creating its own need, 269.

Alcohol, effect of, on adolescent girls,
686 ff.; on adolescents, 267; use of,
relationship to criminahsm, 262.

Alcoholic hallucinosis, 682.

Alcoholic paranoia, cases of, 682.

Alcohohc parents, cases of, 286.

Alcoholic psychoses, varieties of, 678.

Alcoholics, classification of, 272.

Alcoholism and crime, 23; and crim-
inahsm, statistics on, 262; and
criminality, literature on, 681; and
defective environment, 264; and de-
velopment of children, 264; and sui-
cide, 775 n., 776; chronic psychoses
of, 681; compUcations of, case of,
273 ; creating defective environment,
details of, 266; in homes, cases of,
286; Mterature on, 262 n., 681 ; of de-
linquents, in our cases, 267; of par-
ents of offenders in our group, 152;
of pregnant mother in relation to de-
linquency of offspring, 204; treat-
ment of, 271; typical family history
of, 265.

Algometer, 58.

Ambitiousness of adolescence, 714.

American Institute of Criminal Law,
Committee A of, 52.

American love of adventure, 754.

Amnesias, 637.

Amnesic fugues, cases of, 638.

Analgesia in criminals, 17, n.

Analysis of visual perceptions, tests
for, 91.

Analysis, psychological, 115.

Antecedent probabiUty as applied in
cases of pathological lying, 729.

Antenatal conditions, defective, enum-
erated for om* group, 137.

Antenatal history, schedule for, 55.

Anthropometry, Umitations of, 57.

Anthropometry, schedule for data of,
57.

Anti-social attitude as the result of
mental conflict, case of, 376.

Anti-social conduct arising from cus-
todial experiences, 310; developed
from newspaper reading, 301.

Anti-social tendencies caused by
school irritations, 295.

Antonym test, norms on, 110.

Apperceptive powers, tests for, 96.

Apphed psychology, newness of, 104.

Arithmetical abiUty defective, as re-
lated to criminahsm, 521; import-
ance of, 90.

Arrest of mental development from
injury, 568.

Arson, pathological, 774.

Asphyxia neonatorum, as cause of de-
fect, 208.

Association processes, mental, tests
for, 86.

Association reactions, 118.

Attitude, an understanding, necessary
for testing, 49; necessary in exam-
ination, 47; of examiner, 35; of rela-
tives, 46; towards offender influ-
ences him, 171.

Attention, tests for, 85.

Attenuated responsibihty of psycho-
paths, 592.

Auditory memory, tests for, 83.

"Aussage" Picture Test, norms on,
108.

"Aussage" Test, literature on, 84; on
socially suggestible offenders, 95;
picture for, 84.

Austrian Imperial Criminahstic In-
stitute, 173 n.

Bad companions as a factor in our

gi"oup of cases, 135; teaching of,

leading to mental conflict, cases of,

357 ff.
Bad homes and recidivists, 285.
Big Brother Movement, necessity of

studying individual for success in,

178; value of social suggestibihty

for, 705.
Binet tests, 79; critique on, 79 ff.; for

classification of feebleminded, 449ff . ;

literature on, 79.
Biographical material in criminology,

186 n.
Biological defect, famihal, case of, 198.
Birth abnormal, statistics on results

of, 208.
Birth, data concerning, schedule for,

55; difficult, as cause of defect, 208.
Bladder, lack of control of, as a factor

in delinquency, 227.
Blood-and-thunder hterature causing

criminahsm, 305.
Blue Book, vide Judicial Statistics of

England (40), 10.
"Born criminal," the 17, 781.

"Cadet's" power over women, psy-
chology of, 405.

Capital punishment, not evaluated by
us, 166 n.

Card system of record of causative

814

INDEX

[Relerences arc to pages]

factors, 62; for records and statistics,
62.

Case studies, complexities of, 1S3.

Case summaries, 122.

Cases, plan of presentation of, 185.

Cases studied, groups of selected for
conclusions, 14; how brought to us,
14; showing intricate causations, 16;
tj^pes seen bv us, 14; where seen by
us, 14.

Case-study records, extent of, 49.

Castration for mental defectives, 462.

Catamnestic studies necessary, 19.

Causation of delinquency, relation of
mental life to, 163.

Causations, danger of isolated facts
concerning, 15; general theories of,
weakness of, 23; intricacy of, 164;
not obvious, 173; statistics on, 126.

Causative factors, card system of rec-
ord of, 52, 62, 63; related to heredi-
tary factors, table of, 158; statistical
summary of in our cases, 130; when
best discernible, 11.

Causes and types, overlapping of, 185.

Causes of delinquency, our main study,
185.

Cephalometry, amount desirable, 58.

Cerebral localization and moral sense,
785.

Cerebral traumatism, after-effects of,
treatment of, 626.

Character changes following head in-
jury, 619.

Character of adolescent, pecuharities
of, 711; of the epileptic, 418.

Characteristics of constitutional in-
feriors, 576; racial, leading to crim-
inahsm, 765.

Characterology, 21.

Chart of heredity, 64.

Chicago House of Correction, medical
department of, 174 n.

Children, number of, in families of de-
Hnquents, 148; pathological lying
among, cases of, 736.

Choice of conduct, necessity for, 338.

Chorea, psychosis of, 613.

Circumcision for delinquents, 225.

City environment and love of adven-
ture, 754.

Classification by delinquencies unsat-
isfactory, 770; for crimes, 16; from
tests, 112; practical, specifications
for, 161; psychological, of our re-
peated oifenders, 139.

Classifications, a priori, why disregard,
IS; criminological, not based on es-
sentials, 17; properly based on
mental life, 17; interfered with
through intricacy of causations, 165.

Clothes, fine, relation of to delin-
quency, 295.

Cocaine, creating boldness in crimi-
nals, 277; mental effects of, 277;
psychoses from, 690;

Code Test, norms on, 109.

ColTee, excess of, creating anti-social
tendencies, 278.

Collecting objects a normal interest,
297.

Colonies for the feebleminded, 462.

Combat, love of, excessive in certain
individuals, 755.

Companionship, schedule for data con-
cerning, 56, 57.

Completion test of Ebbinghaus, 96.

Conduct and Psychoanalysis, 119.

Conduct, as result of mental life, 26;
criminahstic, analysis of, by epilep-
tic, 27 7i. ; on recovery from insanity,
27 n.; origins of, 27; proof of control
of through consciousness, 26; psy-
chological viewpoint of, 27.

Confusional mental states of chorea,
613.

Congenital syphilis, relation to crim-
inahsm, 229; statistics on, after-
results of, 205.

Constitutional excitement, 609.

Constitutional inferiority and inheri-
tance, 198; as a class of mental
abnormahty, 444; as related to de-
generacy, 589; definition of, 575;
differential diagnosis of, 576 n.; Mt-
erature on, 575; relation to deaf-
mutism, 222; treatment of, 589.

Constitutional inferiors, sex perver-
sions among, case of, 584; varieties
of the type, 587.

Construction Test A, norms on, 107.

Construction Test B, norms on, 107.

Contrary suggestibihty, 766.

Contributing agencies to deUnquen-
cies, extension of jurisdiction over,
174.

Contributions to dehnquency, control
over, necessary, 285.

Control defectives, Dr. Christian on,
534 n.

Convictions, cost of, 42 n.

Coordination, motor, tests for, 86.

Coiu-ts, difficulties of decisions in,
caused by pathological lying, cases
of, 736 ff.

Court organization for better treat-
ment, 173.

Classification of dehnquents, as com-
pared with scientific findings, 160.

"Crime a disease," 4; and criminahty,
distinction between, 161 n.; use of
synonyms of, 3, 22.

815

INDEX

[References are to pages]

Criminal careers, beginning mostly
dming adolescence, 713.

Criminal, definition of, 3.

Criminal law, possibilities of recon-
struction of, 7; relation of scientific
studies to, 7; study of offender
under, 8.

Criminal technique developed in
prison life, 314.

"Criminal, the born," 781.

