IN KOREA
WITH
MARQUIS ITO
IN KOREA
WITH
MARQUIS ITO
PART I
A NARRATIVE OF PERSONAL EXPERIENCES
PART II
A CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL INQUIRY
BY
GEORGE TRUMBULL LADD, LL.D.
n
LONGMANS, GREEN &CO.
LONDON :: :: :: :: :: :: :: : : 1908
Copyright, 1908, by Charles Scribner's Sons, for the
United States of America
Printed by the Scribner Press
New York, U. S. A.
TO THE
DEAR COMPANION
OF ITS EXPERIENCES AND THE
READY SCRIBE OF MUCH OF ITS MANUSCRIPT
THIS BOOK IS GRATEFULLY
AND AFFECTIONATELY
DEDICATED
253252
PREFACE
THE contents and purposes of this volume may be con-
veniently classified under three heads; for here are statements
of fact, expressions of opinion, and certain ventures into the
realm of conjecture. The statements of fact are, almost
without exception, made on grounds of personal observation,
or on the authority of the most competent and trustworthy
first-hand witnesses. For the earlier periods of the history
of the relations, friendly or hostile, between Japan and
Korea, these authorities are indeed no longer living, and they
cannot be subjected to cross-questioning. But the choice
between the truth they told and the mistakes and falsehoods
of a contradictory character is in most cases not difficult to
make. For events of the present generation the reader will
find the statements of the witnesses quoted, and of the docu-
ments cited, to be in general unimpeachable. I believe,
then, that what is claimed to be truth of fact in this book is
as nearly exact and worthy of implicit confidence as it is
ordinarily given to human beings to be in matters pertaining
to the history of human affairs.
In expressing my own opinions as to the truth or untruth
of certain contentions, and as to the merit or demerit of cer-
tain transactions, I have uniformly tried to base these opin-
ions upon the fullest obtainable knowledge of the facts. In
some cases the judgments at which I have been compelled
to arrive contradict those which have been and still are widely
current; in some cases they can scarcely fail to be interpreted
as an impeachment of other writers who have had either a
viii PREFACE
narrator's interest only in the same events or even a more
substantial concernment. I have no wish to deny the apol-
ogetic character of this book. But at every point the charge
of being swerved from the truth by prejudice may be met
with these replies: First, very unusual opportunities were
afforded the author for ascertaining the truth; and, second,
in almost every case where the evidence brought forward
seems insufficient there is much more of the same sort of
evidence already in his possession, and still more to be had
for the asking. But in these days one must limit the size of
such undertakings. Few readers wish to wade through a
long stretch of shoals in order to reach the firm ground of
historical verity.
As to the ventures at conjecture which are sparingly put
forth, let them be rated at their seeming worth, after the facts
have been carefully studied and the opinions weighed, which
have called out these ventures. They are confessedly only
entitled to a claim for a certain degree, higher or lower, of
probability. The status of all things in the Far East and
for the matter of that, all over the civilized world is just
now so unstable and loaded with uncertainties that no human
insight can penetrate to the centre of the forces at work, and
no human foresight can look far into the future.
The division of the book into two parts may seem at first
sight to injure its unity. Such a division has for its result, as
a matter of course, a somewhat abrupt change in the char-
acter of the material employed and in the style of its handling.
The First Part is a narrative of personal observations and
experiences. It gives the results, however, of a serious study
of a complicated situation; and it pronounces more or less
confident judgments upon a number of subordinate questions
involved in the general problem of establishing satisfactory
relations between two nations which are inseparably bound
together physically, socially, politically whether for the
PREFACE ix
weal or for the woe of both. In the Second Part the attempt
is made to submit these judgments to the tests of history.
But what is history? Of no other civilized country than
Korea is the truth of the cynical saying more obvious that
much of what has been written as history is lies, arid that most
of real history is unwritten. All of which has tended to make
the writer duly appreciate the unspeakable advantage of
having access to authentic information which, for diplomatic
and other sufficient reasons, has not hitherto been made
public.
The underlying literary and logical unity which binds to-
gether the two seemingly diverse Parts of the one book is
made clear by stating in general terms the problem upon
which it aims to throw light. This problem concerns the
relations to be established between Japan and Korea a
question which has for centuries been proposed in various
imperative and even affective ways to both these nations.
It is also a question which has several times disturbed greatly
the entire Orient, and the recent phases of which have come
near to upsetting the expectations and more deliberate plans
of the entire civilized world. To lay the foundations, under
greatly and suddenly changed conditions, of a satisfactory
and permanent peace, one of the greatest statesmen of the
Orient is giving with all his mind and heart the later
years of his eventful life. I hope that this book may make
its readers know somewhat better what the problem has
been and is; and what Prince Ito, as Japanese Resident-
General in Korea, is trying to accomplish for its solution.
It remains for the Preface only to acknowledge the author's
obligations. These are so special to one person namely,
Mr. D. W. Stevens, who has been for some time official
"Adviser to the Korean Council of State and Counsellor to
the Resident- General" that without his generous and pains-
taking assistance in varied ways the Second Part of the book
x PREFACE
could never have appeared in its present form. It is hoped
that this general acknowledgment will serve to cover many
cases where Mr. Stevens' name is not especially mentioned
in connection with the text. Grateful acknowledgment is
also made to Mr. Furuya, the private secretary of the Resi-
dent-General, for his painstaking translation from the orig-
inal Japanese or Chinese official documents; to Mr. M.
Zumoto, editor of the Seoul Press, for varied information on
many subjects; and to Dr. George Heber Jones for facts and
suggestions imparted in conversation and embodied in writ-
ings of his. My obligations to the Resident- General himself,
for the perfectly untrammelled and unprejudiced opportunity,
with its complete freedom to ask all manner of questions,
which his invitation afforded, are, I trust, sufficiently empha-
sized in the title of the book. Other debts to writers upon
any part of the field are acknowledged in their proper con-
nections.
GEORGE TRUMBULL LADD.
HAYAMA, JAPAN,
September, 1907.
CONTENTS
CONTENTS OF PART I
:HAPTER PAGE
I. THE INVITATION i
II. FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA 15
III. LIFE IN SEOUL 37
IV. LIFE IN SEOUL (Continued) 65
V. THE VISIT TO PYENG-YANG 90
VI. CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 112
VII. THE DEPARTURE 139
VIII. PERSONAL REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 148
CONTENTS OF PART II
IX. THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 179
X. THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL (Continued) . .222
XI. THE COMPACT . 252
XII. RULERS AND PEOPLE 280
XIII. RESOURCES AND FINANCE ....... 300
PART I
A NARRATIVE OF PERSONAL
EXPERIENCES
IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
PART I
CHAPTER I
THE INVITATION
IT was in early August of 1906 that I left New Haven for a
third visit to Japan. Travelling by the way of the Great
Lakes through Duluth and St. Paul, after a stay of two weeks
in Seattle, we took the Japanese ship Aki Maru for Yoko-
hama, where we arrived just before the port was closed for
the night of September 20. Since this ship was making its
first trip after being released from transport service in con-
veying the Japanese troops home from Manchuria, and was
manned by officers who had personal experiences of the war
to narrate, the voyage was one of uncommon interest. Cap-
tain Yagi had been in command of the transport ship Kinshu
Maru when it was sunk by the Russians, off the northeastern
coast of Korea. He had then been carried to Vladivostok,
and subsequently to Russia, where he remained in prison
until the end of the war. Among the various narratives to
which I listened with interest were the two following; they
are repeated here because they illustrate the code of honor
whose spirit so generally pervaded the army and navy of
Japan during their contest with their formidable enemy. It
is in reliance on the triumph of this code that those who know
the nation best are hopeful of its ability to overcome the diffi-
a.' IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
culties which are being encountered in the effort to establish
a condition favorable to safety, peace, and prosperity by a
Japanese Protectorate over Korea.
At Vladivostok the American Consul pressed upon Captain
Yagi a sum of money sufficient to provide a more suitable
supply of food during his journey by rail to Russia. This
kindly offer was respectfully declined on the sentimental
ground that, as an officer of Japan, he could not honorably re-
ceive from a stranger a loan which it was altogether likely he
would never be able to repay. But when still further urged,
although he continued to decline the money, he begged only
the Consul's card, "lest he might himself forget the name or
die," and so his Government would be unable to acknowledge
the kindness shown to one of its officers. The card was given,
sent to Tokyo, and as the Captain supposed the Consul
was "thanked officially." The first officer, an Englishman,
who had been in the service of Japan on the Aki Maru, while
it was used for transporting troops to Manchuria and prison-
ers on its return, told this equally significant story. His ship
had brought to Japan as prisoner the Russian officer second
in command at the battle of Nan-san. Having been wounded
in the foot, the Russian was, after his capture, carried for a
long distance by Japanese soldiers, to whom, when they
reached the hospital tent, he offered a $20 gold-piece. But
they all refused to receive money from a wounded foe. " If it
had been Russian soldiers," said this officer of his own coun-
trymen, "they would not only have taken this money but
would have gone through my pockets besides."
Before leaving home only two official invitations had been
received, namely, to lecture on Education before the teachers
in the Tokyo branch of the Imperial Educational Society; and
to give a course in the Imperial University of Kyoto, on a
topic which it was afterward decided should be the "Philoso-
phy of Religion." This university was to open in the fol-
THE INVITATION 3
lowing autumn a Department of Philosophy (such a forward
movement having been delayed by the war with Russia).
Almost immediately on our arrival, a multitude of requests
for courses of lectures and public addresses came to the com-
mittee in charge of the arrangements, with the result that the
six months from October i, 1906, to April i, 1907, were
crowded full of interesting and enjoyable work. In the inter-
vals of work, however, there was opportunity left for much
valuable social intercourse and for meeting with men like
Togo, Oyama, Noghi, and others in military and business, as
well as educational circles, whose names and deeds are well
known all over the civilized world. But it is not the narrative
of these six months which is before us at the present time, al-
though doubtless they had a somewhat important influence in
securing the opportunity and providing the preparation for
the subsequent visit to Korea.
The thought of seeing something of the "Hermit King-
dom" (a title, by the way, which is no longer appropriate)
had been in our minds before leaving America, only as a some-
what remote possibility. Not long after our arrival in Japan
the hint was several times given by an intimate friend, who is
also in the confidence of Marquis Ito, that the latter intended,
on his return in mid-winter from Seoul, to invite us to be his
guests in his Korean residence. It was not, however, until
the afternoon of December 5 that the invitation was first re-
ceived. This was at the garden-party given by Marquis
Nabeshima on his sixty-first birthday. It should be explained
that every Japanese is born under one of the twelve signs
corresponding to our sfgns of the Zodiac. When five of these
periods have been completed the total of sixty years corre-
sponds with the end of six periods of ten years each a reck-
oning which is, I believe, of Chinese origin. The fortunate
man, therefore, may be said to begin life over again; and
presents such as are ordinarily appropriate only to childhood
4 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
are entirely in order on such a festal occasion. While walk-
ing in the beautiful garden, which is of Japanese style but
much modified by Italian ideals, the private secretary of Mar-
quis Ito, Mr. Furuya, came to us and announced that his
chief, who had recently returned from Seoul to Japan, was
near and wished to see me. After an exchange of friendly
greetings almost immediately the Marquis said: "I am ex-
pecting to see you in my own land, which is now Korea";
and when I jestingly asked, "But is it safe to be in Korea?"
(implying some fear of a Russian invasion under his protec-
torate) he shook his fist playfully in the air and answered:
"But I will protect you." To this he added, pointing to his
sword: "You see, I am half -military now." The significance
of the last remark will be the better understood when it is re-
membered that from the days of his young manhood to the
present hour, Ito has always stood for the peaceful policy and
the cultivation of friendly relations between Japan and all the
rest of the world. For this reason he has never been the fa-
vorite of the military party; and he is to-day opposed in his
administration of Korean affairs by those who would apply
to them the mailed hand of punishment and suppression rather
than hold out the friendly but firm hand of guidance and help.
Even after this interview the real purpose of the invitation
to visit Korea was not evident. A week later, however, it
was disclosed by a visit from Mr. Yamada of the Japan
Times, who came from Marquis Ito to present his request
more fully and to arrange for a subsequent extended con-
ference upon the subject. I was then informed, in a general
way, how it was thought by the Resident-General I might
be of help to him and to Japan in solving the difficult problem
of furthering for the Koreans themselves the benefits which
the existing relations of the two countries made it desirable
for both to secure. Complaints of various sorts were con-
stantly being made, not only against individual Japanese,
THE INVITATION 5
but also against the Japanese administration, as unjust and
oppressive to the Koreans, and as selfish and exclusive toward
other foreigners than its own countrymen. Especially had
such complaints of late been propagated by American mis-
sionaries, either directly by letters and newspaper articles,
or more indirectly by tales told to travellers who, since they
were only passing a few days in Korea, had neither desire
nor opportunity to investigate their accuracy. In this way,
exaggerations and falsehoods were spread abroad as freely
as one-sided or half-truths. In the office of Resident- General
the Marquis greatly desired to be absolutely just and fair,
and to prevent the mistakes, so harmful both to Korea and
to Japan, which followed the Japanese occupation of Korea
at the close of the Chino- Japan war. But it was difficult,
and in most cases impossible, for him even to find out what
the complaints were; they came to the public ear in America
and England before he was able to get any indication of
their existence even. And when his attention was called to
them in this roundabout fashion, further difficulties, almost
insuperable, intervened- between him and the authors of
these complaints; for in most cases it turned out that the
foreign plaintiffs had no first-hand information regarding the
truth of the Korean stories. They would not themselves
take the pains to investigate the complaints, much less would
they go to the trouble to bring the attention of the Resident-
General to the matters complained of in order that he might
use his magisterial authority to remedy them. In respect to
these, and certain other difficulties, Marquis Ito thought that
I might assist his administration if I would spend some time
upon the ground as his guest.
The nature of this invitation put upon me the responsibility
of answering two questions which were by no means alto-
gether easy of solution; and on which it was, from their very
nature, impossible to get much trustworthy advice. The
6 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
first of these concerned my own fitness for so delicate and
difficult but altogether unaccustomed work. The second
raised the doubt whether I could in this way be more useful
to Japan and to humanity than by carrying out the original
plan of spending the spring months .lecturing in Kiushu.
After consulting with the few friends to whom I could prop-
erly mention the subject, and reflecting that the judgment of
His Imperial Majesty, with whom Marquis Itp would doubt-
less confer, as well as of the Resident-General himself, might
fairly be considered conclusive, I accepted the invitation;
but it was with mingled feelings of pleasure and of some-
what painful hesitation as to how I should be able to succeed.
The illness of Marquis Ito which, though not serious, com-
pelled him to retire from the exciting life of the capital city
to the seaside, and then to the hills, prevented my meeting
him before I left Tokyo for Kyoto to fulfil my engagements
in the latter city. But, by correspondence with a friend, I
was kept informed of the Marquis' plans for his return to
Korea, and thus could govern my engagements so as to be
in the vicinity of some point on his route thither, at which
the meeting with him might take place.
The expected conference followed immediately after our
return from one of the most delightful of the many gratifying
experiences which came to us during our year in Japan. We
had taken a trip to the village of Hiro Mura, where formerly
lived Hamaguchi Goryo, the benevolent patron of his village,
whose act of self-sacrifice in burning his rice straw in order
to guide the bewildered villagers to a place of safety when
they were being overwhelmed by a tidal wave in the darkness
of midnight, has been made the theme of one of Lafcadio
Hearn's interesting tales. Mr. Hearn, it appears, had never
visited the locality; and, indeed, we were assured that we
were the first foreigners who had ever been seen in the village
streets. A former pupil of mine is at the head of a flourishing
THE INVITATION 7
school patronized by the Hamaguchi family; and having
accepted his invitation, in the name of the entire region, to
visit them and speak to the school and to the teachers of the
Prefecture, the cordial greeting, hospitable entertainment,
and the surpassingly beautiful scenery, afforded a rich reward
for the three or four days of time required. For, as to the
scenery, not the drive around the Bay of Naples or along the
Bosphorus excels in natural beauty the jinrikisha ride that
surmounts the cliffs, or clings to their sides, above the bay of
Shimidzu ("Clear Water"); while for a certain picturesque-
ness of human interest it surpasses them both. On the way
back to Wakayama for Hiro Mura is more than twenty
miles, from the nearest railway station three men to each
jinrikisha, running with scarcely a pause and at a rate that
would have gained credit for any horse as a fairly good
roadster, brought us to the well-situated tea-house at Waka-
no-ura. For centuries the most celebrated of Japanese poets
have sung the praises of the scenery of this region the boats
with the women gathering seaweed at low tide, the fishermen
in the offing, the storks standing on one leg in the water or
flying above the rushes of the salt marsh. Here we were met
for tiffin by the Governor of the Prefecture and the mayor of
the city, and immediately after escorted to the city hall of
Wakayama, where an audience of some eight hundred,
officials and teachers, had already assembled. While in the
waiting-room of this hall, a telegram from Mr. Yokoi was
handed to me, announcing that Marquis Ito had already
left Oiso and would reach Kyoto that very evening and
arrange to see me the next day.
It was now necessary to change the plan of sight-seeing in
the interesting castle-town of Wakayama for an immediate
return to Kyoto. Thus we were taken directly from the
Hall to the railway station and, on reaching Osaka, hurried
across the city in time to catch an evening train; an hour
8 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
later we found our boys waiting, with their jinrikishas, at
the station in Kyoto. From the hotel in Kyoto I sent word
at once to Marquis Ito of our arrival and placed myself at his
command for the long-deferred interview. The messenger
brought back an invitation for luncheon at one o'clock of the
next day.
When we reached the " Kyoto Hotel," at the time appointed
we were ushered into the room where Marquis Ito, his aide-
de-camp, General Murata, his attending physician, his
secretary, and four guests besides ourselves, were already
gathered. After leaving the luncheon table, we had scarcely
entered the parlor when the Marquis' secretary said : "The
Marquis would like to see you in his room." I followed to
the private parlor, from which the two servants, who were
laughing and chatting before the open fire, were dismissed by
a wave of the hand, and pointing me to a chair and seating
himself, the Marquis began immediately upon the matters for
conference about which the interview had been arranged.
His Excellency spoke very slowly but with great distinctness
and earnestness; this is, indeed, his habitual manner of speech
whether using English or his native language. The manner
of speech is characteristic of the mental habit, and the
established principles of action. In the very first place he
wished it to be made clear that he had no detailed directions,
or even suggestions, to offer. I was to feel quite independent
as to my plans and movements in co-operating with him to
raise out of their present, and indeed historical, low condition
the unfortunate Koreans. In all matters affecting the home
policy of his government as Resident-General, he was now a
Korean himself; he was primarily interested in the welfare,
educationally and economically, of these thirteen or fourteen
millions of wretched people who had been so long and so
badly misgoverned. In their wish to remain independent he
sympathized with them. The wish was natural and proper;
THE INVITATION 9
indeed, one would be compelled to think less highly of them,
if they did not have and show this wish. As to foreign
relations, and as to those Koreans who were plotting with
foreigners against the Japanese, his attitude was of necessity
entirely different. He was against these selfish intrigues; he
was pledged to this attitude of opposition by loyalty to his
own Emperor, to his own country, and, indeed, to the best
good fortune for Korea itself. Japan was henceforth bound
to protect herself and the Koreans against the evil influence
and domination of foreign nations who cared only to exploit
the country in their own selfish interests or to the injury of
the Japanese. When his own countrymen took part in such
selfish schemes, he was against them, too.
Again and again did the Resident-General affirm that the
helping of Korea was on his conscience and on his heart;
that he cared nothing for criticism or opposition, if only he
could bring about this desirable result of good to the Koreans
themselves. He then went on to say that diplomatic negotia-
tions between Japan and both Russia and France were so
far advanced that a virtual entente cordiale had already been
reached. Treaties, formally concluded, would soon, he
hoped and believed, secure definite terms for the continuance
of peaceful relations. Japan had already received from
Russia proposals for such a permanent arrangement; the
reply of Japan was so near a rapprochement to the proposals of
Russia as to encourage the judgment that actual agreement
on the terms of a treaty could not be far away. The situation,
indeed, was now such that Russia had invited Japan to make
counter proposals. The present Foreign Minister of Russia
the Marquis regarded as one of his most trusted friends;
the Russian Minister was ready, in the name of the Czar, to
affirm his Government's willingness to abandon the aggressive
policy toward Korea and Manchuria, in case Japan would,
on her part, pledge herself to be content with her present
io IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
possessions. The status quo was, then, to be the basis of the
new treaties. Great Britain, as Japan's ally, was not only
ready for this, but was approaching Russia with a view to a
settlement of the questions in controversy between the two
nations, in regard to Persia, Afghanistan, and elsewhere,
where they had common interests. France would, as a nation
on good terms with both Great Britain and Russia, and as
herself the friend of peace, gladly agree. He was, then,
hopeful that in the near future a permanent basis of peace
for the whole Orient might be secured by concurrence of the
four great nations most immediately interested.
To these disclosures of his plans and hopes, so frankly and
fully made as to excite my surprise, Marquis Ito then added
the wish that I should at this time, or subsequently while on
the ground, ask of him any questions whatever, information
on which might guide in forming a correct judgment as
to the situation there, or assist in the effort toward the
improvement educationally, industrially, or morally, of the
Koreans themselves. In reply I expressed my satisfaction
at the confidences which His Excellency had given me, and
my hearty sympathy with his plans for the peaceful develop-
ment of Korea. Nothing, it seemed to me, could be more
important in the interests of humanity than to have the strife
of foreign nations for a selfish supremacy in the Far East
come to a speedy end. But the perfect freedom of inquiry and
action allowed to me was in some sort an embarrassment.
It would have been easier to have had a definite work assigned,
and a definite method prescribed. However, I should do the
best that my inexperience in such matters made possible, in
order to justify his favorable judgment.
It was my intention at first to prepare for the work in Korea
by much reading of books. But the professional and social
demands made upon both time and strength, to the very
last hour of our stay in Japan, prevented the carrying out of
THE INVITATION n
this intention. When, later on, it became possible to read
what had previously been published, I discovered that the
deprivation was no hindrance, but perhaps a positive ad-
vantage, to the end of success in my task. | A story of recent
experiences of Korean intrigue which had already been
reported to me in detail was of more practical value than the
reading of many learned treatises. The story was as follows :
Among the several representatives of American Christian and
benevolent enterprises who have recently visited that country,
for the size of his audiences and the warmth of his greeting,
one had been particularly distinguished. At his first public
address, some four thousand persons, men and boys (for
the Korean women are never seen at such gatherings) had
attempted to crowd into "Independence Hall." Of these,
however, nine-tenths came with the vague feeling that it is
somehow for the political interest of Koreans to seem friendly
to citizens of foreign Christian countries especially of the
United States in order to secure help for themselves in an
appeal to interfere with the Japanese administration. In this
case the speaker was at first supposed to have great political
influence. But the audience, seeing that the subjects of
address were religious rather than political, fell off greatly
on the second occasion. Meanwhile, some of the Korean
officials, in order to win credit for themselves for procuring
the audience, had falsely reported that the Korean Emperor
wished to see this distinguished representative from America.
But when they learned that application for the audience had
been duly made, through the proper Japanese official, they
came around again and, with many salaams and circuitous
approaches, expressed the regrets of His Majesty that, being in-
disposed, he was unable to grant the audience which had been
applied for. At the very time of this second falsehood, the
proper official was in the act of making out the permit to enter
the palace. The audience came off. And while the Amer-
12 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
lean guest was in the waiting-room, the Minister of the
Household, watching his chance to escape observation, with
his hand upon his heart, appealed to the distinguished
American for his nation's sympathy against the oppression
of the Japanese. During the two months of my own ex-
perience with the ways of the Koreans, all this, and much
more of the same sort, was abundantly and frequently illus-
trated. And, indeed, no small portion of the recent move-
ment toward Christianity is more a political than a religious
affair. But of this I shall speak in detail later on.
It was the understanding with Marquis Ito at the interview
in Kyoto that he should have me informed at Nagasaki, at
some time between March 2oth and 24th, when he desired
us to come to Seoul; and that arrangements should then be
made for meeting our Japanese escort at Shimonoseki.
On returning to the hotel parlor the Marquis apologized to
Mrs. Ladd for keeping her husband away so long, and re-
marked, playfully, that the diplomatic part of the conference
was not to be communicated even to her, until its expectations
had become matters of history.
Three days later we started for Nagasaki, where I was to
spend somewhat more than a week lecturing to the teachers
of the Prefecture, and to the pupils of the Higher Commercial
School. As we crossed the straits to Moji, the sun rose
gloriously over the mountains and set the sea, the shore, and
the ships in the two harbors aglow with its vitalizing fire.
The police officer assigned to guard his country's guests,
pointed out to us the battleship waiting to take the Resident-
General to his difficult and unappreciated work in Korea;
and nearer the other side of the channel we noted with pleas-
ure the A ki Maru, on which six months before we had crossed
the Northern Pacific.
It had been in my plans, even before reaching Japan, to
spend a month or two in Kiushu, a part of the Empire which
THE INVITATION 13
is in some respects most interesting, and which I had never
visited before. And, indeed, in reliance on a telegram from
Tokyo which read: "Fix your own date, telegraph Zumoto"
(the gentleman who was to accompany us from Shimonoseki),
"Seoul," arrangements had -already been completed for
lectures at Fukuoka, and had been begun for a short course
also at Kumamoto. But the very next day after these in-
structions had been followed, a telegram came from Mr.
Zumoto himself, who was already waiting at Shimonoseki
to accompany us to Seoul, inquiring when we could start,
and adding that "the Marquis hoped it would be at once."
All engagements besides the one at Nagasaki were therefore
promptly cancelled. On the evening of March 24th, Mr.
Akai, who had been our kindly escort in behalf of the friends
at Nagasaki, put us into the hands of our escort to Korea,
at the station in Moji.
Since the steamer for Fusan did not start until the following
evening, we had the daylight hours to renew our acquaintance
with Shimonoseki. The historical connections which this
region has had with our distinguished host made the time here
all the more vividly interesting. At this place, as an obscure
young man, Ito had risked his life in the interests of progress
by way of peace; and here, too, as the Commissioner of his
Emperor, the now celebrated Marquis had concluded the
treaty with China through her Commissioner, Li Hung
Chang. But what need be said about the story of these
enterprises belongs more properly with the biography pf the
man. At about 8.30 o'clock in the evening of March 25th the
harbor launch, with the chief of the harbor police in charge,
conveyed the party to the ship Iki Mam. The evening was
lovely; bright moonlight, mild breeze, and moderate tempera-
ture. After tea, at about eleven, we "turned in" to pass a
comfortable night in a well-warmed and well-ventilated
cabin.
i 4 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
I have dwelt with what might otherwise seem unnecessary
detail upon my invitation to Korea, because it throws needed
light upon the nature and opportunity of this visit, as well as
upon the character of the man who gave the invitation, and of
the administration of which he is the guiding mind and the in-
spiring spirit. I was to be entirely independent, absolutely
free from all orders or even suggestions, to form an opinion
as to the sincerity and wisdom of the present Japanese ad-
ministration, as to the character and needs of the Korean
public, and as to the Korean Court. The fullest confidential
information on all points was to be freely put at my disposal;
but the purpose of the visit was to be in full accord with that
of the Residency-General namely, to help the Koreans, and
to convince all reasonable foreigners of the intention to deal
justly with them. Suggestions as to any possible improve-
ments were earnestly requested. For I hesitate to say that
His Excellency, with a sincerity which could not be doubted,
asked that I should advise him whenever I thought best. So
far as this understanding properly extends, the unmerited
title of "Unofficial Adviser to the Resident-General," be-
stowed by some of the foreign and native papers, was not
wholly misplaced. But the term is more creditable to the
sincerity of Marquis Ito than to my own fitness for any such
title. "Adviser," in any strictly official or political meaning
of the term, is a word altogether inappropriate to describe
our relations at any time.
CHAPTER II
FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA
IT was soon after seven on the morning of Tuesday, March
26, 1907, that we had our first sight of Chosen, "The Land of
Morning Calm." The day was superb, fully bearing out the
high praise which is almost universally bestowed upon the
Korean weather in Spring the sunshine bright and genial,
the air clear and stimulating like wine. Tsushima, the island
which for centuries has acted as a sort of bridge between the
two countries, was fading in the distance on our port stern.
The wardens of Tsushima, under the Tokugawa Shogunate
and, as well, much earlier, had a sort of monopoly of the
trade with southern Korea. From Tsushima, several centuries
ago, came the trees which make conspicuous the one thickly
wooded hill in Fusan, now the only public park in the whole
country. In front rose the coast; its mountains denuded of
trees and rather unsightly when seen nearer at hand, but at
a distance, under such a sky, strikingly beautiful for their
varied richness of strong coloring. The town of Fusan, as
we approached it, had a comfortable look, with its Japanese
buildings, many of them obviously new, nestled about the
pine-covered hill which has already been noticed as its public
park.
From the steamer's deck our companion pointed out the
eminence'on which, according to the narrative written by a
contemporary in Chinese (the book has never been trans-
lated and copies of the original are rare), the Korean Governor
is
16 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
of the District, when hunting in the early morning more than
three centuries ago, looked out to sea and to his amazement
saw myriads of foreign-looking boats filled with armed men
approaching the bay. It. was the army sent by Hideyoshi for
the invasion of the peninsula. The Korean magistrate hastened
to his- official residence in the town, but scarcely had he
arrived when the Japanese fortes were upon him and had
taken possession of everything. In twenty-one days the in-
vaders were in. Seoul. But according to the universal custom
of the country when invaded, from whatever quarter and by
whomsoever, the cowardly court a motley horde of king,
concubines, eunuchs, sorcerers, and idle officials had fled;
then a Korean mob burned and sacked the deserted palace
and did what well could be done toward desolating the city.
For seven years the Japanese held Southern Korea, even
after their navy had been destroyed, so as to make it impossi-
ble to transport reinforcements sufficient to meet the com-
bined forces of the Chinese and the Koreans. It was the
fear of a similar experience which, centuries later, made them
so careful first to incapacitate the Russian navy as a matter
of supreme importance. On another low hill to the right,
our attention was directed to the remnants of one of the forts
built at the time by the invading Japanese ; and further in-
land, the train ran near to traces of the wall which they
erected for the defence of their last hold upon the conquered
country. Even then "the people hated them with a hatred
which is the legacy of centuries; but could not allege any-
thing against them, admitting that they paid for all they got,
molested no one, and were seldom seen outside the yamen
gates."
On the wharf at Fusan there were waiting to welcome us
the local Resident, the manager of the Fusan-Seoul Railway,
and other Japanese officials all fine-looking men with an alert
air and gentlemanly bearing. The official launch conveyed
FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA 17
us to the landing near the railway station, which is now
some distance up the bay, but which will soon be brought
down to the new wharf that is in process of building, in such
good time that we had an hour and a half to spend before
leaving for Seoul. Most of this time was. improved in visiting
a Korean school on the hillside just above. We were not,
however, to see this educational institution at work, but only
the empty school-rooms and several of the Korean and
Japanese -teachers. For the one hundred and seventy chil-
dren of this school, clothed in holiday garments of various
shades in green, pink, carmine, purple, yellow, and a few in
white or black, were just starting for the station to give a
"send-off" to Prince Eui Wha. This Prince is the second
living son of the Korean Emperor and, in the event of the
death or declared incapacity of the Crown Prince, the legiti-
mate heir to the throne. There was much blowing of small
trumpets and many unsuccessful attempts on the part of the
teachers to get and keep the line in order, as the brilliantly
colored procession moved down the hill.
The teachers who remained behind showed me courteously
over the school-rooms and interpreted the " curriculum" of
the school which had been posted for my benefit in one of the
rooms. I give it below as a good example of the kind of in-
struction which is afforded in the best of the primary grades
of the Korean school system as fostered by the Japanese:
ist Class Ages, 7-9 years, inclusive:
Chinese classics; morals; penmanship; gymnastics.
2d Class Ages, 10-11 years, inclusive:
Chinese classics; -national literature; penmanship;
Korean history; gymnastics.
3^ Class Ages, 12-13 years, inclusive:
Chinese classics; arithmetic; composition; national
and universal history; gymnastics,
i8 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
4th Class Ages, 14-15 years, inclusive:
Chinese classics; arithmetic; composition; Japanese
language; universal history; gymnastics.
<fh Class Ages, 16 years and over:
English; Japanese; geography; national and uni-
versal history; Korean law; international law.
It will appear that this scheme of education is based upon
a Chinese model, largely modified -to meet modern require-
ments and, in the upper classes, designed to fit those who
are able to continue in school for the lower grades of the
Korean official appointments/
On returning to the station we found the children in line
on one side of the road and on the other a row of Korean men,
some in clean and some in dirty-white clothing, waiting for the
coming of the Prince. The difference between the mildly
disorderly and unenthusiastic behavior of the Korean crowd
and the precise and alert enthusiasm of the Japanese on
similar occasions was significant. The Japanese policemen
treated all the people, especially the children, with con-
spicuous gentleness. The Prince, who arrived at last in a
jinrikisha and took the reserved carriage just back of the
one reserved for us, had a languid and somewhat blase air;
but he bowed politely and removed his hat for an instant as
he passed by.
Before the train left the station a number of the principal
civil officers of Japanese Fusan appeared to bid us a good
journey; and so we entered Korea as we had left Japan,
reminded that we were among friends and should feel at
home. Indeed, at every important station the cards of the
leading officials, who had been informed of the arrival of his
guests from the office of the Resident-General at Seoul, were
handed in; and this was followed by hand-shaking and the
interchange of salutations.
FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA 19
The country through which the train passed during the
entire day was very monotonous or perhaps "repetitious"
is the better descriptive word. Each mile, while in itself in-
teresting and possessed of a certain beauty due to the rich
coloring of the denuded rock of the mountains and of the
sand of the valleys, which are deprived of their natural green
covering by the neglect to bar out the summer floods, was
very like every other of the nearly three hundred miles be-
tween Fusan and Seoul. Here, as everywhere in Korea,
there was an almost complete absence of any special interests,
either natural or human, such as crowd the hills and valleys
of Japan. Of roads there appeared to be nothing worthy
of the name only rough and tortuous paths, in parts
difficult for the Korean pony or even for the pedestrian to
traverse. No considerable evidences of any other industry
than the unenlightened and unimproved native forms of
agriculture were visible on purely Korean territory. But at
Taiden about 170 miles from Fusan and 106 from Seoul
where the car of the Prince- was switched off, and where he
remained overnight in order that he might arrive at the
Capital in the daylight, something better appeared. This
city is situated on a mountainous plateau and is surrounded
by extensive rice-fields, some of which, we were told, belong
to the son of Marquis Nabeshima, to Count Kabayama, and
to other Japanese. In spots, the number of which is in-
creasing, all over Southern Korea, Japanese small farmers
are giving object-lessons in improved agriculture; and
grouped around all the stations of the railway, the neat
houses and tidy gardens of the same immigrants are teaching
the natives to aspire after better homes. Our escort believes
that the process of amalgamation, which has already begun,
will in time settle all race differences, at least in this part of
the country.
At ten o'clock our train arrived at the South-Gate station
20 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
of Seoul, where we were met by General Murata, Marquis
Ito's aide-de-camp, Mr. Miura, the Seoul Resident, Mr.
Ichihara, manager of the Japanese banks established in
Korea, a friend of years' standing, and others, both gentle-
men and ladies. The dimly lighted streets through which
the jinrikishas passed afforded no glimpses, even, into the
character of the city where were to be spent somewhat more
than two exceedingly interesting and rather exciting months.
But less than an hour later we were lodged in comfortable
quarters at Miss Sontag's house, and were having a first ex-
perience of the almost alarming stillness of a Korean night.
Even in the midst of a multitude of more than two hundred
thousand souls, the occasional bark of a dog and the un-
ceasing rat-tat of the ironing-sticks of some diligent house-
wife, getting her lord's clothing of a dazzling whiteness for
next day's parade, are the only sounds that are sure to strike
the ear and soothe to sleep brains which must be prevented
from working on things inward, if they sleep soundly at all.
But this is the place to speak in well-merited praise of the
unwearied kindness and generosity of our hostess. Miss
Sontag not only makes the physical comforts of those visiting
Seoul, who are fortunate enough to be her guests, far different
from what they could be without her friendly help, but is also
able to afford much insight into Korean customs, of which
her experience has been most intimate and intelligently
derived.
With the morning light of March 2yth began first obser-
vations of the physical conditions and more obvious social
peculiarities of Seoul the place which has been fitly styled
"an encyclopaedia of most of the features of Korean so-called
city life." It is impossible to describe Seoul, however, in any
such fashion as to satisfy the conflicting opinions of all
whether transient foreign observer or old-time resident.
The former will base his estimate upon the particular aspects
FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA 21
or incidents concerning which his missionary or diplomatic
friend has given him presumably, but by no means always
actually, trustworthy information; or upon what his own
uninstructecl eye and untrained ear may happen to see and
hear; while the more permanent indweller in Seoul is
pretty sure to conceive of it, and of its inhabitants, according
to the success or the failure of his schemes for promoting his
own commercial, political, or religious interests. This differ-
ence is apt to become emphatic, whenever any of the patent
relations of the two peoples chiefly interested, the Koreans
and the Japanese, are directly or even more remotely con-
cerned. The point of view taken for comparison also de-
termines much. Approached from Peking or from any one
of scores of places in China, Seoul seems no filthier than the
visitor's accustomed surroundings have been. But he who
comes from Old or New England, or from Japan, will observe
many things, greatly to his disgust. The missionary who
compares his own method in conducting a prayer-meeting
with that pursued by the guard in clearing the way at the
railway station, or with that to which the policeman or the
jinrikisha-runner on the street is compelled by the crowd
of idle and stately stepping pedestrians, will doubtless com-
plain of the rudeness shown to the Koreans by the invading
Japanese. And if he is disposed to overlook the conduct of
the roughs in San Francisco, or to minimize the accounts of
the behavior of American soldiers in the Philippines, or has
forgotten his own experiences at the Brooklyn Bridge, he may
send home letters deprecating the inferior civilization of the
Far East. On the other hand, he who knows the practice of
Korean robbers, official and unofficial, toward their own
countrymen, or who recalls the sight of a Korean mob tearing
their victim limb from limb, or who credits the reports of the
unutterable cruelties that have for centuries gone on behind
the palace walls, will, of course, take a widely divergent point
22 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
of view. But let us laying aside prejudice glance at the
externals of the capital city of Korea, as they appeared during
the months of April and May, 1907.
The word Seoul, 1 coined by the Shilla Kingdom in South-
eastern Korea and originally pronounced So-ra-pul, means
"national capital"; and Hanyang ("Sun of the Han"), the
real name of the present capital, is only one of a succession
of "Seouls," of which Song-do and Pyeng-yang were the most
notable. To the imagination of the ignorant populace of
Korea, who can have no conception of what real civic beauty
and decency are in these modern days, and who are accus-
tomed to express themselves with Oriental hyberbole, Han-
yang is the "Observation of all Nations," "the King's city in
the clouds," "a city that spirits regard and ghosts conceal";
and to be hailed as the "Coiled Dragon and the Crouching
Tiger." When the town came down from the mountain
retreat of Puk Han (to be described later) and spread over the
plain in order to utilize the Han River, it took the river's
name; but it was only some five hundred and twenty years
ago made "Seoul" by the founder of the present dynasty
selecting it as his capital city.