Criminahsm, age of beginnings of, 10;
and adolescent psychoses, cases of,
653 ff . ; and dementia precox, illus-
trative cases of, 594; and hysteria,
case of, 645; and juvenile paresis,
601 ; and manic depressive insanity,
602; and paralytica, 600; and social
suggestibihty, 696; arising from bad
companions, 293; defect in judg-
ment and foresight, case of, 526 ; dis-
satisfaction of non-use of special
abihties, 768; housing conditions,
292; irritabihty, 767; mental con-
flicts, 352 ff., also see Mental Con-
flict; racial characteristics, 765;
special mental defects, cases of,
516 ff.; theatrical plays, 294; as
caused by defect in self-control,
cases of, 535 ff . ; excess of physical
vigor, 231; as related to epilepsy,
420 ff . ; menstrual mental aberra-
tions, 627; associated with mental
dullness and bad sex habits, cases
of, 562 ff . ; from physical causes,
cases of, 548 ff . ; beginnings in
youth, 4; caused by adolescent clan-
destine love affairs, cases of, 722;
choreic psychosis, 613 ff.; explosions
of desire for excitement, 764 ; mental
aberrations of pregnancy, 633 ; reac-
tion against sex perversion in ado-
lescents, case of, 723 ; social suggesti-
bihty, cases of, 698 ff . ; confirmed,
beginnings of, in youth, 10; con-
nected with simulation of epilepsy,
780; definition of, 3; deliberate
choice of, 331; developed by custo-
dial experiences, 310; from men-
strual aberrations, case of, 628 ff . ;
prison experiences, 311; dynamics
of, 4; following upon head injury,
cases of , 621 ff . ; from adolescent al-
coholic psychoses, cases of, 683;
alcohol, legal treatment of, 680;
alcoholic paranoia, 682; cocaine
psychoses, 690; constitutional ex-
citement, cases of, 609; contrary sug-
gestibility, 766; dual social sugges-
tibihty, cases of, 708; hasheesh, 690;
love of adventure, case of, 756; and
excitement, 753; mental aberra-

tions of pregnancy, cases of, 634 ff.;
morphine psychoses, 689; revenge-
fulness, 767; suggestion of one in-
dividual, case of, 704; transitory
mental aberration, 649; inherited,
foundations of, 188 ff. ; in relation
to crowd psychology, 703; mental
aberration and bad sex habits, case
of, 643; of chronic alcoholism, 682;
constitutional inferiors, cases of,
577 ff . ; defective verbahsts, cases of,
475 ff . ; insane, unclassifiable, cases
of, 607; melanchoHcs, 602; paretics,
600; related to amnesic fugues,
cases of, 637 ff . ; related to patholog-
ical lying, 732 ff . ; relation of mas-
turbation to, 407 ; sex perversions to,
412; through hypnotism, literature
on, 706; through influence of an-
other criminal, 705; youthful. Clay
on, 10; EUiott on, 10; statistics on,
10.

Criminahstic characteristics in fiction,
influence of, 305.

Criminahstic conduct as an explosive
phenomenon, 764; imagery of, 339.

Criminalistic mental imagery devel-
oped during prison Hfe, 314, 348.

Criminalistic morons, cases of, 455.

Criminahstic partnership, developed
in prison fife, 314.

Criminahstic relatives causing crim-
inahsm, cases of, 288.

Criminahstic subnormal verbalist, 501.

Criminahstic tendencies of paranoia,
case of, 605; inheritance of, htera-
ture on, 188.

Criminahstics, contrasted to other
progress, 3; definition of, 3.

Criminahty arising from adolescent
characteristics, cases of, 714 ff.;
caused by morphine addiction, 275;
in alcohohsm, 679; in heredity of
our offenders, 156; hterature on,
681; pecuhar to adolescents, 713;
s3monymous with deUnquency, 22;
types of, indulged in by morphin-
ists, 276.

Criminals, alcohohsm of, 267; biogra-
phies of, 9; confirmed, vide Recidi-
vists; proportion of professionals
among, 318.

Criminological classification, as com-
pared with scientific findings, 160.

Criminologists sometimes obsessed by
theories, 23.

Criminology, anthropological school
of, 16; earher, 15; Itahan, pos-
itivist, 16; theories of, 15, 16.

Crossline Test A, norms on, 109.

Crossline Test B, norms on, 109.

816

INDEX

[References are to paces]

Crowd companionship, influonfe of,
703.

Crowd psychology, hteraturc on, 703.

Custodial experiences creating delin-
quency, 310.

Dance halls, relation of, to criminal-
ism, 295.

Data concerning deUnquents, sched-
ule of, 53; our, availability of, 184.

Deafmutism as a factor, 222.

Deceit in treatment, dangers of, 172.

Deceitfulness and mental conflicts,
356.

Deception in tests, 105.

Defect in arithmetical ability as re-
lated to criminahsm, 521; in lan-
guage abihty as related to criminal-
ism, 516; in self-control, as related
to criminahsm, 533; in self-control
leads to enm-esis, 226.

Defective envnonment created by al-
cohoUsm, 264 ff.

Defective mental capacity, caused by
physical conditions, 546.

Defective special mental abiUties, 515.

Defective tj^jes, enumeration of in our
group, 131.

Defective vision as a factor, 217.

Defectives, mental, as distinguished
from aberrational individuals, 444;
verbahst type of, 473.

Degeneracy, hterature on, 588 n. ; sta-
tistics of, 146.

Degenerate murderer, epileptic, case
of, 424.

Delayed pubertj^, case of, 240.

DeUberate choice, cases of, 332; defi-
nition of, 331; of criminal career
from mental conflict, cases of, 393.

Delinquencies of males and females
compared, 144; of our repeated of-
fenders, 140.

DeUnquency as caused by excess of
physical vigor, 231; related to path-
ological lying, 731; related to rest-
lessness, 769; the result of mental
conflict, cases of, 357 ff . ; caused by
adolescent self-assertion, 724; bad
language at home, 284; characteris-
tics of adolescents, cases of, 714 ff.;
defect in self-control, cases of, 535 ff. ;
desire for stage life, 764; amnesic
fugues, cases of, 640; incompetent
parental control, 289; masturbation,
case of, 409; unsatisfactory voca-
tion, 296; excess of tobacco, 280; in-
directly caused by excess of tea and
coffee, 278; by hypersexuahsm, 403;

by masturbation, 407; instigated by
sexualism, 400; interpretation of,
effect upon the offender of, 172;
record of, 01; relation of undernour-
ishment to, 230; special bases of
enumerated, 32.

Dehnquent careers, determinants of
in youth, 11 ; early influences on, 12.

Dehnquent girls and physical over-
development, 246.

Dehnquents, not all abnormal, 4; num-
bers in families of, 148; understand-
ing of, 6; treatment of, in youth, 12;
study of, advantage of early, 38 ; age
for, 12; best opportunities for, 40;
each case different, 38; equipment
for, 44, 45; foUow-up work necessary
for, 19; for treatment, 8; in institu-
tions, 41 ; in relation to the trial, 41 ;
laboratory for, 40, 44, 45; lack of
practical hterature on, 3; length of
time for, 42 ; necessity for thorough,
43 ; to whom should appeal, 6 ; when
ingenuous, 12.

Dementia, 603; as distinguished from
mental defect, 445.

Dementia paralytica, 600.

Dementia precox, 592; and masturba-
tion, 642; proportion of among of-
fenders, 594; suicide, case of, 593.

Desire for social advancement
thwarted causing dehnquency, 290.

Detention experiences creating bad
results, 311.

Deterioration of the offender caused
by incarceration, 311.

Deterrency of idea of punishment, 166,
167.

Development, abnormal, general dis-
cussion of, 234; mental and moral,
schedule for data concerning, 56.

Developmental anomahes and ado-
lescence, 235; our statistical find-
ings on, 236.

Developmental anthropometry, sched-
ule for data of, 57.

Developmental conditions, defective,
enumerated for om' group, 137; as
causative factors of delinquency,
critique on, 201; importance of
knowledge of, 11.

Diagnostic summary, 61.

Differential psychology, definition of,
74.

Disciphne of children, lack of, related
to impulses of excitement, 753.

Discrimination, mental, Ziehen test
for, 92; tests for, 92.

Disposition in relation to physical
conditions, 228; revengeful, as re-
lated to delinquency, 767.

817

INDEX

[References are to pages]

Dissatisfaction, adolescent, with fam-
ily causing delinquency, 725.

Disturbing conditions in mental tests
to be recognized, 105.

Drinking among children, 264.

Drug habitues, lying and self -accusa-
tion of, 731.

Drugs, psychoses from, 689.

Drunkards often feebleminded, 23.

Drunkenness and procreation, 264;
failure of treatment of in England,
23.

Dual social suggestibiHty, hterature
on, 708.

Dullness from physical causes, case
showing result of treatment of, 547;
in classification, 114.

Ear ailments as a factor, 218.

Early treatment, advantage of be-
ginning, 172.

Education among om- group of offend-
ers, 151.

Educational neglect causing dehn-
quency, 300.

Educational tests, critique on, 81; in-
terpretation of, 81.

Effeminacy in males leading to delin-
quency, case of, 241.

Egocentrism of adolescence, 714.

Emotional condition in offenders stud-
ied, 69, 70.

Emotional life of offenders, subject for
study, 70; schedule for history of,
71.

Energy, cases of inheritance of excess
of, 189.

Enuresis and sex habits, 227; in de-
Unquents, 226.

Environment and so-called "born
criminals," 781; as a cause vs. per-
sonaHty, 283; balanced with other
factors as a cause of delinquency,
283 ; effect of' upon body measure-
ments, 17 n. ; physical differentiated
from psychical, 284; schedule for
data concerning, 56 ; treatment of in
cases of dehnquency, 176.

Environmental factors, general state-
ment concerning, 282; only to be
interpreted through psychical ef-
fects, 284; treatment of, 285.

Environmental influences smTOund-
ing the epileptic, cases illustrating,
434 ff.

Epilepsy among young repeated of-

, fenders, 416 n. ; and criminaUsm,

literature on, 4:14: n.; pathological

lying, case of, 751; as a factor in

criminahsm, 414; related to amnesia
638; in criminalism, Lombroso on,
416; of pregnant mother in relation
to dehnquency of offspring, 203; our
criterion of the disease, 417; pre-
maturity, and sex dehnquency, case
of, 250; principal manifestations of,
415; simulation of, 780; statistics of
in om- group, 147; unfortunate en-
vironmental tendencies of, cases il-
lustrating, 434 ff.; varieties of, 414.

Epileptic aberrational mental states,
433.

Epileptic automatism, 433.

Epileptic career of girls, typical case
of, 437.

Epileptic character, the, 418.

Epileptic equivalents, 415.

Epileptic fugues, cases of, 640.

Epileptic mania, 433.

Epileptic murder, typical case of, 424.

Epileptic psychoses, 603; in children,
cases of, 434 ff . ; effect of alcohol
on, 270, 271; mental deterioration
caused by, 419.

Epileptics as offenders, cases of, 419,
420 ff . ; mental conditions of, during
criminahsm, 434; mental function-
ings of, 417; mental pecuharities
of, 417; psychological studies on,
419 n. ; physical pecuharities of, 419;
violent assaults of, 437.

Ergograph, 58.

Eroticism, bases of, 402.

Erotomania an undesirable term,
400 n.

Ethical defects of puberty, 713.

Ethical discrimination, tests for, 99;
weakened in senihty, 212.

Ethics, philosophical conceptions of,
and the "moral sense," 783.

Examination, length of continuation
of, 48; medical, schedule for, 58;
persons present at, 48, 49 re. ; proper
attitude for, 69; stenographic report
of, 48.

Examiner, assistants to, 46; necessary
previous training of, 36 ; selection of,
34; tactful attitude of, 47; tempera-
ment and attitude of, 34.

Examiners, women as, 36.

Excitement, abnormal love of, treat-
ment of, 765; desire for, explosions
of, 764; love of, general considera-
tions concerning, 753.

Exciting hteratiu-e, habit of reading,
305.

Exhibitionism compared in the sexes,
407; relation of alcohol to, 271; sex-
uaUstic impulsion, 405.

Experience, abihty to profit by, tests

818

INDEX

[References are to pages)

for, SS; necessary for passing judg-
ment on delinquents, 37.

Explosive desire for excitement, 764.

Expression, facial, value of in criminal-
istics, 58.

Ex-prisoners, failm-es, 286.

Evelids, inflammation of, cm'ious case
'of, 218.

Ej^e strain as a factor, 217.

Fabrications of pathological liars, 731.

Facial expression, peculiar, caused by
prison experiences, 311.

Facts, extent of record of, 50.

False accusations, cases of, 732 ff . ;
causing mental conflict, 357.

Falsification, pathological, 729.

FamiKal biological defect, case of, 198.

FamiUes, broken up causing dehn-
quencjr, 290; in om* group, 149.

Family alcoholism and criminahty,
case of, 265.

Family attitude causing delinquency,
291.

Family conditions in our group of of-
fenders, 149; schedule for recording,
54, 55, 56.

Family history, schedule for, 53.

Family sexual life, misconduct in,
causing criminahsm, 410.

Father Matthew's abstinence cam-
paigns, 262 71.

Feebleminded made criminal by al-
cohol, case of, 270; social and edu-
cational prognosis of, 460; successful
in life, cases of, 465 ff . ; treatment
of, 460, 461; varieties of abihties
among, 450 ; with excessive language
abihty, cases of, 475 ff . ; with normal
insight and motor ability, cases of,
465.

Feeblemindedness and alcohol, Htera-
ture on, 682; and arson, 774; and
epilepsy, murderer showing, 424;
classification of, 448; nomencla-
ture concerning, 448; psychological
methods of classification of, 449.

"Fence" for thieves, case of, 328.

Fetishism, sexual, leading to thieving,
405.

Fetishistic steahng, 773.

Field workers, 46.

Follow-up, necessity in treatment, 177.

Forces producing dehnquency, our
studies of, 183.

Forensic bearings on alcohohsm, 681.

Foresight, tests for, 91.

Form and color perception, tests for,
87.

French Ministry, inquiry into alcohol

and crime, 262 n.
Fugues, amnesic, 637.

Gambhng, abnormal craving for, 755.
Ganser syndrome, 638.
General paralysis of the insane, 600.
Germ cells affected by alcohol, 263,

266.
German criminal code, difficulties in

adjustment of, 168 n.
Giessen tests, 78.
Girls, mental aberrations of, leading to

misconduct, 675 ff.
Grading of mentahty by units, 121 n.
Gjmecological ailments, examination

for, 65.

Habit formations and subconscious
hfe, 120.

Habit of reading exciting Hterature,
305.

Habit, psychologists on, 350.

Habitual offenders, classification of,
316.

Headaches in relation to delinquency,
232.

Head injuries among offenders, 620;
among penitentiary prisoners, sta-
tistics on, 232; in relation to dehn-
quency, 232 ; related to mental dull-
ness among offenders, 568.

Hearing, defective, as a factor, 218.

Heart disease, leading to delinquency,
case of, 233.

Hereditary amnesic fugues, cases of,
638.

Hereditary factors as related to direct
causative factors, 158; of our of-
fenders, 153.

Hereditary family charts, danger of
for study of criminahsm, 189.

Hereditary studies, critical methods
needed in, 188.

Hereditary traits, schedule for record-
ing, 54, 55.

Heredity and alcohol, 263; and over-
development, 243; and pathological
lying, 730; its relationship to ado-
lescent instability, 728; of om*
offend ei's, statistics of, 153; pre-
maturity and sex dehnquency, 250.

Heredity charts, 64; no proof of
criminalistic heredity, 24.

History of offender, importance of
psychological study of, 71.

Home, bad companions in, causing de-

819

INDEX

[References are to pages]

linquency, 293; immoral, 288; irri-
tation in, 288; want of, causing de-
linquency, 292.