The situation of the chief city of modern Korea becomes
more and more impressive and, in every important respect,
satisfactory, the greater the frequency of one's reflective
observation from any one of numerous favorable points of
view. There is no natural reason why, under the govern-
mental reforms and material improvements which are now
being put into effect, Seoul should not become as healthy,
prosperous, and beautiful a place of residence as can be shown
anywhere in the Far East. W T hile its lower level is only some
120 feet above tide-water, and within easy reach of the sea by
1 For the following description of Seoul, besides my own observations,
I am chiefly indebted to a series of articles published during our stay
there by Dr. G. Heber Jones in the Seoul Press.
a,
rt
U
FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA 23
the river, the city is, with the exception of the side which
opens toward and stretches down to this waterway, com-
pletely surrounded by mountains. On the north these
guardian peaks rise to the height of 2,500 feet, from the tops
of which magnificent views can be obtained, not only of the
town nestled at their feet but of the surrounding land and of
the ocean, far away. It is not necessary, however, to climb
so high in order to discover the geographical peculiarities of
Seoul. " To secure the best view of the city and its surround-
ings," says Dr. Jones, "one should ascend the lower slopes
of Nam-san" (a mountain almost wholly within the walls)
"on a bright sunny day in Spring. Taking a position on one
of the many spurs jutting out from this mountain a really
notable scene greets the eye. The stone screen of mountains
enclosing the city begins at the left, with Signal Peak dis-
tinguished by a lone pine-tree on its top. In former years
there was a beacon fire-station here, which formed one of the
termini of the long line of fire-stations that in pre-telegraph
days signalled to the authorities the weal or woe of the
people."
Attention should again be called at least for all lovers of
natural beauty to the intensity and changeable character of
the colors of the surrounding mountains and hills, and of the
city enclosed by them in its plain, or in places where a few
houses, mostly foreign, climb their sides. These colors are
often very intense; but they change in a remarkable way, ac-
cording to the brilliancy and direction of the sunlight, and
the varying mixtures of sunshine and shadow. \PYom such
a point of view, the city itself, which is for the most part mean
and filthy when seen from the streets, appears as a sort of
grayish carpet, with dark-green spots made by the pines,
for the plain beneath one's feetA As has already been in-
dicated, the hillsides, both within and around the walls, are
uninhabited. They are devoted and thus wasted to the
24 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
mounds that cover the long-forgotten dead. By calculation,
upon a basis of counting, it is estimated that one of these burial
grounds in the vicinity of Seoul has no fewer than 750,000 of
these graves. It is neither reverence nor any other worthy
feeling, however, which is the chief factor in fostering a
custom so expensive of comfort to the living; it is supersti-
tious fear, akin to that spirit-worship, which is largely devil-
worship, and which is really the only effective religion of the
non-Christian Korean people. Foreign residents upon the
hillsides find it difficult to keep their Korean servants during
the night, so dominated are they by their fear. In this
respect, as well as others, there is an important difference
between so-called ancestor-worship, as in Korea, and ancestor-
worship in Japan.
The most obvious thing of interest in Seoul is the city wall.
Its construction was begun early in 1396, four years after the
present dynasty came to the throne; it was finished in about
nine months by the forced labor of men aggregating in number
198,000. According to the legendary account, the course of
the wall was marked out by a Buddhist monk, who had the
help of a miraculous fall of snow that indicated the line which
should be take'n in order to avoid a dangerous mixture of the
"tiger" influence and the " dragon" influence. To this day
the Koreans, like the Chinese, whose pernicious domination
they have followed in this as in many other respects, are firm
believers in geomancy. The fact is, however, that the wall
surrounding Seoul wanders, without any assignable reason,
some twelve miles, as recent surveys have settled the long
dispute about its length, over hills and along valleys, enclosing
a vast amount of uninhabitable as well as inhabited space.
It is built of partially dressed stone, with large blocks laid
lengthwise at the base, and the superstructure formed of
layers of smaller stone the whole surmounted by battlements
about five feet high and pierced with loop-holes for archery
FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA 25
adapted to the varying distances of an approaching foe. In
height it ranges from twenty to forty feet; it is banked by an
embankment of earth from twelve to fifteen feet thick.
Various attempts have been made at patching up this decay-
ing structure, but it can never have had the solidity and im-
pregnability against attack by the methods of mediaeval war-
fare which were given to fortifications of the same era in
Japan. Moreover, the Korean defenders of the wall cus-
tomarily ran away as the foe approached; and this the
Japanese seldom or never did. Thus Seoul was easily
captured by the warriors of Hideyoshi in 1592, and nearly a
half century later by a Manchu invading army. The wall is,
of course, useless for purposes of defence against modern war-
fare; and its continuance in existence, at least in large part,
depends upon the length of time during which the sentiment
of pride triumphs over more utilitarian considerations.
It is the Gates of Seoul which emphasize the visitors
interest in the city wall and which give most of character to
its picturesque features. In themselves, they are mere
" tunnels pierced in the wall"; but they are rendered archi-
tecturally interesting by the wide-spreading eaves and graceful
curvature and, in some cases, striking ornamentation of their
roofs. They are, in all, eight in number, one of which is the
"concealed." They bear the names of the points of the
compass South, Little West, West, Northwest, East, Little
East, and East Water; this is not, however, because they
face true to these points, but because in the main they form
the principal avenues of communication between the inside of
the wall and the outlying regions situated in these general
directions. Each of the gates has, besides, another name char-
acterized by the customary Korean hyberbole. There are, for
example, the "Gate of Exalted Ceremony," the "Gate of Efful-
gent Righteousness" (or, in two other cases, different kinds
of righteousness), the "Gate of Brilliant Splendor," etc. But
2 6 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
in and out of these gates, for one-half of a thousand years, far
more of corruption, cruelty, and darkness, has crept, or trailed,
or strutted, than of the qualities fitly called by their high-
sounding names. It was over them that the late " lamented
queen" festooned more than a score of heads freshly taken
from her political enemies in order to signify to the Tai-won-
kun that she retained control of His Majesty, in spite of the
fact that his father had obtained permission to re-enter the
city through that same gateway. But why disturb our ad-
miration of a point of structural interest by recalling one of
the long list of doings in and around Seoul, no less distinctive
of the character of its government? In those older days,
when the Great Bell of the city rang the curfew, the gates
were at once locked for the night; and any inquirer may
hear from missionaries and travellers how they have climbed
the wall in order not to sleep outside thus incurring the
death penalty, which was not, however, at all likely to be
enforced upon the protected foreigner. The gates them-
selves, and the devices for locking them, are very similar to
those so frequently met with as the relics of mediaeval Europe.
But the clay manikins (or Son-o-gong) which sit astride the
ridges of the roof, are designed to warn and ward off all evil
spirits that may attempt to enter the city. The old-fashioned
guards, with their dreadful array of big knives and swords,
have now given place to the modern policeman, whose princi-
pal duty is to keep the gateway clear for traffic. This service
is needed, for it is said that no fewer than 20,000 foot-passen-
gers, besides a stream of laden ponies and bullocks, and a
tolerably frequent schedule of electric cars, sometimes pass
through the South Gate in a single day. \And the Koreans in
the streets are a slow-moving, stubborn, and stupid crow3^
^To the ordinary traveller, after the first strangeness of its
more obvious aspects is over, not much^remains of particular
interest in the capital city of Korea. Of fine buildings, of
FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA 27
museums, picture-galleries, temples, theatres, parks, and
public gardens, there is little or nothing to compare with any
European or Japanese city of the same size!) There is, how-
ever, here as everywhere in the peninsula, noiittle of antiqua-
rian and historical interest which awaits the researches of those
trained and enthusiastic in such pursuits. Of those sights
which the city of Seoul within the walls can show, there are
three principal classes the so-called palaces, the shrines, and
the monuments. Even these are interesting, not for their
intrinsic grandeur or beauty, but chiefly for their connection
with the legends or historical incidents of the country.
To quote again from the articles of Dr. Jones: "The
Koreans apply the term Rung or palace to all residences of
royalty, and to them Seoul is a city of palaces, for there are
eighteen Kung of varying sizes and degrees of importance in
and about the city." Among the eighteen, however, "there
are several which are to-day a name and nothing more."
Of these minor palaces the most interesting is that called the
"Special South Palace," which was erected nearly five hun-
dred years ago by one of the kings for his favorite daughter
and her consort. But the latter made it such a "veritable
den of infamy" that it was abandoned as a house haunted
by evil spirits and unsafe for habitation. The mixture of
fawning malice and hypocritical servility characteristic of
Korean officialdom was at one time humorously exhibited
in a way to deceive even the Chinese; for when the Mings
were overthrown by the Manchus, the hated envoys of the
latter were assigned to this House, "for their entertainment
and as a covert derogation to their dignity." Thus, too, with
the so-called "Mulberry Palace," known by the Koreans as
the "Palace of Splendid Happiness." It was erected by the
tyrant Lord Kwanghai who was here dethroned, and from
here sent into exile, where he died a prisoner, From it also
his successor was driven out by the usurping "Three Days,
28 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
King." It was in this palace, also, that the King Suk-jong,
having surprised his favorite concubine in practising magic
rites to accomplish the death of the Queen whom she had
already caused to be divorced and banished, turned upon
the concubine herself, sentenced her to drink poison, and
when she in revenge mutilated the Crown Prince, had her
torn in pieces. Its present name is derived from one of the
many fruitless experiments which the present Government
of Korea, left to itself, is constantly making. The "mul-
berry" plantation remains only as a name to adorn, or de-
grade, the ruins of the palace. But if any visitor to Seoul
thinks that such violence, lust, and thriftlessness, must of
necessity belong to the ancient history of Korea, let him
learn his mistake. Were the firm, strong hand of the Japan-
ese Resident- General withdrawn, there is not one of these
horrid deeds which might not be reproduced at any hour.
These are not, however, the "Major Palaces," through
which the foreign visitor is usually conducted, after having
obtained a permit from the proper authorities. The palace,
known to the Koreans as the Kyung-pok, or "Palace of
Beautiful Blessing," and to foreigners as the '"Summer
Palace," dates from 1394, and was occupied by the present
Emperor until 1896. Nowhere else have I seen so large a
space (it is estimated that the principal enclosure containing
only the buildings deemed necessary for his Korean Maj-
esty's comfort, contains one hundred acres, Besides which
there are other enclosures running up the slopes of the
mountains and designed for defence) strewn over with
desolated and half-ruined barbaric splendor. The main
Gateway, through whose central arch no other person than
His Majesty and his bearers may pass, is an impressive
structure and is still in fairly good repair. It is guarded by
stone effigies of the Hai-tai, or mythical sea-monsters, who
are prepared to spout water against the mysterious influences
FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA 29
stored in the "fire mountain," some ten miles away to the
southward. They are therefore called "Fire Dogs." Once
inside the enclosure, one is presented with a melancholy
picture of neglect, swiftly oncoming decay, and advancing
ruin. All this is the more melancholy, because the present
palace buildings are only about fifty years old, were erected
by the Prince-parent of the present Emperor, almost to the
financial ruin of the country, and were abandoned only after
the assassination of the Queen, October 8, 1895. 4
Amidst this crowded waste where formerly three thousand
persons lived in attendance upon the separate establishments
for the King, Queen, Crown Prince, and the Dowagers, there
are only two buildings which, architecturally considered, are
worthy of note. One of these is the old "Audience Hall."
Its columns, although many are cracked for a considerable
part of their length, and none of them ever possessed any-
thing like the beauty or finish of the noble wooden pillars
of the Nishi Hongwanji in Kyoto (which, however, they re-
semble in style and effect), seem to have been made of entire
stately trees. There are really no galleries, but the appear-
ance is that of a two-galleried hall. The strong colors of red,
black, green, and blue, with which the carved and panelled
ceiling is decorated, in a manner similar to that of the castles
in the Tokugawa period in Japan, seem to find their way
through one's upturned eyes to the base of the brain. In
some of its structural features this Audience Hall resembles
the audience halls of the Muhammadan monarchs in North-
ern India more than anything to be found in Japan. This
is especially true of the high platform on which the throne
was placed. The decoration central over it, and that central
in the ceiling of the whole hall, is golden dragons, with clouds
and flames, in bas-reliefs; it is in an excellent state of
preservation.
The other really fine building in the entire collection is the
3 o IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
so-called "Hall of Congratulations," whose upper floor is
supported by forty-eight granite monoliths six rows of eight
each in a row. These pillars are about sixteen feet high and
three feet square. The lotus pond surrounding the building
is oblong and faced with masonry; while miniature islands
rise here and there above the surface of the- water. This
Hall was intended for state social functions of the out-of-
door character.
By going still further back of the sleeping apartments of the
King, which consisted of nine rooms arranged in a square,
so that the eight surrounding the central room could guard it
from intrusion or attack, we come in front of the wall behind
whose screen are the apartments in one of which the brilliant
and attractive but cruel Queen met her own most tragic and
cruel death. All are now forbidden to enter there. But
some twelve years before, our escort had seen the dark blood-
stains on the floor perhaps hers, perhaps those of her cham-
berlain who met his death in trying to protect his queen.
And one has only to look a little way over to the right in order
to see the now peaceful pine-grove where her body was
dragged and burned. Such was the deed which terminated
the royal habitation of another, and this the most splendid, of
the palaces of Seoul!
It is the grounds, rather than the buildings, of the East
Palace, especially when the azaleas and cherry bushes and
apricot-trees are in full bloom, which constitute its beauty.
Here the diplomatic corps and the other invited guests of the
Emperor are accustomed to have picnics and afternoon
teas. The apartments, which were united into one so-called
palace in the reign of Suk-jong (1694-1720) appear to be
most distinctively Korean and are unlike any other buildings
which I have ever seen. The rooms are small and rambling;
and the screens between them are decorated with those geo-
metrical patterns which are so ancient and so nearly universal
FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA 31
wherever architecture has reached a certain stage of develop-
ment. The ceilings are low and devoid of decoration, but
are made pleasing by being everywhere "beamed-over."
This palace, too, has not escaped its history of violence and
its bath of blood. Here it was that, in 1884, the party of
Progressives, headed by Mr. Kim Ok-kiun, tried to enforce
reforms by capturing the person of the King. But the con-
servative party of Koreans, helped by eight hundred Chinese
soldiers under the leadership of the Major Yuan, who after-
ward became Li Hung Chang's successor, and is even to-day
cutting an important figure in the complicated politics of
China, finally drove out the Progressives and the one hundred
and forty Japanese who were defending them.
Little else of the mildly exciting "sights" of Seoul remains
besides the Great Bell and the Marble Pagoda. The former
bears witness to an art in which the Koreans once excelled,
but which is now, like all the other arts, either lost or neg-
lected. At Nikko, it will be remembered, there is a Korean
bell which was presented to one of the Japanese Shoguns.
Setting aside all legends as to the time and incidents of its
manufacture and hanging, a recently deciphered inscription
on its own side tells the date as 1469 and gives the names of
the prominent men connected with the undertaking. The
report of a Chinese envoy of 1489, who says of the bell, "It
calls all men to rest, to rise, to work, to play," taken in
conjunction with the fact that, to avoid the troubles of faction
and violence, men were forbidden on the streets after dark,
probably gave rise to the report that women only were allowed
to go abroad at night. And this is believed by natives and
travellers until the present hour. But the bell, which once
rung to open and close the massive city gates, now rings only
to tell of midnight and mid-day. And, although it is about
eight feet in diameter and ten feet high, it is no great sight
as looked at by peeking through the bars of its surrounding
32 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
cage. It does, however, like many other things else in Seoul,
bear witness to the life of the past and the changes of the
present.
The marble pagoda is at the same time the most notable
existing monument of Buddhism in Korea and the most in-
teresting art-object in Seoul. It came, however, from abroad ;
tradition connects its gift with a Mongol princess who, after
the death of Kublai Khan, came to Korea in 1310 to become
the queen-consort of King Chung-sun. It was brought in
a junk from China and at first erected in the grounds of a
temple in the little town of Hanyang the predecessor of
Seoul on the same site; for the capital of the present dynasty
was not then built. The temple grounds were beautified in
its honor; roads were constructed leading to it; and a
bridge was built over a stream running near by. But the
Korean inevitable happened to it the fate meted out to all
that shows signs of order, industry, or art, when not of im-
mediate selfish interest to the rulers of Korea. The roads,
encroached upon by surrounding hovels, became foul and
narrow alleys; a squatter built his straw-thatched hut about
it; and the stream became the main sewer of the city, which
is cleaned only by the downpour of the summer rains. Thus,
as says our chronicler: "The gift to Korea of one of the
mighty Mongol Khans, whose arms had literally shaken the
world, became the impedimenta of a Korean coolie's back-
yard, sixteen by twenty feet square!" What wonder, how-
ever, in a land where court officials and palace hangers-on
do not hesitate to-day to steal the screens, and other presents
from foreign monarchs and plutocrats, out from under His
Majesty's very eyes! *
1 This may seem incredible, but it is a fact that, as late as the spring
of 1907, even a basket of fruit could not be sent to the Emperor
with the confidence that the eunuchs and palace servants would not
steal it all. At every garden-party the dishes and even the chairs had
to be carefully watched.
FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA 33
The pagoda itself, which has now been cleared from the
clutter of huts and made the central object in Seoul's first
attempt at the beginnings of a public park, deserves a brief
description. It is of white marble, much stained by time,
war, and neglect, and was originally thirteen stories in height ;
although only ten of these are now standing, while the upper
three have been removed and rest beside it on the ground.
The base and first six stories have twenty sides; the remainder
are squares. Each story is symmetrically diminished in
size; some have galleries with curved eaves and upturned
corners. The ornamentation is exceedingly complicated and
abstruse in its symbolism and suggestiveness. There are
sculptured upon the flat surfaces processions of tigers,
dragons, men on foot and on horseback, teachers discoursing
in groves, pictures taken from the traditional life of Buddha,
and various bas-reliefs of different Buddhas. The lower
stories are composed of several blocks of carved stone, but
the smaller and upper stories are monoliths.
Near the pagoda stands the Tortoise Tablet, a very an-
cient structure; the tablet is said originally to have been
brought from the Southern Kingdom of Scilla, and erected
upon the ledge of granite which outcropped in this place,
after the rock had itself been carved into the shape of a
tortoise. It was designed to memorialize the building of a
temple which dates back to the eleventh century A. D. The
tablet is probably more than one thousand years old.
Within the small enclosure surrounding these relics, Mr.
Megata, the Japanese financial adviser to the Korean Gov-
ernment, is trying to encourage the public spirit of the
natives and entertain the resident foreigners by providing
band concerts on Saturday afternoons. Thus this spot also
offers a study in epitome of the history, present changes, and
future prospects of the capital city of Korea.
Of the few shrines which the royal prohibition of Buddhism
34 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
and the low and decaying interest in all religious conceptions
rising above the level of spirit-worship and this mostly devil-
worship have allowed to remain in Seoul, the only ones of
any particular importance are the Imperial Ancestral Shrines
and the so-called "Temple to Heaven." But even the guests
of Marquis Ito did not think it wise to ask for permission
to visit these shrines, or to exhibit any more curiosity respect-
ing them than to glance by the guard, through the open doors
of the gateway, while passing along the street. As to the New
Palace, which is a stone building of modified Doric archi-
tecture, and is so far finished externally that it can be seen to
have decided claims to beauty, if only the superstitions of the
monarch and of his counsellors among the blind-men and the
sorcerers had permitted it to be well placed this was ever
before our eyes from the windows of Miss Sontag's house.
And what was seen of the buildings occupied at the time of
our visit by His Majesty and the Court, so far as it is worth
a word, will be described in another place.
The Seoul seen from the surrounding mountain-sides, and
the Seoul of so-called palaces, is not the city in which the people
live, ^part from a few of its inhabitants such as the mission-
aries, certain foreign business men and diplomatic agents,
together with a small number of native officials who have ac-
quired a taste for foreign ways the Seoul of the people is
andabectly squalid. It is, indeed, not so
filthy and miserable, and lacking in all the comforts and
decencies of respectable Western life, as it was a generation,
or even a few years ago.J Several of the streets have now
been not only occasionally when the King was going a
"processioning" through them, but habitually and to the
benefit of the populace cleared of their encroachments of
squatter hovels, huts, and booths. The gutters along the
sides of these streets do not quite so much as formerly disturb
the eyes and nostrils of the pedestrian, especially if he walks
FIRST GLIMPSES OF KOREA 35
in the middle of the thoroughfare ; their use for vile purposes
is not so much in evidence as was the case before any of the
natives had even .a glimmering sense of decency about such
matters. In spite of the increased business activity of the
city there is not to-day quite the same stream of white-robed
saunterers, stately in gait but low in character, to give a semi-
holiday aspect to the "Broadways" of Seoul; for electric cars
transport the multitudes back and forth in several directions.
Besides, there is the neat, attractive Japanese quarter. Here,
according to my observation, the Koreans themselves were
doing more sight-seeing and more trading than in their own
quarters; for here the cheaper products of the new and
hitherto unknown world are skilfully displayed. But other-
wise and elsewhere in the city, the same unsanitary conditions
and indecent habits, in all respects, prevail. The narrow,
winding alleys are flanked with shallow, open ditches, that
are not only the drains and sewers but the latrines of the
dwellers in the low earth-walled houses on either side.
fCowardly and lean dogs, naked children, and rows of men
squatting and sucking their long pipes or lying flat upon the
ground, crowd and obstruct these alleys. And from them
the wide-spreading Korean roofs cut off the purifying and
enlivening sunlight?) Many of the most wretched and
unsanitary of thesTriovels squat under the shadow of the
stately city wall. May its stones sometime be used to build
a better and healthier city !
There are, however, yet more notable changes and im-
provements than those already accomplished, which seem
destined surely and speedily to follow. A water-supply, for
which the surveys and contracts have already been completed
and for which, during our visit, the pipes were beginning to
be laid, will not only diminish the dangers that lurk in the
cans of the professional water-carriers and in the private
wells, but will assist the summer rains in their formidable
36 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
task of washing clean the open sewers. More of these foul,
winding alleys, and huddles of hovels, will be abolished.
The increase in the interests of life, and the enjoyment of the
rewards of protected industry, will diminish the drunken-
ness and gluttony, varied by enforced periods of starvation,
which now distress the people. The new hospital and medical
school the former of which will immediately relieve much
suffering and the latter of which will perform the yet more
important service of educating a native medical class are
among the most cherished projects of the Resident- General.
And when to these more essential matters there is added the
cultivation of the native love of nature and taste for flowers,
it is not an extravagant hope to picture Seoul as becoming,
in many respects, a not undesirable place for residence, before
many years are past. Even now, with the spring covering
of bloom from plum, apricot, apple, and cherry, and with
the profusion of flowering shrubs which adorns the valleys
and the mountain-sides, one feels incHned to overlook, at
least for the months of April and May|j:he foul sights of the
gutters and the surrounding hovels/} But all this was, as it
were, only background and theatre for the work I wished to
do and the observations I wished to make.
CHAPTER III
LIFE IN SEOUL
AFTER accepting Marquis Ito's formal invitation to
attempt a special kind of service in Korea, the first problem
to be solved concerned the choice of ways for approaching
that service. Its solution was by no means obvious. In
Japan there were more of urgent requests for public addresses
and lectures of various kinds than could possibly be accepted.
And everywhere that the speaker went, influential and large
organizations of an educational and public character, to
whose support the governors, of the Kens and the mayors of
the cities were officially committed, could be relied upon to
make all necessary arrangements and to carry the arrange-
ments through effectively. More important still, there was
the most eager interest in the subjects upon which the pros-
pective audiences wished to be addressed, and the attitude
of an open mind and even of warm personal attachment
toward "the friend of Japan." \In Korea, however, all the
influences would be of precisely the opposite character
indifference, deficiencies, hindrances, if not active opposition,
so far as the native attitude was concerned^ In Korea there
were no educational associations; and, outside of a very small
circle in a few cities, there was little or no interest in educa-
tion. The local magistrates were, almost without exception,
devoted to "squeezes" rather than to the increase of intelli-
gence and the moral improvement of their districts. The
teachers of the few existing schools were, in general, without
37
38 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
any modern culture; they were even without the most rudi-
mentary ideas on the subjects of pedagogy, ethics, and
religion. Only in a small number of places were there any
halls that could accommodate an audience, should one be
gathered by an appeal to curiosity and to the Korean thirst
for "look-see"; while to be known as a "friend of Japan"
and a guest of Marquis Ito was to erect an almost insuperable
obstacle in the way of reaching the ears of the Korean upper
and middle classes, to say nothing of convincing their minds
or touching their hearts. Addressing the lower classes on
any scholastic topic was impossible. Through what organ,
then, could a stranger help the Resident-General in his be-
nevolent plans for the welfare of the people of Korea?
Reflection upon this problem of a means of approach to
the Koreans ended in the fortunate choice of the Young
Men's Christian Association at Seoul. To be sure, the direct
influence of this association is at present wisely limited to the
capital city. The illicit organization of branch associations,
which was undertaken for political purposes by the Koreans
themselves, has made it necessary to check, rather than en-
courage, all efforts to multiply Y. M. C. A. societies in places
beyond the immediate and unceasingly watchful control of
the foreign secretaries. The same hypocritical and unscru-
pulous use of the name of religion for purposes of political
intrigue compelled the Methodist Mission in Korea to break
up the "Epworth League." A letter to a friend in Tokyo,
explaining my purposes and my embarrassment, resulted in
the following telegram, which was received in Shimonoseki
late in the evening of the day before sailing for Fusan:
Secretary Seoul telegraphs Seoul Association platform gladly
open. Indications other cities will extend same courtesy, espe-
cially after tenth.
These words illumined to no small degree the prospect of estab-
lishing relations favorable to the success of the proposed plans.
LIFE IN SEOUL 39
In this connection it is pertinent to say that I had been
advised to seek especially the counsel and assistance of
Bishop Turner of the Church of England, and of the Korean,
Mr. Yun Chi-ho. The Bishop was the president of the
Young Men's Association; and the Korean gentleman is of
good family, has a well-merited reputation for honesty, and
has been prominent in religious work among his own people.
As the history of my experiences will show, I was disappointed
with respect to both these sources of information and help.
Bishop Turner was either absent or ill during nearly the entire
time of my stay in Korea; and Mr. Yun Chi-ho exhibited so
persistently and adroitly the qualities which I had heard
described as "a pessimistic disposition," and which in the
opinion of all who knew him, both natives and foreigners,
unfitted him for incurring any of the responsibilities of
leadership, as to somewhat hamper rather than assist any
efforts in behalf of his own people. It was not, of course, to
be expected that a Korean Yang-ban should willingly con-
fess the demonstrated incapacity of the Korean nation for
self-government; even less, perhaps, that he should himself
assist the Japanese in doing for his own people what they
never have done, and never could do, for themselves. But
that intelligent native Christians should take an attitude of
passive opposition to offers of assistance on matters of educa-
tion, morality and religion from a friendly foreigner of
another nation, simply because that foreigner was the guest
of the Japanese Resident- General, shows how characteristic
and deep-seated are the obstacles which therofficial class are
opposing to the redemption of Korea. But I was to witness
the manifestation of the extreme form of the same feeling
toward the association of those of their own countrymen who
were co-operating with the Japanese in plans for reform.
The morning after our arrival in Seoul, at about 10.30
o'clock, Marquis Ito sent Mr. Zumoto to conduct me to his
40 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
private office in the Residency House. The official residence
is one of a group of buildings belonging to the Japanese Gov-
ernment and situated upon a succession of spurs from the
mountain Nam-san, in a portion of the city which lies beyond
the Japanese quarters. The surrounding grounds, especially
from points above the house, command fine views of the city,
and are being constantly improved and beautified in ac-
cordance with Japanese taste. So lonely are the mountain-
ous heights above the grounds that numerous wild-cats have
descended upon the chicken-yard of the Residency, and
more than a dozen of these pests have been caught in traps
and are now caged as part of a small menagerie or private
"Zoo." QThere are persons now living in Seoul, not of
advanced age, who have encountered tigers of the "man-
eating" species, to say nothing of less formidable wild beasts,
such as leopards and foxes, within the city wallsj
At this morning's interview the Marquis was the first to
speak, after a few minutes of silence which followed the
exchange of greetings. But it was only to say that, of course,
he could procure me invitations from the Japanese to give
public addresses, and even, he presumed, from the Koreans;
this, however especially in the latter case would probably
embarrass my work, since it would subject it to suspicion.
After these words he paused in a way to suggest an invita-
tion for me to speak freely of my plans. I began by saying
that I had no training or experience in matters of diplomacy;
but I believed that, for me at least, the best course of action
would conform to these two rules: to be entirely frank and
good-tempered when you had anything to say; and to know
when and how to hold your tongue if silence seemed the
proper policy. At this the Marquis laughed it seemed
approvingly. In brief, the plans, as far as formed at present,
were as follows. As to Mission: Public: I was here as the
guest of Marquis Ito, to speak to the Koreans in a sincerely
LIFE IN SEOUL 41
friendly way, on matters of education, morals, and religion,
especially as these matters concerned their national welfare;
private: to discover what I could which might assist the
Resident-General in dealing with his difficult problem and
to assure all, whom I could reach, that he sincerely wished
to serve the real interests of the Koreans and to secure for
them the administration of justice and an increased pros-
perity. As to Message: Public : that the real prosperity of
the individual and of society can be secured only by develop-
ing a character which deserves it; and private, as already
defined by the private mission. As to Means: Since there
are in Korea no Teachers' Associations, I hoped to work
through the Young Men's Christian Association and through
such other connected agencies as they might secure; and
especially to get opportunities to address Missionary Schools
and Christian congregations in the churches. I also hoped
to form friendly relations with the missionaries and with some
of the diplomats and foreign business men in order to learn
their views of the situation and to gain from them information
and suggestions for its improvement. Especially did it seem
to me desirable that the spiritual forces wielded by the mis-
sionaries should co-operate for the good of Korea with the
political forces wielded by the Resident- General.
At this first interview, as at all subsequent interviews
during my stay in Korea, the Resident-General uniformly
replied in the negative to every request for criticism of my
plans, or even for suggestions as to their improvement. On
one particular occasion when I ventured to repeat the ques-
tion: "But has the Marquis no suggstions to make?" the
same answer, "No, I have no suggestions to offer," was re-
turned. When I afterwards asked the only third person
who was ever present at any of these interviews whether
after my departure some comments had not been made
which might assist in deciding upon the best course of action,
42 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the reply again was an unqualified negative. And upon sur-
prise being expressed at this, the remark followed: "It is
the custom of the Marquis, when he trusts any one, to trust
him completely." And, indeed, the promise to leave me
absolutely independent, which had been made in private
and which was soon made public, w r as, throughout, most
strictly kept.
The same day, after tiffm, one of the under-secretaries of
the Y. M. C. A., in the absence of Mr. Gillett, the Chief
Secretary, called upon me for the discussion of plans and
topics for the lectures in Korea. It then became evident
that the manner of coming would, as had been suspected,
prejudice the Koreans against the speaker and his words.
Secretary Brockman, indeed, agreed with me in thinking
that a large measure of frankness was desirable. But the
Korean officers and members of the Association were timid.
It appeared that the Korean Daily News had already
reminded its readers, with a sinister warning, that Professor
Ladd did not come from America, but from Tokyo, to Korea.
The effect of this, with all it implied, will soon appear. Any
more definite decision as to ways of procedure was, therefore,
deferred until further consultation could be had with those
chiefly interested in the affairs of the Association and the
moral and religious welfare of the Korean people.
The next morning a committee of three, representing the
Association and the two principal Missions doing work in
Seoul, called, and two hours of friendly discussion followed
over the wisest method of solving this problem: How to
employ the American guest of the Japanese Resident-General
as a teacher of education, morals, and religion, under existing
conditions, to Korean audiences. A complex problem truly!
From the first, the lecturer himself insisted upon a continu-
ance of the open and frank policy of approach; any attempt
at concealment of his relations to Marquis Ito and of his con-
LIFE IN SEOUL 43
fidence in the Marquis' plans for helping Korea would only
result in an increase of prejudice, suspicion, and in other invita-
tions to failure. It was during the course of this discussion that
one of the missionary members of the committee frankly
declared his continued unwillingness, previously expressed,
to have anything to do with a plan for "smoothing the way"
for the Japanese. In case this was Professor Ladd's pur-
pose, "let him go ahead and smooth the way, if he could; for
his own part he wished to be counted out." The conference,
however, ended in the harmonious agreement that three lectures
should be given within the next week, under the auspices of
the Young Men's Association. These were to have dates
as follows; for the next Saturday evening, upon the subject,
"Education and the Social Welfare"; for Sunday afternoon,
upon the subject, "Religion and Social Reform"; and for
Monday evening, upon " Education as Related to the Stability
and Progress of the Nation." It was originally intended that
the address of Sunday should be given in "Independence
Hall," the largest public room in Seoul, which, however,
stands outside of the city walls near "Independence Arch"-
a structure erected to commemorate the formal renunciation of
the suzerainty of China. The other lectures were to be given
in the Association Hall, a temporary building of bare boards,
situated in a more central location. Application, however,
for the use of Independence Hall was met by the information
that it was already engaged for next Sunday. It was then
suspected that this was only an indirect and insincere method
of refusal; I am not even now sure as to whether or not the
suspicion was correct.
On the next day a cordial invitation came from the mis-
sionaries of both missions in Pyeng-yang to visit them and
speak there as many times as I might be able. The narra-
tive of this interesting visit is to be told elsewhere. But the
difference between the attitude of the Koreans toward me
44 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
in places outside of the capital, where the corruption, fears,
and prejudices of the Yang-bans (or ruling class) are less
dominant although some of these places have really suf-
fered more from the Japanese than has Seoul shows in what
motives and interests the anti- Japanese feeling is chiefly
seated. It is in Seoul, especially, that many of the mission-
aries seem not to have kept themselves altogether free from
the same unworthy Court influences.
It was on Saturday, March 30, at 3.30 P.M., according
to a notice sent the day before, that I was received in audi-
ence by the Korean Emperor. Under the escort of the
Marquis' secretary, Mr. Kurachi, and a Korean aide-de-camp,
I went in a jinrikisha to the small gate of the palace which
is very near to Miss Sontag's house, and dismounting there,
passed through rather irregular and intermittent lines of
palace guards to the building where the audience was to take
place. The rooms used for such functions, while the new
palace is still in process of erection, are far enough from
anything approaching royal magnificence. The aspect and
furnishings of the entrance hall would scarcely rival a third-
class hotel in Europe or the United States. The same thing
is true of the waiting-room and of the audience-chamber
itself. On arrival I was shown into the former apartment,
where were already gathered some of the prominent Korean
officials, including the Prime Minister, the Master of Cere-
monies, and several officers of high rank in the Korean army.
The entrance of Marquis Ito with his suite soon after filled
the small room with men whose gorgeous apparel contrasted
strongly with the cheap woodwork, which was painted light-
pink and trimmed in light-green; and with its tawdry
European furnishings. Almost immediately the little Prince,
son of Lady Om, entered, and with an amusing air of boyish
dignity, made more effective by the mannish costume of top-
knot and crinoline hat with which he had recently been in-
LIFE IN SEOUL 45
vested, came straight up to me and gravely held out his hand.
The young Prince has bright eyes, an intelligent but almost
completely full-moon-shaped face, and a .protuding abdomen
suggestive of over-indulgence in sweets and other fattening
foods. At the mature age of eleven years he had just secured
the coveted honor of the man's investiture, as described
above. And seven maidens of suitable rank and age had
already been selected, one of whom would subsequently sus-
tain the ordeal of being chosen as his consort and future wife.
After the hand-shaking and an interchange of courteous
salutations, the boy disappeared. While waiting, I was being
introduced to one official, Korean or Japanese, after an-
other; but so often as I rose for this purpose, I was politely
requested by the Korean aide-de-camp to be seated again.
The Resident- General and some of his suite went to the
audience-room some minutes before I was summoned to
follow. It was my conjecture, from what His Majesty sub-
sequently said, that he was being told something about me
and about the work which I was to attempt in Korea. In a
still later interview with Marquis Ito I learned the truth
of this conjecture. The Emperor had been assured that the
visitor's purposes were not political; but the Resident-
General, believing that his lectures on matters educational
and ethical had been of service in Japan, had invited him to
come to Korea to assist in contributing to the same important
interests here.
On being invited to do so by the Court interpreter, I fol-
lowed him to the audience-room. Any expectation of being
conducted through stately corridors to a splendid throne-room
was speedily disappointed. The audience-room was as near the
waiting-room as two small rooms can well be. It was itself
so small that there was difficulty in making the requisite three
bows before standing face to face with His Majesty, separated
only by a round table of the most ordinary sort. At his right
46 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
side stood, not the Crown Prince, the son of the late Queen,
but the son of Lady Om. Before I had come near enough
to take it, and indeed before I had made my third bow, the
Emperor held out his hand. He is in appearance a quite
ordinary man, of the Korean type; and there was nothing
worthy of notice about his plain Korean dress. His face wore
the pleasant smile with which he is said to greet all foreigners
(for, as our hostess says: "// est tres gentil, tres aimable");
although its aesthetical effect is somewhat hindered by a bad
set of teeth.
His Majesty expressed the hope that I had a pleasant trip
and was very comfortable and enjoying myself. A favorable
answer, and especially an expression of pleasure at Korea's
beautiful mountain scenery and delightful climate, elicited
the remark he still smiling, while the young Prince looked
as solemn as an owl that, "besides the climate and the
mountains, there was nothing else of interest in Korea."
"I cannot quite agree with Your Majesty," was the response,
"for I find the people and the country very interesting and I
am sure that my interest will increase the longer I stay."
The Emperor then went on to say that he was glad to learn
I had come to instruct his people in right ways ; that he hoped
they would open their minds to enlightenment and to modern
ideas; and that my addresses would contribute to their
progress. I answered that I should sincerely endeavor, by
speaking on the same subjects on which I had been accus-
tomed to speak in my own country, in England, India, Japan,
and elsewhere, to contribute some little help to the same
good cause in Korea. Up to this time, no sign of permission
had been given to take my dismissal, and, indeed, once when
a movement to withdraw had been made, a half-gesture had
prevented it; but now His Majesty held out his hand. After
taking it, I bowed and backed out safely over the threshold
a manoeuvre made the easier by the small size of the room.
LIFE IN SEOUL 47
On returning to the waiting-room the question was asked
whether the Crown Prince was present with his father; and
no little surprise seemed to be excited by the fact that Lady
Om's son had on this occasion taken the place on the Em-
peror's right hand customarily occupied by the older half-
brother. After the entrance again of the Marquis Ito with
his suite, and of the Korean officials, to the room for waiting,
light refreshments were served; the ceremony was then con-
sidered at an end.
My first experience of lecturing to a Korean audience came
on the evening of the same day. While waiting in the small,
dingy rooms of the Korean building, then used for offices by
the Young Men's Christian Association of Seoul, I was intro-
duced to several prominent Korean Christians. The most
interesting of these was the pastor of one of the Korean
churches, a member of a high-class family and one of the
very few of his countrymen who combines a truly manly
native character with a profession of the foreign faith. This
man had been chosen by the Crown Prince to assist at the
obsequies of his mother, the murdered Queen. The struggles
with his conscience, which forbade him either to take part in
heathenish rites, or escape with a lie, by feigning illness, or
crawl out of the dilemma by resigning the official position he
then held, made an interesting story. This man solved his
problem of conscience in truly loyal style. And when the
Christian pastor told his heathen prince that he could not
go, and, as well, the reason why, instead of ordering him
punished the latter said: "Why did you not let me know
beforehand that you are a Christian, and then I should not
have asked you? Go in peace."
The lecture began late. The hall was crowded with some
600 Koreans, seated on the floor, standing in the open space
about the door, and perched in the windows. Besides the
native audience, a few missionaries and three or four Japanese
48 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
friends were the only foreigners present. The arrangements
for enforcing order were unusual and interesting. A number
of young men, designated by badges, were posted near the
door or distributed about the hall. Their office res'embled,
apparently, that of the tithing-man in the Puritan churches of
a century gone by. Boys who became too restless were ad-
monished and sometimes even gently rapped or pulled into
place; and those who wished to leave the hall were prevented
from doing so unless they could give' peremptory reasons for
the wish. It was deemed complimentary to the speaker that
he did not develop any considerable number of this class of
hearers; and, indeed, this particular audience was called
attentive. It was, in truth, fairly so; although not after the
pattern of the altogether respectful and quiet manners of the
Japanese audiences. Indeed, there was always considerable
restlessness and undoubted evidence of that kind of applause
which imitates what the French call claque, in the Korean
audiences at Seoul. On the one hand there was a lack of
that intelligent and serious interest in the discussion of
questions of education, morals, and religion which one meets
everywhere in Japan; while, on the other hand, there was
response by clapping of hands to any remarks which touched
one's hearers on the side of sentiment in an appeal to their
personal or national experiences of injustice, pride, and
weakness mingled with a certain form of ambition. These
different characteristics may safely be interpreted as marking
essential differences between the present attitudes and pros-
pective developments of the two peoples.