Home, conditions as cause of delin-
quency, critically considered, 282;
defective, enumeration of in our
group, 134.

Home life, lack of healthy interests in,
causing dehnquency, 298.

Homesickness and criminahty, 356 n.
causing arson, 774; mental conflict,
357; mental conflict and delin-
quency, case of, 398.

Housing conditions causing dehn-
quency, 291; misconduct, 410.

Hungarian Law for study of dehn-
quents, 173, 331.

Hutchinsonian teeth, statistics of, 146.

Hypersensitiveness of adolescents, 714.

Hjrpersexual tendencies, cases of in-
heritance of, 192.

Hypersexuahsm a disturbing influence
diu-ing adolescence, 403 ; dominating
influence, case of, 403 ; discussion of,
231; inadequacy of repressive treat-
ment, 404; natiu"e and causes of,
402; of epileptics, cases of, 424 ff.;
operations for, 231; treatment of,
404.

Hypnotism, 705; border hne of, in mis-
conduct, case of, 706.

Hypomania, 609.

Hysteria and criminaHsm, 645; as re-
lated to amnesia, 638.

Idiots, 454.

Idiot savants, cases of, 463 ff.; type,
453.

Illegitimacy, in our group, 149; and
aberration of pregnancy, case of,
635.

Illness, early, effect of, 209.

Imagery and empty minds, develop-
ment of, 341; and hallucinations,
340; motor consequences of, 340; of
criminahstic conduct, 339; produc-
ing misconduct, cases of, 341 ; types
of visual, related to criminahsm, 307.

Imbeciles, 454.

Imbecilic ofi^enders, cases of, 454.

Immigration during adolescence caus-
ing criminahsm, 723.

Immoral f amihes causing delinquency,
cases of, 288.

Immorahty, self-accusation of, case of,
746.

Impaction of teeth as a factor, 220.

Imprisonment, the physical and men-
tal effects of, 312.

Improper language as an environ-
mental factor, 284.

Impulses, abnormal, leading to wan-
dering, 779.

Impulses, adolescent, leading to crim-
■ inahsm, cases of, 714 ff .

Impulsions, sexuahstic, 405.

Incrimination, mental aberration from
649.

Individual, abnormal, proper study of,
29; as center of criminahstic prob-
lem, 22 ; practical value of study of,
22; study of, growth of idea of, 24;
to include all factors, 24.

Individual study, importance of, 5; re-
cent development of, 18.

Industrial classification of feeble-
minded, 461.

Infancy and childhood, data concern-
ing, schedule for, 55.

Infanticide, case of, 635.

Influence of older criminals, 705.

Information, evaluation of sources of,
50; from relatives, 39; general, in-
quiry into, 102; skepticism about,
39; sources of, 40.

Inheritance of physical traits, case of,
198.

Injury, criminahstic simulation of, 779.

Insanities, enumeration of in our
group, 132; some unclassifiable, 441.

Insanity as distinguished from minor
mental aberrations, 445; of mastur-
bation, 642 ; of pregnant mother in
relation to dehnquency of offspring,
203; in heredity of our offenders,
156; simulation of, 780.

Instabihty, adolescent, general consid-
erations of, 712.

Institutional life of offenders previ-
ously, in our group, 151.

Institutional treatment of delinquents,
individualization in, 176; of offend-
ers, general ideas about, 176.

Instruction-box Test, norms on, 110.

Instructions, 100.

Instrumental dehvery, as cause of de-
fect, 208.

Intent as guide to penalty, 20.

Intoxication creating irresponsibility,
273; of adolescents leading to crim-
inalism, cases of, 684 ff.; patholog-
ical, 683.

Introduction puzzle. Test I, norms on,
106.

Introspection, the method of psycho-
analysis, 117.

Investigation, sympathetic, necessity
of, 34.

Irritability and criminalism arising
from bad sex habits, 768 ; as related

820

INDEX

[References are to pages]

to some physical cause, 767 ; exces-
sive as related to criminalism, 767.

Irritation, caused b}' thwarted desii'c
producing delinquencj', 290; in the
home causing dehnquency, 2SS, 290;
causing mental tendencies, 228;
physical, as cause of delinquency,
22t, 228.

Itinerancy causing delinquencj^, 292.

Jails, moral contagion in, 169.
Judgment and foresight, defect in, as

related to criminalism, 526; moral,

tests for, 98; tests for, 92.
Junior Republic, necessity of studies

of deUnquents in, 177.
Juridical criminals, 161 n.
Juvenile court methods, estimation of,

173.
Juvenile offenders, estimation of age

Umits of, 173.
Juvenile paresis, 601.
Juvenile Protective Association, 177 n.
Juvenile suicides, literature on, 776 n.

"Kleptomania," 770; from mental
conflict, cases of, 360 ff. 374; of the
feebleminded, 771.

' ' Kleptomaniac ' ' an unsatisfactory
term, 770 n.

Language ability, importance of, 89;
in defectives, 473; relation of tests
to, 82; tests for, 89.

Language abiUty unusual, in cases of
mental subnormality, 501 ff.; mo-
rons with, cases of, 475 ff.

Language defect as related to crim-
inaUsm, 516.

Languages, abihty to learn, cases of
among feebleminded, 475 ff .

Learning ability, tests for, 88.

Learning test, associations, norms on,
108.

Legal aspects of career of subnormal
verbahst, 506.

Legal demarcation between juveniles
and adults unscientific, 726.

Legal importance of defective verbal-
ists, 474; pathological lying, 729.

Legal procedm-e, as concerned with
moral sense, 785.

Legal standards of insanity, artificial
nature of, 442.

Legal treatment of adolescent ten-

dencies to misconduct, 726; of
alcoholic criminalism, 680; of epi-
leptics, 431.

Literature on suicide, 775 ».; perni-
cious, causing delinquency, 304.

Litigious paranoia, 604.

Love of adventure fed by exciting Ut-
erature, case of, 759.

Love of excitement as related to disci-
phne of children, 753.

Lust murder of epileptic, case of, 424.

Lust murders, 406.

Lues, relation to criminaUsm, 229.

Lying, of cocainists, 277 ; of morphin-
ists, 277; pathological, definition of,
729; case of, in subnormal verbaUst,
506.

Male sex characteristics in females
leading to dehnquency, case of, 241.

Malingering, 779; in deaf mutes, 223.

Manic depressive insanity, 602.

Marriage as prevention of sex delin-
quency in girls, 248; of old men, sta-
tistics on, 211.

Masochism, 405.

Mastm-bation and adolescent aberra-
tion, 653 ; and dementia precox, 593 ;
and mental aberration, 642 ; causing
mental dullness, 559; circumcision
for, 226; effects of, 407; extent of,
among offenders, 407; in relation to
anti-social conduct, psychology of,
408; relation of to other dehnquen-
cies, 407; treatment of, 408.

Maternal impressions as alleged caus-
ative factor, 207; hterature on,
207 n.

"Measuring scale of intelligence,"
Binet's, 79.

Medical examiijation, 65.

Medico-legal aspects, hterature on,
682.

MelanchoUa, 602; and suicide, 776.

Memory powers, tests for, 82 ff.

Memory span, test for, 83.

Memory Test, auditory verbal, norms
on, 110; visual verbal, norms on,
109.

Memory, visual verbal, test for, 83.

Menstrual mental aberration, litera-
ture on, 627.

Menstrual period and the stealing im-
pulse, 772 ff.

Menstruation, average age of, statis-
tics on, 237; early, relation of, to ex-
cessive vitahty, 249.

Mental aberration, adolescent, 651;
and hysteria, 645; as related to

821

INDEX

[References are to pages]

criminalism in general, 590; from
sex habits, 642; general considera-
tions of, 590; menstrual, 627; transi-
tory, 648.

Mental aberrations, adolescent, lead-
ing to criminalism, 653 ff . ; as dis-
tinguished from mental defects, 444;
minor, 609; minor, varieties of, 693;
unclassifiable, 607.