This lecture, as were all the lectures delivered to the
Koreans (since they were without exception given under the
auspices of either the Y. M. C. A. or of the missionaries),
was opened by religious exercises. Dr. Jones introduced the
speaker; and Mr. Reynolds, whose reputation for a knowledge
of the Korean language has secured him a prominent place
LIFE IN SEOUL 49
in the work of translating the Scriptures, interpreted. The
speaker availed himself of the words which the Emperor had
that afternoon spoken in commendation of his purpose in visiting
the country, to propitiate his first Korean audience. At the
end of the two hours the foreigners present expressed them-
selves as well satisfied with the beginning which had been made.
On the afternoon of the next day, which was Sunday, the
audience was equally large, and the attention about equally
good; although the drizzle of rain which came on during the
hours of meeting made some of the Korean men as nervous
about the damage threatening their best-wear crinoline hats
as American women are wont to be about their bonnets, under
similar circumstances, on an Easter Sunday. As we entered
the hall, Dr. Avison was leading the audience in singing.
The quality of the song was not high, but it was perhaps
equal to that attainable in Japan, outside of the Greek
Cathedral at the time of my first visit fifteen years ago.
The Koreans. are probably more fond of music, and more apt
at learning, than are the Japanese. Already, under the
training of their German teacher, Professor Eckert, a Korean
band is giving to Seoul fairly creditable music. This service
of song continued for about one-half hour and ended with the
performance of a quartette by Korean young men, one of
whom is Chamberlain to the Crown Prince and a nephew
of the Emperor. This Sunday's audience was almost ex-
clusively Christian.
The next evening's audience was not quite so large as the
others had been, but was obviously of much higher intel-
lectual quality. More of the prominent men of the official
class, apparently attracted by the nature of the theme, were
present. They responded with increasing enthusiasm to
Dr. Jones' clear and vigorous interpretation of my remarks
upon the dangers to the national life which grow out of su-
perstition, lawlessness, partisanship, selfish ambition and
50 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
avarice, and a frivolous, irreverent spirit. At the close of
the lecture the audience rose to their feet and waved toward
me their uplifted hands as a greeting, equivalent to the
Japanese banzai thus making an encouraging ending to
the first series of lectures in Seoul.
On our return from Pyeng-yang it was arranged that
a course of three lectures should be given in the hall of the
Young Men's Association to the teachers, and one or more
popular addresses in Independence Hall, if this larger
building could be obtained. To secure an audience for the
teachers' course, some 400 tickets of invitation were issued
and distributed by Korean helpers. The report of the eager-
ness with which these tickets were sought led the secretary
of the association to predict that three hundred at least would
gather to hear discussed such topics as the following: "The
Work of the Teacher," "The Preparation of the Teacher,"
"The Ideals of the Teacher." The lecturer himself esti-
mated that an audience of as many as fifty would be entirely
satisfactory. As a matter of fact, somewhat more than one
hundred appeared at the appointed hour. The Korean
helpers who had distributed the tickets accounted for the
discrepancy between the fact and their anticipations by the
persistence of the rumor that I had come to Korea to take
a permanent official position under the Japanese Government.
[Indeed, this was the prevalent opinion in Korean official
circles and even among some of the foreigners until the
date of our leaving the country.] But the same question
arose again: Had the Korean Christian helpers really told
the truth and had they been faithful to their work; or had
they dealt with their commission treacherously and brought
back a false report? In either case it was obvious that the
teachers of the public schools had diplomatically refrained
from attendance, under circumstances which might indicate
a relaxing of their anti- Japanese sentiments. However,
LIFE IN SEOUL 51
certain of the Government officers now promised to send out \
word that attendance was cojmnajidedt and a large increase )
was expected at the next lecture. Whatever was the real/
cause of the first disappointment, the audiences were, in fact,
about doubled at the following two lectures. They were also
officially dignified by the presence of the Vice-Minister of
Education, who, alas! soon afterward was arrested for
contributing 1,200 yen to a conspiracy of assassination in-
volving his own chief; he confessed to this intensity of his
patriotism, underwent, according to current report, the
preliminary examination by being beaten with rods, and was
still in prison when we left Korea. As touching the moral
efficiency of the lectures, however, it is only fair to say that
the evil deed had been done some time previous to the culprit's
opportunity for benefiting by their influence.
At the close of this course on educational topics to the
Korean teachers of Seoul, one of the officials in the Depart-
ment of Education detained the audience by a long and some-
what impassioned address. In this he heartily thanked the
lecturer and exhorted the teachers to a better fulfilment of
their duties at the same time lamenting bitterly the sad
condition of educational interests in their native land. Then
one of the Korean secretaries of the Y. M. C. A. compli-
mented the audience on their excellent behavior while in the
hall. This conduct of themselves had been in accordance
with their profession as teachers. They had not yawned, or
belched, or interrupted the speaker by leaving the room
while he was speaking, after the customary behavior of Korean
audiences of the uneducated classes. It should be said,
however, that one of the many minor indirect benefits to the
Korean people which are largely due to Christian missions
is this: discipline in remaining fairly quiet and attentive
while listening to others speaking. The unregenerate native
manners in public meetings are most abominable.
52 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Finally, after several disappointments and rebuffs, Mr.
Gillett succeeded in obtaining Independence Hall for Sunday
afternoon of April 2ist. On our way out to the meeting and
back again he revealed the fact that, on account of the op-
position to me as the guest of Marquis Ito, he had been
unable to get the meeting advertised as widely and effectively
as he desired. Whether this was due to the unwillingness
and unfaithfulness of his Korean helpers, or to the determina-
tion of the native edition of the Korean Daily News to
oppose and traduce everything even remotely connected
with Japan, I did not inquire. But I decided, and asked the
secretary to communicate my decision to his native helpers,
that this should be my last address to the Koreans in Seoul,
unless invited by the Koreans themselves. Was there not
here, I asked, a small body of leading Christian helpers with
courage and manliness enough to set themselves against the
prejudices of their countrymen by expressing spontaneously
their willingness to hear truths about education, morals, and
religion, from one who was the friend of the Japanese as well
as their own nation's friend?
In spite of the insufficient advertising, Independence Hall
was fairly well filled. Some 1,500 to 1,600 were present;
although perhaps 500 or 600 of the audience were boys,
some of whom were not more than ten or twelve years of age.
Much time was consumed in settling upon the floor in the
front part of the hall these school-children as they arrived
in groups, one after the other; and the exercises began more
than an hour later than the time announced. The topic
had been advertised as "The Five Conditions of National
Prosperity" these being, Industry, Art, Education, Morals,
and Religion. Partly on account of somewhat heated feeling,
and partly on account of cooler judgment as to what are the
needs of the hour for Korea, I spoke with audacious plainness
and with unaccustomed energy. Dr. Jones, who was acting
LIFE IN SEOUL 53
as interpreter moved, I think, by somewhat the same
emotions quite surpassed himself in vigor and in clearness,
in a fine mingling of robustness with felicity of expression.
The foreign auditors, including the interpreter himself, were
inclined to be enthusiastic over the success of the meeting.
For myself, there intervened a considerable period of distrust,
both of the Koreans and of my ability to judge them fairly.
Of one thing, however, I was becoming reasonably sure:
the prophetic voice, exalting righteousness and openly
condemning the vices of cowardice, lying, injustice, and
cruel prejudice and race-hatred, is needed above all else in
speech to the Koreans. I asked myself, and was unable to
answer: Are the Christian agencies at work in Korea
furnishing that voice, in a manner and measure to meet the
need?
The next morning, on returning from a walk with one of
the foreign secretaries of the Young Men's Association, we
stood for some time upon the steps of Miss Sontag's house
discussing the decision of the day before. All the excuses
for the Korean attitude toward any endeavors to help them
which could, even in the remotest way, be connected with
their anti- Japanese prejudices, were admitted; they were
indeed "natural" (in the much-abused meaning of the word),
but they were neither reasonable nor Christian. Besides,
they were rendered particularly unmanly by the fact that
these same Koreans were ready enough to profit, individually
and collectively, by Japanese money and influence; and
they were eager and crafty to use the religious institutions
afforded them by Christian money, for the furthering of
heathenish purposes and even criminal designs. The best
thing which the " guest of Marquis Ito" could, therefore, do
for the Koreans themselves was to let them know how, in his
judgment, they were to be measured by the standards of
morals and religion which they had professed to adopt. On
54 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
going in to tiffin, somewhat late from this discussion, I found
by my plate the cards of five Korean gentlemen, prominent
in Christian circles, who had called in my absence. The
next day information was received that these gentlemen had
come to thank me for my previous work in their country's
behalf and to suggest their wish to have the work continued.
As a consequence of this implied invitation, one more pub-
lic address was advertised for a Korean audience in Seoul.
It was to be in the Association Hall, and its topic "The
Seven Cardinal Virtues." On the evening of Friday, May
3d, some four hundred were present, including the Roman
Catholic Archbishop, whose acquaintance I had made only
two days before. Either because of the hot weather, or of
the character of the address, or of the audience, the interest
seemed less than at any of the previous lectures. The time
to terminate the series of talks on topics so little stimulating
and satisfying to the desire for "look-see," and for emotional
excitement, had plainly arrived. Probably, eight addresses
on such serious topics, with an attendance averaging perhaps
500 to 600 each, ought at the present time in Korea to be
gratifying to any speaker. However this may be, the address
of May 3d was the last of my experiences with Korean audi-
ences in Seoul.
Meantime, however, other invitations to speak in the cap-
ital city of Korea had been received and were waiting for
their turn. Soon after our arrival, one of the Japanese
pastors called to say that it had been arranged for me, by one
of the teachers, to address the patronesses of a school for
Korean girls bearing the name, and profiting by the favors,
of Lady Om. Although other plans had previously been
made, in order to save her reputation with the "leading
lady" of Korea, a rebuke was sent to this teacher for en-
gaging her speaker without first consulting him; but the
invitation was accepted. [In justice to the Koreans, it
LIFE IN SEOUL 55
should be said that the person guilty of this indiscretion was
a Japanese. Indeed, to pledge the speaker, and even to
select his time and topic for him, is a sort of morally doubtful
enterprise, out of which even the New Japan has not as yet
wholly emerged]. The talk at Lady Om's School was in no
respect a success. Although both substance and style were
made as simple as possible, the Korean girl who had studied
abroad and was, therefore, thought competent to interpret,
completely failed in this office. And when the Japanese
pastor, who had mediated the invitation, followed with an
address in his native language which was to convey the sub-
stance of the same thought to the Japanese teachers and
patronesses of the school, he delivered so prolonged and
brilliant an oration that the speaker whose few simple words
served as a text for it all, was obliged to commit a breach of
etiquette by leaving before the customary sequence of cakes.
In addressing Japanese audiences in Seoul, as elsewhere
in Korea and all over Japan, I felt entirely at home. It was
characteristic of them in this foreign land, as it was in the
home country at the same time, that they were, above all,
desirous to hear the subjects discussed about which I most
desired to speak. The day when the nation had expected a full
salvation from "science " and military prowess, without morals,
has happily gone by. Its leaders, whether in educational
circles or in the army and navy, in civil service, and largely,
too, in business, are becoming convinced that the "spirit"
of Japan must be revived, retained, made more comprehen-
sive, purified, elevated.; if the triumphs of war are to be fol-
lowed by ,the wished-for successes in the ensuing peace.
Thus in Korea, as everywhere from Nagasaki to Sapporo, in
primary schools, commercial schools, and in the university, I
found the interest of the Japanese in ethical subjects supreme.
When, then, an invitation was received to be present at a
banquet given by the "Economics Club," of which Mr.
56 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Ichihara (manager of the Dai-Ichi Ginko or branches of the
First Bank of Japan in Seoul) is president, and to speak there,
I was glad of the opportunity not only to meet friends,
but also to express certain cherished thoughts on the relations
of ethics and economics. The Marquis Ito was present at
this meeting of the club for the first time. In a lengthy
address, spoken with his usual careful " picking of words,"
the Marquis emphasized the need that the Japanese should
set before the Koreans an example of honesty and fairness
in their economic relations. He dwelt upon the thought that
the one hundred and seventy who were present, and who
represented the principal Japanese business interests in
Korea, should show how the Japanese national policy is
based upon the principle of unselfishness; and how Japan has
declared for, and means to stand for, "the open door." In
welcoming me he repeated, on this public occasion, what he
had said in the privacy of the interview at Kyoto, with the
following words: "Taking advantage of his visit to Japan,
I have invited Professor Ladd, whom I have the honor and
the pleasure of considering as a friend of several years stand-
ing, to come over here and favor me with his frank and inde-
pendent views on the situation. What I want is independent
views. I trust he knows this very well. I trust his observa-
tions will be of great help to me."
In replying to the address of His Excellency, after apologiz-
ing to President Ichihara for criticising the school of econ-
omics in which he had been trained (Mr. Ichihara studied
this subject in the United States), for failure to emphasize
the important and unalterable relations which exist between
moral principles and economical policy, I expressed my
gratification at the triumph of the newer school which builds
on history, psychology, and ethics. I then spoke of the im-
portance of regarding moral principles as fundamental in all
practical ways, for the most successful handling of the
LIFE IN SEOUL 57
delicate political and economical, as well as social interests,
of both Japan and Korea. The observations of both speak-
ers to the same effect were seriously listened to and heartily
commended by this influential group of Japanese financiers
in Korea. Between these gentlemen and the unscrupulous
and mischievous rabble of their countrymen, who poured
into Korea at the close of the war with Russia, a grave dis-
tinction must constantly be made by those who would under-
stand the situation there.
The Japanese ladies in Seoul have formed themselves into
several flourishing ' societies, the most important of which,
perhaps, is the " Ladies' Patriotic Association." This Asso-
ciation is not only useful as an organ for benevolent work
among the widows and orphans of the Japanese soldiers,
and among the soldiers now on service in Korea, but it has
already done much to break down the barriers which ex-
clude Korean women of the upper classes from similar
offices, as well as those which separate the women of the two
nationalities. It is, therefore, admirably adapted to further
indirectly the purposes' of the Resident- General in main-
taining the honor and welfare of Japan by promoting the
good of Korea. On Wednesday of the week following the
address before the Economics Club, I spoke to some sixty
Japanese ladies, and about the same number of gentlemen,
under the auspices of this Association. The theme was the
importance and value of relations of friendship between the
two countries, as an appeal to the patriotism of those who
must be relied upon to bring about these relations. A few
Korean ladies also were present at this gathering. And
when, at a collation which followed in the Japanese Club-
House of Seoul, Mrs. Ladd made a short address to the
ladies, a response in few words was made in Japanese by
Mrs. Megata, the wife of the Financial Adviser to the Korean
Government, and a yet longer one, in the same language, by
58 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITU
Mrs. Yi Chi-yung, the wife of the then acting Korean Minister
for Home Affairs. Such incidents as these may seem trivial,
but they are really noteworthy as the beginnings of what
may well grow into a satisfactory practical solution of the
difficult problem of establishing a Japanese Protectorate over
Korea in a way to secure the honor and welfare of both
nations.
The remaining two addresses to Japanese audiences in
Seoul were not particularly significant as bearing upon the
interests I was trying to serve. They were, however, sug-
gestive as to certain changes going on in Korea which are
destined to assist in the redemption of the country. These
were an address on an educational topic to about sixty teach-
ers who met in the fine, large brick school-building which
marks conspicuously the Japanese ideal in this matter; and
a talk on the relation of religion to social reform, given in
one of the Japanese churches to an audience of a union
character, representing the Christian work among their own
countrymen by pastors imported from Japan. An address
at the annual meeting of the Bible Society, an address at a
meeting of the Asiatic Society, and one or two other talks,
completed my work of this character, so far as the city of Seoul
was concerned.
It will be remembered that the more important -work in
which the Japanese Resident- General in Korea hoped I
might be of some assistance could not be done merely by
making public addresses, however well received by the
Koreans themselves. It was evident that his plans for up-
lifting by pacific measures the economical and educational
condition of the Korean people were being misunderstood
and hindered, not only by those foreigners who had selfish
interests to promote, but also by some who ought to co-
operate in every unselfish way. These " anti- Japanese "
foreigners were of several nationalities (so far as the diplo-
LIFE IN SEOUL 59
mats and, business men were concerned) ; but the mission-
aries were, for the most part, my own countrymen. In the
complaint of Marquis Ito, there was never at any time the
least trace of bitterness, although the fact was obvious that
he felt the credit of his nation, as well as of his own adminis-
tration, to be deeply concerned. But surely, if both Marquis
Ito and the missionaries were striving to promote what was
best for the cause of the Korean nation and of humanity in
the Far East, the disclosure of this fact ought to make more
easy the adjustment of the delicate relations involved in the
different kinds and methods of their benevolent work. I
knew that the Marquis desired this friendly understanding
and cordial co-operation. I thought it right that foreign
missionaries should be not less moved than was the Resident-
General by the same desire. Union and sympathy, rather
than opposition or indifference, ought to prevail between the
industrial and educational interests and the more definitively
moral and religious.
The larger aspects of the missionary problem in Korea will
be briefly treated in another connection. At present it is
enough to describe the conclusions on this subject at which
I was forced to arrive, and to tell something of my personal
experiences. There had, doubtless, been much provocation
to form a poor opinion of the character and intentions of the
Japanese populace which had crowded into the cities of
Seoul and Pyeng-yang during and after the war with Russia.
They had cheated and maltreated the Koreans and had
brought suspicion and, in some instances, disgrace upon the
fair fame of Japan. None of the other foreigners were
readier to make accusation of this than were the reputable
Japanese to confess and deplore the same thing. But all the
robbery and oppression by these unfriendly foreigners was
as nothing compared with what the Koreans had suffered
from their own countrymen through hundreds of years.
60 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Moreover, at this very time, almost without exception, a
Korean was to be found back of, or associated with, a Japan-
ese in each scheme for swindling and in each act of injustice
or oppression.
On the other hand, the conduct of some of the mission-
aries had not been altogether judicious or even fair and just.
As a body they seemed inclined to be over-credulous and easy
to deceive by the falsehoods and exaggerations of their own
converts. Not unnaturally, but it would seem unwisely,
they had been somewhat too extravagant in praise of the
negative virtues of the Koreans, and somewhat too sparing
in demanding the more manly moral qualities of sincerity,
courage, veracity, and sturdy loyalty to justice and to truth.
And to quote expressions heard from the lips of some of the
ladies there had been too much talk with foreigners and
before the natives, about the "dear Koreans"; and "We
do not love the Japanese." That certain letters home in
part private and not designed for publication by the writer,
and in part written by missionaries themselves for the press,
or by chance visitors or newspaper correspondents to make
public stories told to them by the missionaries had created
strong impressions unfavorable to the success of the Japanese
Protectorate, was not a matter of merely private information.
Moreover, the connection, both implicit and obvious, be-
tween these workers in the moral and religious interests of
Korea and the enterprises of Mr. Homer B. Hulbert and his
colleagues in the alleged political interests of the Korean
Court, could not fail to be interpreted by both foreigners and
Koreans as hostile to the policy of the Japanese Government.
Even as late as August, 1907, an open letter than which
anything more insulting or abusive of the Japanese nation
has seldom been published was written by a Church of
England missionary.
Dr. Jones and I had talked over the situation and the policy
LIFE IN SEOUL 61
of the missionary body, as touching the real and lasting
advance of morals and religion in Korea, many times before
the hour when the point of turning was reached. I had
found him always frank, fair, and sympathetic with the diffi-
cult and complicated interests of both peoples. He had
assured me that, personally, Marquis Ito was steadily gaining
in the confidence of all the foreigners, including the mission-
aries, and even of the Koreans themselves. But the prejudice
and bitterness of feeling toward the Japanese generally re-
mained unchanged; and every one seemed to be doubting
whether the policy of the Resident- General could win its
way. I had steadily maintained the position that, whatever
might have been true in the past, the welfare of Korea and the
success of missions there, depended upon a positive and
hearty co-operation of all the factors common to both forms
of good influence. I had previously told Marquis Ito that,
in my judgment, the Christian movement now in progress
would be the most important help toward the success of his
policy in uplifting the Korean people. His Excellency, I
had said to Dr. Jones, had held out the hand to the mission-
aries; for them, through fear of losing influence among the
Koreans, or especially at the Korean Court, to refuse to take
this hand, seemed to me not only unwise but in a measure un-
Christian. Without the success of the powerful influence
wielded by the Resident-General for the economical and educa-
tional improvement of Korea for developing its industries,
founding schools and hospitals, making the conditions of life
more comfortable and sanitary, purging the corrupt court, and
securing law, order, and the administration of justice in the
country magistracies preaching, Bible-teaching, and colpor-
teurage, must remain forever relatively unavailing. Moreover,
I was becoming convinced that a large proportion of the pres-
ent interest of the Koreans in the missionary movement had,
either in pure or mixed form, political motives behind it.
62 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
It was on Thursday, May 2d, that the Korean Daily
News the paper whose most obvious purpose seemed to be,
in its English edition, to foster prejudice against the Japanese
and to obstruct the policy of the Resident- General, and in its
native edition to mislead the Koreans and excite them to
sedition published the following "telegrams about Korea
from American papers" as likely to " prove of local interest"
(sic). [It should be remembered that this date was only
some ten days after the assassination of the Minister of the
Household Department, Mr. Pak Yong-wha, and somewhat
more than a month after the attempted assassination of the
Minister of War.] "American missionaries writing from
Korea recently tell of a most intolerable state of affairs in that
country where the Japanese have been acting in such a high-
handed manner as to cause even the humble native to revolt.
The Emperor is held a prisoner and appears to be in daily
terror of his life. Nor have the aggressions of the Japanese
been confined to the natives of Korea. Americans, engaged
chiefly in mining enterprises, had it plainly demonstrated that
Korea is no place for them and that they would better move
out. A representative of these mining interests" (the true
story of this 'mining representative' will be told elsewhere)
"is now either at or on his way to Washington to see if they
cannot obtain redress from their government. This latest
development in the Korean situation, the boycot, will doubt-
less precipitate matters in Korea."
These "telegrams," published May 2d in Seoul, bore date
of San Francisco, April ist. It so happened that Dr. Jones
came to my office on the early morning of the date of this
publication. Finding that he had not read the article in the
Korean Daily News, I called his attention to it ; and I then
spoke more plainly about the urgent necessity of a change of
attitude on the part of the missionaries than I had ever
spoken before. It was apparent, I urged, that the negative,
LIFE IN SEOUL 63
non-committal position would no longer suffice. Instead of
its being justifiable under the plea of not engaging in politics,
the very reverse was true. The missionaries in Korea, either
unwittingly or half-willingly, were being used, both in Korea
and in the United States, to foster anti- Japanese feeling as
supported by exaggerations, falsehoods, and only half-truths.
They were thus, I feared, helping to encourage the very worst
and most dangerous elements in both countries. There was
real danger that, if this course was persisted in, the peaceful
policy of Marquis Ito, with its patient and generous effort to
promote the development of the Korean people, might be
discouraged. And if the mailed fist were invited, or seemed
necessary, to maintain the reasonable and unalterable inten-
tion of Japan never again to leave Korea to be a prey to
foreign intrigues against herself and to the degradation of
its own corrupt government, the cause of Christian mis-
sions in Korea surely would not fare better than it easily
could by establishing friendly relations of co-operation with
the existing Protectorate. The events of October, 1895,
and of the following years, ought not to be so easily
forgotten.
Two days later the following, under the heading of " Mar-
quis Ito and Christian Missionaries," appeared in the Seoul
Press. "His Excellency Marquis Ito received Dr. George
Heber Jones and Dr. W. B. Scranton on Thursday afternoon.
The work of the churches in Korea was discussed and the
visitors assured His Excellency that the reports, reproduced
from American papers, claiming that the Christian mission-
aries were antagonistic to the Resident-General and his
policy in Korea, neither represented their personal sentiments
nor those of their colleagues; that His Excellency might feel
assured of their sincere sympathy and co-operation in all
measures looking toward the betterment of the Korean people.
The missionaries make it a rule to stand aloof from political
64 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
matters, finding in the moral and spiritual uplift of the
Korean people full scope for activity."
"His Excellency assured the visitors that he gave no
credence to the reports thus circulated, and that he entertained
no suspicion nor doubt of the missionaries in Korea. He
.fully recognized the value of the work they were doing for
the moral and spiritual betterment of the Koreans, and wished
them every success."
This public announcement of the establishment of friendly
relations between the Marquis Ito and an influential portion
of the missionary body in Korea was drawn up in semi-
official fashion. The gentlemen w r ho undertook the duty of
making the advances toward the Resident- General were
convicted as is every one who comes into anything ap-
proaching familiar relations with him of the complete
sincerity of his purpose toward the people of Korea, and of
his frank and fair-minded policy toward all foreign interests.
The Marquis himself, after the interview, requested that the
substance of it might be made known to the public. Each
party prepared with care the few words which declared this
unselfish alliance between the representative of His Imperial
Majesty, the Emperor of Japan, in Korea and these represen-
tative teachers of religion, in the common effort to promote
the industrial, educational, moral, and religious welfare of a
hitherto unhappy nation. Such an alliance as we may
reasonably hope will contribute to the reputation for
wisdom and unselfishness of both parties to it. At any rate,
as soon appeared, the immediate results were in the direction
of an enlarged future good.
CHAPTER IV
LIFE IN SEOUL (CONTINUED)
THE winter and spring of 1907 in Korea were, from the point
of view of one interested in this kind of politics, a very lively
period, even for a country traditionally accustomed to similar
performances. Four attempts at assassination of the Ministry
one of which was successful; daily disclosures of intrigue,
plot and counter-plot; revolts against the country magistrates
which took the form of refusal to pay taxes, of attacks upon
the police, and of highway robbery; plans for plundering the
resources of the nation under plausible pretence of schemes
for "promoting" the nation's resources; foolish excitements
selfishly fostered by writers for the press who had their own
interests to secure; and quite as foolish, but less selfish, en-
deavors for increase of public welfare, by those benevolently
inclined; secret arrangements for the despatch of the un-
fortunate delegation to the Hague, accompanied by stealings
from the impoverished royal treasury to the extent of several
hundred thousand yen; and, finally, a change, not only in
the personnel of the Ministry but in its very constitution and
mode of procedure, which amounted to a bloodless revolution
these and other like events were crowded into this one
half-year. Meantime, especially after the return of the
Resident-General, the foundations of a new industrial and
educational development were being laid; and the arrange-
ments for a systematic administration of law and justice were
quietly made ready. An extensive religious revival was in
65
66 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
progress with phenomena corresponding to those familiar to
students of such subjects, when the moral power of a higher
religion first makes itself felt among a people who are ignorant
devil- and spirit- worshippers and are habitually negligent or
corrupt in respect of the manliest virtues. All this ferment
was both caused, ajid pervaded in its characteristics, by the
Korean national hatred of the race that was destined to
subdue and, as we hope, redeem them.
During Marquis Ito's absence in Japan those opposed to
the workings of the recently established Japanese Protectorate
over Korea were indeed busily engaged. Their various enter-
prises took the several forms mentioned above. As to assas-
sination, one unsuccessful attempt had been made some time
before the Marquis' return to Korea. A beautiful box of
nickel was sent as a present to acting Prime Minister Pak.
No one of the Korean Court, being wise in their generation,
ventured to examine its contents or even to raise the lid of the
box. Subsequently the Resident-General examined it himself.
It proved to be an ingenious contrivance by which the turning
of the key and lifting the lid would pull the trigger of a pistol
and explode the powder with which the box was filled. Both
box and pistol were of American manufacture. The inten-
tion of the pretended present, which it was doubtless hoped
would be the more eagerly accepted and naively dealt with,
since it ostensibly came from so "friendly" a country, needs
no investigation. The precise source of the murderous gift
will perhaps never be accurately known.
The day but one before our arrival in Seoul another un-
successful attempt at political murder was made this time
in daylight and upon one of the principal thoroughfares.
The object of attack was Mr. Kwon, the Minister of War,
who was riding in a jinrikisha surrounded by his official
guard. The following account is taken from the Seoul Press
of Friday, March 29th:
LIFE IN SEOUL 67
The Korean Minister of War had a narrow escape on Monday
from a daring attempt on his life. The would-be assassins
there were two or probably more succeeded. in getting away from
the Japanese policeman in the Korean service, who seems to have
had a most desperate struggle with them and some people who
came to their assistance (that is, the assistance of the assassins).
He, however, succeeded in taking the pistol, which had been
fired twice upon the Minister, happily without any effect. One
of the accomplices was shortly after arrested by another Japanese
policeman in the Korean service in the vicinity of the Minister's
residence. According to a statement made by this prisoner, he
belongs to a band of eighteen men from South Korea, who are
alleged to have recently entered Seoul for the purpose cf assassinat-
ing the Cabinet Ministers. These men are further alleged to be
the remnants of the so-called " volunteer" insurgents of last year.
There seems, however, reason to suspect the truth of this state-
ment; it is not unlikely that motives of a political character have
been adduced to cover a crime prompted by personal enmity or
rivalry. Such things have constantly occurred in this country in
recent years. Rumors are rife as to the true origination of the
dastardly attempt on Mr. Kwon's life, but we do not consider it
necessary to take any notice of them they are mostly of such an
extraordinary character that they will certainly be dismissed as
utterly inconceivable by anybody not accustomed to the peculiar
ways of politics in Seoul.
One remark should be added to complete this public
account; and one other to enable the observer to read be-
tween the lines. There were Korean body-guards and
policemen and citizens at hand; but only one Japanese
policeman made any attempt to save the Minister's life or to
arrest the assassins. The rumors rife, so inconceivable to
"anybody not accustomed" to the "politics" of Seoul,
suggested, as usual, that it would be well not to examine too
closely into the plot, lest some one might be uncovered who
stood "higher up" in the court circles of Korea.
68 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
The third attempt at assassination was limited to the dis-
covery and immediate flight of the intruder as he was trying
to climb the wall of the enclosure of acting Prime Minister
Pak. But the fourth attempt did not terminate so harm-
lessly. In brief, the history of this political murder was as
follows (its date was April 2ist):
On Sunday evening, Mr. Pak Yong-hwa, Director of the Audit
Bureau of the Imperial Household Department, was assassinated
at his house. On that evening Mr. Pak had nearly a dozen visit-
ors, and while he was conversing with them shortly after ten
o'clock, the card of another visitor, not known to him, was brought
in. Mr. Pak saw the man in a separate room, and no sooner had
he begun to talk with him than another man rushed into the room
through a window and stabbed Mr. Pak in the right breast, in-
flicting a wound four inches deep. Seeing their victim drop
mortally wounded, the assassins hurriedly left, discharging a few
shots from their revolvers to prevent pursuit. They are said to
have been attired in foreign dress, and from their accent it is in-
ferred that they are most probably from Keng-Sang-do.
The unfortunate Minister died from his wound while in
the palanquin on the way to the Japanese hospital. Marquis
Ito, supposing from the news received by telephone that act-
ing Prime Minister Pak was the victim, started at once for
the hospital; but learning, before reaching there, of the real
name of the victim, and of his death, he returned to the
Residency. The next day H. M. the Emperor caused a
chamberlain to pay a visit of condolence to Mr. Pak's resi-
dence: but the city of Seoul and the country of Korea went
about its business of intrigue or its work of tilling the fields,
as though nothing unusual had happened. The distinction
between such events here and in Russia should be borne in
mind by one trying to estimate their significance. In Korea
there is no immediate tangible interest, affecting life, liberty,
or property, for the individual, at stake, to justify violence.
LIFE IN SEOUL 69
Where the real reasons are not thoroughly selfish and cor-
rupt as indeed in most cases they are a misguided patriot-
ism, with a large mixture of hypocritical sentimentality, is
the motive for the political murders of Korea. The real
patriots, if their feeling is intense enough and their courage
sufficient, commit suicide; and those of less degree of inten-
sity refuse to accept office under a foreign protectorate!
In general, it had hitherto been only the court officials them-
selves who much cared as to what persons were selected by
the Emperor for the different high offices in Seoul itself.
They, too, had been chiefly interested in the more serious
question as to who it is of these officials that gets himself
assassinated. The peasants and pedlers, who are the travel-
ling merchants in the country districts, care only about the
local magistrates and about the bearable amount of their
"squeezes." But under the administration of Marquis Ito
assassination of officers whose character and official acts
sustain such important relations to the vital interests of both
Japan and Korea, cannot now be allowed its traditional
impunity. Investigation into the authors and promoters of
this plot, therefore, quietly began and was carried as far
upward as seemed desirable or necessary. According to the
Korean Daily News, the three Koreans La In-yung, Aw
Ki-ho, and Kim In-sik who on April ist "went to the
Supreme Court in Seoul and gave themselves up, stating
that they were the ones who had tried to kill the Minister
of War," "seem to have been actuated by no selfish im-
pulses." The same paper calls attention to the claim that
the plan was to kill all the five Cabinet Ministers "who
signed the last treaty with Japan"; and also to the fact that
these same men had been to Japan to memorialize the Japan-
ese Emperor with reference to the condition of Korea under
the protectorate of the empire whose head was His Majesty
himself. This is as far as the paper cared to go at this time
70 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
in apologizing for the attempt at wholesale murder; but
there is no doubt that the attempt itself was not at all dis-
pleasing to the court officials of the other party than the one
in power or to the people generally.
The truer story is as follows : The searchings of the police
after those who attempted the assassination of the Minister of
War resulted in picking up a number of them from various
quarters. These rascals were cross-questioned and one of
them confessed and implicated as back of the plot financially,
no less important a personage than the ex-Minister of the
Imperial Household, Yi Yong-tai. This is the man who
was once prevented by foreign influence, on account of his
thoroughly evil reputation, from going to Washington as
Minister from Korea. He is known as a past-master in all
kinds of craft and corruption, thoroughly untrustworthy;
although he had formerly been elevated by the Emperor to
the position of Minister of the Interior. Now, it so happened
that at the very time of the examination of the assassins,
this same gentleman was in an adjoining room where he and
those with him could easily hear everything said in answer
to the cross-questioning. It is no wonder, then, that Mr.
Yi Yong-tai confessed that he himself was indeed one of the
band of patriots who had attempted the gallant measure of
paying hired assassins to make way with their political rivals
as I have already said, a recognized, legitimate political
measure throughout Korean history.
The progress and result of the investigations into this plot
of assassination are so significant that this summary account
from the Seoul Press is well worthy of reflective considera-
tion:
The authors of the late unsuccessful attempt on the life of Mr.
Kwon, the War Minister, have at last been established. The plot
is of much greater magnitude than originally supposed, and more
than thirty men are now under arrest. The leaders of the con-
LIFE IN SEOUL 71
spiracy are two South Chul-la-do men, La In-yung and Aw Ki-ho
by name. It is stated that they are men of learning and command
some respect among their neighbors. Some days ago they sur-
rendered themselves to the Supreme Court and confessed all that
had happened. From their own statements it appears that the
events which led them to the dastardly attempt are rather his-
torical than temporary. Since the days of the Japan-China war
they have been imbued with the idea that the peace of Korea
could be preserved only through the separate independence of
Japan, China, and Korea. Guided by this idea they did all
things in their power to prevent Russia from gaining ascendancy in
this country after that war; and on the outbreak of the Russo-
Japanese war they prayed, so they say, for the victory of Japan,
as her Imperial declaration of war made reference to the main-
tenance of the territorial integrity of the peninsula. In June,
1905, the two men, with one Yi, a school teacher, went over to
Tokyo and made representations to the Household Department
and Cabinet Ministers, petitioning for Korea's independence.
On learning from the Japanese press that the conclusion of a
treaty was on the tapis between Japan and Korea, which would
transfer the conduct of Korean foreign affairs into the hands of
the former, they immediately wired to Mr. Pak, the Premier,
requesting him not to sign the Convention, even if his life were
threatened. The Convention, however, soon became an accom-
plished fact in November, 1905, and the three left Tokyo fqr
home in the next month. But they soon found it impossible to
enjoy tranquillity at home. Japan began steadily to perform that
which the Convention of November, 1905, provided for, and they
again crossed to Japan, in April, 1906. They vainly attempted
to persuade some Japanese politicians to start a movement for
the realization of their cherished ideal. Discouraged by another
failure, they once more returned to Seoul, and on the initiative
of La In-yung, they came to the terrible decision that the Premier
and four Ministers of State, who were responsible for the conclu-
sion of the Convention, should be assassinated in order to admit
of the present Government being replaced by a new administra-
tion, composed of men of greater ability and capable of forcing
72 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Japan to restore to Korea the conduct of her own affairs. They
were thus awaiting the advent of a good opportunity.
On the other hand, a survivor of the Chi Ik-hyun rebellion,
named Pak Tai-ha, with Kim Tong-pil, arrested on Tuesday,
and a few others discontented with the present regime, were con-
spiring here to raise another rebellion; and La and Aw, happen-
ing to come in contact with these men, a special friendship was
soon contracted between them. Pak and his associates were
prevailed upon by La and Aw to abandon their own plan and
join the plot against the Government in power. Here stepped in
another person, by name Kim In-sik, hailing from North Chul-
la-do. Having many acquaintances among the officials of the
Government, especially among those now out of power, Kim was
asked to raise a fund necessary for the achievement of their com-
mon cause; and he succeeded in drawing a sufficient sum from
the discontents. Yi Yong-tai, ex-Minister of the Imperial House-
hold, now under arrest, headed the subscription list by contribut-
ing 1,700 yen, and this was followed by 1,200 yen by Min Hyung-
sik, Vice-Minister of Education, who was arrested on Thursday
night, through the medium of Chi Ik-chin, Chief of the Accounts
Section of the Imperial Guards Bureau in the Household Depart-
ment, who, in turn, was also arrested on Thursday night. A few
minor contributions were made by ex-officials, making a total of
3,400 yen.
The date originally fixed for the assassination of the five Min-
isters was the ist of the first moon, when all the high dignitaries
proceed to the Palace to offer their congratulations to the Em-
peror. They hired a number of men in Chul-la-do and Kyong-
sang-do for the purpose; but the plan miscarried owing to the
belated arrival of these men. The 25th of May was then chosen.
Some fifty men came up to town in time from the above two prov-
inces, and five bands, each under the command of a leader, were
posted along the roads leading to the Palace from the respective
residences of the Premier, Ministers of the Interior, War, Educa-
tion and Justice, and Mr. Yi Kun-tak. The company com-
manded by Aw Ki-ho, which was to do away with Mr. Pak, failed
through the hesitation of the hired men; but Yi Hong-tai's com-
LIFE IN SEOUL 73
pany, charged with the killing of the War Minister, had courage
enough to make an attempt. Their efforts, however, proved
abortive, and led to the detection of the plot.
An analysis of this group of Korean officials and common-
ers, bent on wholesale political murder of their own country-
men in office, because the latter were avowedly committed to
a reform of the economical and judicial condition of Korea,
without distinction as to the ill success, or even, in certain
particular cases, the unfaithfulness of these "reformers " shows
it to have been composed of three classes of persons. There
were, first, the high-class officials who, with one exception,
were themselves at the time among the party of the "outs";
and who undoubtedly found in this fact the chief crime of
the Japanese administration against themselves. There
were, second, the misguided patriots who, beginning with
an honorable but vain unwillingness to admit the incapacity
of their country to manage its own affairs, had sunken to the
condition of prejudice and hatred which made them plan to
murder their own cabinet ministers, because the latter had,
however reluctantly, admitted this incapacity and acted ac-
cordingly. And there was, third, that basest of all criminals,
the cold-blooded, unprincipled, hired assassin.
The administration of justice in an even-handed manner
is peculiarly difficult in Korea; and, indeed, until recently no
serious attempt at such a thing has ever been made. In the
case of this complicated plot . for assassinating the entire
Korean Cabinet, it should be borne in mind that several of
its chief promoters were very highly connected; they were,
indeed, connected well up towards His Imperial Majesty on
his throne. Considering this fact, the issue when reached
showed a marked improvement already established in judicial
affairs. It was indeed rumored and perhaps correctly
that Mr. Min Hyung-sik, the Vice-Minister of Education,
74 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS IT<3
underwent preliminary examination, in the old-fashioned
Korean style, by being cruelly beaten. And the anti- Japanese
press tried to make it count against Marquis Ito's measures
for judicial reform that he had not prevented the traditional
Korean mode of torturing suspects ! But this way of examin-
ing criminals was still legal in Korea. It was also said that
Mr. Yi Yon-yung, chief of the Supreme Court, sent in his
resignation, on the ground that, as his younger brother was
one of the five ministers who were doomed to death by the
assassins, it would not be fair for him to try the case.