Mental abihties, defects in special, 515.

Mental abnormality, classifications of,
442; definitions of classes of, 444;
general considerations concerning,
441; general relationship of to de-
linquency, 29.

Mental abnormalities, statistical anal-
ysis of in our group, 141.

Mental analysis, powers of, tests for,
90.

Mental association processes, tests for,
86.

Mental causes of dehnquency, treat-
ment of, 175.

Mental characteristics of adolescents,
leading to aberration, 651; of ado-
lescents leading to criminalism,
cases of, 714 ff.; pecuHarities, statis-
tical analysis of in our group, 131.

Mental classification of our repeated
offenders, 139.

Mental conditions vs. bodily findings
in wayward girls, 66.

Mental conduct, inquiry into, 102.

Mental conflict and conduct, 120; and
pathological lying, 731; based on
pecuharities of temperament, 352;
cases of, leading to criminalism, 357;
caused by body defect, 357; causing
criminalism and suffering, 354; from
concealed parentage, case of, 389;
in criminahstic genetics, 352; in
girls, basis of, 352; leading to crim-
inalism, cases of, 356.; nature of, 353;
treatment of, 355; type of delin-
quency arising from, 354.

Mental conflicts, enumerated for our
group, 134; record of, 61.

Mental content during prison life, 314.

Mental defect as distinguished from
general mental defectiveness, 451 ff . ;
definition of, 444; diagram of classi-
fication of, 452; general considera-
tions concerning, 447; in heredity of
offenders of our gi'oup, 153 ff. ; in the
moral sphere, discussion of, 782 ff.;
nomenclature concerning, 448.

Mental defectives become alcoholics,
263; classification of, 448; definition
of classes of, 449; effect of alcohol
on, 269; Goddard's industrial classi-
fication of, 461 ; proportion of among

offenders, 447; social and psycholog-
ical classifications of, 449; surgical
treatment of, to prevent sex mis-
conduct, 462.
Mental defects, special, 515.
Mental dullness and physical ailments,
doubtful relationship of, cases of,
571; caused by excess of tobacco,
281; by physical conditions, 546;
from bad sex habits, 559; and epi-
lepsy, 570; and narcotics and stimu-
lants, 556; and general physical
conditions, cases of, 554; and physi-
cal conditions, possibihties of treat-
ment of, 547.
Mental episodes of constitutional in-
feriors, 576.
Mental examination, just after arrest,

649.
Mental factors of delinquency, neglect

of, causes false judgments, 28.
Mental habit, a factor in criminahsm,
349; criminahstic, 349; plus physical
conditions, 216; in reformatory
treatment, 350.
Mental, imagery during prison fife,
345; from picture shows causing
suicidal impulse, 347; relation of, to
hypersexuahsm, 402.
Mental interests, defective, etc.,
enumerated for our group, 136; in-
quiry into, 102; lack of, causing de-
hnquency, 297; supplying of, as a
phase of treatment, 300.
Mental life, direct relationship of, to
dehnquency, 163; during custody,
168.
Mental peculiarities in relation to con-
■ duct, general considerations of, 694.
Mental peculiarity as distinguished

from insanity, etc., 446.
Mental phenomena are observed only

through cooperation, 70.
Mental representation, powers of,

tests for, 90.
Mental repressions causing patholog-
ical stealing, 773.
Mental shock and conduct, 120; in our

group, 138.
Mental subnormaUty, definition of,

491.
Mental tests, basis of our selection
of, 75; display of, effect of, 72; dis-
turbing conditions during, 105; fun-
damental basis of, standardization
of, 72; interpretation for, 104; hmi-
tations of, 104; method of giving,
72 ; order of, 48 ; relationship of ex-
aminer and examinee in, 72; result
of in cases of dullness from physical
conditions, 547.

822

INDEX

(References are to pages]

Mental traits, schedule of study of,
71, also note.

Mental tj^pes, varieties in, diagram
showing, 453.

■Mental vacuity during prison hfe, 170,
314.

Mentally subnormal offenders, cases
of, 492.

Method of presentation of cases, 185;
of psychological inquiry, critique of,
68.

Methodology', our outlook on, 18.

INlethods of medical examination, 65;
of study, general conclusions about,
159.

MiU, J. Stuart, on the aim of punish-
ment, 8.

IMisconduct in children based on epi-
lepsy, 434 ff.; peculiar to adoles-
cence, 712; result of mental hfe,
28.

Monomania, 604.

Moral comprehension of the feeble-
minded, 787.

Moral contagion arising from bad
companions, 293; during incarcera-
tion, 169, 313.

Moral danger during custody, 168.

"Moral feeblemindedness," 782.

"Moral imbecihty," 782.

"Moral insanity," 782; literature on,
782 ff.

"Moral invalids," 787.

Moral judgment, tests for, 98; tests
for, critique on, 99.

Moral Questions Tests, norms on, 110.

"Moral sense," philosophical concep-
tions of, 783.

Moral traits during adolescence, 652.

Morons as offenders, cases of, 455 ff.;
definition of, 450.

Morphine addiction causing criminal-
ity, 275; mental results of addiction
to, 275; psychoses from, 689.

Morphinism of pregnant mother in re-
lation to delinquency of offspring,
204.

Morphinist, mental states of, 276; re-
sponsibihty of, 275.

Motor coordination, norms on, 110;
tests for, 86.

Motor functioning, desirable data con-
cerning, 58.

Moving pictures creating a craving,
309; environment of, creating de-
Hnquency, 308; psychology of, re-
lated to criminahsm, 306; stimulat-
ing to sex instinct, 308.

Moving pictm'B shows and mental
imagery, cases showing relation of,
341 fi^.

Murders, possible range of intent in,
770. .

Mutes, delinquent, cases of, 222.

Mythomania, see Pathological Ly-
ing, 729.

Narcotics causing mental dullness,
cases of, 556.

Natal conditions defective, enumer-
ated for our group, 137.

Nationahty, of our offenders as com-
pared to general population, 149,
150 ; of parents of our offenders,
150.

Neglect of parents causing delin-
quency, 292.

Negro men, attraction of, caused by
hypersexuahsm, 403.

Nervous disorders, cases of in delin-
quents, 224; minor, as a factor in
dehnquency, 223.

Neuropathic foundations of menstrual
aberrations, 628; mental aberrations
during pregnancy, 634.

Newspaper influence in criminahsm,
researches on, 302.

Newspaper notoriety desired by de-
linquents, 304.

Newspapers, influence of, in creating
criminahsm, 301.

Nomenclature concerning feeblemind-
edness, 448.

Norms of age-weight records, 145; on
puberty and menstruation, 237.

Nose obstructions as a factor, 219.

Nymphomania, treatment for, 404.

Obscenity in old age, 212.

Obsessions, sexualistic, 405.

Obstinacy and self-assertion as related
to prior experiences, 766; as a trait
leading to misconduct, 766.

Occasional criminahsm, 316.

Occupational activities, lack of, caus-
ing dehnquency, case of, 298 ff.

Offenders, emotional condition of un-
der study, 70; harmed by punish-
ment, 168; predisposed toward ad-
venture, types of, 754.

Offenses, as compared with actual
court charges, 144; of old age, pecuh-
arities of, statistics on, 210; of our
repeated offenders, 140.

Office force, 46.

Ohio law for study of offenders, 173,
331.

Old age, offenses of, 209 ; of parents at

823

INDEX

[References

conception, as a factor in delin-
quency of offspring, 206.

Opposites Test, norms on, 110.

Otitis media as a factor, 219.

Outbursts of temper, misconduct, etc.,
764.

Over-development, general, related to
sex characteristics, 244; of boys, re-
lated to delinquency, 255; physical,
case of, 242.

Pain, diminished sensation of in crim-
inals, 17 n.

Paranoia, 604.

Pardons of epileptic offenders, 426.

Parentage, uncertainty about causing
mental conflicts, 356.

Parental control, incompetent, caus-
ing dehnquency, 289.

Parental immorahty, neglect, etc.,
enumerated for our group, 134.