At the time of our leaving Seoul the trial of these con-
spirators was not finished. But on Wednesday, July 3d, at
4 p. M., the Supreme Court returned judgment upon twenty-
nine persons who had been tried and convicted of connection
with the plot to assassinate those Korean officials who took
part in the Japanese-Korean Convention of November, 1905.
Three of the hired murderers who, besides this crime, were
found to have been previously guilty of armed robbery, were
sentenced to death. The others received sentences of exile
(a penalty feared more than death by many Korean officials),
for periods of from five to ten years. Among those to whom
the longest sentence of exile was measured out, were the
notable names of Yi Yong-tai, ex-Minister of the Imperial
Household; Soh Chang-sik, ex-Minister Resident, and my
auditor at the lectures on education, Min Hyung-sik, Vice-
Minister of Education.
Even while the examination of this group of assassins was
going on, and after the change in the Ministry had been
effected, another plot against the lives of the same men was
discovered. This conspiracy was, however, less important as
respects the rank of the persons involved and less extensive in
the number of those participating. Most of the ten Koreans
thought to be concerned in it belonged to the Yang-ban class,
or the "gentry," and all were followers of Confucianism.
LIFE IN SEOUL 75
The opinion prevailed that the motive of these conspirators
was scarcely to any degree patriotic; but that their principal
object was to collect money from the disappointed political
groups of the capital. At all events, seven of the criminals
were arrested, the plot broken up thoroughly, and another
lesson given to Korean officialdom that assassination is no
longer to be so sure a path to official promotion and Imperial
influence as it has too often been in the past history of the
country.
An amusing but significant incident illustrative of Korean
official procedure came under my own observation. Prince
Tokugawa, who had been staying somewhat more than a
week at Miss Sontag's, before leaving Korea, gave an u at
home" to about one hundred and fifty invited guests. Soon
after the company had assembled, and while the ladies were
in the drawing-room and the gentlemen in the large outer,
enclosed verandah, suddenly the electric lights went out and
the company were left in total darkness. The gentleman
with whom I was conversing at the moment and I looked
through, the glass doors of the verandah and observed that
the electric lights outside were still burning. At this dis-
covery my companion, who had had some experience in the
ways of Seoul diplomacy, became somewhat disturbed, and
remarked: "Such things sometimes happen by previous ar-
rangement." Almost immediately after the sudden darkness
came on, a servant emerged from the dining-hall with a
lighted taper, and crossing to the drawing-room proceeded to
light the numerous candelabra. At the heels of the servant
followed Prince Eui Wha, pale with fright, on his way
from the verandah to the drawing-room, where he slipped
behind a barricade of ladies and planted himself against the
wall. It should be remembered in explanation of so singular
behavior that this Prince, although he is the Emperor's son
by a concubine, is hated by no fewer than three different
76 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
parties; these are the Min family, who favor the succession
of the son of the Queen, the party of Lady Om, who would
gladly see her young son come to the throne, and the violently
anti- Japanese crowd who believe that Prince Eui Wha is too
much under Japanese influences. It had been rumored
previously that a letter had threatened him with assassination.
However this may be, the present was not the expected oc-
casion; for examination showed that the burning-out of a
fuse was the real cause of the sudden darkness : and a servant
repaired the connection so that, just as a workman hastily
summoned from the electric plant, entered the front door, the
lights as suddenly came on again.
The plots for assassination undoubtedly contributed to the
causes which had already for some time been at work to
make necessary a change in the Ministry. In spite of the
enmity which the existing Cabinet had excited on account
of its unwilling part in the Convention of November, 1905,
it had held together for a remarkably long period of time.
Not all its members, however, were equally sincere or efficient
in carrying out the reforms to which they had pledged them-
selves; at least one of its members had been accused of a
notable attempt at the old-time manner of corrupt adminis-
tration of office. The II Chin-hoi people, or members of
a numerous so-called " Independence Society," had been
"heckling the Cabinet Ministers" by accusing them of
venality and incapacity. In a memorial forwarded to the
Government by its committee, the beginning read: "We
herewith write you and enumerate your faults"; the memorial
ended with the amusingly frank declaration : "The only thing
for you Cabinet Ministers to do is to resign your posts and
retire into private life. Your armed body-guards are entirely
useless. If you do your duties assiduously and honestly,
every one will love you; but if you pursue idle and vicious
courses, every man's hand will be against you."* Moreover,
LIFE IN SEOUL 77
the acting Prime Minister Pak, although of good intentions,
had not developed the ability to lead and control his colleagues,
and he was probably acting wisely when he insisted on having
his resignation accepted. The resignation of their chief
involved the resignations of all and the formation of a new
Ministry although not necessarily of a Ministry composed
wholly of new members.
On returning to "Maison Sontag" about ten o'clock
(Wednesday, May 22d) from dining out we found our hostess
rather worn in body and mentally disturbed ; she had herself
just reached home after some seven hours of continuous
service in the Palace. Mademoiselle also appeared anxious
about the comfort and health of the Marquis Ito, who had
himself been there during a similar long period, and who had
eaten and drunk nothing except a sandwich and a glass of
claret sent in by her to His Excellency. The resignation of
Premier Pak had been tendered on the Monday previous.
The next morning but one, the Seoul Press, published the fol-
lowing announcement:
Marquis Ito's audience with the Emperor of Korea on Wednes-
day was a protracted one, it being nearly ten o'clock in the evening
before His Excellency left the palace. During the five hours that
he was with His Majesty, the old cabinet was dismissed and a new
one called into existence. The new Ministry thus formed is com-
posed as follows:
Prime Minister Yi Wan-yong.
Minister of Justice ....*.. Yi Ha-yong.
Minister of Finance Min Yong-ki.
Minister of the Interior .... In Sun-jun.
Minister of War Yi Pyong-mu.
Minister of Education . . . . Yi Chai-kon.
As the same paper subsequently remarked, this change of
government, which had taken place with a quite unequalled
78 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
promptitude and quiet, followed upon a conversation in which
the " Resident- General spoke to the Emperor on the general
situation in a remarkably frank and outspoken manner."
The substance of this conversation between Marquis Ito
and the Korean Emperor in this memorable interview was
probably somewhat as follows: His Majesty was reminded
of the Marquis' regret that a change of Ministry had become
necessary; for under existing circumstances it was desirable
to avoid as much as possible the friction likely to accompany
such a change. But Minister Pak insisted on resigning and
the others, of course, must follow his example. Now the
history of the country showed, as the Emperor well knew, that
changes in the Cabinet were a signal for all manner of con-
fusion in the Government, caused by the intrigue of parties
contending for the control. Promptness of action would
alone prevent this. His Excellency wished to remain in the
palace until the new Ministry was constituted. Under
existing circumstances it was most desirable that the new
Prime Minister should be a man who could be trusted; and
that, in order to secure internal harmony and freedom from
intrigue within the Cabinet itself, he should have a choice
in the selection of his colleagues. He should also have a
policy, should explain it to the others, and thus secure their
intelligent and hearty co-operation and support. In His
Excellency's opinion, Mr. Yi Wan-yong, the then acting
Minister of Education, was the man, of all others, most
suitable for the position of Premier. This advice accom-
panied, as it doubtless was, by words of plain but friendly
warning as to the consequences of continuing the old-time
policy of intrigue, deceit, and submission to the counsels of
base-born and unscrupulous fellows, who were always
planning to deceive and ipb the Emperor in order to profit
themselves was finally followed.
The Ministry of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry,
LIFE IN SEOUL 79
which for practical importance stood next to that of the Prime
Minister, and which had been rather unworthily filled by its
previous occupant, was for the time being combined with the
Prime Minister's. Soon after, the Minister of Justice and
the Minister of Finance of the new Cabinet insisted upon
resigning, and Mr. Cho Chung-yung and Mr. Ko Yong-hui
were appointed to the vacant positions. At the same time
the vacant portfolio which had been temporarily left in the
hands of the Prime Minister was given to Mr. Song Pyong-
chun. With these changes and this additional appointment
a new Cabinet was arranged in the briefest possible time,
without popular excitement, and without opportunity for
corrupt intrigue.
An analysis of the personnel of the new Ministry shows that
it was composed of comparatively young men and of men who
had, on the whole, previously sustained a fair reputation.
It also was much more obviously a reform Cabinet; its
material was both more mouldable and more homogeneous.
The Home Minister had been the President of "Song-kyun
College" (a Confucian institution); the War Minister, who
was speedily made a Major- General, had received a thorough
military education in Japan and had been director of the
Korean Military Academy. The new Minister of Education
had at one time been Vice-Minister in the same department.
Almost immediately the new Cabinet, in accordance with
the significant decision to hold a Council every Tuesday at
the official residence of the Resident-General, met to shape
a more definite public policy. A full report of the speech
made to them on this occasion by Marquis Ito, and of the
response made by Premier Yi, was published for Korea,
Japan, and all the world to read. In this address the Marquis
claimed that he had now, since his arrival one year ago, acted
in perfect good faith, with the immovable intention to do all
in his power to cement friendship between Japan and Korea,
8o IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
and to develop the latter 's resources. The most urgent need
for Korea at present was a reformed administration. Re-
viewing the history of the past thirty years in the Far East,
with which his own experiences had made him particularly
familiar, he recalled before them his persistent advocacy of
peaceful measures as opposed to those of a punitive war.
But it was for Korea herself to say whether such measures
should prevail as would insure her independence in home
affairs and peaceful self -development, or not. If the present
Cabinet did not agree with him, let them frankly and bravely
say, No! If they concurred in his opinion, let them free
themselves of selfish motives and unite in bringing about the
common good. To this address of Marquis Ito, Mr. Yi, the
Premier, replied in behalf of his colleagues. After thanking
the Resident-General for his advice, he promised that the new
Ministry would unite under his guidance, and "despite all
obstacles and in the face of any dangers that might lie in the
way, would endeavor to attain their object the best good
of their country."
Other measures followed rapidly, all of which tended to
constitute a Cabinet which should be a really - effective
administrative body, relatively free from court intrigue and
from the fear of internal treachery. These measures, taken
together, secured a new official system, the beginnings of real
government for the first time in the history of Korea, as the
following quotation will show:
According to the new system the present Council of State is to
be called hereafter the Cabinet, and the President of the Council
of State the Prime Minister. The respective Ministers of State
shall give their advice to the Emperor, and be responsible for the
management of important matters of State. All laws, imperial
edicts, the budget, the final account, any and all expenditure that
is not provided for in the budget, the appointment, dismissal and
promotion of Government officials and officers, amnesty and
LIFE IN SEOUL 81
pardon, and other affairs of State, shall require the deliberation
and consent of all the Ministers of State as well as the counter-
signature of them all. In short, the new system aims at the
enlargement of the power of the Government in order to enable
it to stand independent of outward influence.
How complete a bloodless revolution was accomplished in
this quiet and almost unnoticed way will be made more ap-
parent later on when it can be viewed in its larger historical
and political settings. That His Majesty the Korean Em-
peror did not like the change, needs scarcely to be said.
The enlargement of the power of the Government meant the
diminishing of the Imperial power to dispose of the offices,
the possessions, not only of the Crown but also of individuals
and of the nation, and the lives of the subjects, without re-
gard to law, order, justice, or the semblance of equity. There
is equally little need to say that the Yang-bans and the cor-
rupt courtiers and local magistrates, as well as the court-
eunuchs and sorceresses, were in the opposition. But only
by such changes is to be constituted the true " Passing of
Korea," in a manner to commend itself to every genuine
patriot and to all foreigners who honestly care for the good
of the Koreans and for the welfare of the Far East.
The Emperor at first was reported to have attacks of being
"indisposed," which prevented his seeing the Ministers when
they came for consultation, or for the imperial sanction to
their acts under the new regime. But, on the whole, his
health gradually so improved that he was able to accept the
situation with more apparent acquiescence, if not inner
complacency. And the fright which soon arose over the
serious consequences that were to follow his alleged Com-
mission of Koreans and their " foreign friend" to enter
formal protest against Japan at The Hague Peace Confer-
ence, at least for the time being made the humiliations suf-
fered from his own subjects at home the easier to be borne*
82 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
According to unfailing Korean custom, it was to be ex-
pected that the ex-Ministers would become at once opponents
of their successors in office and powerful factors in the in-
trigues designed to destroy the influence of the latter with
the Emperor. The success of the new Ministry, especially
in the matter of those reforms which made Marquis Ito's
administration so obnoxious to the ruling classes, was there-
fore in peril from the Ministry that had resigned. But in-
fluence of a private and suspicious character with His Ma-
jesty had become, under the new regime, less important and
less likely to be profitable; and the ex-Ministers were not
only to be rendered innocuous, even if any of them might
at any time be disposed to do harm, but were also them-
selves to be committed by motives of personal interest to a
more responsible, relatively reformed mode of administering
national affairs. The new Korean Government decided to
"create" the office of "Councillor in the Privy Council";
the ex-Ministers were themselves promptly appointed to this
office. They were given comfortable salaries, and three of
them including the one who had been publicly reported as
having put on a coat-of-mail and secreted himself in his own
house, through fear of assassination, at the time of his
resignation were sent on a tour of inspection to Japan.
Here they were received in audience by His Imperial Maj-
esty the Emperor of Japan, and so well treated that they
might reasonably be expected to return to their own country
with a spirit of hearty co-operation in measures for reforming
the condition of their own country after the Japanese model.
Among the other events of the spring months of 1907 was
one which, while in itself considered, was relatively unim-
portant, was destined to become of no small political in-
fluence upon the Japanese policy in Korea and upon the
relation of the Emperor and the court circle to that policy.
This was the sudden departure, after selling his effects at
LIFE IN SEOUL 83
auction, of Mr. Homer B. Hulbert. It does not belong to
the story we have to tell, to speak of the previous history of
this gentleman in Korea, or of his views. on historical sub-
jects when involving the character of the Japanese, except so
far as the statement of the facts and truths of history makes
such reference mostly indirect indispensable. But on this
particular occasion what transpired of Mr. Hulbert's trans-
actions with the Emperor is so intimately connected with
the political events of the period that some special mention
of them cannot properly be omitted.
Immediately on my return from Chemulpo, Wednesday,
May 8th, I found the excitement of the day was over the
following questions: "What was Mr. Hulbert's motive for
leaving Seoul so suddenly ? Where is he going ? and What is
his business?" Now the Korean Daily News, the violently
anti- Japanese paper which was currently believed to receive
the support of Mr. Hulbert, in the forms of friendship with
its editor, writing some of its editorials, and interest in its
receiving subsidies, had just published as a despatch from
-Paris (dated May 3d) the following illuminating statements :
"Korea will also participate in The Hague Peace Con-
ference"; but then again: "It is reported that Japan will
represent Korea at the Conference." The conjecture,
therefore, was very promptly made by those in the diplomatic
service in Seoul that the Emperor had again given another
large sum of money to the same hands, with the same hope,
as formerly, of procuring foreign assistance or even inter-
vention. This was, however, hard to credit even by those
most suspicious; for, from the Japanese point of view, such
a transaction would have been on the recipient's part very
like "obtaining money under false pretences," and on the
giver's part, a breach of the compact with Japan which
might seriously impair, or even endanger, the imperial in-
terests. That such a commission was a breach of treaty-
84 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
obligations will be made perfectly clear when we come to nar-
rate the true history of the compact made in November, 1905.
Inquiry resulted only in finding that Mr. Hulbert's real
plans in going, and even his reasons for going at all, had not
been confided to any of his most intimate friends. His
Korean associates, outside of the very few higher officials
that might be in the secret, held the absurd opinion that he
had been bought off from his devotion to them by the Mar-
quis Ito, to whose official residence he had resorted for a
conference and an agreement as to terms. To the other
foreigners he had assigned the condition of his family affairs
as the reason for his removal. To one of his more intimate
friends among the missionaries he had claimed that, having
heard of a wealthy American who might be induced to give
a large sum of money to found an educational institution in
Korea, he was going to try to secure the gift. The only
points of agreement were that the journey was to be made
over the Siberian Railway, and that there was to be a con-
siderable stop in St. Petersburg. In a quite unexpected but
entirely authentic way it became known to me within a few
hours that Mr. Hulbert had indeed gone from Seoul with a
large gift of money from His Majesty and with an important
commission to execute. Although the precise amount of the
imperial gift continued for some time to be variously esti-
mated and reported, and although its precise uses may never
be inquired into not to say made public; that a Commis-
sion appeared at The Hague, and its fate, are now matters
of the world's political history. As such, it will be referred to
elsewhere. 1
1 It is now proper to say, since his own abdication and the Conven-
tion of July, 1907, have followed, that the Korean Emperor after re-
peated denials, confessed at the time to a faithful foreign friend (not a
Japanese) that he had given to Mr. Hulbert a large sum of money to
execute a certain commission the nature of which he kept secret. In
spite of this friend's importunate urging and vivid representation of
LIFE IN SEOUL 85
It would be a great mistake, however, to suppose that
Seoul had no other charms for us as visitors than the oppor-
tunity for delivering lectures and for witnessing, from outside
and inside points of view, the human puppets which suppose
themselves to be defeating the plans of that Supreme Ethical
Spirit who shapes the destiny of nations, in partnership with
those who partake of the spirit with which He inspires the
"men of good-will." The Court intrigues, and even the
assassination of the Ministry, had little disturbing effect upon
foreign business or foreign social life in the capital of Korea.
With the former it made no difference of practical importance
beyond the temporary check, perhaps, to some promoting
scheme which depended upon the personality of the Court
favorites for its Imperial support. There was no particular
reason why society should heed such familiar occurrences.
The weather was fine; the luxuriant bloom of the Korean
spring and the vivid and changeful coloring of the mountains
surrounding Seoul, invited to out-of-doors entertainments;
and no foreigner's life was then in any danger. For, as to
the last feature favoring open-air sociability, the foreign
visitor or resident need have little fear within the city walls,
so long as the mob is not aroused and in control. Aside
from one or two articles in the Seoul Press, and the grave
rebukes of the Resident-General, I neither heard, nor heard
of, any voice raised against the immorality and crime of
political intrigue and political assassination. There was at
the time no Savonarola or Martin Luther in Korea. But,
then, in what part of America, or country of Europe,, is such
a prophet now to be found? In Korea, as elsewhere, pol-
what the consequences of the act might be to himself and to his family,
His Majesty refused to telegraph a recall of the commission. He did,
however, so far yield to the same pleading as to agree not to furnish a
further sum of money which had been asked in behalf of the influence
of another "foreign friend," the editor of the most violently anti-Japan-
ese newspaper.
86 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
itics and morals seemed only remotely related, even in the
minds of the teachers of religion.
The foreign society of Seoul, including, of course, the
Japanese, is small, but homogeneous and agreeable. It is,
indeed, composed of several nationalities and of varied occu-
pations from that of the shrewd and hardened diplomat
to the unsuspecting but devout missionary. But whatever
differences of views and habits, or more important oppositions,
lie hidden beneath, when the gathering is social, there is a
cordial interchange of courtesies and an appearance of good-
will. There can 'be no doubt that much of this socially-
uniting influence has its source in the will of the Japanese
Resident- General; and just as little doubt that the Japanese
Imperial treasury is somewhat heavily drawn upon for the
expenses. But it is worth for Korea all that it costs and
more. Especially true is this, when we consider the effect
which is had in this way upon the Korean upper classes
themselves. Indeed, it is foreign social amenities and de-
cencies, under the brave and efficient leadership of the lady
in whose house we stayed, that have made the Korean court
functions half-way tolerable, and that to this hour prevent
the housekeeping of the Palace from relapsing into an intoler-
able condition of filth and disorder. But what the social
functions that are now -encouraged by the Resident-General
are in a measure doing is chiefly valuable by way of bringing
the Korean upper classes into apparently and as, I believe,
the event will prove, genuinely friendly relations with the
Japanese. This effect has already showed itself to a con-
siderable extent in the case of the Korean gentlemen. Not
only those who have been abroad, and those who are now
going abroad (for the most part, to Japan), but even the
others are coming to appreciate the value of more cleanly
and elegant ways of enjoying one's self socially than were
conceivable by their ancestors. Gluttony, drunkenness,
LIFE IN SEOUL 87
filthy habits and surroundings, seem less natural and at-
tractive by comparison with a few degrees of higher social
refinement. The hardest crust to break will doubtless be
that which encompasses and crushes the Korean lady. In
Japan there has never been anything quite comparable to the
still present degrading influences bearing upon the woman-
hood of the upper classes in Korea. But while we were in
Seoul, for the first time so far as known in its history, a
Korean lady walked upon the streets, and after making
several calls in this fashion, rode home in the electric car!
Her companion was a Japanese lady, and the two were selling
tickets to a public entertainment given in behalf of a benevo-
lent enterprise. Being present ourselves at this same en-
tertainment, we saw to our surprise quite one hundred Korean
women, dressed in their native costume, enter the theatre,
and seat themselves among the Japanese of their own sex.
If this thing goes on, racial hatred is doomed. For soon it is
to be hoped, or feared, according to one's point of view, that
Korean ladies will attend garden parties and, perhaps,
finally, frequent afternoon teas and evening receptions, at
which foreigners of both sexes are present. And this, I am
sure, is a sight never as yet beheld by mortal eyes; at least
my eyes saw no sign of its beginning as yet in the now half-
opened "Hermit Kingdom."
A few days after our arrival our host gave us an afternoon
reception at the Residency House. It was a beautiful day;
and the grounds, which had been decorated as it is difficult
for other than the Japanese professionals to do, were beau-
tiful as was the day. The first two hours were spent upon
the hill above the Residence, from which there are fine and
extensive views of Seoul and its environing mountains.
There, in the several well-situated booths and tea-houses,
light refreshments were served. There, too, we were intro-
duced to the whole of Seoul "society," some of whom we
88 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
were glad to call our "friends," when we parted from them
nearly two months later. The Japanese officials, the foreign
Consuls, with their wives and daughters, the Korean officials
without their families, the Roman Catholic Archbishop and
the Protestant missionaries, and a few of the leading business
people, made up that sort of a gathering which is most
thoroughly human and most interesting. A collation, with
chatting and hand-shaking, in the Marquis' apartments
closed a delightful afternoon.
Of the various garden parties, luncheons, dinners, and
receptions, which followed and not only enlivened the other-
wise somewhat dull life of lecturing, reading, consulting, and
observing, it is not necessary to speak in detail. The visit
of Prince Tokugawa and his party to Seoul, which was
extended for some ten days, was very properly made the occa-
sion of a series of festivities, at most of which they were the
guests of honor;, but at the last of which a reception given
in Miss Sontag's house Prince Tokugawa was himself the
host. The unaffected friendly bearing of these Japanese
gentlemen toward the Koreans, with whom they were thus
brought in contact, helped to soften the anti- Japanese feeling;
and since on one, at least, of these occasions, the reception given
by Mr. Megata, not only the foreign diplomats but also a
number of the foreign missionaries were invited, it gave to
the latter a somewhat unaccustomed opportunity to observe
at close hand the enlightening fact that Japan, like all other
so-called civilized nations, does not have its true character
best represented by its coolies, low-lived adventurers, camp-
followers, and land-grabbing pioneers.
I close this brief description of our varied experiences in
Seoul with a warning against a very common but, in my judg-
ment, quite fallacious view of the relation in which the capital
city stands to the entire country of Korea. It is customary
to say that " Seoul- w Korea" just as " Paris is France." But
LIFE IN SEOUL 89
this is even less true in the macrocosm of Seoul than in the
macrocosm of Paris. It is indeed true, as Dr. Jones has said,
that "as the capital of the Empire its political pre-eminence
is undisputed. Intellectually and socially it has ruled Korea
with an iron hand for half a millennium." But it is also true
that the real interests and undeveloped material and human
resources of the nation are in the country; and that the
uneconomical, ignorant, and depressed condition of the people
outside of Seoul is the chief concern of all who really care for
the welfare of Korea. The local magistrates must be re-
formed, or the well-nigh hopeless task of reforming the
corrupt Court at Seoul would be, if it could be accomplished,
of little value to the nation. And if it becomes necessary, in
order to effect this reform, and so to bring about the redemp-
tion, industrially, educationally, morally and religiously, of
the people of the country, then the "iron hand" which rules
them from Seoul must be either gloved or broken in pieces.
But, in truth, the idol at Seoul which the Koreans worship is
an image of clay.
CHAPTER V
A VISIT TO PYENG-YANG
FROM the historical, as well as the geographical and com-
mercial points of view, the city of Pyeng-yang (spelled also
Pyong-yang and in various other ways) is the most important
place in all Northern Korea. It has frequently been be-
sieged and assaulted, both by Japanese invaders from the
south and by various forces Mongolian, Chinese, Manchu
coming down from the north to pour their devastating hordes
over the country. It was hither that the Korean king fled }
before the armies of "men in fierce-looking helmets and
bright armor with little pennons at their backs bearing their
names and family badges," which were sent against him by
Hideyoshi more than three hundred years ago. The city
is beautifully situated; it is by nature constituted for all time
as a principal centre for distributing over the Yellow Sea the
industrial products of fertile North Korea and for receiving
in return whatever the adjoining parts of China and Manchu-
ria may furnish for coastwise trade.
Previous to the China- Japan war there were probably not
more than a half-score of Japanese within the walled city of
Pyeng-yang. But some two years after the end of this war
the Japanese colony had grown to several hundred souls.
During and after the war with Russia, however, the increase
of this colony was so rapid that it could find no room within
the walls of the city. It therefore burst through, as it
were, the barrier of these walls and built a new city for
90
A VISIT TO PYENG-YANG 91
itself outside the South Gate, which, like all similar en-
terprises in Korea, by its neat dwellings and shops, its
clean and broad streets, and its general air of prosperity,
contrasts with, and forms an object lesson to, the Korean
city within the walls.
The original inhabitants of the Japanese city were by no
means altogether of the class most creditable to Japan, or
comfortable as neighbors for the Korean population. There
were many adventurers, hangers-on and panderers to the
army, who did not stop at either fraud or violence in their
treatment of the native population of Pyeng-yang. And
while the Japanese army during the war behaved with most
admirable moderation and discipline here, as elsewhere in
Korea and Manchuria, at its close even the military authorities
were not as scrupulous as they should have been by way of
appropriating land and other necessaries for their permanent
occupation. The wrongs which were then committed are,
however, as far as possible in such cases, now being measure-
ably remedied or compensated for; and in spite of the fact
that the withdrawal of the divisional headquarters of the
Japanese army has affected somewhat seriously the retail
trade, and there still continues to be more or less of disturbing
friction between dealers of the two nationalities, and a crop
of disputes over land-claims that need settlement, there is
now a prosperous Japanese city, with some 5,000 inhabitants.
The Korean city is also growing in numbers and prosperity.
As the two nationalities come to know and understand each
other better, that will inevitably, but happily, take place here
which has already taken place at Chemulpo. They will
learn the better to respect each other, and each other's rights;
and to live together in freedom from outbreaking strife and
sullen bitterness, if not in perfect harmony. It was a good
indication of this possibility to learn that the Japanese
Resident in Pyeng-yang already has coming to his court for
92 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
adjustment more cases of Koreans against Koreans than of
Koreans against his own countrymen.
The invitation to visit this interesting and important city
was most prompt and cordial. It came within a few days
of our arrival in Seoul. In spite, therefore, of the fact that
I was suffering from a somewhat severe attack of influenza,
brought on in the quite ordinary way of breathing in the dust
of the streets of the capital city, we started for Pyeng-yang,
accompanied by Mr. Zumoto, by the early morning train of
April 5th. To make the journey more surely comfortable,
and to emphasize the relation of the travellers to the Resident-
General, the party was escorted about half-way by one rail-
road official, who, having committed us to another that had
come on from Pyeng-yang for the purpose, himself returned
to his duties at Seoul.
The night before had been rainy a somewhat unusual
thing in such abundance at this time of year; but by noon
the sky and air had cleared, and the strong sunlight brought
out the colors of the landscape in a way characteristic of the
usual climate of Korea in the early Spring. The railway
from Seoul to Wiju is being very largely built over again;
so that part of the time our train was running over the perma-
nent way and part of the time over the military road which
was quite too hastily constructed to be left after the war in
a satisfactory state. This process of reconstruction consists
in straightening curves, adjusting grades, erecting stone
sustaining-walls and heavy, steel bridges; as well as in mak-
ing the old bed, where it is followed, more solid and better
ballasted. The part of Korea through which we were
now passing was obviously more fertile and better cultivated
than the part lying between Fusan and Seoul. There were
even some portions of the main highway which resembled a
passable jinrikisha road in Japan, instead of the wretched
and well-nigh impassable footpaths which are often the only
A VISIT TO PYENG-YANG
93
thoroughfares further south. In places, also, the peasants
seemed to have overcome their fears, both of the laws punish-
ing sacrilege and also of the avenging spirits of the dead;
for the burial mounds had been replaced by terraces which
enabled the fields to be cultivated nearly or quite to the tops
of the hills.
On our arrival at the station in Pyeng-yang two of the
missionaries met us with a friendly greeting. Before taking
our jinrikishas for the house of Dr. Noble, who was to be our
host, I walked for a short distance over the gravelled plain
surrounding the station to where some 100 or 120 school-boys
were drawn up in military line to give the foreign teacher a
welcome. This promptly took his mind and heart back to
Japan as well as carried it forward to the future generation of
Korean men. On one side, dressed in kakhi and looking
very important, stood the larger number, who were members
of the Christian school, connected with the Methodist mission.
But right opposite in Korean costume of plum-colored cloth
were arrayed some thirty or forty pupils of a neighboring
Confucian school. It was a matter of interest and significance
to learn that just recently the latter, on receiving overtures of
friendly alliance, had agreed to a meeting for the discussion of
terms; and when the proposal had been made that the
"heathen school" should become Christian, it had been
promptly accepted ! This was, of course, a way of achieving
unity entirely satisfactory to the missionaries. At the time
of our visit the wife of the head-master of the Confucian
school and the wife .of one of the teachers had become earnest
and active Bible-women.
While we were being conveyed in jinrikishaSj to the foot
of the hill on which stands the house of our host, and as well
the church and other buildings belonging to the mission, the
Doctor himself was getting home in a different way. This
was by means of a tram, the rude car of which seated six
94 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
persons, three on each side, facing outward and back to back,
but with Korean coolies for their motive power thus reviving,
of course, in new form the time-worn joke about the Far
East's "Pullman car." As to the position and significance
of the group of buildings, in one of which we were to be
entertained for nearly a week, I avail myself of the description
in the Seoul Press, published subsequently by its editor who
was the Japanese friend and companion of this trip. "As
his railway train approaches the city, the first objects that
catch his eyes are a cluster of buildings, some in foreign style,
others in half foreign and half Korean style, which crown the
hill-tops and constitute the most conspicuous feature of the
magnificent landscape that developes itself before his eyes.
His wonder increases still more, as the visitor inquires into
the result of the great missionary activity of which these
buildings are outward manifestations. How great the success
has been may be imagined, when it is computed by a very
competent authority that fully one-third of the entire Korean
population of the city (roughly estimated at between 40,000
and 50,000) are professing Christians. There are Koreans
and Japanese, apparently in a position to know, who put the
proportion of the Christian section of the population at much
higher figures; they confidently say that quite one-half of
the whole population belongs to the new faith. . . . The
success which the work of Christian propagandism has at-
tained in Pyeng-yang is all the more marvellous when it is
remembered that the work was commenced scarcely more than
fifteen years ago. The success of the work has not been
confined to the city. alone; it is noticeable, though not quite
in like degree, in the adjacent districts and all over North
Korea which looks up to Pyeng-yang as the fountain and
centre of the new religious life."
On the following day, which was Saturday, I had my first
experience with one of the larger Korean audiences. The,
A VISIT TO PYENG-YANG 95
numbers in Seoul had been, at most, some 500 or 600.
But here, although the address was in the afternoon, no
fewer than 1,700, all, with the exception of a few foreign
ladies, of the male sex, assembled in the Methodist meeting-
house which was just across a narrow lane from the gate of
Dr. Noble's residence. The peculiarities of such an audi-
ence are worthy of a brief description. All were seated on
the floor. Close around the platform, on which were a few
of the missionaries and of the Japanese officials, were grouped
several hundred school-boys, packed as thickly as herrings
in a box. These were dressed in garments of many and
bright colors. Back of them and reaching to the doors,
massed solidly with no aisles or empty spaces left between,
were Korean men, in their picturesque monotone of white
clothing and black crinoline hats. The audiences at Pyeng-
yang, as at Seoul, were much more restless and seemingly
volatile than those of the same size which I had addressed in
Japan ; although it should be remembered that the latter were
chiefly composed of teachers, officials, and men prominent
in business and in the professions, whereas this audience,
although largely Christian, was of the lowly and compara-
tively ignorant. A distinctly religious character was- given
to all the meetings in Pyeng-yang by prayer and by the sing-
ing of Christian hymns. The tunes were familiar; and al-
though the language wa? far removed in^structure and
vocabulary, the attempt had evidently been made, with only
a partial success, to reproduce in a rhythmic way the English
words which had been set to them. The singing was led by
a Korean chorister who used his baton in a vigorous and
fairly effective, if not wholly intelligent, fashion. The cabinet
organ was also played by a young Korean man. The mis-
sionaries say that the people show great interest and even
enthusiasm in learning foreign music; and that they are apt
pupils so far as the singing of hymns is concerned. The
96 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
favorite native music is a dismal wailing upon pipes and
rude flute-like instruments, accompanied by the tom-tom of
drums. The address on this occasion was upon the relation
of education to the social welfare; it was interpreted by Dr.
Noble with obvious clearness and vigor.
The audience next morning (Sunday, April 7th) was not
so large, but was scarcely less interesting. It comprised both
sexes, separated, however, by a tight screen which ran from
the platform through the middle of the church to the oppo-
site wall. The numbers present were some 1,400, about
equally divided between the two sexes. The girls on the one
side, and the boys on the other, in their gaily colored clothing,
were massed about the platform; and back of them the
women and the men both in white, but the former topped
out with white turbans and the latter with their black hats.
The entire audience marked out upon the floor an impressive
color-scheme. It was said that there were enough of the
population of the city attending Christian services at that
same hour to make three congregations of the same size.
The afternoon gathering for Bible study and the evening
services were even more crowded; so that the aggregate
number of church-goers that Sunday in this Korean city of
somewhat more than 40,000 could not have been less than
13,000 or 14,000 souls. Considering also the fact that each
service was stretched out to the minimum length of two
hours, there was probably no place in the United States tha.t
could compete with Pyeng-yang for its percentage of church-
goers on that day. Yet ten years ago there was in all the
region scarcely the beginning of a Christian congregation.
In the afternoon I spoke to about thirty of the mission-
aries, telling them, in informal address, of certain economic,
social, and religious changes in the United States, which
seemed to me destined profoundly to affect the nature of
Christian missions in so-called " heathen lands." Nor did
A VISIT TO PYENG-YANG 97
it seem incongruous when prayer was offered that the "home
land" might receive in its present great need some of the
blessings which were being experienced in heathen Korea.
For I had long been of the opinion that if the word "heathen"
is to be used with that tinge of moral and intellectual oppro-
bium which usually attaches to it, all so-called Christian
countries are in some important respects very considerably
entitled to the term. And, indeed, who that understands the
true spirit of the religion of Christ shall hesitate to confess
that America and American churches as sorely need deliver-
ance from the demons of cowardice, avarice, and pride, as do
the Koreans from the superstitious fear of devils or of the
spirits of their own ancestors?
The audience of Monday morning numbered 800; it
seemed, however, from the point of view which regards social
and political standing, to be of decidedly superior quality.
This was probably due, in part at least, to the nature of
the theme, which was "Education and the Stability and
Progress of the Nation." The attention, too, appeared to
be more thoughtful and unwavering at this meeting.
The public speaking at Pyeng-yang was concluded by an
address, especially designed for the Japanese official classes
and prominent business men, and given in the hall of the
Japanese Club on the afternoon of the day before leaving
the city. There were present about one hundred and fifty
of this class of hearers. To them I spoke very plainly,
praising their preparation for, and conduct of, the war with
Russia; then warning them of the difficulties and dangers in
business and politics which the rivalries of peace would com-
pel the nation to face; and, finally, exhorting them to main-
tain the honor of Japan in Korea, before the civilized world,
by treating the Koreans in an honorable way. Although,
according to the testimony of the Japanese friend who inter-
preted this address, there were uneasy consciences in the
98 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
audience, the warning and the rebuke, as well as the praise,
were received with equal appreciation and gratitude. I take
this opportunity to testify that, instead of deserving the repu-
tation often given to the Japanese, of being abnormally and
even ridiculously sensitive to criticism, I have found them,
on the contrary, remarkably willing to be told of their failures
and faults, and ready to receive, at least with the appearance
of respect and kindness, suggestions for their correction and
amendment.
My engagements in Pyeng-yang came so near to the limit
of exhausting my time and strength that I was unable to see
as much as would have been otherwise desirable of the
externals, and of the antiquities, of the neighborhood. From
the piazza in front of our host's house nearly the whole of the
Korean city lies literally spread out, as all the cities of the
country are, beneath the jeye of the observer from a sur-
rounding hill. The streets within the walls are, with one
or two exceptions, narrow, winding, and made disgusting by
foul sights and smells. Here there has been little or none
of that widening of thoroughfares and superficial cleaning
which has given a partial relief, both to the aspect and to
the reality of Seoul. But, as has already been said, the
natural situation is beautiful. Under the advice of Japan, a
part of the now useless city wall went to make a fine bund;
while the space left by the clearing was converted into a
street. On passing through an indescribably foul, narrow
lane, which makes a disgraceful break between the broad,
clean thoroughfare of the Japanese settlement and the
fairly broad but dirty street of the Korean city, we were
told the following story of the recent attempt of the Resi-
dent to get this passage widened. The story is so charac-
teristic of relations between the two peoples that I turn aside
to tell it.
Feeling the great and obvious importance of having this
A VISIT TO PYENG-YANG 99
public improvement made, the Resident called a meeting of
the adjoining property-owners to discuss the terms which
would be satisfactory to them. The Japanese owners agreed
to contribute the land necessary for the purpose and to move
back the buildings at their own expense; the Korean owners
agreed to cede the land if the expense of moving the buildings
was borne by the Government. The Resident went for a
few weeks to Japan, expecting that the agreement would
stand, and that by his return the improvement would be
well begun. Immediately after his departure, however, two
Korean Christians, who had remained away from the meeting
for discussing terms, induced the other Koreans to break
their compact and refuse to surrender the land for less than
200 yen per tsubo (6x6 ft.) an absurdly extravagant price.
The attempt at doing this much-needed work came, there-
fore, to a complete standstill. The whole transaction was
reported by the Korean Daily News of Seoul with its cus-
tomary felicitous (?) misrepresentation, as follows: "People
in Pyeng-yang are greatly stirred up over the demand of the
Japanese that the Korean houses on each side of the road
outside the South Gate be torn down to widen the road. The
people gathered at the office of the prefect arid protested
against such seizure without proper compensation, and they
said they would die sooner than give in to such an imposi-
tion." I can assure the reader that much of the fraud and
oppression charged against the Japanese by the Koreans
and by their so-called "foreign friends" (even including
some of the missionaries) is of the same order. [A letter
from Pyeng-yang to the Seoul Press, published not long after
our return, announced that the "widening of the approach
between the Japanese city and the old town, of Pyeng-yang
is now under way, and soon a fine wide road will lead from
the railway station to the Gate" all of which means that
when the Korean property-owners found their attempts at
ioo IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
lying and swindling were not going to succeed, they saw the
advantage of renewing the original contract.]
A row up the river in his boat, kindly furnished by Mr.
Kikuchi, the Japanese Resident, afforded several pleasant
hours of recreation as well as an opportunity to see for our-
selves something more of the present condition and future
prospects of the chief city of Northern Korea. The city
gate through which we reached the river is the finest thing
about its ancient fortifications. The views of the bank, which
rises in most places bluff and high above the water, are very
picturesque and crowded with scenes of both immediate and
historical interest. Scores, of junks and sampans, .loaded
with many kinds of goods for the most part, however, of no
great value are either moored to the narrow beach below
the bank or are slowly finding their way up and down the
river. At different heights of the banks, standing on pro-
jecting ledges or on platforms, men were cutting inscriptions
upon the rocky sides in Chinese characters. These were
designed to celebrate for future generations the virtues and
successes of living merchants and magistrates; but these
workmen of to-day were only adding a few more to the much
more numerous inscriptions commemorating the otherwise
forgotten and, for the most part undoubtedly, really ignoble"
dead. By the brink of the river were the Korean women at
their never-ceasing task of washing and pounding dry the
white clothing of their male lords. At one bend in the river,
where the projecting cliff acts as an effective breakwater
against the winter ice and the summer freshets, the top is
crowned by a pavilion which occupies the place where nego-
tiations went on between the Chinese and the Japanese at the
time of the Hideyoshi invasion.
The boat landed us at the foot of the celebrated " Peony
Hill," part way up which is situated the decayed pavilion in
which royalty used to be fed and given to drink on the occa-
A VISIT TO PYENG-YAko 101
sion of excursions from the city to this sightly place. From
this point the views bring the past history and the present
prospects of Pyeng-yang together in an interesting way.
For, looking to the right, one sees an ancient pagoda and the
remains of a Buddhist temple. Looking forward and down-
ward, the eye is well pleased by taking in at once the pleasant
prospect of water and rock and fields which the ascent has
given only bit by bit, as it were. Looking upward one sees
the difficult heights which the Japanese troops stormed so
unexpectedly but successfully in the invasion of more than
three centuries ago; and also in the war with China, when
they turned the guns of the Chinese forces from their own
fortifications upon themselves and slaughtered the unfor-
tunate until the streets of the city were choked with corpses.
But to the left, and lying just below, is the green island on
which the pumping-works to supply the foul city with cleans-
ing streams are soon to be erected. Beyond the island across
the river are the pastures, where the breeding of improved
horses is to be carried on by a partnership of both govern-
ments; and still further beyond are the coal fields which the
Residency- General is trying to preserve for the Crown against
the efforts of both native and foreign promoters, to exploit
them to their own rather than to the nation's advantage.
But the story of these and similar efforts will be told in other
places of our narrative; and for the moment we will forget
the interests of history and of present adventures, and will
just thoughtlessly submit ourselves to the pleasure of being
rowed down the beautiful river to the dirty and seditious city.
For it is a story of a nearly successful attempt at a seditious
outbreak which would have had a most unfortunate and
surely unsuccessful ending, that must now engage the atten-
tion. This story also, illustrates the Korean character, the
Korean situation, and the relations of the two peoples, in no
doubtful way.
r io2 ' IN*i:6kA WITH MARQUIS ITO
The evening before, on Tuesday, April gih, a committee
of students from the missionary theological school had
requested an interview with me on the following day; and
the morning hour of eight o'clock had been appointed. At
the time set they arrived three in number and the inter-
view was held in Dr. Noble's study or " work-shop." My
visitors began, Korean fashion, far off from their final goal,
and meandered around it rather than toward it, like poachers
feeling their way in the dark. An awkward pause was finally
broken by my exhorting them to speak plainly and freely ;
at which they replied that their country's condition was much
misunderstood and that it was hoped that I would under-
stand and sympathize with them. Of my desire to do this
I at once assured them; but when the request seemed to be
taking a more political turn, I replied that my interests,
influence, and work, were all directed along the lines of
morals, education, and religion. As a teacher, it was only
as my teaching could get a hearing and have an influence
on life, that my stay in Korea could benefit the Koreans
themselves. At the same time, I could assure them of my
confidence in Marquis Ito's intention to administer his office
in the interests of their countrymen.
During all this conversation there was the appearance, in
general characteristic of all similar interviews between natives
and foreigners, of a mixture of suspicion and duplicity which
is well calculated to betray the unwary into serious mistakes.
Certainly, the real motive for their coming was being kept
back; the suppressed undercurrent of feeling that could be
detected was such as by no means to encourage the confidence
that the feeling of race-hatred had been thoroughly purged
away from these theological students by the meeting for
prayer and confession of the night before. But just as I was
obliged to excuse myself in order to keep another engagement
the true cause of their request for an interview suddenly
A VISIT TO PYENG-YANG 103
sprang into the light. All the night before, they said, the
Korean city of Pyeng-yang had been in a state of the most
intense excitement over the report from Seoul that their
Emperor was going to be deposed by the Japanese! There
was just then only time for me to learn from my Japanese
companion that he had not the slightest suspicion of how the
report, even, could have originated, and to send word to this
committee of interviewers that neither he nor I gave the
slightest credence to so absurd a rumor.
But this matter did not end with a single interview con-
ducted by the deputation of Christian students. Word had
previously been sent that the Korean governor of Pyeng-yang
desired to call upon me, and the promise had been made that
he should be received in appropriate manner at noon of the
same day. Soon after our return from the trip up the river,
His Excellency appeared, accompanied by his secretary and
by one of the committee of the morning who acted also as
spokesman of this second deputation. For such it really was,
rather than a merely friendly call from the chief native
magistrate of the city. The Governor seemed exceedingly
ill at ease; there was in even greater degree than had been
the case with my visitors of the early morning, an appearance
of mingled suspicion and suppressed excitement, of fear and
of hatred. In this case, however, the real matter of concern-
ment did not come at all to the fore. The conversation ended
when there had been repeated declarations of my visitor's
interest in the improvement of education among his own
countrymen, to which I had replied that I believed this to be
the important work which should occupy all Korean patriots
and all the wise and true foreign friends of Korea.
It afterward came to my knowledge that the Governor,
although not himself a Christian, on leaving the house, went
with his secretary and the theological student into the ad-
joining church of the Methodist mission, and there fell upon
io 4 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
his face and began to beat his forehead on the floor and
bewail the threatening situation for himself as the responsible
magistrate, and the sad fate awaiting his country at the hands
of the Japanese. The thought of the enormous interval
between this conduct and that of any Japanese official,
similarly situated, remains with me to reveal in vivid colors
the difference of the two peoples. But all this was only in
the small, essentially the same thing which has been going on
in the large, throughout the centuries of Korean history.
On my return from the address to the Japanese I was
almost immediately visited by a third deputation which con-
sisted of the same theological student who had called twice
before on this same day, and of two others whom I did not
recognize. This time also the conversation began in similar
roundabout fashion; indeed, this time the point of starting
was even more remote in character from the real end which
it was intended to reach. There was a preliminary recital
of their country's weakness, poverty, and need of foreign
assistance; this was accompanied by the suggestion that
possibly I might have some rich friend willing to contribute
liberally to their mission school, or to the much needed en-
largement of the church edifice. Again, the visitors were
assured of my deep interest in the welfare of Korea and of my
sincere desire to do what lay within my power to promote
this welfare. It must be remembered, however, that I my-
self belonged to the class of teachers who, even in rich
America, have little wealth at their disposal. To the best
of my knowledge, I had not a single friend among the Amer-
ican millionaires. Should it ever be possible, however,
nothing would be more to my mind than to direct some of
the overflow of my country's wealth into the channels of
educational and religious work in needy Korea. I was sin-
cerely impressed with the need and with the opportunity.
Now, plainly, all this was not at all to the point of the
A VISIT TO PYENG-YANG 105
interest weighing upon the minds of my auditors. Suddenly,
and in a startling manner, the real cause of the three formal
visits from as many different deputations, made itself known.
With lips white and trembling, the same theological student
who had been present at each visit, drew from his sleeve an
envelope, and from the envelope a document printed in mixed
Chinese and Korean, the purport of which he began to ex-
plain to my interpreter in a highly excited and rhetorical way.
This document purported to be an elaborate statement of
no fewer than forty-eight reasons why Japan should annex
Korea and reduce its Emperor to the grade of a peer of
Japan. "Where did this remarkable pronunciamento come
from?" was, of course, my first inquiry. Why, from Seoul,
from the Court; but it was originally a production of the
Japanese Government which, fortunately, had been discov-
ered in time and which was now officially sent out in order
to .warn all Korean patriots against this outrageous plot
concocted by the Japanese!
The situation was obviously serious, if not threatening.
On inquiry it was soon disclosed that for two days and nights
the entire native city of Pyeng-yang had been in such a state
of excitement as is not easily made credible to citizens of a
country accustomed to the exercise of sound political sense
and self-control. No business had been done, no buying or
selling, on the last market day. All night long the men and
women of the city had been sleepless and engaged in wailing
and beating the ground and the floor of their houses with their
heads. Not a few of the worst classes including, I fear,
some professing Christians had been working themselves
and others up to threats of violence and of murder.
The silliness of mind, the almost hopeless and incurable
credulity and absence of sound judgment which characterizes,
with exceedingly few exceptions, the political views and
actions of even the official and educated classes in Korea, was
106 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS 1TO
the impression made upon me by this, as by all my experiences
during my stay in the land. I assured these visitors, however,
that there could be no doubt about this document being a
forgery as, indeed, it turned out to be. Marquis Ito and
the Japanese Government had no such immediate intention;
and, indeed, if the Resident- General entertained the thought,
he surely was not foolish enough to proceed in any such way.
Such childish behavior on their own part, I added, was very
discouraging to their friends. What could be done by others
for a country where the men who should be leaders behaved
habitually in a so unmanly way ? Let them quiet themselves,
tell their Governor what I had said, and bid him use all
his authority to quiet their fellow-citizens. This advice was
complied with, as the event showed; the Korean governor
was reassured and promised to unite his influence with that
of the Christian forces to secure a return of the populace to
their normal quiet. It was gratifying afterwards to have
this official's expression of gratitude for what was then done
to assist in the peace-promoting administration of his office.
Dr. Noble, at once upon the departure of this committee,
gave orders that the church bell should be rung to assemble
the Christian community; and in such manner as to indicate
to them that they were called together to hear "good news."
An hour later, when we were going down the hill to dine with
the Japanese Resident, the people had not yet assembled; but
on our return in the evening they were departing to their
homes, quieted by two hours of opportunity to express their
excited feeling in the Korean fashion of wailing, sobbing, and
beating their foreheads upon the mats assisted by the com-
forting and reassuring words of those to whom they looked
as having knowledge and authority. It afterward transpired 1
1 This document probably emanated from the same press in Seoul
conducted by a subject of Japan's friendly ally, Great Britain from
which came the lying bulletin that afterward caused so much bloodshed
A VISIT TO PYENG-YANG 107
that a young Korean, one An Chung-ho, who had become
by foreign residence injected, rather than instructed, with
certain so-called "modern ideas," had busied himself, as the
agent of the seditious intriguers at Seoul, in distributing this
forged document and in haranguing the people with a view
to excite a popular uprising against the Japanese. It is
needless to say that the document itself was not printed in
Japan. But the next morning's sunlight saw the mist and
the threatening storm-cloud cleared away.
It was during this visit to Pyeng-yang that I saw something
of the remarkable features of the religious movement which
was most intense there, but which spread, during the winter
of 1 906-^07, widely over Korea. The "revival" began and,
indeed, as regards its principal immediate results, it consisted
largely in the irresistible tendency to confession, contrition,
and prayer for forgiveness, among Christians themselves.
The confessions, while in general they embraced such familiar
topics as pride, envy, unfaithfulness, and coldness in the
Christian life, very naturally soon revealed the characteristic
vices and weaknesses of the Korean character. Taken at
their own estimate, and making all reasonable allowances for
the exaggerations of temporary excitement, they made obvious
the fact that lying, stealing, cheating, and impurity, had been
nearly universal in the hitherto existing Christian communities
of Korea. In many cases these "spiritual exercises" were
accompanied by the most violent physical demonstrations,
such as sobbing, wailing, beating the forehead on the floor,
and even falling down unconscious and frothing at the mouth.
A more graphic picture of these religious meetings can per-
haps be obtained by a brief description of one which I at-
on the morning of Friday, July i9th. It is a comfort to know that this
same editor has since been indicted by his own Government for the
crime of stirring up sedition, condemned to give bonds, and threatened
with deportation if his offences are repeated.
io8 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
tended, where, however, the demonstrations were all of a
relatively mild order. This was the evening gathering of the
theological students on a day during the whole of which they
had been holding a series of similar gatherings. As we
arrived in front of the building in which the meeting was held,
there pierced the silent night air a voice of wailing rather than
of articulate speaking, in a high-pitched key and with extreme
rapidity of utterance. On entering, some sixty Korean men
appeared, seated on the floor with their heads bowed in their
hands; three or four missionaries were occupying a bench
which ran across one end of the room. At the other end stood
one of the students swaying back and forth; it was his con-
fession of sin that we had heard while still outside. Precisely
what the confession was, there was no opportunity to learn;
for after speaking a few sentences more, with ever increasing
rapidity and shrillness of tone, the speaker fell to the floor
sobbing and moaning convulsively and began beating the
mats with fists and with forehead. One of the missionaries
stepped carefully between the stooping bodies of his com-
rades, found his way to the prostrate sinner, and by words
and gentle blows upon the back attempted to revive and
comfort him.
Then followed a series of similar confessions, interspersed
with prayers for forgiveness, none of which, however, at-
tained the same degree of vehemence and physical excess.
The substance of sins confessed by these Korean students of
divinity was most illuminating. The next penitent wished
it to be known that he had broken all the commandments;
although it appeared that this far limit had been reached
before his profession of Christianity, and that he had been
guilty of murder rather in the spirit than in fact. Various
following narratives of experience, made with varying de-
grees of emotional excitement, included forms of wrong-
doing common to most church members in all countries,
A VISIT TO PYENG-YANG . 109
such as pride, envy, deceit, infidelity, and impurity of thought,
if not of life. But the climax was fairly reached when one
man of early middle-age arose, and in a markedly unemo-
tional way asserted that, although he had formerly resisted
all efforts to make him tell the truth as to his real manner
of living, he now felt that the time had come when this
painful duty could no longer be postponed. How to repent,
however, he did not know. The story which was told in
cold-blooded fashion was, briefly, as follows: Before pro-
fessing Christian conversion he had been a wild fellow, and
among other crimes had twice set fire to the houses of his
neighbors. After profession of conversion he had been em-
ployed as a colporteur. In this connection he had thrown
away or destroyed the books he was paid to distribute, had
told his employer that robbers had attacked him and stolen
them, and thus had collected his full salary. Still later he
had renounced all pretence of Christianity and had himself
become a robber. His life as a theological student up to the
present time had been characterized by pride, envy, and
constant secret hatred of those of his fellow-students who had
surpassed him in their studies.
Among the most significant of the confessions were those
of bitter hatred of the Japanese, and even of murderous
thoughts and plans toward them. These wholesome self-
accusations were in several instances followed by earnest and
pathetic petitions not only for forgiveness of themselves,
but for the Divine blessing upon their enemies. [In this
connection it is pertinent to remark that, while there has
undoubtedly been much ill-treatment of Koreans by Japan-
ese, I have never known of any of that bitter race-hatred
toward the former by the latter, which undoubtedly at the
present time permeates a large part of the Korean popula-
tion toward the Japanese.] On being asked to say a few
words to these students, I spoke of the unreasonable and un-
no IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Christian character of race-hatred and asked them to put
from their minds all such foolish and wicked feelings. And
then, as though to emphasize the beauty and brightness of
nature as con rasted with the unseemly and dark condi-
tion of man, we came out under a sky as clear and alight
with scintillating stars as I have ever seen in India or in
Egypt.
On our arrival at the station of Pyeng-yang, to return to
Seoul, on the morning of Wednesday, April loth, the little
fellows from the Presbyterian mission-school were there
before us, already in line with Korean and American flags
flying, and with drums and trumpets making a creditable
noise. The appropriate parting address to this school had
scarcely been finished, when another school appeared in the
distance, on the double-quick for the station, to whom, when
they had got themselves into proper shape, Dr. Noble re-
peated the substance of the words just spoken to their com-
rades earlier arrived. Scarcely was this finished, when, for
the third time and now it was the pupils from the Con-
fucian school a troop of boys came scurrying through the
dust, lined up, and claimed their share of the foreign sahib^
parting salutation and advice. And then we were slowly
drawn out of the station, and leaving behind on the fence
the several hundred school-children and on the platform the
several score of Korean Christians and of Japanese who had
come to send us off, we returned without further incident
to Seoul.
The few crowded days at Pyeng-yang appear in retrospect
as an epitome of Korean history, Korean temperament, and
the physical and social relations sustained in the past and at
the present time between Korea and Japan. Improvement
may confidently be expected in the near future, according
as the economical and social forces are combined with the
moral and the religious to bear upon the population now
A VISIT TO PYENG-YANG in
adult. But the larger and more permanent hopes for the
future depend upon the school-children, who, even to-day,
are becoming more intelligent, orderly, and self-controlled
than their ancestors ever have been.
CHAPTER VI
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES
BESIDES Seoul and Pyeng-yang the two most important
seaports of Korea, which are. Chemulpo and Fusan, were the
only places in the peninsula where it seemed possible to arrange
for even a single address. An honest attempt was made by
a personal visit of the foreign secretary of the Young Men's
Christian Association to " negotiate" an invitation from the
Koreans of Song-do, the ancient capital under the dynasty
preceding that at present on the throne. But Song-do is
an exceedingly conservative city, and the family of Yun Chi-
ho is influential there. Thus, even its Korean Christians
did not care to hear addresses on matters of morals and
religion from a guest of the Japanese Resident-General.
It is well to recall again in this connection the fact that,
although Pyeng-yang has actually suffered more at the hands
of Japanese invaders than any other city of Korea, the influ-
ence of the Christian missionaries and their converts was so
powerful there that the most sympathetic and crowded
native audiences greeted the "friend of Japan" in that city.
There, too, in connection with Dr. Noble, presiding elder
of the Methodist missions in all that part of the country, I
was able to be of most service to both countries in a time of
rather unusual threatening and exigency. This fact con-
firms the impression that, in Seoul, fear of the Court and
of the Yang-bans is cramping the work even of the foreign
religious teachers. But Chemulpo and Fusan are the
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 113
places in Korea where the two peoples have been longest
in the compelling contact of common business interests.
Observation of results in these places had, therefore, some
special value. The visit to Fusan came later, and properly
belongs to the story of our departure from Korea. But the
visit to Chemulpo and its experiences may fitly be spoken of
in this place.
The invitation to speak at Chemulpo came from the Japan-
ese Resident and from the Mayor, as official , representatives
of the educational interests of the city. The affair was, there-
fore, conducted much more in the familiar Japanese style than
were the invitations to speak in Seoul or Pyeng-yang. At the
same time, it had been decided that I was to address a
Korean audience in Chemulpo, and Dr. Jones had consented
to make this possible by the help of his valuable skill in inter-
pretation. It had been arranged that we should meet him
and Mr. Zumoto, who was to interpret the address to the Jap-
anese, at the South Gate station for the 11.40 A.M. express.
But as the time of leaving approached, it appeared that
something was detaining the Doctor; finally we were obliged
to go on without *him. In person he appeared at Chemulpo
in the early afternoon and explained that he had been de-
tained in order to prepare for the funeral of one of the native
members of his church; several hours still later, while we
were taking tea at the Resident's house, we were handed
(as an example of the despatch with which this service is at
present rendered in Korea) the explanatory telegram which
had been sent in the early morning.
The fields between Seoul and Chemulpo, on the morning
of May 6, 1907, were beautifully green, for the spring rains
had been unusually abundant and the crops were corre-
spondingly promising. Combined with the darker green of
the pines, and contrasted with the red and yellow of the
sand and rocks, they gave back to the eye that more vivid
ii 4 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
but less soothing pleasure of the Korean landscape to which
reference has already been so frequently made. Along this
line of railway, as everywhere, there is the same impression
of undeveloped agricultural resources; there is also the same
temptation to imagine how it will all look in the years to
come, when Korea has been lifted out of its low industrial
condition.
At the station we were met by the official deputation and
escorted to the Japanese Club. The impression made by
the streets through which we passed was not pleasing; for
there had been rain, the air was laden with cold moisture,
and the ground was either rough or torn up for repairs and
heavy for the jinrikisha pullers with its coating of mud.
But it should be remembered that this part of Chemulpo is
in the making, whereas the older part had a few weeks be-
fore been swept by a destructive fire. The Chinese town,
through which we now passed, bore a decayed air; but
when the Japanese quarter was reached, in spite of the recent
loss of some 400 houses, there was a thrifty and prosperous
look, an appearance of determination, of not-to-mind-what-
cannot-be-helped, so characteristic of the people themselves.
The work of rebuilding this quarter was going briskly forward.
The population of Chemulpo consisted at that time of
some 12,000 Japanese, from 15,000 to 20,000 Koreans, and
about 2,000 Chinese (before the Japan-China war the num-
ber of the Chinese was about 5,000). There are less than
ico European and American residents. It is hoped by those
interested in the business prospects of the city that, after
the through all-rail route from Tairen to St. Petersburg is
made in all respects first-class and the consummation of
this project will quickly follow under the management of
Baron Goto and the Russian authorities, as soon as the com-
mercial treaty between Japan and Russia takes effect
Chemulpo will be an important port of entry for the in-
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 115
creasing trade of Korea. But the harborage is now so poor
that ships of any considerable size have to lie far out in the
offing, and the sand-bars between this anchorage and the
wharfs are constantly forming and shifting their location.
This coast of Korea is also made very dangerous by numerous
rocky islands and sunken reefs, by variable and strong cur-
rents, and by one of the highest average tides to be found
anywhere in the world. Plans for improving the harbor are,
therefo e, very important. Right in front of the Chinese
hotel where we spent the night, the flats are being filled in,
apparently with the double purpose of securing an extension
of building lots, and also of shortening somewhat the distance
between the city and the shipping at low tide. But the per-
manent improvement of the harbor of Chemulpo and this
is equivalent to securing one good port of entry for the
entire western coast of Korea offers a difficult problem.
Either of the two ways of solving the problem which have
hitherto been considered would be exceedingly expensive.
To enclose a basin with a sea-wall and shut in the tide-
water by gates, or to extend the wharf out some two miles
to deep water, would cost many millions of yen.
After an excellent tiffin at the club, where we met some
twenty Japanese ladies and gentlemen, I spoke to an audience
of not more than one hundred and fifty of this nationality
almost exclusively but of both sexes. The audience rep-
resented the educational and official interests of the city
which, as is customary in Japan and elsewhere, are not
paramount in places devoted to trade and commerce. Mr.
Zumoto interpreted; the ethical and hortatory turn given
to the remarks made them, apparently, no less but even
more heartily received. I have already called attention to
the striking fact that the thoughtful Japanese are becoming
more impressed with the truth of the old-fashioned, but not
as yet quite defunct, thought that it is, after all, "righteous-
n6 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
ness which exalteth a nation." But the Koreans, as a
people, have still to awake to th impression that either
science or morality has any important bearing on the ma-
terial and social welfare of the nation's life. Following the
lecture, there was tea at the Residency House; after which
we were taken to one of those curious but by no means un-
comfortable hostleries which one comes upon in the Far
East. It was under the sign of "E. D. Steward & Co.,
Store . Keeper . & Hotel and Ship . Compradore." The name
" Steward" was assumed by its Chinese owner because he
had filled this office on a small steamship for some years
before. The advertisement did not at all exaggerate the
variety of enterprises carried on under the same extensive
roof by this example of a thrifty race. In the rooms over the
store the representative of Mr. "Steward" (for we did not
learn his true designation, either for this life of business or
his "heavenly name") cared for his guests as well as could
reasonably be expected.
Most of the following morning was spent in conversation
with Mr. W. D. Townsend, who has been in Korea since
May, 1884, when he arrived at Chemulpo to open a branch
of the "American Trading Co." He thus antedates the
founding of missionary work in Korea, although Dr. R. S.
McClay had visited Seoul in June, 1883, to make arrange-
ments for a mission; and Dr. Horace N. Allen, who afterward
served as the representative of the United States Govern-
ment, reached Korea in the September following. This
conversation, continued on during luncheon at Mr. Town-
send's house, gave me incidents and opinions illustrating the
problem I was studying as it appears to a shrewd and ex-
perienced man of business. Facts and opinions from this
point of view were, I believed, no less important and in-
forming than those to be learned from the missionary or the
native or foreign official.
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 117
In the afternoon I spoke on the "Five Elements of Na-
tional Prosperity" to an audience of about 600 Koreans,
fully half of whom were children, and part of whom kept
coming and going. The Japanese Resident, Mr. Kenochi,
was present. The quality of the attention and interest did
not seem to me to reach the level of the audiences in Seoul;
but this was only what was to be expected from the nature
of the population and the occupations of the Koreans in
Chemulpo. From the church we had a not unpleasant walk
to the suburban station, accompanied by a number of the
Japanese gentlemen and ladies who felt it their official but
friendly duty to see us off for Seoul. On reaching Miss
Sontag's house we dined with the German Consul, Dr. Ney,
Mr. Eckert, the skilful trainer of the Korean band, and
other German friends, on invitation of our hostess.
With reference to the improvements already accomplished
in Korea, and to a considerable extent through Japanese
official influence and unofficial example, Mr. Townsend called
my attention to the following particulars. Previous to the
opening of the country to foreign trade there was no possi-
bility of accumulating wealth in Korea. For, as one of the
few thoughtful Koreans had remarked: "If there was a
large crop of rice and beans, there was no one to buy it, and
it would not keep over for two years. Therefore we ate more
and worked less; for what could we do with the surplus but
eat it? But when the crops failed, we starved or died of
the pest that followed." It so happened, in fact, that the year
after the opening of the country there was a large crop; and
now for the first time in the history of Korea, there was not
only something to sell but a market for it. There had, in-
deed, been trade for centuries between the southern part of
the country and the adjoining regions of Japan, especially
the island of Tsushima. But in this trade Korea parted
with its gold, out of which the Japanese themselves were
n8 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
subsequently cheated by the Dutch, who took it off to Hol-
land. Thus neither of the nations in the Far East was en-
riched in any permanent way; both were the rather im-
poverished as respects their store of resources for the future.
Under the Japanese, Mr. Townsend was confident as is
every one acquainted with the past and present conditions
that there would soon be a very considerable development of
the country's resources. This would take place especially
in the lines of silk-culture, raising rice and beans, and graz-
ing and dairy products. For all these forms of material
prosperity the country was by soil and climate admirably
adapted. Up to this time the rinderpest had been allowed to
ravage the herds unchecked. In a single year it had carried
off thousands of bullocks, so that the following spring the
entire family of the peasants would have to join forces
men, women, and children to pull their rude ploughs
through the stiff mud. As to the culture of fruit, the out-
look did not seem so hopeful. The market was limited;
the various pests were unlimited in number of species and
individuals, and in voracity. A certain kind of caterpillars
eat pine-needles only; and some gentlemen, in order to
protect the pine-trees in their yards, were obliged to hire
Koreans to pick these pests off the trees, one by one, by the
pailful at a time. It seems to me, however, that in time
these difficulties may be overcome by the very favorable
character of soil and climate for many kinds of fruits, by the
possibility of ridding the country of the pests and of im-
proving the already excellent varieties of fruits, and by the
development of the canning industry.
As to the effect of the Japanese Protectorate upon the
business of foreign firms, Mr. Townsend assured me that
the honorable firms were pleased with it and considered it
favorable to the extension of legitimate business. Un-
scrupulous promoters do not, of course, enjoy being checked
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 119
by the Resident- General in their efforts to plunder the Korean
resources. In this conversation with Mr. Townsend I learned
the details of one of those dishonorable promoting schemes
which have been, and still are, the disgrace of some of the
foreign residents in Korea. But this is not the worst of
them. They become the disgrace of the countries from
which the promoters come, so often as the latter can success-
fully appeal to the consuls or other diplomatic representa-
tives of their nationals for official support in their nefarious
schemes.
The relations, both business and social, between the
Japanese and the Koreans in Chemulpo are now much
improved. Indeed, there is at present an almost complete
absence of race-hatred between the two. Formerly, on some
trifling occasion of a quarrel started between a Japanese
and a Korean, an angry mob of several hundred on each side
would quickly gather; and unless the other foreigners inter-
fered in time, there was sure to be serious fighting and even
bloodshed . B ut the growing number of those belonging to both
nations who understand each other's language and each other's
customs has almost entirely done away with the tendency
to similar riots. Indeed, a positive feeling of friendliness is
springing up between certain individuals and families of the
two nationalities. All of which tends to confirm the state-
ment of another business man this time of Seoul, where
the hatred of the Koreans for the Japanese is studiously kept
aglow by Korean officialdom and by selfishly interested
foreigners that in fifty years, or less, no difference would
be known between the two. There will then, perhaps, be
Koreans boasting of their Japanese descent and Japanese
boasting of their Korean descent; and a multitude of the
people who will not even raise the question for themselves
as to which kind of blood is thickest in their veins. Every-
where on the face of the earth ethnology is teaching the
120 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
lesson that "purity" of blood. is as much a fiction as is the
so-called " primitive man."
According to Mr. Townsend, one cause of the deforestation
of so large regions of Korea in former times was the fear of
tigers; this fear was, of course, greatly increased by the fact
that the Government did not dare to entrust the people with
firearms. The tiger-hunters were, it will be remembered, a
species of officials who composed the bravest, and oftentimes
the only brave, troops in the king's army. As late as about
sixty years ago the principal road to Pyeng-yang from Seoul
passed through a stretch of dense forest infested with tigers.
As long as the slaughter by these beasts did not average more
than one man a week, the people thought it could be borne;
but when the number killed in this way rose to one or two a
day, they applied to the Tai Won Kun, and permission was
given to cut down the forest.
The prevalence of the tiger and also the method of govern-
mental control over their capture and over the sale of their
skins is well illustrated by the following amusing story.
Recently, a foreigner who was fond of hunting big game,
brought a letter of introduction to Mr. Townsend and asked
him to negotiate for him with two tiger-hunters for a trip to
the region of Mokpo. Knowing well the Korean character
as respects veracity, it was necessary for the inquirer to
discover in indirect ways whether the men were really
courageous and skilful hunters, as well as whether tigers
were really to be met in the region over which it was pro-
posed to hunt. Something like the following conversation
then took place: "You claim to be brave tiger-hunters, but
have you ever actually killed a tiger?" "Yes, of course,
many of them." "But what are you hunting at the present
time?" "Just now we are hunting ducks." "How much
is a tiger worth to you when you succeed in getting one?"
"Well, if we can have all there is of him the skin, the
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 121
bones" (which, when powdered, make a medicine much
prized by the Chinese on account of its supposed efficacy in
imparting vigor or restoring strength), "-and all the rest, we
should make at least no yen. 11 "Why, then, do you hunt
ducks which bring you so little, when you might kill tigers,
which are worth so much?" "Yes, but if I kill a tiger, the
magistrate hears of it and sends for me; and he says: 'You
are a brave man, for you have killed a tiger. You deserve
a reward for your courage. Here are five yen; but the
tiger, you know, belongs to the Crown, and I will take that
in the name of His Majesty.' Now do you think I am going
to risk my life to earn 1 20 yen for the magistrate, who squeezes
me enough anyway, and get only 5 yen for myself?"
"But, tell me truly, are there really tigers to be found in
that neighborhood?" "Yes, indeed, there are." "How
do you know that?" "Why, just recently two men of the
neighborhood were eaten by tigers." "Indeed, that is cer-
tainly encouraging." "It may be encouraging for the
foreign gentleman who wishes to- hunt the tiger, but it was
not very encouraging for the Korean gentlemen who were
eaten by tigers." The grim humor of all this will be the
better appreciated when it is remembered how omniscient
and omnivorous are the Korean magistrates as "squeezers";
and how large the chances of the tiger are against the hunter,
when the latter is equipped only with an old-fashioned musket
and a slow-burning powder which must be lighted by a fuse.
A story of a quite different order will always attach itself
in my memory to the name of Chemulpo. During the Chino-
Japan War one of the missionary families, now in Seoul, was
living in the part near the barracks where the Japanese
soldiers were quartered until they could be sent by sea to the
front. One day a petty officer came up on the porch of the
house, uninvited; but after accepting gratefully the cup of
tea offered to him, being unable to speak any English, he
122 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
went away, leaving the object of his apparent intrusion
quite unexplained. Soon after, however, he returned with
some twenty of his comrades, mostly petty officers, accom-
panying him; and when the hostess was becoming somewhat
alarmed at the number for whom she might be expected to
furnish tea and cakes, one of the company, who could best
express their wishes in the foreign language, revealed the
motive of the soldiers' visit. He explained in broken Eng-
lish that they had come to see the baby a girl about two
years old. The little one was then brought out by the
mother and placed in the arms of the speaker, who carried
the child along the line formed of his comrades and gave
each one a chance to see her, to smile at her, and to say a
few words to her in an unknown tongue. On going away,
after this somewhat formal paying of respects to "the baby,"
the Japanese officer still further explained: "Madam," said
he, " to-morrow morning we are going to the front and we
do not expect ever to return. But before we go to die, we
wanted to bid good-by to the baby." In the Russo-Japanese
war nothing else so cheered the soldiers of Japan on their
way to the transports for Manchuria as the crowds of school-
children at all the railway stations, with their flags and their
banzais. The number of the regiment to which these sol-
diers, who bade good-by to the American baby before they
went forth to die, was taken note of by the mother. Their
expectation came true; they did not return.
The only other excursion by rail from Seoul which we
made during our visit to Korea was to attend the formal
opening ceremony of the Agricultural and Industrial Model
Station at Suwon. The history of its founding is copied
from the account of the Seoul Press:
Shortly after the inauguration of the Residency- General last
year, the Korean Government was induced to engage a number
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 123
of Japanese experts well versed in agriculture and dendrology
with a view to the organizing and conducting a school for training
young Koreans in the principles and practice of scientific hus-
bandry and forestry. The establishment of such a school was
absolutely necessary in order to insure success to the work of
improving agriculture and forestry, to which the Resident-General
wisely attached great importance.
At the suggestion of these experts, it was decided to establish
the school in question at Suwon, on a site adjacent to the Agri-
cultural and Industrial Model Station there, the proximity of
these two institutions being attended by various obvious advan-
tages. The school-buildings and dormitories, together with houses
for members of the faculty, were erected at a total outlay of a
little over 44,000 yen, being completed by the end of 1906.
Pending the completion of the buildings, instruction was, for
the time being, given in the class-rooms of the former Agricultural,
Commercial and Industrial School at Seoul from the loth of Sep-
tember, 1906. The last-mentioned school had been established
a few years ago under the control of the Department of Educa-
tion. Its organization was too imperfect to make it possible for
it to attain the object for which it was established.
Early this year the School of Agriculture and Dendrology re-
moved to its new quarters at Suwon. The post of principal is
filled by the director of the Agricultural Bureau in the Depart-
ment of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry. The teaching
staff consists of five professors (Japanese) and two assistant pro-
fessors (Koreans).
There are two departments: (i) the Ordinary, and (2) the
Special. The Ordinary Department extends over two years and
the Special Department one year. The latter Department con-
sists of two separate courses, namely, agricultural and dendro-
logical. These courses are open to such of the graduates of the
Ordinary Department as may desire still further to prosecute
their studies in their respective special branches. Besides the
above-mentioned departments, there is a practical training course
for giving elementary instruction in some special subjects connected
with agriculture or forestry. The term is not more than one year.
124 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
It may be interesting to tabulate the various subjects taught in
the respective departments. They are as follows:
ORDINARY DEPARTMENT: Morals, Japanese, Mathematics,
Physics and Meteorology, Natural History, Outlines of Agricul-
ture, Soil and Manures, Crops, Dairy Produce, Sericulture, Agri-
culture, Agricultural Manufacture, Outlines of Dendrology, Out-
lines of Afforestation, Outlines of Veterinary Medicine, and
Political Economy and Law.
SPECIAL DEPARTMENT (Agricultural Course): Soil, Manure,
Physiological Botany, Diseases of Crops, Injurious Insects, Dairy
Produce, Sericulture and Spinning of Silk Yarns, Agricultural
Manufactures, and Agronomy.
SPECIAL DEPARTMENT (Dendrological Course) : Dendrological
Mathematics, Afforestation and Forest Protection, Forest Econ-
omy, Utilization of Forests, Forest Administration.
Instruction in these subjects is given through the medium of
interpreters, the last-mentioned office being fulfilled by the Korean
Assistant Professors. The number of students fixed for the re-
spective departments, is 80 for the Ordinary, and 40 for the
Special Department, the number for the practical Training course
being fixed each time according to the requirements. The num-
ber of students at present receiving instruction is 26 in the Ordi-
nary Department, and 12 in the Practical Training course. It
is very satisfactory to learn that these students are highly com-
mended for obedience, good conduct, and industry. This prom-
ises well, not only for the success of the school, but for the progress
of the nation.
This lengthy account of the founding and progress of the
school and station, whose opening ceremonial was to be cele-
brated on Wednesday, May 15, 1907, is given because of
the great importance of the relation which every such enter-
prise sustains to the lasting success of the Japanese Pro-
tectorate and to the welfare of Korea under this Protectorate.
Hitherto, the considerable sums of money which have been
from time to time obtained from the Korean Government to
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 125
found and to foster schemes for improved education or
industrial development have almost without exception been
unfruitful expenditures. The appropriation has either been
absorbed by the promoters of the schemes, or if really spent
upon the objects for which it was appropriated, both interest
and care have ceased with the spending of the money. Even
the missionary schools, which have up to very recent times
afforded the only means for obtaining the elements of a good
modern education valuable as they have been, especially
as means of propagandism have too often resulted in send-
ing out graduates who, if they could not get the coveted
official positions, were fit for nothing else. In Korea, as in
India to take a conspicuous example the students from
these schools have sometimes become rather more practically
worthless for the service of their nation, or even positively
mischievous, than they could have been if left uneducated.
But what Korea now most imperatively needs is educated
men, who are not afraid of honest work; men, also, who will
not accept official position at the expense of their manly in-
dependence and moral character, or gain it by means of
intrigue and corruption. But "honest work" must, for a
considerable time to come, be chiefly connected with the
agricultural and industrial development of the country.
Moreover, the institution at Suwon is demonstrating that
the Koreans can make good students and skilful practitioners
in the, to them, new sciences which give control over nature's
resources for the benefit of man. The Confucian education
hitherto dominant in this country has chiefly resulted in cul-
tivating scholars who either sacrificed usefulness in service to
the false sentiment of honor, or else subordinated the most
fundamental principles of morality to that skill in official
positions which secured the maximum of squeezes with the
minimum of resistance. And, finally, nothing so under-
mines and destroys race-hatred as the prolonged association
126 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
of the two races in the peaceable relations of teacher and
pupil; or of teachers and pupils with their respective col-
leagues.
Six car-loads of invited guests, belonging to all classes of
the most influential people of Seoul and Chemulpo, left the
South- Gate Station on a special train at one and a half
o'clock, on that Wednesday afternoon, for Suwon. Marquis
Ito and his staff, and other Japanese officials, Korean Min-
isters and their guards, all the foreign Consuls, the principal
men of business, representatives of the press, and Christian
missionaries were of the party. The day was warm, but
fine; the landscape was even more beautiful in its coloring
than usual. On arrival at the station of Suwon, the guests
were met by the Minister and Vice-Minister of Agriculture,
Commerce and Industry, by Dr. Honda, the director of the
Model Station, and others, who escorted them on foot over
a newly made road through the paddy fields belonging to
the station. It did not need an expert eye to see the immense
difference, as regards economy of arrangement and efficiency
of culture, between these fields and the relatively uneconomi-
cally arranged and unproductive fields along the railway by
which we had passed as we came to Suwon.
The Agricultural School and Station are beautifully lo-
cated; the lake, which has been made by damming a stream,
with the plain under improved cultivation, and the surround-
ing mountains, all combine to produce a charming scene.