Parental lack of comprehension caus-
ing dehnquency, 292.

Parental separation causing delin-
quency, 290.

Parental severity causing dehnquency,
289.

Parents, alcohohsm of, creating defect-
ive environment, 266.

Parents, alcohohsm of, diseases of,
etc., schedule for recording, 54.

Parents, immorality of, causing mis-
conduct, 291, 410.

Parents of our offenders, alcohohsm of,
152, 286.

Parents separated, in our group,
149.

Parents' neglect of sex teaching, 354.

Paresis, 600; caused by sj^jhilis, 229.

Paris institut de medicine legale, 173 n.

Pathological arson, 774; in case of men-
tal conflict, 384; hterature on, 774.

Pathological intoxication, 683.

Pathological lying, cases of, 732 ff , ;
characteristics of, 729 ff . ; definition
of, 771 ; prognoses in cases of, 731 ; in
its relation to psychoses, 750; Krae-
pehn's idea of, 771; Literature on,
729.

Pathological stealing, 770; during men-
strual period, 772; during preg-
nancy, 773; from mental conflict,
cases of, 360 ff . ; and mental con-
flict, case of, 374; types of, causa-
tion leading to, 771; typical case of,
374.

Pathological wandering, 776.

Peculiar mental types, enumeration of
in our group, 132.

are to pages]

Peculiarities, individual, too complex
for criminological systems, 18.

Penal institutions, sex perversions in,
412.

Penal philosophy in relation to re-
sponsibility, Tarde on, 20.

Perceptions, analys's of, tests for, 91.

Perception of form and color relation-
ships, 87.

Performance tests, development of , 78.

Personality made up of past and pres-
ent factors, 25.

Persuasion as related to suggestibility,
93.

Phimosis, as a factor, 225; definition
and importance of, 225; in girls, 226.

Photography, value of, 58.

Physical anomalies, chronological, 235.

Physical causes of delinquency, treat-
ment of, 174; of irritabihty, 767.

Physical characteristics, cases of, in-
heritance of early development of,
193.

Physical conditions, abnormal enu-
merated for our group of cases, 135;
creating mental dulhiess, 546; lead-
ing to poor social opportimities, case
of, 238 ff.

Physical development, cases of inher-
itance of, excess of, 189.

Physical examination of wayward
girls, 65.

Physical inferiority of offenders, 238.

Physical irritations, causing character
tendencies, 228.

Physical maturity, 245.

Physical over-development and prema-
turity of epileptics, cases of, 420 ff . ;
case of, 242, 244; related to prema-
ture puberty, 248.

Physical sex characteristics, over-de-
velopment of, 245.

Physical traits, inheritance of as caus-
ative factor, 198.

Physical vigor, excess of, as cause of
delinquency, 231.

Physician as examiner, 36 ff . ; prison,
qualifications for, 36 n.

Physiognomy, changes in, resulting
from prison experiences, 311; crim-
inal characteristics in, 58.

Physiological age, as related to men-
tahty, 250 n.

Physique of adult criminals, 215; of
boys and girls compared according
to age, 145; of female offenders,
242.

Pictorial Completion Test, 97; norms
on, 111.

Picture, Testimony Test, norms on,
108.

824

INDEX

[References are to pages)

Pictures and criminalistic imagery,
cases showing relation of, 346; per-
nicious influence of, 307 ; psychology
of, related to dehnquencj'^, 306.

Plan of psj^chological inquuy, 77.

Planfuhiess, tests for, 91.

Playground, criticism on, 2S4.

Post-traumatic constitution, 620.

Povert,y as a factor in our cases,
enumeration of, 134; creating bad
mental effects, 284; relation of to
criminalism, 292.

Precocity as distinguished from pre-
matm-ity, 249.

Predictabihty of the given case ascer-
tained by study, 163.

Pregnancy, abuse during, as causative
factor of deUnquency, 202; and the
stealing impulse, 773; excessive
worry dm'ing, as causative factor of
dehnquency, 203; mental aberra-
tions of, 633; mental impressions
during, as alleged causative factor,
207; mental shock, during, as causa-
tive factor of delinquency, 203;
mental trouble during, as causative
factor of delinquency, 203; mother
working during, effect in producing
defective offspring, 207; physical
conditions during, as causative fac-
tor of delinquency, 202.

Premature birth, as cause of defect,
208.

Prematm-e puberty related to delin-
quency, case of, 256, 258.

Premature puberty, treatment of,
261.

Prematm-ity, epilepsy and sex devel-
opment, case of, 250; in its general
relations, 249 ; of boys related to de-
linquency, 255; with later normal-
ity, case of, 253.

Prenatal influences as alleged causa-
tive factor, 207.

Presumption of truth as applied to
pathological lying, 729.

Prevention of adolescent misconduct,
727.

Prison buildings, related to psycho-
logical needs, 170.

Prison experience developing crimin-
aUsm, 311.

Prison friendships, effects of, 313.

Prison hfe, bases of reform during, 315;
creating a peculiar individual, 312;
explosions of misconduct in, 764.

Prison look, the, 312.

Prison psychoses, 605.

Prisons, mental vacuities in, 170;
moral contagion in, 169.

Privileged communication, 35.

Procreation under effects of alcohol,
264.

Professional criminalism, 316; aided
by sinister protection, 320; as related
to love of adventure, 755.

Professional criminals, American, lit-
erature on, 329; prognosis of, 318.

"Professional" tendencies, treatment
of, 330.

Professionalism, cases of, 321; relation
of juvenile dehnquency to, 317.

"Professionals" as a tj^pe, 320; char-
acteristics of, 318; identification of,
323, 324; moral feehngin, 319; pohce
graft among, 324; teaching among,
320.

Prognoses in wayward gu'ls from men-
tal vs. physical findings, 66.

Prognoses, relation of types of of-
fenders to, 162.

Prostate gland, enlarged, relation to
offenses, 228; senile enlargement of,
relation to delinquency, 212.

Prostitution, arising from housing con-
ditions, 292; dehberate choice of,
case of, 336; related to early devel-
opment, case of, 253.

Pruritus, relation of to anti-social con-
duct, 228.

Pseudologia phantastica, vide Patho-
logical Lying, 729.

Psychiatric investigation of offenders,
66.

Psychic constitutional inferiority, de-
finition of, 575.

Psychic contagion in prison hfe, 312.

Psychic epilepsy, 415.

Psychic trauma, and conduct, 120; and
pathological lying, 731; leading to
mental conflict and criminahsm,
cases of, 357 ff.

Psychoanalysis, 115; and hereditary
traits, 117; hmitations and possibil-
ities of, 118; hterature of, 116.

Psychogenesis, 117; of delinquency,
cases of mental conflict showing,
357 ff.

Psychogram, the, 121 ; of the offender,
importance of, 76.

Psychological analysis, 115; record of,
61.

Psychological classification of om* re-
peated offenders, 139.

Psychological history of offender, 71.

Psychological impressions, 121.

Psychological inquiry, plan of, 77.

Psychological investigation, coopera-
tion of offender in, 70; proper tem-
perament for, 69.

Psychological methods, subtlety of,
68.

825

INDEX

[References

Psychological standpoint, limitations
of, 31.

Psychological view of conduct, prac-
tical value of, 27.

Psychologist as examiner, 36 flf . ; prac-
tical problem of, in studying of-
fenders, 76.

Psychology, applied, field of, 31 ?i.; of
adolescent aberrations, 651 ff.; of
"the criminal" literature of, 30 n.

Psychomotor activity of constitutional
excitement, case of, 612.

Psychoneurotic delinquent, case of a,
224.

Psychopathic constitution, synonyms
and literature of, 575.

Psychopaths: constitutional inferiors,
literature on, 575.

Psychoses and pathological lying, 750;
enumeration of in our group, 132;
epileptic, 433; from alcohol, 678;
from cerebral injuries, 619; major
and minor, distinction between,
591; of acute alcohoKsm, 683; of
alcohol among adolescents, 683; of
chronic alcohoUsm, characteristics
of, 681; some unclassifiable, 441.