On reaching the Model Station itself a brief time for rest
was allowed; this could be improved by those who wished
to inspect the rooms where the specimens were displayed,
and the laboratories of various kinds. The ceremonial pro-
ceedings were opened by the director, Dr. Honda, who re-
ported the progress already made and defined the work which
was to be attempted for the future. The work was to con-
sist in the improvement of the quality of the seeds, the in-
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 127
troduction and acclimatization of new varieties of farm
products, the instruction of the farmers, the supply of ma-
nures, the effecting of improved irrigation, drainage, and pro-
tection against inundation, the improvement of poultry and
dairy farming, the introduction and encouragement of seri-
culture, and the securing of more by-products on the farms.
After a few words from Mr. Song, the Korean Minister of
Agriculture, Marquis Ito made a somewhat lengthy ad-
dress. He spoke frankly in criticism of the failures which
the Korean Government had hitherto made in its various
attempts to accomplish anything for improving the miserable
lot of the toiling millions of the Korean people. "Not only
had nothing been done to ameliorate their condition, but
much had been done to injure their interests and aggravate
their miseries. Let those who boasted of their knowledge
of Chinese philosophy remember the well-known teaching
that the secret of statesmanship consists in securing the con-
tentment of the people." His Excellency then referred to the
example of the great Okubo in Japan, who founded an
agricultural college there in 1875, spoke of the brilliant
results which had followed this improved instruction and
practice, and hoped that the Korean officials, in whose
charge this well-equipped institution was now placed, would
make it equally useful to the Korean people.
The ceremonial part of the day was closed by an address
by Mr. Kwon, the Minister of War, who had formerly been,
although, as he confessed, without any knowledge of such
matters, head of the Department of Agriculture, Commerce
and Industry. It was indeed fourteen years since a depart-
ment had been founded for the improvement of agriculture;
but "nothing worth speaking of had been initiated by that
department." After spending 170,000 yen on the station,
Japan had kindly consented to turn it over to the Korean
Government. He was hopeful that the change already
128 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
beginning to be felt in the interests of the farming population
of his country would in the near future result in a large im-
provement in their condition. [It does not need to be said
to those acquainted with the way in which such projects for
developing the resources of Korea have hitherto been con-
ducted, that both the grave rebuke of Marquis Ito and the
confessions of the Korean Ministers are amply warranted.]
The ceremony concluded, refreshments were served in
and about an old and historically interesting Korean build-
ing, which is situated a few rods below the farm station and
just above the nearer end of the dam. After this, the whole
company walked back to the railway by a road laid out on
the back of the dam, which is shaded with young trees and
made attractive by views of lake, fertile plains, and hill-
sides and mountains in the distance on every side. On the
plain below the dam some Koreans were holding a panto-
mimic celebration, or merry-making, of the sort which it is
their custom to commit to hired bands of men skilful in
affording this species of amusement. On the hill-sides at
the end of the dam, and above the track of the railway,
hundreds of other Koreans adults in glistening white and
children in colors of varied and deepest dyes were quietly
enjoying the scene. When the train stopped at the point
nearest the end of the pleasant walk, it was, I am sure, a
well satisfied crowd of guests which returned by it to Seoul.
With this ceremony at Suwon another which I had pre-
viously attended in Seoul naturally connects itself.. This
was the opening of the Industrial Training School, the
initial outlay for which, including the cost of buildings and
apparatus, amounted to a little more than 110,000 yen.
The significance of this enterprise will be the better under-
stood when it is remarked that the native workmen of to-
day make nothing whatever, with the exception of a few
cheap brasses and the attractive Korean chests, that any
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 129
foreigner would be inclined to buy. Moreover, their own
tools and machinery of every description are exceedingly
crude and old-fashioned. At the ceremony in Seoul ad-
dresses were made similiar to those listened to at the Suwon
affair. Mr. Yamada, the principal of the Institute, reported
that out of the eleven hundred applicants who had presented
themselves for examination, fifty students had been admitted.
Marquis Ito and the Korean speakers dwelt upon the same
facts namely, the deplorable backwardness of the nation in
industrial matters, the unsatisfactory results of past endeavors
at improvement, and the needs and hopes of the future.
After the addresses, the guests visited the different workshops,
where the Korean students were to be given manual training;
and then resorted to the sides of the mountain above, where
refreshments were served. The decorative features of the
festivities consisting of the Korean crowds on the upper
mountain sides, the uniformed officials in and around the
refreshment booths, and the brilliant bloom of the cherry
bushes and plum trees were even more striking than at
Suwon. On this occasion it was my pleasure to receive a
cordial greeting from some of the Korean officials, among
whom was the Minister of the Interior, the cousin of the
Governor at Pyeng-yang. It was evident that he had heard
from his cousin of the assistance rendered directly by the
missionaries and indirectly by me, in the way of quieting the
excited condition of the Korean population at the time of
our visit.
If official corruption can be kept aloof from these enter-
prises, and an honest and intelligent endeavor made to carry
out the plans of the Japanese Government under Marquis
Ito for the agricultural and industrial development of Korea,
there is little reason to doubt that a speedy and great im-
provement will result. That the Korean common people,
in spite of their characteristic air of indifference and their
130 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
appearance of indolence, can be stirred with ambition, and
that when aroused they will make fairly industrious and apt
learners, there is, in my judgment, no good reason to deny.
The experience of the "Seoul Electric Railway," and of
other similar enterprises, favors this judgment. Not to
speak of the financial methods of this company, and after
admitting that the physical condition of its property and the
character of its service leave much to be desired, it has been,
on the whole, successful in demonstrating the possibility of
conducting such business enterprises by means of Korean
labor. Mr. Morris, its manager, who came to Seoul in July,
1899, told me the interesting story of his earlier experiences.
The working of the road during the first years of its running
was accompanied by enormous difficulties. Neither the pas-
sengers, nor the motormen and the conductors had any
respect for the value of time; most of the employees had even
to learn how to tell time by their watches. The populace
thought it proper for the cars to stop anywhere, and for any
length of period which seemed convenient to them. If the
car did not stop, the passengers made a mad rush for it and
attempted to jump on; they also jumped off wherever they
wished, whether the car stopped or not. This practice re-
sulted in serious bruises and fractured skulls as an almost
daily occurrence. Native pedestrians in the streets of Seoul
were not content to walk stolidly and with a dignified strut
(which is still the habit of the Korean before an approaching
Japanese jinrikisha) along the track in the daylight, with
the expectation that the car would go around them; but at
evening they utilized the road-bed by lying down to sleep on
the track with their heads on boards placed across its rails.
One dark night in the first summer three men were killed by
the last trip between the river and the city. In those days
the broad thoroughfare, which is now kept open for its entire
length, was greatly narrowed by rows of booths and "chow' 7
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 131
shops on either side. Here the men from the country would
tie their ponies (the Korean pony is notable for his vicious
temper when excited) to the tables, and> reclining upon the
same tables, would proceed to enjoy their portion of food.
When the electric car came through the centre of the street,
the beasts went wild with fright; sometimes they dashed
into the shops ; sometimes they fled down the street dragging
the tables and scattering "chow" and men in every direc-
tion. At one place the line to the river runs over a low hill
which is, in the popular superstition, a part of the body of
the rain-bringing Dragon. In a dry season the people be-
came greatly excited and threatened violence to those who
had brought upon them the calamity of drought by such
sacrilege done to the body of this deity. Mr. Morris had
himself fled for his life before a Korean mob who were ready
to tear him in pieces to avenge the killing of a child by the
car. At the present time, however, there were fewer acci-
dents in Seoul than on the electric car-lines of Japan; and
many fewer than those from the same cause in the larger
cities of the United States. In one of the more recent years
they had carried 6,000,000 passengers and had only killed
one. This is certainly not a bad record ; for while, on the one
hand, the service of the road is relatively slow and infrequent,
on the other hand, in Seoul there are no sidewalks and the
streets are thronged with foot-passengers and with children
at play.
One other excursion from Seoul is, perhaps, worthy of
record as throwing some sidelights upon Korea this time,
however, chiefly an affair of recreation. This was the ascent
of Puk Han, the ancient place of royal refuge in cases of
revolt or foreign invasion. The party consisted of Mr.
Cockburn, the British Consul- General; Mr. Davidson, the
successor of J. McLeavy Brown in the Department of Cus-
toms; Dr. and Mrs. Wm. B. Scranton, and Madam Scranton,
132 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the mother of the Doctor. Mr. Cockburn and Mr. David-
son made the ascent as far as was possible in jinrikishas,
and the rest of the party in chairs carried by four or six
coolies each. By the longer way out ^which the party took,
there was, however, much walking (but no hard climbing)
to do; and by the shorter way home, with its much steeper
descent, there was little besides walking which could safely
be done by any one.
The actual start was preceded by the customary bargain-
ing with the coolies. This resulted in reducing by one-half
the original charge only to find the head man applying
late in the evening after our return for an additional " present "
direct from me, in reliance on my ignorance of the fact that
a handsome present had already been given through the
friend who made the arrangement. But, then, such squeezes
are not confined to Korea in the Far East, nor are they
peculiar to the Far East and infrequent in London, Paris,
and New York.
Under "Independence Arch," where, as we have already
seen, the promise of a new and really independent Korea is
built into the form of a monument of stone, the whole party
were photographed. At a small village some three miles
from Seoul, the coolies made another stop; here they re-
ceived their first advance of money for "chow." In the
street of the village was standing one of those gorgeous
palanquins which serve as biers, and which give the lifeless
body of the poorest Korean his one ride in state to the hill-
sides where the tombs of the dead hold the ground against
the fields needed for cultivation by the living. But these
hill-sides at least serve the living to some good purpose as
preferred places for recreation and for intercourse with
nature, as well as, in some sort, with their deceased ancestors.
In Korea, as in India, birth, marriage, and death are expen-
sive luxuries for the poor; to get into the world, to beget an
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 133
heir, and to get out of the world again, absorb all the accu-
mulated resources of a lifetime of toil for the average Korean.
Surely, under such circumstances, "the will to live" lays
itself open to the charge of Schopenhauer that it is blind
and working ever to the production of increased misery.
Industrial development, firmly coupled with improved moral-
ity, and with the cheer and hopes of an elevating religion,
as a true "psychical uplift," are the only sufficient cure for
such pessimistic tendencies.
Among the several attempts at photographing made on
the way to Puk Han, were some intended to catch one of the
numerous Korean children who appeared puris in natural-
ibus. These were uniformly unsuccessful. Pictures of this
characteristic sort were not to be had by us foreigners, al-
though the attempts were supported by the offer of sizable
coins. At the first motion to point the camera toward these
features of the landscape, they took to their heels and fled
afar with urgent precipitancy.
Within perhaps two miles of the Outer Gate of the moun-
tain Fortress we were obliged to dismount, the way having
become too rough and difficult even for chairs with four
coolies each. Puk Han's wall was built in 1711; although
there is a not altogether improbable tradition that the moun-
tain, which is somewhat more than 2,000 feet high, was
fortified long before, under the Pakje kingdom. The gate
through which one enters the walled enclosure is picturesque
and interesting. Not far inside the wall, across a little valley,
are to be seen the solid stone foundations of the new Bud-
dhist temple which is to take the place of one that was de-
stroyed by fire. This is one of several indications that the
introduction of modern civilization and of Christian missions
is to be followed in Korea, as it certainly has been followed
in Japan and elsewhere, by a revival of the spirit, and an
improvement in the form and efficacy, of the older religion of
i 3 4 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the country. Buddhism has, indeed, been for centuries
largely lacking in all moral force and spiritual satisfactions in
Korea. But I cannot agree with those who are so sure that
it is not capable of revival there, of improvement, and even
of offering a vigorous competition to Christian evangelizing.
As we climbed up toward the pavilion in which we were
to take our luncheon, we saw few ruins of the structures which
were once scattered over the area within the mountain's
wall; but everywhere was an abundance of beautiful wild
flowers and flowering shrubs. Among the many varieties
were wigelia, cypripedium, several kinds of iris, Solomon' s-
seal, syringa, hydrangea, giant saxifrage, large white cle-
matis, hawthorne, jassamine, lilies of the valley, many kinds
of violets and azaleas, wild white roses, viburnum, Allegheny
vine, and wild cherry.
About twenty minutes before we reached the pavilion where
it was proposed to spread out our luncheon, great drops of
rain caused us to quicken our pace; and the following smart
shower which crept by the brow of the overhanging moun-
tain, in spite of the protection of our umbrellas, gave the
party somewhat of a wetting before shelter was reached.
But soon the rain was over; the sun came gloriously out;
the mountain stream which was just below the outer wall
of the pavilion ran fuller and more merrily; and the food
was more comforting in contrast with the slight preceding
discomfort.
Lying in the sun on a shelving rock, I had an interesting
conversation with the English Consul- General. In the
course of this Mr. Cockburn expressed the amazement of
his country at what he graciously called the "patience" of
Americans in putting up so quietly with political and social
wrongs which the English had refused any longer to suffer,
now nearly a century ago. He seemed sincerely gratified
at my assurance that the feeling of the United States toward
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 135
England is more cordial and appreciative of our common
good and common mission in the world than was the case
twenty-five and thirty years ago. I found myself also in
hearty agreement with his view that the treaty between Great
Britain and Japan, whether it should prove of commercial
advantage to the former, or not, was fruitful of good to the
latter nation, to the Far East, and to mankind as interested
.in the world's peace.
At about four o'clock the party started on its return to
Seoul. The distance was some ten miles, most of which
must be walked, by a rather steep descent in places over
barren surfaces of granite rock. But the path at first led
us still higher up the mountain until, having passed through
an inner gate, we reached the outer wall upon the other side
of the whole enclosure. For as much of the slope of Puk
Han, as somewhat more than two miles of rambling wall can
embrace, constitutes this fortified retreat of the Korean
monarchy. Thus, with its stores of provisions and implements
of war, the cultivated fields, palaces, and other official and
unofficial residences inside, it was intended that Puk Han,
like its somewhat earlier colleague, the fortresses of Kang
Wha, should resist siege by any numbers and for any length
of time. But from prehistoric times to Port Arthur, and all
over the earth from Sevastopol to Daulatabad, the experi-
ences of history have shown how vain is the hope of the rulers
of men to ward off the results of moral and political degen-
eracy by walls of stone and implements of iron.
Far away on he very top of the mountain, to the left of
our path, stood a watch-tower which commanded a view of
all this part of Korea. From both of the gates in this por-
tion of the wall, which, although they are only a short dis-
tance apart, look toward different points of the compass,
the views are extensive and charming. To the southward
one could look down the steep mountain side, over a valley
136 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
from which rose rocky but brilliantly colored hills, bare for
the most part of foliage, and through which the silvery
thread of the River Han wound its way, upon a series of
mountain ranges bounded only by the horizon. From the
Western gate were to be seen Chemulpo and its island-dotted
harbor, and beyond the open sea.
The downward path of Puk Han winds around the moun-
tain, from the Southern gate in the wall toward the north-
west; and although it is quite too steep and rough for safe
descent in chairs, it is not particularly difficult for those who
walk it with sound knee-joints and ordinarily careful and
judicious feet. For the first five or six miles it affords an
uninterrupted series of interesting and beautiful views.
Here the colors of the rock, when seen in full sunlight, were
trying for all* but the most insensitive eyes. But as the light
was modified by the occasional passing of clouds, or by the
changes in the relation of the path to the points of the com-
pass, the effect was kaleidoscopic in character on a mag-
nificent scale. On this side of the mountain the shapes of
the rocks are peculiar. In general, each mountain-ridge
supreme, subordinate, or still inferior is -composed of a
series of pyramidally-shaped granite structures, rising higher
and higher as to their visible summits; but with their sides
welded, as it were, together, and their surfaces of disintegrated
yellowish or reddish rock. Between the sides of the pyramids
in each series, and between the different series, and between
the higher ranges composed of the series, are dry ravines,
down which the summer rains -descend in torrents, keeping
the slopes of all these rocky elevations almost bare of verdure.
Thus there is produced an aspect of severe grandeur quite
out of proportion to the real height of the mountains. But
this aspect is relieved by an abundant growth of wild flowers
and flowering shrubs such as have been already named and
still others with more gorgeous blossoms than I have any-
CHEMULPO AND OTHER PLACES 137
where else seen produced by the same species. With these
the ladies filled all hands, and all the luncheon baskets and
then even the chairs, which, however, we took again as soon
as it became practicable, to the relief of feet and knees; and
thus we entered the city by the North- West Gate, where we
stopped awhile to rest the men and to enjoy the magnificent
view of Seoul from the inside of the gate.
The excursion up Puk Han will certainly be remembered
by some of the party as one of the most enjoyable to be
obtained anywhere. It far surpasses most of those much-
lauded by the guide-books in other more frequented but
really less rewarding portions of the world.
If time had permitted, by turning aside an hour or two,
the ascent of Puk Han might have been varied by a visit
to the " Great White Buddha." This rather interesting relic
of a long-time decaying, but possibly now to be revived,
Buddhism, I visited one morning in company with Mr.
Gillett. The path to it leaves the main road some miles out
of the city; where it begins to wind through the paddy fields
it becomes somewhat difficult for jinrikishas. On the way
one passes shrines such as are used not infrequently for the
now forbidden exorcising ceremonies of the sorceresses, and
heaps of stones that are continually being piled upon by the
passers along the way, who wish thus to propitiate the spirits
and to obtain good luck. The Buddha itself is a large and
rudely-shaped figure, whitewashed on to the face of a rock,
which has been escarped and covered with a pavilion, having
a highly decorative frieze and a roof set-on granite pillars.
A few women were there worshipping in the manner common
to the ignorant populace in Korea and Japan i. e., clapping
the hands, offering a small coin or two, and mumbling a
prayer. A dirty, disreputable-looking priest was assiduously
gathering up the coins, for they had merely been placed upon
a table before the Buddha, instead of being thrown into an
138 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
enclosed box. He volunteered the explanation that this was
the most celebrated place in all Korea at which to offer
effective prayer for a son; childless women, and also men,
came from all over the land to worship at this shrine. In
Korea, as well as in India and China, this vulgar and degrad-
ing superstition is connected with ancestor worship namely,
that the welfare of the living and the dead, in this world and
in the next, is somehow inseparably bound up with begetting
and bearing, or somehow possessing, a male descendant.
No heavier curse is put on woman; no subtler form of tempta-
tion to lust for man; no more burdensome restriction on
society; and no more efficient check to a spiritual faith and
a spiritual development exists among the civilized peoples of
the world than this ancient but unworthy superstition. Even
devil-worship is scarcely less cruel and socially degrading.
It was with sincere regret that I left Korea without the
opportunity to see the country even more widely, to feel more
profoundly the spirit of its national life, and to become more
acquainted in a relatively "first-hand" way with its history
and its antiquities. I was confident that I had gained
sufficient trustworthy information to judge fairly of the
character of the native government Emperor and Court
and Yang-bans to estimate in a measure the difficulties
which encompassed the position of the Resident- General,
and to appreciate the sincerity and self-sacrificing nature of
his plans and the value of his achievements. But there are
few countries in the world to-day where richer rewards await
the expert and patient investigator of history and of an-
tiquities. The history of Korea remains to be written; its
antiquities are there to be explored.
CHAPTER VII
THE DEPARTURE
SOON after breakfast on the morning of the day before
our stay in Seoul came to an end (Monday, May 27th), a
telephone message was reported with the inquiry whether we
expected to be at home at ten o'clock. Contrary to the un-
derstanding of the servant who brought the report, it proved
to be Marquis Ito himself who, accompanied by General
Murata, had kindly taken the time from his always busy
morning hours to call in person and bid his guests good-by.
Speaking with his customary quiet deliberation, brevity, and
sincerity, His Excellency thanked me for the services ren-
dered to him and to his nation, both directly and indirectly,
by the visit to Korea; and the words which added a promise
of continued friendship will always remain among the choicest
of memories. In reply with more adequate reason but with
no less sincerity and earnestness I thanked the Marquis for
the confidence he had reposed in me, and as well for the
experience which his invitation had furnished. If I had been
of some small service, I had received a much more than
adequate reward in the opportunity of seeing an interesting
side of human life which had hitherto been, for the most
part, unfamiliar to me. I also expressed my belief in a
universal and omnipotent Spirit of Righteousness, who
shapes the destinies of men and of nations, and who uses us
all in His service if we so will to our own real well-being
and to the good of humanity. God has so bound together
i 4 o IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Japan and Korea, both physically and politically, .that their
interests cannot be separated, whether for weal or for woe.
In the afternoon of the same day, at the house of Mr. D.
W. Stevens, whose hospitality we had before enjoyed and
whose friendship we had learned highly to prize, we met at
tea some twenty-five of the most intimate of the acquaintances
made during the previous two months. This was not, how-
ever, our final leave-taking of these friends. For the next
morning at 8.50, at the South-Gate Station, most of the same
persons gathered to give us one of those partings which one
would not gladly miss, but which are always a mixture of sad
pleasure and sweet pain. The insight of the Japanese lan-
guage into such human experiences is shown by the fact
that it has a single word which combines all these complex
elements, and expresses them in itself. Nor do I find that
the repetition of many such experiences in different far-
away lands at all changes the intrinsic character of the feel-
ings they excite. To make friends away from home is the
traveller's choicest pleasure; to part soon from these friends
is the traveller's keenest pain.
The journey from Seoul to Fusan was without incident
and accomplished on time. As furnishing a change in the
character of the surroundings, it is almost equivalent to
going from Korea to Japan. For Fusan is essentially a
Japanese city, and has been such for many years. The
greeting given us on arrival was also characteristically Japan-
ese. There, on the platform, were thirty or more of both
sexes, including the Resident and other officials, whose cards
were handed to us with such speed and profusion that to
recognize names was impossible, and even to avoid dropping
some of the pieces was difficult. The harbor launch again
served us, as it had done before, for transportation between
railroad station and Japanese settlement. Only twenty
minutes were allowed for effecting a presentable appearance
THE DEPARTURE 141
after the day's travel; and then we were ushered to the
dining-room, where about fifty persons had gathered for a
complimentary banquet. After this, the Resident intro-
duced, welcomed, and proposed a toast for the guests, and
Mr. Zumoto interpreted the response. The banquet finished,
there followed, in another part of the hotel, an entertainment
of juggling, a farce, and dancing to samisen and koto all by
amateur performers. The day had certainly, when it ended,
been sufficiently full of incident. But a real old-fashioned
Japanese bath, in a deliciously soft wooden tub, with water
at 1 08 Fahrenheit the first I had been able to obtain
during this visit to Japan took away all soreness of flesh
and weariness of spirit, and secured a good night's rest.
The following morning in Fusan was dull and unpromising
there was drizzle, cloud, and fog over land and sea, and a
fresh breeze. In spite of the weather, however, we were
taken in jinrikishas to the villa of Mr. Kuruda, one of the
oldest of the Japanese settlers, a prosperous commission
merchant and manufacturer of sake. This villa is seated
on the mountain's side and is surrounded by as fine an ex-
ample of a certain style of Japanese gardening as I have
ever seen. Here is a profusion of artistic rock arrangement,
decorated with shrubs and flowers, for the most part brought
from Japan, and marking out ponds, paths, and favored
points of view from which can be had glimpses of the charm-
ing harbor and surrounding hills. The owner was proud to
have us know that Marquis Ito makes the villa his home
when journeying between Korea and Japan. Among other
objects of interest in the garden is a huge boulder which fell
from the mountain's side some twenty years ago; near this
the owner of the garden has chosen his last resting-place, and
upon it the proper inscription has already been prepared.
After leaving the villa we were shown over one of the public
schools which has been founded for the children of Japanese
142 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
residents, and were bidden to notice how its reports showed
the high average attendance of from 93 per cent, to 98 per
cent., and even above, in the different grades, for the entire
year. Next came a visit to a private school for girls, which
is under the patronage of Japanese ladies, and which gives
an education of a more distinctly domestic type. Here we
were served with an excellent luncheon in foreign style,
cooked by the pupils of the school; during and after which
there was an entertainment consisting of tableaux vivants
and a musical performance that might best be described as a
trio of kotos with a violin obligate. One of these tableaux
represented three young girls defending a castle wall with
bow and arrow a scene corresponding to actual events of
history; for, in fact, the loyalty of certain clans in the north
of Japan carried them to such extremes in support of the
Tokugawa dynasty. Indeed, through many centuries, Japan-
ese women and girls have been far braver and more loyal in
defence of their liege lord than Korean men have been.
From this school we were taken to the park on the moun-
tain, with its trees brought from Tsushima some two hundred
years ago, to which reference has already been made (p. 15)
as the only one in all Korea. The Shinto temple upon the
hill-top is equally old, and was originally dedicated to no
fewer than nine different divinities the goddess, Ama-
terasu (the " Heaven- Shiner," or Sun-goddess), born from
the left eye of the Creator Izanagi, whose principal shrine is
now at Ise, being the chief.
The lecture of the afternoon was given to an audience of
about six hundred, upon a topic selected by those who had
extended the invitation. This topic was "The Necessity of
an Improved Commercial Morality"; it was expected that
the speaker would enforce and illustrate the thought by the
situation at the present time in Korea, and by an appeal to
Japanese patriotism to show their nation worthy of setting
THE DEPARTURE
143
a good example, and capable of accomplishing the task of
industrial development and political redemption in the land
which was now so dependent upon Japan for its future.
Mrs. Ladd also said a few words expressing her interest in
what we had seen in the morning illustrating the education
given to Japanese girls in Fusan, and also the hope that
something similar might soon be possible for their Korean
sisters. The heartiness with which these suggestions were
received in this, the principal Japanese settlement of the
Peninsula, shows that the better classes of settlers are honor-
ably sensitive to the obligation to redeem the fair fame of
their nation from the injury which it has received in the past
at the hands of the inferior and baser elements of their own
countrymen.
That this determination was not beyond reasonable hope
of speedy realization was made more evident to me by con-
versation with the agent of the Transportation Company oper-
ating between Shimonoseki and Fusan. A careful investiga-
tion of its records had revealed the fact that for some months
past about 200 Japanese passengers were, on the average,
daily coming into Korea, and only about 150 returning from
Korea to Japan. Of the fifty who, presumably, remained
as settlers, about one-half chose for their home either the
city of Fusan or the surrounding country; the other half
went by rail inland, chiefly to Seoul and Chemulpo. There
had also been of late an obvious change in the character and
intention of these immigrants. Formerly, they were largely
young fellows of the type of adventurers; but now the old
people, and the women and children, were coming with the
men an indication that their business was no temporary
venture, but a purpose to remain and make homes for them-
selves. When it is understood that these figures are ex-
clusive of the Japanese military and civil officials, they com-
pare very closely with the results of the census taken just
144 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
before our departure. On taking passage from Shimonoseki
to Fusan we had noticed that the passengers which crowded
and overflowed the second- and third-class cabin accommo-
dations of the steamer appeared to be very decent folk.
Many of them had brought along, not only their luggage, but
also their agricultural implements and mechanic's tools.
But the subject of Japanese settlement in Korea, and its
effect upon both countries concerned, is so important as to
deserve further discussion of such statistics as are now
available.
We went on board the Iki Maru early enough to avoid the
crowd that would come by the afternoon train from Seoul.
After bidding good-by to the score of ladies and gentlemen
who had come down to the wharf to see us off, there was
time for dinner before the steamer sailed. As we watched
the retreating shores of Korea, we remembered the morning
of two months before when these shores had first come into
view. It was Japanese friends who had then welcomed us
the same friends who had just bidden us farewell. But be-
tween the two experiences lay a busy period of work and of
observation which had resulted in making more friends,
Japanese and foreign, in Korea itself. But how about the
Koreans themselves; had we won, even to the beginnings of
real and constant friendly feeling, any among their number ?
I was unable confidently to say. The Koreans are spoken
of, by the missionaries especially, as notably kind and af-
fectionate in disposition and easily attached to the foreigner
by friendly ties. By the diplomats and business men they
are, for the most part, distrusted and despised. As the
guests of Marquis Ito, it was not strange that we did not
quickly gain any assurance of genuine and trustworthy
friendliness on their part. But this, too, is a subject which
requires consideration from a more impersonal point of view.
For there is something startling in the wide divergencies, and
THE DEPARTURE 145
even sharp antagonisms, of the estimates of Korean character
which any serious and disinterested inquiry evokes.
The night of May 2gth was rough, and our ship rolled con-
siderably while crossing the straits between Korea and Japan.
But by early morning we were in smooth water. The like-
nesses and the contrasts of the two countries were even more
impressive than they had been when we first landed in
Fusan and passed on to Seoul. Soil and landscape, as un-
modified by man, are in this part of Japan almost exactly
similar to southern Korea. Indeed, geologically speaking,
they are the same continent; at one time in the past they
were doubtless physically united. But how different the two
countries at the present time,', in respect of all the signs of
human activity and human enterprise! Our Japanese com-
panion explained the prosperity of this part of his native land
as growing out of the nature of its early history. Prince
Mori was formerly lord of all this part of Japan, nearly as
far eastward as Hiogo. When driven by Hideyoshi to its
western extremity, he had taken with him a large number
of his best retainers. Their support in the two or three dis-
tricts which he was still allowed to retain became at once a
most difficult practical problem. But it was solved by
stimulating the farmers and the trading classes to the highest
possible activity in improving the natural resources, which
were by no means unusually great in this part of Japan.
Thus it was the men who made the country rich, and not the
country that made the men rich. One other illustration of
the characteristically different spirit of the two countries was
mentioned in the same connection. At one time when
Hideyoshi was making war upon Prince Mori, he was called
back by a rebellion in his own rear. One of his most de-
voted friends and adherents had been murdered by the
rebels. Whereupon, Hideyoshi summoned his enemy, told
him frankly the truth as to the necessity of his abandoning
146 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
for the present his intention to deprive him of all his domin-
ions, and suggested that the time would be opportune for
the Prince to recover much of his lost ancestral estate. But
Prince Mori declined to take advantage of Hideyoshi's neces-
sity, since the latter was going, as in knightly-honor bound,
to avenge the death of a friend.
On coming to anchor in the harbor of Shimonoseki we
found the superintendent of the port ready with his launch
to convey us to the shore. After an hour at the hotel, during
which the chief of police made an official call to pay his
respects and give us additional assurance that we were to be
well protected, we parked at the train, with sincere regret,
from the Japanese friend who had so kindly arranged all
for our comfort during our two months in Korea.
The appearance of the country along the western end of
the Sanyo Railway on this last day of May, 1907, fully con-
firmed the account of the character and the policy of the men
who, since the time of Hideyoshi, have developed it. The
views of the sea on the right-hand side of the train cannot
easily be surpassed anywhere in the world. On the other
side, the fields in the valleys, and- the terraces on the hills,
constitute one almost continuous, highly cultivated garden
for more than one hundred miles. The tops of the mountains,
except in a few unfavorable spots, are covered with forests of
thickly-set and varied arborage. The comparatively damp
climate of Japan covers with that exquisite soft haze which
the Japanese artists appreciate so highly and reproduce so
well, the same kind of soil and of rocks which shine out so
bright and strong in their coloring across the straits in Korea.
In the train, my next neighbor on my right a big German
who smoked strong cigars incessantly, and who said that he
had been in the Orient for forty years declared unhesitatingly
that the people of Japan, outside of a certain portion of a
few cities where foreign influences had operated most strongly,
THE DEPARTURE 147
were all savages to-day, as they were when the country was
first opened to Western civilization. When he was reminded
that the percentage of children in actual attendance in the
public schools was much larger than in the United States, and
at least equal to the most favored parts of Germany, he re-
plied that the children were never really being taught in
school, but always to be seen out of doors, going through
some kind of " fanatics " or gymnastics ! It is no wonder that
this comment elicited no reply. But the picture of the more
than a score of thousands of eager and attentive teachers and
students to whom I had spoken not by way of occasional,
popular speeches, but in courses of lectures and addresses on
serious themes left me unconvinced. Nor was the remark
attributed to the inferior insight of his own nation, whose
scholastic training for diplomatic service has been superior to
that of other countries, and whose commercial education is
fast approaching the same grade of excellence. But it was
another lesson in the purely external and untrustworthy
character of the prevailing knowledge of the Far East, its
people, their excellences and their faults; and, per contra,
of the only way reasonably to estimate and effectually to
attain friendly relations with men in general and with Oriental
peoples in particular. The views of the "old resident"
missionary, diplomat, or business man as such, are of little
or no value. This is especially true as touching the rela-
tions of Japan and Korea.
CHAPTER VIII
PERSONAL REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS
BEFORE leaving Seoul I ventured to send to His Imperial
Majesty of Korea, through one of his most intimate, de-
voted, and consistent friends of long standing, a message
that should embody some of my impressions regarding his
own best interests and the essential conditions for the future
welfare of his country. I had already frequently addressed
his people with great plainness, relying upon an implied con-
fidence in the sincerity of their monarch's words, spoken at
the time of my audience at the Court. It will be remembered
(see p. 46) that the Emperor had then said: "He was glad
to learn I had come to instruct his people in right ways";
"he hoped they would open their minds to enlightenment
and to modern ideas"; he wished "my addresses would con-
tribute to their progress." The speaker had, therefore, not
only royal permission but that request, which, according to
the etiquette of this and other Eastern courts, is the equiva-
lent of a command, when he warned his Korean audiences
that the real prosperity of their country could not be obtained
by intrigue and assassination, but only by cultivating the
industries and arts, by improving education, and by regulat-
ing their conduct according to the unchanging principles of
a pure morality and a truly spiritual religion. Moreover, it
should be remembered that, while Oriental monarchs are
accustomed to think of themselves as entitled to rule without
regard to constitutional restrictions and in defiance of control
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 149
by any legal code, the Confucian ethics requires them to
submit patiently to rebuke and exhortation, on moral grounds.
It also exalts the position of the teacher. of practical philosophy
(or ethics) to the highest rank in the service of the State.
Nor had I forgotten the earnest words of the aged Japanese
physician at a banquet held on the evening of the preceding
nth of February, in the city of Osaka, by which the one
hundred and fifty leading citizens assembled there were re-
minded that, when the ancient Oriental teacher and the
modern teacher from the West agree in the doctrine "It is
righteousness which exalteth a nation" their agreement
is significant of the important conclusion that the doctrine is
true. It did not seem improper, therefore, to call his Maj-
esty's attention to the rocks just ahead, directly for which,
under the piloting of evil domestic and foreign counsellors,
he was steering the ship of State.
The message emphasized especially the following par-
ticulars. Inasmuch as Japan had already fought one in-
ternal and two foreign wars, at a cost of millions of treasure
and thousands of lives, on account of the political weakness
and misrule of Korea, it could not possibly, with a wise regard
either for its own interests or for those of the Korean people
themselves, allow the repetition of similarly disastrous
events. The two nations must learn to live together in
amity and with their common interests guarded against in-
vasion and injury from without. History had amply shown
that this end could not be secured under existing conditions
by Korea alone. The most sacred obligations, not only of
self-interest, but also of a truly wise regard for the Emperor
and his subjects, bound the Japanese Government to estab-
lish and maintain its protectorate over Korea.
Further: no foreign nation, least of all my own, whose
constitution and traditional practice forbade such a thing,
was at all likely to intervene between Japan and Korea.
150 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Those counsellors who had led him to hope for such inter-
vention were deceiving him; and the money which he had
contributed to their schemes was not simply spent in vain ;
it was beguiled from him to his own hurt and to the great
injury of his own people, who needed that every yen of it
should be judiciously expended upon developing the resources
of the country and improving their own material condition..
From these points of view, which had regard chiefly, or
even solely, to the interests of the crown and the Korean
nation, I regarded the Resident- General as Korea's best
friend; and also if the Emperor would have it so his own
best friend. Of Marquis Ito's sincere and intelligent in-
terest in Korea, no one who knew him could have the slight-
est doubt; the Emperor must see that the Marquis, as
Resident-General, was in a position of power. To act truth-
fully and sincerely in his relations with this powerful friend,
and to co-operate with his endeavors at the improvement of
the national condition, would, then, be his own best way to
secure for his people "instruction in right ways," "the open-
ing of their minds to enlightenment and modern ideas," and
an effective "contribution to their progress."
Moreover, it- must be remembered that there had been for
centuries, and there were still, two parties in Japan, with
reference to the proper treatment of Korea. One was the
party which favored friendship between the two countries
and a peaceful development of the interests so important to
them both; the other was the party of the strong hand, which
was always urging the immediate application of the most
drastic measures. If it seemed desirable at any time for
Japan to do so, the latter party was ready for subjugation of
the country by the military and for putting it under military
control. Marquis Ito had always been one of the foremost
leaders of the party of peace; he had indeed risked not only
his reputation as a far-seeing statesman, but even his per-
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 151
sonal safety and his life, in . behalf of the peaceful policy.
Let His Majesty carefully reflect upon what it would mean
for him and for his country for the present peaceful plans of
the Japanese Government, under the present Resident-
General, to prove unavailing for their difficult task.
But if His Majesty continued to fail of an appreciation of
the real situation, if he persisted in trusting those who were
deceiving him with vain hopes and robbing him and the nation
of its resources and its opportunity, I had the gravest fears
that ruin would follow for him and for his house; 'and then
great increase of trouble for the people of the land. All this
I wished to say to him, not at all as a politician or as a diplo-
mat, but as a teacher of morals and an observer of human
affairs. Nor did I speak on account of my friendship for
Marquis Ito simply; and not at all by His Excellency's
instigation or request. I was moved by a sincere desire to
see Korea really prosperous and, if it might be so, to con-
tribute in some small way to the instruction, enlightenment,
and progress of its people.
This message was in due time faithfully transmitted to
the Emperor of Korea, and was listened to with attention and
apparently with the same friendly spirit with which it was
sent. Its reception was followed by the "sincere (?) prom-
ise to heed its injunctions and with a protestation of respect
and affection for Marquis Ito." This is His Majesty's habit
when he is not excited for the moment by the passions of
anger or fear. "In at one ear and out at the other" such
is the description which those who have had most experience
with this monarch testify as to the real effect upon him of
all such advice. If any honest intention is ever really formed
to keep the promises, to be true to the protestations and
pledges made on such occasions, it is habitually scattered to
the winds by the next impure breath which blows upon him.
A master of intrigue himself (an intrigue of the Korean type
152 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
which combines as, perhaps, nowhere else in the world the
unmixed elements of a tenuous subtlety and a fatuous silli-
ness), the Emperor of Korea is also the victim and willing
subject of intriguing eunuchs, concubines, sorceresses, Yang-
bans, and unscrupulous and unsavory foreign adventurers.
From his point of view, his missionary physician is his spy;
and, from the same point of view, the guest of Marquis Ito
was, as a matter of course, suspected of being a spy in the
one case in behalf of, in the other case against, his 'cherished
interests. And these interests are not the welfare of his
country, or even those more important and lasting interests
that concern his own crown and the perpetuation of the
royal house. They are sensuous and personal. Yet this
complex character is truthfully described as amiable, kindly
by preference, and ready to smile upon and give gifts to all.
But this, too, is a problem which requires further considera-
tion, as one of interest from the psychologist's point of view not
only, but also and chiefly, from the point of view which regards
the social and political relations of Japan and Korea. At the
time my message was delivered, and even before it was sent,
the fatal mistake of sending a Commission to The Hague
had been made. In the case of monarchs and of nations,
as in the case of common folk individuals and communities
there are promises sincerely made, but made too late, and
penitence which follows but does not anticipate and prevent
the last fatal consequences of years of folly and of crime.
To these results of my observations in Korea the following
particulars should be added in this place. As has just been
indicated, one of the strongest and most fixed impressions
made was that of the well-nigh hopeless corruption of the
Korean Court. Of intrigue and corruption there is doubt-
less enough in all courts, especially in those of Oriental
countries. Nor are these evils by any means absent from the
political centres of Republican Governments, whether of the
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 153
national or local character. But the intrigue and corruption
of the Korean Court are of a peculiarly despicable and, in-
deed, intolerable character. The premises in which it is
housed at present are entirely lacking in any appearance of
dignity; are, indeed, almost squalid. In a commonplace brick
building were lodged the Emperor, the Crown Prince, Lady
Om, the little Prince her son, and an innumerable number
of court officials, court ladies, and eunuchs. The Cabinet
Ministers in attendance during the night await the Imperial
pleasure in a Korean house near the courtyard, in rooms
hardly larger than horse-stalls. At times the contents of the
cesspools, in close proximity to the main palace gates, offend
both eyes and nose. So often as the rigorous inspection of
the foreign lady in control of such affairs is relaxed, the filth
in the apartments themselves begins to accumulate. Gifts
to His Majesty, in value all the way from expensive screens
to baskets of fruit, are appropriated by the court rabble to
their own uses. Dishes, and even chairs, are often stolen by
the lackeys and coolies at the Imperial garden-parties. Yet
there is a marvellous display of gorgeous uniforms worn by
the court functionaries; and these functionaries are nu-
merous enough to cover all the usual bureaus, ceremonies,
decorations, and offices really existing or imaginary, with
the customary crowd of masters of ceremony and chamber-
lains thought needful for the courts of the largest and
wealthiest nations. At the time of the disbandment of the
army, thirty generals and only ten colonels constituted the
corps of officers in command.