Psychosis caused by excess of snuff,
281, 690.

Pubertal characteristics, 710.

Puberty and mental aberrations, vide
adolescent psychoses, 651; average
age of, statistics on, 237; delayed,
case of, 240; prematm'e, in relation
to adolescent aberration, cases of,
653 ff . ; premature, without over-
development, 256; premature, with
poor development, case of, 258 ; pre-
mature, related to general over-de-
velopment, 248; schedule for data
concerning, 57.

Punishment, necessity of, 166.

Pim.itive necessities, 166.

Puzzle-box Test, norms on, 108.

"PjTomania," 774.

Quarreling in famihes as result of al-
cohohsm, 264.

Quarrelsome parents, as causative fac-
tors, 288.

Racial characteristics, 765.
Range of Information Test, 102.
Recidivism, Oba's method of deahng

with, 25 ; of alcohohc offenders,

679.
Recidivists coming from bad homes.

are to pages]

285; importance of, 10; statistics on,,
10; moral feehng of, 319.

Records as made during examination,
73; character of, 47; extent of, 49;
form of, 50, 51 ; making of, 43; of de-
linquently inclined, 61; of foUow-up
work, 62; of psychological tests, 60;
subsidiary, 62.

Recreation, relation of to prevention
of delinquency, 247.

Recreational centers may be cause of
dehnquency, 284.

Recreational interests, paucity of,. .
causing delinquency, case of, 298 ff.

Reform in age limits of juvenile court
procedure, 726 ; of prison conditions
dependent upon psychological con-
siderations, 315.

Released prisoners, environment of,
286.

Religion among our group of offenders,^
151; as substitute for sex impulses,
247.

ReHgious treatment of delinquency,
175.

Repeated offender, definition of, 14.

Repeated offenders, our group of one
thousand, 127; vide also Recidi-
vists.

Research, criminalistic, motives for,
15.

Responsibihty for crime while under
hquor, 273; of epileptics, 431; legal,
19; difficulty of, 20; insolubility of,
20; problem of, not necessary to
face, 20 ; lessened, of abnormal tjT^es
30; recent hterature on, 19 n.

Restlessness as a characteristic, 769;
of adolescence, 714.

Retardation, mental, caused by physi-
cal conditions, 547.

Retentive memory, test for, 84.

Rewards and disciphnes, the value of
in penology, 167.

Revengefulness as leading to delin-
quency, 767.

Ringworm causing expulsion from
school, case of, 232.

Romanticism, adolescent causing sui-
cidal impulses, 724.

Sadistic impulses, 406.

Satyi'iasis, treatment for, 404.

Scheme of classification according to
abilities, 113.

School children, physical ailments
among, statistics on, 219.

School companions causing delin-
quency, 293.

826

INDEX

[References are to pasesl

School history, schcdiilo for data con-
cerning, 5(3.

School irritation causing anti-social
tendencies, 295.

School work, tests for, 81.

Scientific studies necessaiy for proper
treatment, 178.

Secondary dementia, 603.

Scolding leading to mental conflict,
case of, 394.

Seasonal crimes, vaUdity of theory of,
23.

Seduction by males as compared to se-
duction by-females, 144.

Self-accusation of drug habitues, 731;
of morphinists, 277; case of, 746.

Self-assertion, adolescent, causing de-
linquency in girls; 724; as an exces-
sive phenomenon leading toward
social offense, 766.

Self-control defective, causing crim-
inahsm, 533; no excuse for legal fre-
dom, 167.

Self-control, defects in during adoles-
cence, 714; treatment of, 545; lack
of, periodic, 764.

Semi-responsibles, 592.

Senile criminality caused by alcohol,
271.

Senile delinquents, as first offenders,
211; mental conditions of, 211.

Senile dementia and deUnquency, 210.

Senile offenders, local physical condi-
tions in, 212.

Senile sex offenses, relation of enlarged
prostate to, 228.

Senihty in relation to delinquency,
209; of parents at conception, as a
factor, 206.

Sensitiveness, lack of, caused by men-
tal defect, 76.

Sensory illusion tests, 93.

Sensory judgment, tests for, 92.

Separation of parents causing deUn-
quency, 290; in our families,
149.

Setting fii-es, 774.

Severity of parents causing delin-
quency, 289.

Sex characteristics undeveloped after
puberty, 240.

Sex crimes as related to individual
pecuharities, 402.

Sex dehnquency of feebleminded girls,
case illustrating, 459; in girls, as pre-
vented by marriage, 248; relation of
to early maturity, 253.

Sex experiences, early, causing other
misconduct, 410; improper, enumer-
ated for our group, 134.

Sex habits causing mental dullness.

559; excessive, 409 n.; in prison life,
313.

Sex impulses excessive, cases of inher-
itance of, 192; treatment of by seg-
regation, 247.

Sex life, abnormal, causing mortal
dullness, 559; and mental conflicts,
356.

Sex offenses, relation of hypnotism to,
706; and over-development in girls,
246.

Sex organs, irritation of, 227.

Sex over-development, cases of inheri-
tance of, 193 ff.

Sex perversions among vagrants, 779;
as related to pathological lying,
cases of, 732 ff.; experiences with,
causing reaction towards criminal-
ism in adolescents, 723; importance
of, 411; in penal institutions, 412;
hterature on, 411; psychological as-
pects of, 411; relationship of effemi-
nacy to, 241; treatment of, 412.

Sex pervert and constitutional inferior,
case of, 584.

Sex precocity related to delinquency,
cases of, 244, 248, 256, 258.

Sex prematurity of epileptics, cases of,
429 ff.

Sex relationship causing susceptibility
to influence of another, 704.

Sex teaching, neglect by parents, 354.

Sexual abnormahty, criterion of, 400.

Sexual fetishism, thieving to gratify,
405.

SexuaHsm, abnormal, 400; as distin-
guished from sexual criminalism,
400; related to epilepsy, 412; re-
lated to psychoses, 412; relation of
to stabbing women, etc., 406; under-
lying conditions of, 401.

Sexuality, pathological, field of, 400.

Sexual offenses of old age, 210 ff.

Sexual vice, arising from housing con-
ditions, 291; caused by self-abnega-
tion of women, 405; of epileptic
women, case illustrating, 437; of
mental defectives, treatment of, 462.

Sex vigor, excessive, case of in epilepsy
231.

ShopUfting during menstruation, 634.
during pregnancy, 634 ff . ; studies
on, 772 ff.

Short term punishments, foUy of, 171.

Simulation of epilepsy, 780; insanity,
780; mental or physical disease, 779.

Snuff, [tobacco], excess of, creating
psychosis, 281; psychosis from over-
use of, 690.

Social basis of mental classification,
114.

827

INDEX

(References

Social importance of dementia precox,
593.

Social requirements in relation to men-
tal subnormality, 492.

Social suggestibility, abnormal, 695;
cases of, 698 ff . ; dual, 708 ; individ-
ual variations of, 697; in relation to
tests, 93 ff . ; of members of a crowd,
703; resentment of idea of by of-
fenders, 705; treatment of, 702.

Social service for ex-prisoners, 286.

Social treatment of epileptics, 431.

Socially important abilities of the
feebleminded, 463 ff.

Socially suggestible individuals, re-
sults of tests on, 94.

Special abilities leading to adolescent
dissatisfaction and criminalism, 768;
tests for, 100.

Special capacities, tests for, 82.

Special genius of feebleminded individ-
uals, 463 ff.

Special picture puzzle, norms on, 107.

Speech defects as a factor, 220.

Sphincter, lack of control of, in de-
hnquents, 227.

Sphincter, tight, relationship to de-
Hnquency, 228.

Stage hfe, desire for, 764; relation of to
criminalism, 295.

Statistical methods, apphcation of, 6;
as extremely applied, 24 n.

Statistical summary of causative fac-
tors in our group, 130.

Statistics, critique on the basis of, 126;
interpretation of our, 129; of chil-
dren in famihes of delinquents, 148;
of birthplaces, of our offenders, 149;
of parents of our offenders, 150; on
alcoholism and criminality, 679;
criminalistics, causative factors
necessary for, 15; suicide, 775 n.;
our group of cases for, 127.

Stealing as a result of mental imagery,
cases of, 341 H.; result of picture
shows, cases of , 341 ff . ; the result of
mental conflict, cases of, 357 ff . ; at
the menstrual period, 628; during
pregnancy, 634 ff . ; for fetishism,
773; for the sake of adventure, 773;
pathological, 770.

Steahng impulse, interpretation of
causes of, 772; relation of to men-
strual period, 772.

Step-parents, of our offenders, 149.

Stigmata, desirable data concerning,
58; of degeneracy, statistics of, 146;
of degeneracy in normal compared
with abnormal, 17 n.; of degeneracy
in feebleminded, 17.

Stimulants and narcotics, as indulged

are to pages!

in by members of our group, 138;
causing mental dullness, cases of,
556; the use of, with relation to
masturbation, 408.

Stories, pernicious, causing criminal-
ism, 304.

Study, of case causing cure, 14 n.; of
delinquents, economic value of,
15.

Stuttering, as a factor, 221 .

Stupidity, as a trait, 769.

St. Vitus dance, mental conditions of,
613 ff.

Subconscious mental life, 1 16 ff . ; con-
trolling conduct, 26, 27.

Subnormahty, mental, definition of,
491.

Substitution, after psychoanalysis,
121.

Substitution phenomena in mental
conflict, case of, 367.

Suggestibihty, abnormal, social, 695.

Suggestibility by tests as compared to
lawyer's examination, 94; contrary,
766; social, as related to tests, 93 ff.;
social, paucity of literature on, 696 ~
tests for, 93, 697; to one individual,
704.

Suggestible individuals, socially, re-
sults of tests on, 94.

Suggestion, hypnotic, to criminalism,
literature on, 706; to criminalism
arising from newspaper reading,
303.

Suicidal impulses from adolescent ro-
manticism, 724; from imagery of
picture shows, case of, 347.

Suicide, 775; and dementia precox, 593;
and insanity, 776; and melancholia,
602; and psychoanalysis, 776 n.;
as an adolescent impulse, 776; at
the menstrual period, 627 ; in hered-
ity of our offenders, 156; hteratm-e
and statistics on, 775.

Summary, diagnostic, 61, 122.

Surgery for hypersexuahsm, 404.

Surgical operation for hj^ersexuaMsm,
231.

Swindhng, pathological, case of in
subnormal verbalist, 506.

Syphihs, blood tests for, 205; congen-
ital, 137, 138; after-effect of, statis-
tics on, 205 n.; in relation to later
delinquency, 205; mental deficiency
in sufferers from, 206; moral de-
velopment in sufferers from, 206;
statistics of, 146; relation to crim-
inaUsm, 229.

System, card, for statistical purposes,
52; for recording data, 53; of records
51.

INDEX

tRefereuces

Tea, excess of, creating anti-social
tendencies, 27S ; and coffee, over-use
of, relation to masturbation, 40S.

Technic, rational, necessary for test-
ing, 49 n.

Teeth, conditions of, as a factor, 220.

Temper, irritable, cases of inheritance
of, 191; relation of epilepsy to, 191;
violent, as an epileptic equivalent,
416.

Temperament and the psychology of
criminality, 694 n.

Tenement housing conditions causing
dehnquencj', 291.

Testimony Test, correlation with, 85;
hteratm'e on, 84, n. ; picture for, 84.

Testing, attitude of examinee towards,
49 n.; records made during, 73.

Tests I, II, III, etc., norms on, 106 ff.;
basis of our selection of, 75; Binet,
compared with our own, 106 «.;
classifications from, 112.

Tests, conclusions from, dangers of
with insufficient data. 111; for
capacities, general nature of, 74;
memory, 82 ff . ; for special capacities,
82; interpretation of, 104; of gen-
eral intelligence, 79 ; order of giving,
73; our o^ti, norms on, 106; per-
formance, development of, 78;
psychological, new departure in
criminology, 18; scoring of, 74;
Sommer's Giessen, 78; standard
procedure of presentation, 73; time
limits in scoring, 74.

Theatres, relation of to criminahsm,
294.

Theft for sexual fetishism, 405.

Theories, criminal, final values of, 18.

Therapeutics, criminahstic, to be
judged by results, 19; studies to dis-
cover bases of, 39.

Therapeutic effect of psychoanalysis,
120.

Throat troubles as a factor, 219.

Time vs. method in performing tests,
74.

Tinnitus am^ium as a factor, 219.

Tobacco, excess of creating delinquent
tendencies, 280; excess of, based
upon constitutional inferiority, 281 ;
as indulged in by members of our
group, 138; over-use of, causing men-
tal dullness, 281, 557; use of in rela-
tion to mastm'bation, 408.

Traits, mental, schedule of study of,
71.

Tramp life, 776, also vide Wandering.

Transitory mental aberration and

are to pages]

criminahsm, 649; in relation to sim-
ulation of insanity, 781.

Traumatic dementia, 568.

Traumatic psychoses, 619.

Travel, desire for, 763.

Treatment of over-development, 243;
general conclusions about, 166 ft'. ;
ideas of derived from om- observa-
tions, 166; legal and social, of epi-
leptics, 431; of after-eft'ects of cere-
bral ti-aumatism, 626; of mental
dullness from phj-'sical conditions,
case illustrating possibihties of, 548;
of physical abnormaUties of deHn-
quents, 216; under the law, schedule
for data concerning effects of, 57.

Trial, cost of, 15.

Truancy in relation to wandering im-
pulse, 779.

Tuberculosis, relation to deUnquency,
case of, 233.

Twins, delinquency in, 206.

TjTjes, criminal, theory of, 17 n. ; of de-
linquents especially important in the
law, 184; differentiation of causal,
162; of dehnquency among our re-
peated offenders, 140; dehnquent
most valuable to study, 38.

Uncongeniahty at home, 290.

Under-development as cause of delin-
quency, 237; leading to delin-
quency, case of, 239.

Under-nourishment and delinquency,
case of, 230; relation of to crimi-
nahty, 229.

Understanding delinquents, necessity
of for treatment, 177; of children
necessary for prevention of deUn-
quency, 293.

Vagabondage, 776, also vide Wander-
ing; sex perversions in, 779.

Vagrant type of feebleminded verbal-
ist, case of, 489.

Vagrants, classifications of, 778; phys-
ical and mental conditions of, 778;
sex perversions among, 779.

Vasectomy in mental defectives, 462.

Venereal diseases leading to delin-
quency, 233; examination for, 66.

Verbahst subnormal offenders, 501.

Violation of gu-ls, impulse for, case of,
406.

Virginity, examination for, 66.

Vision, defective, as a factor, 217.

Visual imagery in criminahstic tend-

829

INDEX

[References

encies, 341; related to criminalism,

307.
Visual memory for form, test for, 84;

norms on, 108.
Visual verbal memory, test for,

83.
Vocabulary, test for, 103.
Vocational dissatisfaction causing de-

Knquency, 296.
Vocational diagnosis, value of this

approach, 47.
Vocational judgment test, 92.
Vocational tests, hints on, 100.
Vohtional powers, tests of, 95.
Volubility of cocainists, 278.

Wanderers, classification of, 778; ho-
mosexual perversions among, 779;
physical condition of, 778.

are to pages]

Wandering, as aberrational impulse,
777; related to desire for excite-
ment, 755 ; result of sex perversions,
777; in cases of feeblemindedness,
777; literature on, 777 n.; patholog-
ical, 776; tendency to from consti-
tutional excitement, case of, 612;
with loss of memory, 637 ff.

Wanderlust, Die, 763, 777; and mental
conflict, 764.

Weight correlated with age, 144.

Will, tests for, 95; critique on, 96.

"Wild West" crimes, 753.

Women, self-abnegation impulses of
leading to immorality, 405.

Working methods and statement of,
33.

Ziehen's judgment tests, 92.

830

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