All these appointments have hitherto been dependent on
the "gracious favor" of His Majesty and have been dispensed
without regard to moral character or any form of fitness, or
to the real interests of the nation. Indeed, it is no exaggera-
tion to say that they have often been sold to those who offered
the highest percentage of squeezes for the outstretched royal
154 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS IT(3
hand. To secure them, access to the ear of the Emperor is
indispensable in most cases. Not a few of the most low-
lived and unscrupulous of his subjects and of foreigners have
been recipients of royal favors in this way. To quote the
words of one who knows: "Now it was the interpreter of a
foreign legation, now a common police spy, now a minister or
ex-minister of State, and now some comparatively humble
member of the Imperial entourage. The soothsayers, geo-
mancers, and others of that ilk, were always present, and
frequently influential in devising grotesque schemes which
spelled profit to themselves and to other hangers-on of the
court. But the most constant influence at court of late
years was that exercised by some of the'^unuchs. ' Ajmong
these, the chief eunuch Kang, was probably the most power-
ful. He grew rich upon the perquisites of office, and would
undoubtedly be flourishing still, had it not been for the
famous, house-cleaning which the -court underwent some time
ago. He then fled, and report has it (seemingly with good
reason) that he was harbored nearly two weeks for a sub-
stantial consideration, in the house of a foreigner connected
in a subordinate capacity with an American business con-
cern. When in his heyday he exercised great personal in-
fluence with the Emperor, and there are well authenticated
instances of cabinet ministers having bribed him in order to
secure access to the Imperial presence."
It should also be remembered that this state of things in the
Court of Korea was not at all in spite of the Emperor, but
was rather of his own choosing. Indeed, his character and
habit of conducting his Imperial office was the principal
effective reason for the perpetuation of such corruption.
The signs of this stream of evil influence are by no means all
concealed. Every day of my stay in Seoul I was witness to
the line of jinrikishas, and the procession of pedestrians-
many of a by no means prepossessing appearance along
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 155
the lane on which stands the gate through which those seek-
ing audience were passing in to the palace enclosure. As to
foreigners who, in person, are introduced to the Emperor,
the Japanese Government had then a practically efficient
control. But for Korean subjects, and for foreigners using
Koreans to further their schemes, there was at that time
still abundant access. And the number of those who visited
this "prisoner in his palace" was frequently advertised in the
daily news as counted by scores and by hundreds. To leave
his "prison" and go out upon the streets of Seoul otherwise
than on those rare ceremonial occasions when everything is
prepared beforehand, would have been for His Majesty to
break with the etiquette of centuries. Now, however, that
the Japanese are in much more complete control, the free-
dom of the Emperor's movements is greatly enlarged.
I shall not easily forget how the contrast between the new
forces of spiritual uplift and the old forces of intellectual and
moral degradation came over me, as I was present one Sun-
day at the morning service of the Methodist church, which
stands just across the way from the palace enclosure. The
combined congregations gathered here numbered an audience
of more than one thousand, nearly one half of which were
children. Bishop Ross preached a short and simple sermon,
Dr. Jones interpreting. Several of the American delegates
to the great missionary Conference in China, on their way
homeward, were present, surprised and rejoicing in the size
and enthusiasm of the Korean multitude of hearers. The
girls from one of the schools patronized by Lady Orn (whose
true history is told in Mr. Angus Hamilton's book, and who is
now euphemously styled the "Emperor's consort"), which
had recently been complained of by the English edition of the
Korean Daily News for "being used to foster allegiance to
Japan," were singing "I surrender all to Jesus." But what
was then being done a few yards distant, just over the palace
156 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
wall, where were living a collection of as vulgar, ignorant,
corrupt, and murderous men and women as were to be found
anywhere in so-called " heathendom "?
How the intrigue and deceitfulness, combined with weak-
ness, of the Korean Emperor and his Korean and foreign
friends, terminated with the commission to The Hague Peace
Conference is now a matter of history. As such, it de-
mands a further study in its historical origins and historical
setting.
The impression which I received as to the capacity and
character of the Korean official and Yang-ban (or " gentry")
class was, on the whole, not reassuring in regard to their real
willingness or ability to inaugurate and support govern-
mental and industrial reforms in Korea. It is indeed diffi-
cult for one born and fostered under an Occidental and,
perhaps, especially an American system of civilization
justly to appreciate the institutions and the personal charac-
teristics of the men of the Orient. Of this difficulty I had
had an initial experience on my first visit to Japan fifteen
years ago. Repeated visits to Japan, and intimate inter-
course with Japanese of various classes, together with pains-
taking observation of the people, had enabled me to overcome
this difficulty to a considerable extent, so far as the Land of
the Rising Sun is concerned. But, as has already been in-
dicated, Old Japan was really more like Mediaeval Europe
in many of its most essential psychological and social charac-
teristics, than like either modern India, or China, or Korea.
A winter spent in travel and lecturing rather widely over
India was of more important service in coming to an under-
standing of the upper classes in Korea. This, too, is insuffi-
cient for a standard of comparison. With the high-caste
Hindu a Westerner of reflective mind will, of course, have
many intellectual interests in common. With the Korean
Yang-ban, except in the very rarest cases, there can be no
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 157
common interests of this kind. The problems of life and
destiny, the Being of God, the constitution of the universe,
the fundamental principles of ethics, politics, and law are of
little concern to him. It is doubtful, indeed, whether it has
ever dawned upon his mind that there are such questions
worthy of patient consideration by the reflective powers. A
few, but a few only such, at any rate, was the impression
made upon me have a genuine, unselfish, and fairly intel-
ligent sentiment of patriotism as distinguished from a desire
to use office and influence for the promotion of their own self-
interested ends. And these few even that still smaller
number who to the sentiment of patriotism add manly
courage, strength of purpose, and readiness to suffer are
incapable of combining their forces so as to carry through
in their own land any policy to secure the most imperatively
needed reforms. After discussing this matter repeatedly
with one of Korea's most appreciative and respected foreign
friends, I forced him to this admission: namely, there were
not, then, so far as he knew, two leaders of men in all Korea
who could come together, trust each other, agree together,
and stand together, to fight and work for the good of their
country to the bitter end. Moreover, had it been possible to
find two, or even twenty, such strong and trusted political
leaders, under his late Majesty and the unpurged court of
his rule, the reformers could not have escaped exile or as-
sassination, so far as Majesty and Court were permitted to
have their own way. Indeed, it was during all that spring
only the determined purpose of the Japanese Government,
as administered by Marquis Ito, that made possible the in-
auguration and progress of any measure of reform. It was
the same wise policy that stood between the Emperor and a
fate similar to that endured by his royal consort at dawn of
October 8, 1895. And only after his friend, the Resident-
General, hoping for a long time against the repeated viola-
158 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
tion of the grounds of hope, had reached the sad conclusion
that the Emperor's " disease was incurable," and that the
vital interests of Korea as well as of Japan demanded the
termination of his unfortunate and disgraceful career, did
the event take place. Even then, however, it was forced by
his own cabinet ministers.
As to the general character of the administration of the
magistrates throughout the country of Korea, in the winter
and spring of 1906 and 1907, there can be no difference of
intelligent opinion. It was essentially the same which it had
been for hundreds of years. With rare exceptions, which
were liable to make the magistrate suspected and traduced
to the Emperor and his court, the local jurisdiction in Korea
was a system of squeezes and acts of oppression, capable of
classification only under two important specific differences.
These differences were, first, the marks of strength and cor-
ruption combined with cruelty, and, second, of weakness and
corruption without obvious cruelty. The following extracts
from the Korean Daily News the paper which (with its
native edition) Mr. Hulbert and Mr. Bethell, its editor, were
employing to excite foreign and native opposition to the
Japanese are only a small number of the items of news on
which this impression was based:
As a high official was passing through the streets heavily guarded,
a number of men belonging to the chain-gang were passed. One
of them was heard to remark that if the official were not a criminal
himself he would not need the heavy guard, and he added that
after his term of penal labor was over the first thing he would do
would be to kill that official and a few more like him. These
words were heard by all and they continued until the minister
was out of sight.
A man of Ma-chun (near Chemulpo) was recently arrested by
order of the local magistrate and tortured without cause. After
confinement and torture for a period of eight days the man ex-
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 159
pired and his relatives are now asking the Supreme Court to look
into the matter and punish the magistrate.
A report from South Chul-la Province states that the people in
a certain section there do not look with favor on the new tax-
collectors; on the contrary, they say that they will tie up the
collectors with ropes and make life hard for them.
A Japanese report from the far Northeast says that a band of
500 Koreans attacked the Japanese at Whang-hai-po and some
people were wounded by the Koreans; they were repulsed by
Japanese gendarmes from Kyung-heung.
On Tuesday evening over 250 rioters marched down on Neung-
chon district, broke down the telegraph poles, and attacked the
people. The matter was reported to the police and many were
despatched to the scene of the outbreak. The rioters, however,
had dispersed before they could be arrested.
We hope it is not true, as the Koreans report, that the Governor
of Chung- ju has eaten the money which the Emperor gave for the
relief of the sufferers from the flood there last autumn. He is
said to have gone even further than this and compelled these
destitute people to give their time for nothing to public works.
This is worth looking into.
An armed band of robbers made a raid on the road-repairing
bureau at Chin-nampo the other day and carried away consider-
able property. In the struggle the Japanese engineer and two
Korean officers were severely wounded.
It is time that serious steps were taken to put down the brigand-
age that prevails in the country. No one's property appears to be
safe, for we now learn that the Dongak Sa monastery in Kong Chu
district has been rushed by robbers and pillaged of everything
that was at all valuable.
It must not be supposed that these instances of disturb-
ance in the provinces are rare and selected from a long
period of time. Indeed, fully one-half as many instances,
illustrative of the condition of things prevalent in the country
districts of Korea as have been given above, might have been
taken from single issues of this morning paper. So true is.
160 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
this that its daily column headed "Local News and Com-
ment," called out an ironical article from the Japanese semi-
official paper, the Seoul Press, entitled "Speak Well of Your
Friends." In this article was the assertion: "A digest of
its issues (i. e., of the Korean Daily News) for one month, as
far as they relate to the Koreans, would indicate that outside
Seoul every third Korean was a bandit, while in Seoul every
other man was either a traitor or corrupt. This hardly ap-
pears to be the way to establish a good reputation for the
Koreans." One needs, however, to know only a little as to
the proper reading between the lines, in order to discover
that the real reason why there was a dearth of good news,
of importance enough to print, in this anti- Japanese paper
was this: almost all such items would have accrued to the
credit of the Japanese Administration. Such items would,
therefore, bring into too strong contrast, to suit these foreign
friends of Korea, the traditional ways and results of the
Korean Government and the already manifest effects of the
reforms that were being carried through by the Resident-
General and his Japanese and Korean helpers.
The news from the country, as given by the pro- Japanese
press did not differ from that given by this anti- Japanese
paper from which extracts have already been made. The
former, however, dwelt much more upon the changes for the
better which were being accomplished, chiefly at Seoul, but
also in other cities and even in the country districts. The
following extracts, selected from a number of similar items,
will show this statement to be true. Says the Seoul Press:
A report received in the Police Adviser's Office here on Monday
night states that a body of rioters assaulted and set on fire seven
buildings of the District officials of Ko-syong, South Kyong-sang-
do. The officials have all taken refuge in Chin-nampo, and two
leaders of the rioters were arrested. The rioters, however, show
no signs of dispersing. All foreigners and the police are said to be
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 161
safe, but there were some casualties on the side of the rioters.
According to a later report received here from Vice-Resident
Wada at Masan, the rioters assembled numbered some 1,500.
Grievances in connection with taxation were the immediate cause
of the trouble. On the night of the 6th instant the mob stormed
the office of the District Magistrate and destroyed the jail, liberat-
ing all prisoners within. In addition, they burned down seven
buildings of the district officials, and some people were seriously
injured. Police Inspector Nakagawa's men, in conjunction with
the twenty troops told off from Chin-nampo, succeeded in arrest-
ing three rebel leaders. The District Magistrate escaped, and all
the Japanese are safe. The disturbance has not yet been sup-
pressed.
Still another item from the Seoul Press narrates a similar
experience :
Disquietude of a somewhat serious nature is reported from
Kim-hai, under the Fusan Residency. About six o'clock in the
morning of the i4th inst., the Residency of Fusan received a
message from Kim-hai to the effect that a number of Koreans
were threatening to storm the District Office on account of some
grievance connected with taxation. Several policemen were at
once despatched to the scene of trouble, where they found a crowd
of natives actively rioting. The latter broke open the prison, set
all its inmates free and, far from yielding to the advice of the
policemen to disperse, offered obstinate resistance. The police-
men found the odds hopelessly great, and decided to ask for re-
enforcements. About this time there arrived a force of our gen-
darmes who hastened to the disturbed scene on receipt of the
news that Mr. Lyang Hong-muk, the Magistrate of Kim-hai Dis-
trict, had been taken prisoner by the rioters, and that our police
force from Kui-po, having attempted to recover the Magistrate,
were suffering from the violence of the furious mob. The mob,
however, successfully checked the advance of the gendarmes for
some time by the free use of cudgels and other weapons. In the
meantime, Mr. Lyang was carried away by the mob and his where-
abouts is still unknown, Police re-enforcements subsequently ar-
162 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
rived, and ordered the rioters to go home, but in vain. It is
stated that the situation is assuming a more serious aspect. A
joint force of our gendarmes and policemen was despatched from
Fusan early on the morning of the i5th inst. Reports conflict
about the number of rioters, but it is believed that they are some
400.
All this, and similar experiences, as well as the history of
the Korean people for two thousand years, raises the serious
question of the possibility of a truly national redemption.
Both before and during my visit to Seoul I was given to
understand by foreign residents, Japanese and European,
that the case of the nation is hopeless; their whole social and
political system is decadent; they are an effete race, destined
to give way before the invasion of members from any more
vigorous race. But Marquis Ito evidently entertained no
such view. It was the Korean nation which he desired to
rescue and to lift up whether with, or without, the consent
and assistance of their Emperor and his court. Of the same
opinion with the Marquis were the missionaries. Many of
these were extravagant in their praises of the native character-
istics of their converts, and not only sincerely attached to
them, but also confident of their capacity for educational ad-
vancement and moral and social reform. To be sure, when
asked more particularly as to what were the precise traits of
character which encouraged these hopes and elicited this
affection, and when reminded how almost universal had been
the confessions, recent and still going on among the native
Christians, of long-continued indulgence in the vices of lying,
dishonesty, and impurity, there was no altogether satisfactory
answer to be given. The grounds for praise were usually
exhausted when the amiable and affectionate nature of the
Korean had been duly emphasized. To increase my dis-
trust of the view held by the missionaries, were the facts
gained in conversation with others who had been witnesses
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 163
to the actions of the excited Korean populace ; who had seen
Korean officials that had offended this populace, or had been
the object of some trumped-up charge circulated by their
political rivals and enemies, beaten, jumped upon, smashed,
torn limb from limb by their "gentle" and "amiable" fellow-
countrymen. Nor were these things done in remote country-
places, but in Seoul itself, near the Great Bell in the neighbor-
hood of Song-do. I had also heard from the lips of Mr. Morris,
manager of the Seoul Electric Railway, the story of how, at
three o'clock in the morning of the night of May 27, 1900,
he had been called out of bed and, accompanied by an escort
of Japanese soldiers, taken to the prison near the Little West
Gate to view the bodies of An Kyun Soo and Kwan Yung
Chin. These were reformers who had been cajoled through
promises of fair treatment by the smiling Emperor and his
officials to return from exile in Japan; whereupon they had
been foully murdered. Was one to share the "shivery feel-
ing" with which Mr. Morris passed between the rows of in-
struments of torture to view the red marks of the cord with
which these patriots had been strangled; or was one to
trust the estimate of their Christian teachers regarding
the mild and lovable disposition of the native Koreans?
There was also the glimpse into the smouldering fires of
hatred and cruelty, mingled with cowardice and hypocrisy,
which I had myself had during the visit to Pyeng-yang. And
there were the unceasing daily items of both the pro- and the
anti- Japanese papers, to which reference has already been
made. Finally, there was the fact that these characteristics
of the Korean populace were historical, and were chiefly in
evidence among themselves, in their relations toward their
own countrymen rather than directed toward foreigners, even
including the Japanese. Out of this confusion of witnesses
there slowly emerged the conclusion that the mixture of good
and bad needed itself to be historically explained ; therefore,
164 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS 1TO
neither the denunciations of the one party nor the praises of
the other could afford to the observer the sufficient reasons
for a just judgment of the native character. It is, indeed,
on the whole, just now rather more despicable than that of
any other people whom I have come to know. But it is
not necessarily beyond redemption. At any rate, here is
another question which needs illumining in the whiter and
broader light of history.
The impressions gained as to the Koreans Emperor,
Court, Yang-bans, and populace were, of course, intimately
associated with the impressions formed as to the nature and
efficiency of the forces chiefly at work for the reform and
uplift of the nation. Such reforming and uplifting forces
are undoubtedly these two : the personality of the Resident-
General, assisted in his work by the official corps under him,
and supported by the Government of His Imperial Majesty
of Japan; and the Christian missionaries. What impres-
sions, then, seemed warranted by my observations as to the
soundness and efficacy of these two forces ?
As to the sincerity of Marquis Ito in his self-sacrificing
and arduous task of effecting a reformed condition, indus-
trially and politically, of the Korean nation, no shadow of
doubt ever arose in my own mind. But this is a relatively
small and unimportant thing to say. It is more instructive
as to the truth to notice that his sincerity was, so far as I am
aware, never questioned by any one, not even by those most
hostile to his policy, except in an obviously ignorant and
hypocritical way. The extreme military party of Japan, the
advocates of the "strong hand and of immediate forcible
annexation, as well as anti- Japanese missionaries and other
foreigners, and even that Korean officialdom which always
has so much difficulty in believing that any one in office
can be sincere all these, as soon as ignorant prejudice be-
came but partially enlightened, ceased to bring the charge of
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 165
self-seeking and deceit against the Resident-General. For
he had unmistakably affirmed, both privately and publicly,
to his own countrymen, to the Koreans, and to the world,
that it was his intention to do all that in his power lay for
the betterment of the condition of the Korean people them-
selves. When His Korean Majesty, who had not only re-
peatedly violated his most solemn treaty obligations, but had
also, with frequent prevarications, falsehoods, and treachery,
broken his equally solemn promises to the man who was
far more unselfishly interested in the welfare of Korea than
was its ruler, involved himself in sore trouble, he, too, turned
to the Marquis Ito for advice and help. That even the in-
sincere Korean Emperor and his corrupt Court believed in
the sincerity of the Resident- General I have abundant reason
to know.
It was not the sincerity of Marquis Ito, however, which
made most impression upon the leading people of Seoul; it
was rather the qualities of patience, pity, and gentleness.
Such are, indeed, not usually the mental attitudes of the diplo-
mat or politician toward those who are intriguing, or other-
wise actively endeavoring to defeat his cherished plans. It
should not be forgotten that less than a year before, during
the absence of the Resident- General, a plot had been formed
which involved his assassination ; and that this plot had been
traced to those who had the entree of the Palace, in despite
of their well-known bad character, and some of whom were
thereognized Korean associates of the men whose "services"
to the Korean Emperor terminated in the commission to the
Peace Conference at The Hague. Of those Korean officials
who were most opposed to the Japanese Protectorate, the
Marquis was ready to say that he sympathized with them in
their desire for the perfect independence of their country; nor
did he blame them for their struggles to bring about this result
so long as their way was free from lying, robbery, and mur-
i66 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
der. But the witness of history he regarded as unimpeach-
able proof of the incapacity of the Korean ruling classes to
lift up, or to rule well their own country; unaided, they could
never effect the reformation of existing industrial and social
evils. Japan, the Far East, and the interests of the civilized
world forbade their being longer permitted to disturb the
peaceful relations of foreign nations. In this connection
the Marquis once spoke of the difficulty which he experienced
in preventing his own countrymen from themselves degener-
ating in character under the morally depressing influences of
Korea. These influences had, in his judgment, been more
or less effective in the case of most foreigners diplomats and
missionaries included who had lived for a long time in
Seoul. "I tell them," said he, "you must not become
Koreans; you are here to raise the Koreans up, and you
cannot do this if you sink down to their level." At a small
dinner party, at the house of one of the foreign consuls, the
Resident- General spoke more freely than is his custom about
his own early life, his observations during his several trips
abroad in America, Europe, and Russia, and the ideals
which had guided his official career. In this connection,
with reference to his present work in Korea, he referred to
the expressions of surprise from some of his foreign col-
leagues, that he could endure so calmly the ways of the
Koreans toward him and toward his administrative efforts;
but "in truth," he added, "I have no feelings of anger
toward these people; they are so ignorant, they have been
so long deprived of all honest and enlightened government,
they are so poor and miserable, I am not angry with them. I
pity them."
It will doubtless seem a strange reversal of what many in
the United States and elsewhere have been led to believe was
true and certainly it is a strange reversal of what ought
to have been true when I say that the patience and sym-
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 167
pathy of Marquis Ito in his relations with the foreign Chris-
tian workers in Korea was a surprise to me. The behavior
of some of the missionaries and men prominent in the circle
of the Young Men's Christian Association, which was in
receipt of a subsidy from the Japanese Government, had been
trying indeed. That their professed Korean converts and
adherents had used the name of Christian and the Christian
organizations for selfish political purposes could not have been
wholly avoided . Even the threats of legal proceedings had been
unable to prevent this. But that injudicious reports of wrongs,
either exaggerated or wholly false, should be sent by private
and public letters to the "home country," while the requests of
the Resident-General to learn of these wrongs and to have the
opportunity to correct them remained wholly unheeded, con-
stituted a trial to patience which, I am of the opinion, few
men in his position would have borne so well. Emphasis was
given to this by the fact that some of the most violent and
false accusations against the Japanese Government in Seoul
were made in papers and books published by authors who
were known to be on terms of friendship with foreign relig-
ious agencies. Even certain paid attorneys of the Imperial
intrigues against the Resident- General were of this connection.
To all this it should be added that His Excellency was being
severely (although by no means fairly) criticized in his own
country for his "excessive" patience toward these teachers
of a foreign religion. Excited by the reports which were
coming from the United States (see p. 62), one of the re-
spectable Japanese papers of Tokyo (the Yomiuri, in its
issue of May 6th) had found it "necessary to examine the
past conduct of the American missionaries in Korea." It ex-
pressed profound admiration "for the personality of the
Founder of Christianity and high respect for the enthusiasm
and devotion of his followers." But as for those who,
"wearing the mask of missionaries . . . pander to the native
i68 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
prejudices . . . and endeavor to thwart our policy by dis-
seminating baseless rumors and mischievous insinuations,
there ought to be no hesitation to deport them out of the coun-
try." "Marquis Ito, as a friend of peace and liberty, has
already shown more than sufficient conciliation and patience."
The story of the better way which Marquis Ito steadily
followed, with its unwavering policy of conciliation and pa-
tience, and of its success so far as the majority of the more rep-
resentative and influential of the missionary body is concerned,
has already been told in part. For the small number who still
refuse to respond to this policy, it is, of course, not deporta-
tion by the Japanese Government, but counsel and rebuke
from their employers at home, which is the proper remedy.
But the impressions of the visitor, who had full measure of
the confidence of the leader of one of these two parties who
are working for the redemption of Korea, and some good
measure of the confidence of certain leaders of the other
party, can be given in no other way so well as by quoting
the following words from one of their number:
"From the Peninsula," said Dr. George Heber Jones, in
an address to the First General Conference of the Methodist
Church in Japan, "we watch with intense interest the de-
velopment in Japan; for Providence has bound up together
the destinies of the two nations. Nationally, a new life opens
up before Korea. Japan has sent her veteran statesman to
advise and guide Korea, the man to whom in the largest sense
Japan owes so much the most conspicuous statesman in
Asia to-day, Marquis Ito. Plans for the reform of the
Government, codification of the laws, development of the
industry and business of the people, and extension of educa-
tion, have been formulated, and in a comparatively short
time most promising results achieved. In spite of difficulties
which necessarily for the present encumber the situation,
the outlook is most hopeful. As a church in Korea we de-
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 169
liberately stand aloof from all politics, but find our work, as
it relates to the production of strong . character, of honest,
upright, true men, most intimately related to the regeneration
of the nation. The coming ten years promise to be the most
eventful in the history of Korea."
At a tea-party, given in the gardens of Dr. and Mrs.
Scranton, at Seoul, where Bishop Cranston, Bishop Harris,
Dr. Leonard and Dr. Goucher, were among the non-resident
guests, Marquis Ito was present; having arrived somewhat
earlier than the appointed hour. After greeting the ladies
and gentlemen present, the Marquis spoke as follows:
I wish to take this opportunity of saying a few words to you.
I beg you, however, not to expect that I shall say anything new
or striking. I only mean to repeat to you what I have been saying
to the Japanese and the Koreans. If my words are not new or
striking, I may at least assure you that what I am going to say
comes from my heart, and represents just what I feel and think.
As the official representative of Japan in this country, my prin-
cipal duty consists in guiding and assisting Korea in her efforts
at improvement and progress. I entertain deep sympathy with
the people of this country; and it is my earnest ambition to help
in saving them from the unfortunate state in which they now find
themselves. You, ladies and gentlemen, are also here for serving
and saving the Koreans. The only difference is that, while I seek
to serve them through political and administrative channels, you
work for the same end by means of religious influences. We
thus stand on common ground, we are working for a common
object. You will therefore believe me when I assure you that I
always take the most sympathetic interest in your noble work,
and that I am ever ready to co-operate with you, in so far as my
duties permit, in your efforts to further the moral and intellectual
elevation of this people. On the other hand, I feel confident that
I may rely upon a similar attitude on your part toward my en-
deavors for the benefit of the Koreans. As to the political rela-
tions between Japan and Korea, it would be too long and tedious
170 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
to refer to the past; it is a long history. It is sufficient for my
present purpose to say that the two countries are so situated
toward each other that their destinies are bound together in the
closest manner. To maintain undisturbed the close mutual rela-
tions which fate has ordained for the two countries, is the object
for which Japan is in this country; beyond that she has no other
object. As you know very well, Korea can hardly be called an
organized state in the modern sense. I am trying to make it
such. Whether, or how far, I may be able to realize my object
in this work of political regeneration, as also in the task of im-
proving the general lot of the people, God alone knows. All that
I can say to you is that I shall do my best for the successful real-
ization of my mission. I may be permitted to refer to a matter
in which you can do much good for Koreans. I dare say that
among the many thousands of Japanese in this country, there are
some who disgrace their nation by misconduct toward Koreans;
but you may rest assured that these wrong-doers find in me the
most uncompromising enemy. I may also say that wrong-doing
is not confined to the Japanese; there are similar offenders among
the Koreans too. While I am taking unsparing pains to repress
wrong-doing among the Japanese, I rely upon you for your hearty
co-operation to the same end among the Koreans, in so far as it lies
in your power as their religious teachers and leaders.
But the wisdom and firmness of the Resident- General were
no less impressive than were the qualities of patience and
gentleness. To the student of Korean affairs, of the more
recently past and the present relations of the Japanese to the
Koreans, it soon becomes patent what is chiefly needed in
order to mend the former and to improve the latter. It is
first of all the impartial administration of justice, in the way
of righting wrongs, so far as this is possible, and of securing
the rights of life, liberty, and property; then comes the
fostering of education in the industries and arts, and the
progressive elevation of the moral and religious condition
of the people. At the time of my visit there were number-
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 171
less claims pending of fraud and violence not so much of
recent occurrence as acts of some months or years old on
the part of Koreans against Koreans, and of Japanese and
Koreans against each other. Land had been seized and
stolen outright, or fraudulently obtained by forged deeds or
under false titles. Foreign promoters were clamoring over
privileges and concessions, which were either purchased with
some show of fairness or obtained from His Majesty, or from
some subject, by partnership with the crowd of Korean
official "squeezers." The weaker race it was claimed
was oppressed, insulted, beaten, or rudely pushed around
not now by their own officials or by Chinese or Russians,
but by a people whose superiority of any sort it humiliated
their traditional pride even grudgingly to admit. The
ability of the most honest and capable local magistrate,
whether Japanese or Korean, to discover the truth and to do
any measure of justice was greatly hampered and, indeed,
made almost practically unavailing by the differences in the
two languages and by the fact that the interpreters them-
selves could, for the most part, in no respect be thoroughly
trusted. It was, indeed, a favorite trick with the average
Korean interpreter to hire out to one of his own countrymen
who had a case against some Japanese, and then to betray
his client for a bribe from the other side, by misstating or
falsifying his client's cause. And, under such circumstances,
what could any magistrate do who understood only one of
the two languages? Moreover, according to the testimony
of Mr. D. W. Stevens, who had made careful examination
into scores of such complaints, it was an extremely rare thing
for a Korean, even when he had a perfectly good case, to
refrain from mixing a large measure of exaggeration and
falsehood with his truth-telling; nor was it easy to find any
considerable crime of fraud committed against a Korean
by a Japanese without uncovering a Korean partner to the
172 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
base transaction. So crafty are the Koreans that, in most
cases of such partnership, it is not the foreign member of
the firm who gets the larger share of the dividends resulting.
All these impressions as to what was most imperatively
needed for the emergencies that were daily arising I was
encouraged to mention to the Resident-General at any of our
several interviews. It was, of course, desirable first of all to
prevent the continuance of the evils which had been, both in
Korea and abroad, charged against his own nationals in their
treatment ol" the Koreans. Inquiry and observation com-
bined to confirm the opinion that this was already being
accomplished. At that time, however, most of the riots in
the country districts did not appear to indicate feelings of
hatred on the part of the natives toward "foreign oppressors";
they were only the customary expression of lawless resistance
to a condition of wretchedness and misrule that was of native
origin and indefinitely long-standing. No important acts of
violence on the part of Japanese toward Koreans came under
my observation, and none of recent occurrence were credibly
reported. Even of those petty deeds of rudeness and in-
civility, which exasperate hostile feeling far beyond their real
significance, I saw comparatively few. There was some
rather contemptuous treatment of the Korean crowd at the
gates of the railway stations and on the platforms of the
trains; but the Koreans are themselves exceedingly stupid
and ready to crowd others; and the handling given them by
the Japanese officials was in no case so rough as that which
the proudest American citizen is liable to receive at the
Brooklyn Bridge or on the Fourth Avenue street-cars. Once,
indeed, my jinrikisha-man, after he had several times warned,
by his outcry, a Korean gentleman who was occupying the
middle of the street with that dignified and slow-moving pace
so characteristic of the idle Yang-ban, in order to avoid
knocking the pedestrian down with his vehicle, gave him a
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 173
somewhat ungentle push to one side. The Korean fell for-
ward, after the manner of a boy's tin soldier before a marble.
His crinoline hat rolled off his head, but alighted a short
distance away. At first I was alarmed lest he might be in-
jured, and was about to order the offending kurumaya to
stop his running that I might offer my assistance. But when
it appeared that neither the victim of this scarcely avoidable
rudeness, nor his hat, was injured, and that no one, including
the man himself, seemed to consider the incident worth no-
ticing, I decided not to emphasize it further. Undoubtedly,
this would not have happened with a Japanese child or
woman in the adult Korean's place; it might easily have
happened, however, in the streets of Tokyo or Kyoto if the
pedestrian had been a man of obviously inferior rank.
In brief, it was the uniform testimony of those who had
been in Korea during the troublous times which followed the
war with Russia that, under Marquis Ito's administration,
Japanese wrong-doers were being sought out and restrained
or punished, and that deeds of violence and even of rudeness
were becoming rarer with every month of his stay.
Other measures which seemed to me desirable to have put
in operation were such as the following: a civil-service ex-
amination which should provide that every official, Korean or
Japanese, whose duties brought him into intimate daily rela-
tions with both peoples, should have a working knowledge of
both languages; the organizing of a body of authorized inter-
preters, whose honesty and ability to discharge this very
delicate and important function of oral or written interpreta-
tion, in all legal causes and matters of Government business,
should be guaranteed, the speedy and even spectacular de-
monstration of the Government's intention to give to the
Korean common people strict justice in all their valid com-
plaints against the Japanese; the improvement of the char-
acter of the Japanese civil service and of the Japanese police
174 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
and petty officers of every kind; and some kind of arrange-
ment between the missionary schools and the schools under
the control of both the Korean and the Japanese authorities,
by which uniformity might be attained in the primary educa-
tion, and, in the higher stages, the mistakes made by the
British Government in India might be avoided. These mis-
takes have resulted in educating a crowd of native "babus"
who are both unwilling and unfit for most kinds of service-
able employment in the real interests of their own nation's
development. As to this last matter, the statement may be
repeated that not a small proportion of the Koreans educated
abroad or in the missionary schools, with an almost purely
literary education, have turned out either useless, or posi-
tively mischievous, when the practical reform and redemption
of their own country is to be undertaken and enforced. For
if there is any one thing which the average educated Korean
Yang-ban will not do, that thing is hard and steady useful
work.
None of these measures it was soon made obvious were
to be overlooked or neglected in the large and generous plans
of the Resident-General for the reform and uplift of Korea.
Time, however, was needed for them all; they all required a
supply of helpers, to train which time was required. And
who that knows the lives of the great benefactors of mankind,
or is versed in the most significant facts and obvious truths
of history, does not recognize the evil clamor of the press, of
the politicians, and of the crowd, to have that done all at once
which cannot possibly be done without the help of time. The
whole explanation of the delay is best summed-up in the
pregnant sentence already quoted from one of Marquis Ito's
public addresses, which was evidently designed as a declara-
tion of settled policy on his part. "As you know very well,"
said he, "Korea can hardly be called an organized state in
the modern sense; I am trying to make it such." But as he
REMINISCENCES AND IMPRESSIONS 175
explained to me more in detail: "I have been at work on
these difficult problems only one short year, interrupted by
visits to Japan, because my own Emperor required my
presence; and the first half of this year was almost entirely
occupied with such physical improvements as various en-
gineering schemes, provision for hospi als, roads, and similar
matters. There has never been any such thing as Korean
law, under which justice can be administered impartially.
But, according to the constitution of Japan, no Japanese sub-
ject of His Imperial Majesty, as well as no other foreigners
resident in Korea, can be deprived of property, or of liberty,
otherwise than by due process of law. Nor is my relation to
the administration of justice in Korea like that of the British
magistrate in British India. With Korean affairs, purely
internal, when the attempt is made to settle them in Korean
fashion, I have no right, under the treaty, to interfere. And
the Koreans, when they could resort to legal measures for
settling their disputes, ordinarily will not do so; they prefer
to resort to the ancient illegal practice of running to some
Korean Court official and bribing him to use influence on
their side. As for Korean judges who can be trusted to do
justice, there 15 scarcely any raw material even for such
judges to be found. A carefully selected number of jurists,
with a large force of clerks, has, however, been brought from
Japan; and they are diligently at work trying to devise a
written code under which the ancient customs and common
laws of Korea, as representing its best efforts to enact and
establish justice, shall be made available for future use."
Meantime, as we have already seen, the Resident-General
was being opposed and, as far as possible, thwarted, in every
effort to improve the civil service and judicial administration
of Korea, by the corrupt Korean Court, with its mob of
eunuchs, palace women, sorceresses, etc., and by nearly all
the native officials and Yang-bans in places of influence and
176 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
power. And the chief seal 0} corruption and of opposition to
genuine^ effective reform was the smiling and amiable Korean
Emperor himself. How effectively, because wisely and firmly,
Marquis Ito initiated and advanced these reform measures
will receive its proof, so far as proof is at present possible, by
examination of results recorded in official and other trust-
worthy reports. To the facts already narrated, on which my
personal impression of these qualities was based, many others
of even a more convincing character might easily be added.
Of the feelings of admiration and friendship which grew
during these weeks of somewhat confidential relations, on
the part of the guest toward his host, it would not be fitting
to speak with any detail. But in closing the more exclusively
personal part of my narrative I might quote the words of one
of the Consuls- General residing in Seoul. This diplomat
expressed his feeling toward the Marquis Ito as one of venera-
tion, beyond that which he had ever felt for any but a very
few of the men whom he had met in his official career.
After all, however, personal impressions, no matter how
favorable to truth the conditions under which they are de-
rived, are not of themselves satisfactory in answer to ques-
tions so grave and so complicated as those which encompass
the existing relations between Japan and Korea. Such im-
pressions must be subjected to the severer tests, the more
comprehensive considerations, the profounder sanctions, of
history and of statistics. For this reason I now pass on to
the much more difficult task of reviewing in the light of these
tests, considerations, and sanctions, the impressions of my
visit to Korea in 1907, as the guest of Marquis Ito,
PART II
A CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL INQUIRY
PART II
CHAPTER IX
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL
AN authentic and trustworthy history of Korea has never
been written; and enormous difficulties await the investigator
who, in the future, attempts this task. The native records,
almost down to the present time, consist of the same un-
critical mixture of legend, fable, oral tradition, and un-
verified written narrative which characterizes the earliest so-
called histories of all civilized peoples. But the Korean
civilization has not as yet produced any writer both am-
bitious and able to treat this material in a way corresponding
to the opportunity it affords. All the narratives of events,
except those of the most recent date, which have been written
by foreigners, have, of necessity, been lacking in that intimate
acquaintance with the Korean language, institutions, cus-
toms, and the temperament and spirit of the people, which is
the indispensable equipment of the historian. The an-
tiquities and other physical records of an historical character
have, moreover, never to any considerable extent been ex-
plored. A striking example of this general truth was af-
forded only a short time ago when Dr. George Heber Jones
discovered the fact that a wrong date (by a whole century)
had been given for the casting of the Great Bell at Chong-no
one of the most conspicuous public objects of interest in
Seoul; yet the correct date was inscribed on the bell itself!
i8o IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
The reason for this petty falsifying of historical fact was
characteristically Korean; it was in order that the honor of
casting the bell might be ascribed to the Founder of the
present Dynasty.
In spite of these facts, however, the main outlines of the
development of Korea are unmistakable. Its history has
been, for the ruling classes, one long, monotonous, almost
unbroken record of misrule and misfortune; and for the
people an experience of poverty, oppression, and the shedding
of blood. That they have endured at all as the semblance
of a nation, although not "as an organized state in the mod-
ern sense," has been due chiefly to these two causes: first, to
a certain native quality of passive resistance, varied by
periods of frenzied uprising against both native and foreign
oppressors; and, second, to the fact that the difficulties
encountered in getting over mountains and sea, in order to
maintain a foreign rule long enough to accomplish these
ends, have prevented their stronger neighbors on all sides
from thoroughly subjugating and absorbing them. This
latter reason may be stated in another way: it has hitherto
never been worth the cost to terminate the independent
existence of the Korean nation.
Nor is it difficult to learn from authentic sources the two
most potent reasons for the unfortunate and evil state through-
out their history of the Korean people. These reasons are,
on the one hand, the physical results of repeated invasions
from the outside; and, on the other hand, the adoption and
perpetuation, in a yet more mischievous and degraded fashion,
of the civil and official corruptions received from Korea's
ancient suzerain, China. It is customary to attach great
importance, both as respects the damage done to the ma-
terial interests of the country, and also as accounting for the
Korean hatred of the Japanese, to the invasion of Hide-
yoshi. But the undoubted facts do not bear out this con-
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 181
tention. The lasting effects of this incoming of foreign
armed forces from the south, and of their short-lived and
partial occupation of Korean territory, were relatively un-
important. None of the institutions of Korea were changed ;
none of her physical resources were largely depleted. It was
just those places in which the Japanese remained in the most
intimate relations with the Koreans, where there was least
permanent development of race hatred. But the results of
the successive invasions from the north and northwest, by
the wild tribes, by the Mongols, and by the Chinese and
Manchu dynasties, were much more injurious in every way
to the physical well-being of the peninsula.
It is one of the most remarkable contrasts between Japan
and Korea that, whereas the more distinctly moral ele-
ments of Confucianism moulded a noble and knightly type
of character in the former country, in its neighbor the doc-
trines of the great Oriental teacher chiefly resulted in forming
the average official into a more self-conceited but really cor-
rupt and mischievous personality. Indeed, the baleful influ-
ence of China, especially since the establishment of the
Manchu dynasty, has been the principal hindrance to the
industrial and civic development of Korea. The contribu-
tion made to its civilization by Chinese letters, inventions,
and arts, has been no adequate compensation for the de-
pressing and debasing character of the imported political and
social system. The official institutions and practices of the
suzerain have for centuries been bad enough at home; but
here they have been even worse, whether admiringly copied
or enforced by the influence of its Court and the power of its
army. And, whereas the great multitude of the Chinese
people have displayed for a long time the inherent power of
industrial self-development and of successful business inter-
course with foreigners, the Koreans have thus far been rela-
tively lacking in the qualities essential for every kind of
182 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
material and governmental success. Thus all the civiliza-
tion of Korea has been so characterized by weakness and
corruption as to excite contempt as well as disapprobation
from the moralist's and the economist's points of view. It
is China and not Japan which through some 2,000 years of
past history has been the expensive and bloody enemy, and
the political seducer and corrupter of Korea.
The division of the history of Korea, made by Mr. Homer
B. Hulbert, into ancient and modern the latter period be-
ginning in 1392, with the founding of the present dynasty
is entirely without warrant. "Modern history" can scarcely
be said to have begun in the so-called " Hermit Kingdom"
previous to the time when a treaty was concluded between
Japan and Korea by General Kuroda, acting as Plenipoten-
tiary, on February 26, 1876. Even then, the first Korean
Embassy under the new regime, having arrived at Yokohama
by a Japanese steamer on the following May 2gth, when it
started back to Korea a month later, refused all overtures of
Western foreigners to communicate with their country.
From the time when the present kingdom arose by the union
of the three previously existing kingdoms, the doings of the
Korean Court and of the Korean people have been substan-
tially the same. When threatened by foreign invaders or by
popular uprisings and official rebellion at home, the Court
a motley crowd or mob, of King, palace officials, eunuchs,
concubines, blind men, sorceresses, and other similar re-
tainers of the palace has, as a rule, precipitately fled to
some place of refuge, deserted by efficient military escort and
in most miserable plight. Only when behind walls and com-
pelled to fight, or when aroused to a blind fury in the form of
a mob, does the average Korean show the courage necessary
to defend or to avenge his monarch. The saying of the
Japanese that "the Koreans are kittens in the field and tigers
in the fortress" characterized their behavior during the
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 183
Hideyoshi invasion; it is characteristic of them to-day.
Three centuries ago, when the king was in flight from Seoul
to Pyeng-yang his own attendants stole his food and left him
hungry; and the Korean populace, left behind in Seoul rose
at once and burned and looted what the Court had not carried
away. " Before many days had elapsed the people found out
that the coming of the Japanese did not mean universal
slaughter, as they had supposed, and gradually they returned
to their lands in the city. They reopened their shops, and
as long as they attended to their own affairs they were un-
molested by the Japanese. Indeed, they adapted themselves
readily to the new order of things, and drove a lucrative trade
with the invaders"! 1 In these respects, too, the voice of
Korean history is a witness with a monotone; as it was in
1592 and earlier, so it has been down to the present time.
In one other most important respect there has been little
variation in the records of Korean history. Brave, loyal, and
good men, when they have arisen to serve their monarch and
their country, have never been permitted to flourish on
Korean soil. The braver, more loyal and unselfish they have
been, the more difficult has the path to the success of their
endeavors been made by a corrupt Court and an ignorant
and ungrateful populace. Almost without exception such
men rare enough at the best in Korean history have been
traduced by their enemies and deserted and degraded by their
king. During the Hideyoshi invasion the most worthy leader
of the Korean forces by land was General Kim Tuk-nyung.
It is said that the Christian Japanese General Konishi had
so high an opinion of General Kim that he had a portrait of
him made, and on seeing it exclaimed: "This man is indeed
a general." But, on account of Kim's success, his enemies
maligned him; the king had him arrested, brought to Seoul,
and, after a disgraceful trial, executed. In all Korea's his-
1 Hulbert, The History of Korea, I, p. 368.
i8 4 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
tory there has never been another man to whom the nation
has owed so much for his courage, devotion, and genius in
affairs of war as to Admiral Yi. It was he, more than all
others king, officers, and common soldiers who accom-
plished the final ill-success of the Japanese invasion. It was
Admiral Yi who destroyed all chance of re-enforcing the
Japanese army in Seoul, and who thus actually did what the
Russian fleet in the recent war could not begin to do. But
this great patriot and successful leader, under the same bale-
ful influences, was degraded to the rank of a common soldier
and barely escaped with his life. Quite uniformly such has
been the fate of the true partiots and best leaders during all
Korea's history, and this just because they were true and of
the best. Such would to-day be the fate of the saving ele-
ments left in Korean official circles if the hand of Japan were
withdrawn. Indeed, as we have already seen, the most
difficult part of the Resident-General's problem is to cultivate
and to protect Korean leaders of a trustworthy character.
It is Korea's national characteristic to "stone her prophets";
but few of them have had "whited sepulchres" built to
them by future generations.
The more ancient relations of Japan and Korea were such
as are common to people who inhabit contiguous lands at
the corresponding stage of civilization. "As to the relations
between the two nations," says Brinkley, 1 "they were limited
for a long time to mutual raids." On the one side, the Japanese
could complain that, in the first century B.C., when a pestilence
had reduced their forces, Korean freebooters invaded Kiu-
shiu and settled themselves in the desolated hamlets of the
Japanese; that the Koreans lent assistance to the semi-
savage aborigines of the same island and to the Mongol in-
vaders; and that their citizens who wished to enter into
friendly relations of commerce with the neighboring peninsula
1 Japan, I, p. 69 /.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 185
were treated with scorn and even with violence. On the other
side, there was valid ground for the charge that Japanese
pirates, either alone or in conjunction with Chinese, often in-
vaded the coasts of Korea; and that Japanese traders by no
means always conducted themselves in a manner to win the
confidence and friendship of the inhabitants of the peninsula.
The earlier trade relations between Japan and Korea were
irregular and by no means always satisfactory to either party.
The wardens of the island of Tsushima, which is by its very
position a sort of natural mediating territory between the two
countries the So family had virtual control of the legiti-
mate commerce. They issued permits for fifty ships which
passed annually from ports in Japan to the three Japanese
settlements in the peninsula. These Japanese traders and
the Korean officials behaved toward each other in so objec-
tionable fashion that a revolt of the settlers in Fusan arose
in 1610, in the effort to suppress which the Koreans were at
first defeated ; but afterward, being re-enforced strongly from
Seoul, they compelled the settlers to retire from all the three
settlements; and thus for the time being the trade' between
Japan and Korea came to an end. When, later, the Sho-
gunate Government complied with the demand of the Korean
Government that the ringleaders of this disturbance should
be decapitated and their heads sent to Seoul, the trade was
re-established. But it did not attain its previous propor-
tions; it was limited to twenty-five vessels annually, and the
settlements were abandoned. Similar troubles recurred some
thirty years later. The Shogun of that period, too, caused
the offenders to be arrested and handed over to the Korean
authorities; but the Court at Seoul continued its refusal to
allow the commerce with the Japanese to be expanded.
The amount of contribution made by Korea to the civi-
lization of Japan in those earlier days has probably been
somewhat exaggerated. Both these countries are chiefly in-
186 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
debted to China for the elements of the arts and of letters,
and for most of the other refinements of their culture; these
came to Japan, however, to a considerable extent through
Korea. According to the records of the Japanese themselves,
in the century before the Christian era Chinese scholars came
to Satsuma through Korea, Tsushima, and the intervening
islands. At about the same time Koreans also brought Chi-
nese civilization to Japan. 1 During the reign of the Em-
peror Kimmei (555 A.D.), according to Japanese tradition,
the king of Kudara in Korea sent to Japan an envoy bearing
an image of Buddha and a copy of the Sutras. But while the
Minister-President was experimenting with its worship, the
occurrence of a pestilence proved that the ancestral deities
were angry at the intrusion of a foreign form of worship. 2
After the "subjugation of the three kingdoms of Korea a
number of Chinese and Koreans came to settle in Japan. In
order to avert confusion in family names and titles which
might have arisen from this cause, an investigation of family
names was made in the i43oth year after the Emperor Jimmu
(about A.D. 770)." It will thus be seen that there are prob-
ably in both countries families which have in their veins the
mingled blood of both races.
Relations tending to exasperate the feeling of each country
against the other continued through the centuries which con-
stituted the Middle Ages in Europe. In Japan the feudal
system was approaching its more elaborate and powerful
development; in Korea the weakness and corruption of the
Court, the ignorance, suffering from oppression, and lawless-
ness of the people were not improving. Thus the two na-
tions were drawing further and further apart and were fol-
lowing the paths which have led to such a wide divergence
1 See The History of the Empire oj Japan, (volume prepared for the
World's Columbian Exposition at Chicago,- 1903), p. 38 /.
2 Ibid., p. 47.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 187
in the now existing conditions mentally, politically, and
socially. The various embassies sent by Kublai Khan to
Japan during the years of 1268-1274^.0. came via Korea
and were accompanied by Korean officials. The attempted
Mongol invasions of Japan were assisted by Korea. On the
other hand, the peninsula continued to suffer from the at-
tacks of Japanese pirates. The inhabitants of the Southwest
coasts of Japan made raids upon the opposite coasts, engag-
ing in open conflict with the Korean troops, killing their
generals, destroying their barracks, and carrying away as
plunder, horses, ships, and stores of grain. In these en-
counters the soldiers of Korea showed their traditional lack
of courage in the field, frequently retreating before the
Japanese raiders without striking a single blow. Frequent
envoys were sent from Korea to remonstrate and demand
reparation; and one of these took back with him (1377 A.D.)
several hundred Koreans who had been made prisoners by
the Japanese pirates, but were returned to their own country
by Imagawa Sadayo, Governor of Kiushiu. No really
effective measures to stop piracy were, however, taken by the
Japanese Government until the time of the ex-Shogun Yoshi-
mitsu, who on several occasions had the pirates arrested and
handed over to China, the suzerain of Korea. For later on
the Japanese pirates associated themselves with Chinese
pirates and pursued their business of plunder quite impar-
tially as against either Koreans or Chinese. When the
Koreans took reprisals upon those inhabitants of Tsushima
who were residing in the southern part of their land, the
people of that island made an attack upon Fusan and de-
stroyed its fortifications (1510 A.D.).
The first notable conflict between Korea and Japan was
the invasion of Hideyoshi. Various motives have been as-
signed for this war-like expedition; the real motives were
probably complex. Hideyoshi was undoubtedly angry at
1 88 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Korea for her refusal to open the country to trade with
Japan. He was willing to take his revenge for the assistance
that had been given to the Yuan dynasty of Mongols in their
attacks upon Japan. 1 But he was especially desirous to get
at China through Korea, and to use the latter country as a
base for his attack. He began (1587 A.D.) by sending a
despatch to the warden of Tsushima directing him to invite
the King of Korea to an audience with the Emperor of Japan;
and he accompanied the invitation with a threat of invasion
unless the invitation were accepted. Next, having quite
thoroughly "pacified" (in Caesar's fashion) his own country,
he sent a demand for presents plainly of a tributary char-
acter with the same threat accompanying. This time an
envoy from his own person assured the Koreans that unless
they complied they would be compelled to march in the van
of the Japanese army for the invasion of China. Hideyoshi,
when this insolent demand failed of its purpose, first wor-
shipped at the tomb of the Empress Jingo the reputed con-
queror of Korea in most ancient times. In April, 1592, the
Japanese invading force, which consisted according to the
Japanese records of 130,000 in eight army corps, sailed in a
fleet manned by 9,000 sailors with the Generals Konishi
Yukinaga and Kato Kiyomasa leading the van. They were
to carry out the threat of the Taiko for the punishment and
subjugation of Korea. According to the statement of the
authority we are following, 2 Hideyoshi expected to conquer
China in two years and contemplated transferring the capital
of Japan to that country. "He even went so far as to deter-
mine the routine to be followed in the removal of the Japan-
ese Court to China." How characteristic is this detailed
planning, without sufficient regard for the exigencies of time,
the enormous intervening obstacles, and the possible adverse
1 The History of the Empire oj Japan, p. 278 /.
2 Ibid., p. 280.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 189
will of heaven, of the national temperament even down to
the present time!
It is not necessary to our purpose to follow the early bril-
liant successes and the disastrous ending of the invasion of
Korea by Hideyoshi. Both nations displayed their charac-
teristic virtues and faults during this period of intercourse by
way of conflict the knightly courage and arrogant over-
confidence of the Japanese, the passive power of resistance
and the weakness and political corruption of the Koreans.
But as to the invasion itself our sympathies must remain with
Korea; it was without sufficient warrant, conducted incau-
tiously, and more disastrous in its result to the invaders
themselves than to the country which they had, for the time
being, desolated. By the courage and skill of Admiral Yi
and by the assistance of China, the forces of Japan were
finally, after a period of seven years, so reduced that Hide-
yoshi, at the point of death, recalled them; and the war
came to an end in 1598. The terms of peace agreed to were
on the whole humiliating to the Japanese.
The great lyeyasu, the founder of the Tokugawa Dynasty,
took measures, repeatedly and patiently, to renew those rela-
tions of a promising friendly character which had been dis-
solved in hatred by the invasion of Hideyoshi. He sent re-
peated embassies to Korea, restored prisoners that had been
led captive at the time of the Taiko's invasion, and spared no
pains to make the Koreans understand that a decided change
of policy had taken place in the Japanese Government toward
their country. From his time onward, the official treatment
given to Korea by Japan has been conspicuous, as compared
with the example furnished by other civilized countries under
similar trying conditions, jor its fairness and its friendliness.
This fact becomes amusingly obvious when we compare the
way in which the claims for tribute from Korea have been
made by the two countries, China and Japan. Under the
i go IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Tokugawas the nominal sovereigns paid the bills; but the
Korean tribute-bearers (sic) had a largely free junketing
expedition of three months' duration at the expense of the
Japanese. Under the Manchu Dynasty, however, the
tribute fixed for annual payment took a very substantial
shape; it included 100 ounces of gold, 1,000 ounces of silver,
10,000 bags of rice, 2,000 pieces of silk, 10,000 pieces of
cotton cloth, 10,000 rolls (50 sheets each) of large-sized
paper, and other less important items. Even then, it can
be seen, the Chinese greatly excelled the Japanese in their
business ability. Moreover, when the Koreans pleaded that
the payment of tribute to China had so impoverished them
that they could not render what was due to Japan, the Japan-
ese forgave them the obligation (A.D. I638). 1 Nor was this
the last time in which the forgiveness of debts was exercised
toward the Korean Government in a manner unaccustomed
between nations of conflicting interests.
Finally the Koreans, having obtained the consent of China,
sent to Japan a letter from their king, together with some
presents; and from this time onward, on the occasion of each
change of Shogun, Korean envoys came to the country to
offer congratulations. The Tokugawas, on their side, were
careful to "treat these delegates with all courtesy and con-
sideration"; they also discontinued the offensive custom
which the Ashikaga family had followed, of assuming for the
Shogun the title of "King of Korea." 2 Meantime, the So
family improved the opportunity which their position as in-
termediaries between Japan and Korea afforded to renew
and increase the trade relations of the two countries. It is
probable that lasting friendly intercourse would have been
established from this time onward if it had not been, at this
period, as all through Korea's unfortunate history, for the
1 See Griffis, The Hermit Nation, p. 159.
2 See The History of the Empire of Japan, p. 304,
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 191
i
baleful influence of China. This fact becomes prominent in
all the foreign relations of Korea during the half century
following the early attempts to open the Hermit Kingdom to
intercourse with other nations. The French and American
expeditions for this purpose were productive only of the result
that the Koreans became more obstinate in their resistance
to outside influences, and more secure in their pride and
confidence in their ability to resist auccessfuly through their
superior craft and courage in war. These expeditions illus-
trate, however, the policy of China in maintaining its claims
of suzerainty over Korea. To take, for example, the ex-
perience of the United States in dealing with this policy, it
may be summarized in somewhat the following way:
The destruction of the American schooner General Sher-
man, in 1866, was the occasion of some desultory correspond-
ence between the American and the Chinese Governments.
The former presented the matter at Peking because China
was supposed to sustain some sort of relationship of suzer-
ainty, not clearly understood, toward Korea. China, how-
ever, would not admit the existence of any kind of bond which
made her responsible for Korean acts; the Tsungli Yamen
said, in effect, that there had existed from ancient times a
certain dependency by Korea upon China; but they denied
in express words that it was of such a nature as to give China
any right to control or to interfere with the administration of
Korean foreign or domestic affairs.
It was precisely this attitude which was the fans et origo of
the subsequent trouble between China and Japan. From
the Chinese standpoint, as shown by official declarations and
acts, Korea was and was not a vassal state. She was so when
it suited China actively to interfere, and not so when it was
either difficult or dangerous, or even troublesome, to assume
the responsibilities of suzerainty. China was not even willing
to act the part of intermediary if by doing so she could be
I 9 2 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
held to accept the onus of making or compelling the repara-
tion which America demanded.
Finally the United States Government took matters in its
own hands and the expedition under Admiral John Rodgers
was sent to Korea in 1871. The failure of that expedition to
accomplish anything beyond the destruction of the fort on
Kang-wha Island, and Commodore Shufeldt's subsequent at-
tempt to open up communication with the Korean Govern-
ment, were the total of American efforts regarding Korea up
to the time when the Shufeldt treaty was negotiated.
After the fall of the Tokugawa Government the Korean
Court desisted from the custom of sending an embassy to
Japan to congratulate the succession to the place of supreme
rule; it even declared its determination to have no further
relations with a country which had embraced the Western
civilization. When the Government of the Restoration sent
an envoy to Korea to announce the change and to "confirm
friendly relations between the two states," the Korean Court
refused to recognize the envoy or to receive his message.
The real reason for this affront was the influence of China;
the ostensible reason referred to the fact that the term " Great
Empire of Japan" was employed in the Imperial letter. As
says Brinkley: "Naturally such conduct roused deep um-
brage in Japan. It constituted a verdict that, whereas the
Old Japan had been entitled to the respect and homage of
neighboring Powers, the New might be treated with con-
tumely." Thus, just when the affairs of the newly centralized
Government were assuming that condition of strength and
harmony so imperatively demanded for the present welfare
and future prospects of Japan, dissension arose among the
Ministers of the Crown with regard to the policy to be pur-
sued toward Korea. Bitterness of feeling had already been
excited by the fact that when Japan returned to their country
some shipwrecked Koreans, and accompanied this humane
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 193
act with other friendly advances, the advances were repulsed
and the Court of Korea declined even to receive the envoy.
And now, among the leaders of Japan, Saigo, Soyeshima,
Itagaki, Goto, and Eto, insisted on war for the purpose of
avenging the insult; Okubo, Iwakura, and Ito advocated
peaceful means. Indeed, the so-called "Saga Party" was
confederated with these two purposes chiefly in view: (i)
the restoration of feudalism, and (2) the making of a punitive
war upon Korea. The peace party triumphed ; the Satsuma
rebellion followed ; and Japan made its first great contribution
of treasure and blood toward the maintenance of friendly rela-
tions with a Korea that, nominally independent so far as its own
selfish duplicity chose to consider it so, was virtually subservient
to all manner of foreign intrigue and unscrupulous control.
This situation and the subsequent events, however, require
a more detailed consideration. According to Brinkley, the
great Saigo Takamori, who was a member of the Cabinet at
this time, and who had been Chief of the Army and one of
the most powerful agents in bringing about the Restoration,
"saw in a foreign war the sole remaining chance of achieving
his ambition by lawful means. The Government's con-
scription scheme, yet in its infancy, had not produced even
the skeleton of an army. If Korea had to be conquered, the
samurai must be employed, and their employment would
mean, if not their rehabilitation, at least their organization
into a force which, under Saigo's leadership, might dictate a
new polity. Other members of the Cabinet believed that the
nation would be disgraced if it tamely endured Korea's in-
sults. Thus several influential voices swelled the clamor for
war. But a peace party offered strenuous opposition. Its
members perceived the collateral issues of the problem, and
declared that the country must not think of taking up arms
during a period of radical transition." 1
1 Japan, IV, p. 207.
i 9 4 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
The part of China at this time, as ever, in encouraging
difficult and threatening relations between Japan and Korea
cannot be overlooked. In the events of 1866 the Chinese did
not maintain neutrality as between the forces of the Shogunate
and of the Imperial party, but secretly sold arms to the former.
They also engaged in the trade of kidnapping and selling the
children of indigent Japanese. 1 When, after the treaty of
1871 was concluded (namely, in 1872), the natives of Formosa
murdered some shipwrecked Loochoo islanders, the Peking
Government declined to acknowledge any responsibility for
the conduct of the natives of Formosa. And it was only
through the offices of the British Minister that the Chinese,
after procrastinating and vacillating, agreed to pay 100,000
taels to the families of the murdered, and 400,000 taels toward
the cost of a punitive expedition which had been despatched
against the Formosans.
In 1875 another envoy was sent to Korea, but he returned
with the customary result; and in August of the same year
a man-of-war en route to China, which had put into the
harbor of Chemulpo for fuel and water, was fired upon by
the Koreans. Whereupon the crew attacked and burned the
Korean fortress. And now the same question recurred in a
still more exasperating form: What shall Japan do with
Korea, for whose bad conduct China, while claiming rights
of suzerainty in all her foreign relations and actually exer-
cising a determining influence over her internal affairs, never-
theless declines to be responsible ; and who will not of herself
regard any of those regulations, or common decencies of
international intercourse, which modern civilization has es-
tablished as binding upon all countries?
The considerations which prevailed on former occasions
still held good when Korea offered this new affront. The
peace party, of which Marquis Ito and Count Inouye were
1 See The History of the Empire of Japan, p. 403 ff.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 195
prominent members the former being also a member of the
Cabinet thought that it was Japan's first duty to devote all
her energies to the task of domestic improvement, while cul-
tivating friendly relations with her neighbors. The problem
which confronted the advocates of peace was not an easy one.
Saigo was in retirement in his native province, surrounded
by his devoted supporters, and it was easily to be seen that he
would take umbrage if this new insult was allowed to pass
unavenged, and would possibly make it the pretext for some-
thing more serious than mere remonstrance. The decision in
favor of peace instead of war required a high order of courage.
The state of public feeling on the subject and the powerful
opposition on which the Government had to count was well
illustrated by a petition presented nearly a year later by the
Tosa Association, over the signature of Kataoka Kenkichi,
afterward speaker of the Lower House of the Diet. Ani-
madverting upon the Government's action, the petition said :
Our people knew that Korea is a country with which Japan has
had intercourse since the most ancient times. Suddenly the in-
tercourse was broken off, and when we sent an envoy thither he
was befooled and all his proposals were rejected. Not only were
the Koreans insulting, but they threatened hostile resistance. It
was proposed to send a second envoy to remonstrate (?) against
the treatment of the former one, but the government suddenly
changed its views and nothing further was done. The people
when they learned this became enraged, and their feelings found
vent in the rebellion of the samurai of Saga.
This petition no doubt accurately reflects the state of pub-
lic feeling at the time to which it refers. The Government
did not, however, yield to the popular clamor for war, and
this was due in no small measure to the efforts of Marquis
Ito. He counselled patience and advised his colleagues from
the outset that advantage should be taken of the opportunity
to place the relations of Japan and Korea upon a new basis
196 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
by means of a treaty of peace and friendship. These mod-
erate counsels prevailed and the Cabinet decided with the
Imperial sanction to make the treaty, although two of its
members, Shimadzu Saburo and Itagaki subsequently re-
signed*
Marquis Ito fully appreciated the obstacles which the al-
leged suzerainty of China opposed to the establishment of
satisfactory treaty relations between Japan and Korea. Ac-
cordingly he devoted himself, with the assistance of M. Bois-
sonade, the distinguished French publicist, and of Mr.
Inouye, the well-known Japanese authority, to a careful
study of this question. The decision reached was that the
bond uniting China and Korea was not, either historically or
according to the rules of international law, that of suzerain
and vassal state. It therefore logically followed that Korea
must be approached directly and dealt with as an independent
Power. The importance of this decision cannot be over-
estimated. It was the first formal recognition of Korean
national independence. More than that, it was the declara-
tion on the part of Japan of a policy having in view the po-
litical, commercial and economical progress of her neighbor.
By the treaty of 1876 Japan abandoned all of her own ancient
claims to suzerainty and did what she could to place Korea
upon the high road to prosperous national development which
she herself was travelling. No friend of Japan will claim
that it was an entirely altruistic policy. Her action was dic-
tated as much by motives of intelligent self-interest as by
consideration for Korea. The fate of the peninsular kingdom
was of vital importance to Japan. As an appanage of China
its condition was hazardous. China had from ancient times
claimed suzerainty over all surrounding nations, but those
claims had never proved a safeguard nor prevented the sub-
jugation or absorption of these so-called vassal states by
other Powers. In fact, they were an element of weakness in
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 197
quarrels where China herself was principal; for it might
easily happen that the vassal would be exposed to attack,
in case China herself could not easily be reached. This was
especially the truth as regarded Korea, concerning whom
China had given direct proof that while prepared to claim all
the prerogatives of suzerainty when it implied no risk to
herself, she was only too likely, when a strong Power threaten-
ened, to shirk all responsibility and abandon Korea to her
fate. To treat with Korea as an independent nation and
thus to set an example which would in all likelihood be fol-
lowed by other Powers, seemed the best way of avoiding
such a catastrophe. At the same time there was good reason
to hope, even confidently to expect, that Korea, drawn into
intimate intercourse with the world, would be freed from the
trammels which prevented progress, and would gradually
attain a condition where foreign aggression would be impos-
sible.
Count Kuroda and Count Inouye were appointed First and
Second Envoys, respectively, for the negotiation of the treaty.
The representatives of the Treaty Powers were frankly in-
formed of the objects of the mission. Before he left, Count
Inouye called upon Mr. Bingham, the American Minister,
who cordially sympathized with the Government's intentions,
and borrowed Bayard Taylor's abridged history of Commo-
dore Perry's expedition. The Count said he feared that the
Koreans might show signs of obduracy, in which case it would
become necessary for his colleague and himself to have re-
course to some of the measures which Commodore Perry
found so efficacious. Inouye wished to have the book so
that he could refresh his memory and be better perfected in
the part if it became necessary to play it. 1
As before intimated, the Japanese Government was anxious
1 This is on the authority of Mr. D. W. Stevens, whose acquaintance
with the facts is most accurate and full.
198 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
that the Treaty of 1876 should be followed by like Treaties
between Korea and other Powers. It cordially tendered its
good offices when Commodore Shufeldt visited Japan pre-
vious to the negotiation of the treaty concluded by him, and
on subsequent occasions did what was possible to facilitate
the conclusion of other treaties with Korea. Its policy in
that regard was illustrated in "an interesting way by the state-
ment of Count Inouye, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, to
Mr. Bingham in 1882, with reference to the appointment of
General Foote, the first American Minister to Korea. He
said to Mr. Bingham, as the latter reported to Secretary
Frelinghuysen, that the action of the American Government
"in ratifying so promptly its treaty with Korea and accredit-
ing a minister to that kingdom gave great satisfaction to His
Imperial Japanese Majesty's Government, and was accepted
as another evidence of the policy of justice so often mani-
fested by the United States toward the states of Asia." He
also said that it was considered an act of friendship toward
Japan as well as Korea.
In considering all the subsequent relations of Japan and
Korea two things should be kept distinctly in view as deter-
mining questions of justice and injustice, of wisdom or un-
wisdom, in the policy of both countries. In the first place:
In order to conclude "a treaty of commerce and amity which
recognized the independence of Korea," Japan rather than
engage in a punitive war, had encountered in its own "terri-
tory a rebellion which cost the Government of the Restora-
tion no less than 60,000 men and 416,000,000 yen. And
second, in allowing this treaty to go through in the form which
it actually took, China had been convicted of the duplicity and
wholly untenable character of its claims to exercise the rights
of suzerainty over Korea. On the latter point Minister
Rockhill 1 affirms that the conclusion in 1876 of the treaty of
1 China's Intercourse with Korea from the XVth Century to 1895, P- * /
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 199
Kang-wha between Japan and Korea "marks the beginning
of a new era in the history of the latter country, its entry into
the family of nations." "Prior to the Kang-wha treaty,"
this authority goes on to say: "The nature of Korea's relation
to China was a puzzle to Western nations. They were told,
at one and the same time, that Korea, though a vassal and
tributary state of China, was entirely independent so far as
her government, religion, and intercourse with foreign states
were concerned a condition of things hardly compatible
with our ideas of either absolute dependence or complete in-
dependence."
"In 1871 the Chinese Foreign Office wrote the United
States Minister in Peking, Mr. Frederick F. Low, who had
informed it of his recent appointment by his Government as
special envoy to Korea, and was about proceeding there,
that: 'Korea is regarded as a country subordinate to China,
yet is wholly independent in everything that relates to her
government, her religion, her prohibitions, and her laws; in
none of these things has China hitherto interfered.'" l But
the first Article of the treaty signed in 1876 with Japan reads
as follows: "Chosen, being an independent state, enjoys the
same sovereign rights as does Japan"; and in 1882 the King
of Korea wrote to the President of the United States, when
the two countries were about to enter into treaty relations,
pledging his Government that the terms of the treaty should
be "carried into effect according to the laws of independent
states."
It was this not merely theoretical suzerainty, but a per-
nicious practice of interference and dictation on the part of
China over Korea, joined to the utterly corrupt and weak
government of the latter country, which led inevitably to
the war between the former and Japan. Similar claims of
the Government of Peking, under existing political and social
1 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1871, p. 112.
200 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
conditions, over the weaker states which were alleged to be
dependencies of this Government, the civilized nations of the
world have repeatedly found themselves compelled to dis-
regard; and this, in the interests of the dependent people
themselves.
The mental attitude and practical treatment which the
Korean Court and Yang-ban class in general have accorded
to the treaties with Japan and other foreign nations have been
essentially unchanged from the beginning. All depends upon
the apparent immediate effect of foreign intercourse on their
ancient rights and privileges of office-bearing and official
" squeezing." The Mins, the family of the late Queen, have
always been notoriously corrupt; and, if the Queen herself
was ever sincerely opposed to the anti-foreign policy, it is likely
that the opposition had its source in the selfish interests of
her own family and in her hatred of the King's father, the
Tai Won Kun. The latter was always consistently and
energetically opposed to all foreign intercourse.
The condition of affairs in Korea preceding the troubles
of 1882 and 1884 is graphically and truthfully described by
the report of Ensign George C. Foulk, of the United States
Navy, in which he submitted to his Government information
relative to the revolutionary attempt of the latter date. With
regard to the Government of Korea, Ensign Foulk says that
"it has been for an indefinite period under the practical con-
trol of the Min Family, of which the Queen of Korea is at
present the highest representative. The blood of this family
is largely Chinese, and it has been always, and remains, the
desire and aim of this family to subject, and retain in sub-
jection, their country to the suzerainty of China. Members
of this family are accorded special privileges by China, and
are, to the exclusion of other Korean noble families, on com-
paratively social terms with the Court of China, which they
visit frequently. The family is very large, and includes the
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 201
highest number of great nobles, with the greatest landed
estates, of all the families of the nobility in Korea. . . . The
great body of Korean people know little or nothing of the
politics of their Government, nor do they dare to use any
information they may by chance possess on Government
affairs."
Ensign Foulk then goes on to draw attention to the re-
markable phenomenon that, while the Chinese "are detested
for their appearance, conduct and customs," nothing by way
of cruelty and fraud that they may do awakens practical
resentment; but the Japanese, on the contrary, while "even
admired by Koreans of the present day for their appearance,
customs, and conduct, are so hated that the "Koreans are
always ready for the license when they may vent this feeling
in shedding Japanese blood." With regard to the real atti-
tude of the Queen's family, he further affirms: "This energy
of the Mins [namely, in conducting negotiations for a treaty
with the United States] has given them the mistaken reputa-
tion of being members of the progressive party in Korea; in
fact, they only acted in obedience to their hereditary lord,
China, without a thought patriotic to Korea, beyond that
they, in common with all Koreans at that time, felt the
danger of the seizure of a part of Korea by Russia."
Now, however, the Tai Won Kun, the bitter enemy of the
Queen, had his turn at the wheel on which the fate of this
unfortunate country was revolving, first in one direction and
then in the other. In July, 1882, taking advantage of dis-
affection among the soldiers of the capital, occasioned by
short rations issued by the Mins (a "steal in army con-
tracts"), he directed their revolt against that family, and,
having disposed of its members, seized the Government for
himself. Many Mins were killed; Min Tai-ho (father of
Min Yong-ik) was left, supposed to be fatally wounded, in a
ditch; poison was to be administered to the Queen, but a
202 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
/
maid, personating her in disguise, took the poison and died
while the Queen escaped. Min Yong-ik shaved his head,
and, after hiding in the mountains three days, walked to
Fusan whence he escaped to Japan in the guise of a Bud-
dhist priest. For his disobedience to its command and his
attempt to annihilate its royal servants, the Mins, the Chinese
Government sent its troops to Korea and carried off into
banishment the Tai Won Kun; but the power of the Mins
in China's behalf having been greatly cut down by the
revolt, Chinese troops were placed in Seoul to strengthen the
remainder, and continued there after the revolt was sup-
pressed.
It was, then, in connection with the armed interference of
China in a domestic quarrel between the wife and the father
of the Emperor, China, which had repeatedly disclaimed
all responsibility for Korean internal affairs and which had
permitted Korea to make a foreign treaty on terms of equal-
ity, that the Korean Court offered again, in 1882, another
affront to Japan. This time, also, the insult was written in
blood. For through no fault or offence on their part, a
number of Japanese were killed in the course of a domestic
riot, and the Japanese Minister was obliged to flee from the cap-
ital and to put to sea in a fishing boat, whence he was rescued
by an English vessel. The provocation was greater than
that for which western nations have frequently exacted
exemplary vengeance, much greater than the offence given
by the rebellious Daimyo -of Choshin, for which the Treaty
Powers had held Japan herself so strictly to account. Never-
theless, Japan made due allowance for the irresponsibility and
weakness of the Korean Government. An apology, an in-
demnity of 550,000 yen (50,000 being for private sufferers),
and a Convention of two articles defining treaty limits, etc.
(signed August 30, 1882), were the sum of her demands.
The payment of 400,000 yen of the indemnity was afterward
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 203
remitted. The instructions of the Emperor of Japan com-
manding this to be done contained the following declaration :
We hereby remit four hundred thousand yen of the indemnity
of five hundred thousand yen due from Korea, which sum we
sincerely trust will be employed to supplement the funds already
devoted to the introduction of civilization into the country.
It is a curious coincidence that the Minister who, on the
gth of November, 1884, transmitted this message, was obliged
only a few weeks later to flee from Seoul like his predecessor,
on account of the perpetration of outrages against Japan,
even greater than those for which the indemnity had been
exacted.
This renewal of the stipulated condition of commerce and
amity between Japan and Korea, with its renewed act of
forgiveness on the part of the former toward the latter, only
prepared the way for the more serious outrages of 1884.
The Chinese force which was sent to support the anti-foreign
and unprogressive policy of the Min family, proceeded to take
up permanent quarters in extensive camps within the walls of
Seoul. They erected a fort close by the palace gates and two
others outside of the city, in a situation to defend the ap-
proaches from the river Han. A little later they increased
the number of Chinese troops in Seoul to 3,000 men. In the
opinion of Ensign Foulk, the confession forced from certain
Korean officials revealed the truth that these foreign soldiers
were quartered in the capital city in order to enforce a secret
agreement between China and the Mins, representing Korea,
which gave to the Peking Government rights of suzerainty
such as it had never even claimed before.
Then began an increasingly bitter strife between the re-
actionary party, supported by Chinese soldiers, and the re-
form party, the leaders of which had been abroad (chiefly in
Japan) and had returned determined to exert themselves to
204 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
bring about reforms and to introduce the benefits of Western
civilization in their native land. Japan, however, had given
the frankest and most sincere assurances that such troops as
it kept in Korea were only for the defence of its own Legation,
and that it aimed to assist Korea in all its efforts at progress.
" From Japan," says Ensign Foulk, " came a number of quali-
fied Japanese, who were held in readiness to begin teaching
the use of machinery, the manufacture of paper, pottery, etc.
Steps were also taken towards securing a director of agricul-
ture, school teachers, and several other foreigners for service
under the Korean Government. In regard to these the ini-
tiatory steps were taken in consultation with the progresssive
leaders, including the King, in which I was warmly invited
to have a voice." 1 Gradually, however, in part through
fear, in part through jealousy, and perhaps also with some
degree, in certain cases, of more intelligent and honorable
reasons, certain leading members of the progressive party
fell more and more under Chinese influences.
How insolently the foreign soldiers from China during this
period treated the Koreans may be learned from the following
incident. In August, 1884, a Korean officer of high rank was
openly seized by a party of Chinese soldiers and beaten by
them in the street so severely that his life was despaired of;
this was the outcome of a quarrel between the Chinese Com-
missioner and the Korean officer about the right of passage
through a gateway of the Korean officer's house, which was
next to that of the Chinese officer. " On the contrary," says
Ensign Foulk, "the attitude of the Japanese in Seoul had
always been such as to indicate an earnest desire to aid the
party of progress, and to be on peaceable, friendly terms with
the people. The conduct of Japanese citizens toward
Koreans was commendable. As indicating great considera-
tion on the part of the Japanese Government toward Korea,
1 Quoted from the paper referred to above.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 205
was the restraint placed upon Japanese merchants establish-
ing themselves in Seoul, by the Japanese Minister, who evi-
dently in doing so followed the spirit of the treaties, by which
the capital was not to be thrown open to trade if the Chinese
left."
When their factional strifes had the customary expression
in revolution, arson, and bloodshed, the Koreans, aided by
the Chinese soldiers, turned upon the Japanese. The sub-
sequent occurrences and the way that the Japanese Govern-
ment dealt with them are narrated in the words of one who
was an eye-witness of, and an actor in, them : *
With subsequent occurrences I am personally familiar, having
accompanied Count Inouye, Minister for Foreign Affairs, when
he went as Special Ambassador to Korea to settle the difficulty.
This was another occasion when public excitement ran very
high in Japan. The nation was clamoring for war with China,
and the feeling of keen indignation in Army and Navy circles was
strongly marked. Following so closely upon the events of 1882
this new outrage appeared to all classes to be the last straw. The
Government, however, then under the premiership of Marquis
Ito, was determined to have recourse to the last resort only after
every means of honorable accommodation had been exhausted.
As Marquis Ito's mission to China subsequently showed, it was
also determined to settle once and for all, so far as that could be
done, the question of China's right forcibly to interfere in Korean
domestic brawls, which was really the gravest feature of the
occurrence.
The choice of an official of Count Inouye's high rank showed
the importance which the government attached to the mission.
The designation of Admiral Kabayama and General Takashima,
typical representatives of the prevailing feeling in Army and Navy
circles, to accompany him, was most sagacious. It was proof to
1 For this account, as here given verbatim, I am indebted to the Hon.
D. W. Stevens, who was at the time of my visit, "Adviser to the Korean
Council of State and Counsellor of the Resident-General."
206 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the Army and Navy, as well as to the people at large, that nothing
would be done in the dark, and that no arrangement would be
concluded in anywise damaging to Japan's honor or prestige.
It must be confessed that there was good ground for indigna-
tion in Japan. A domestic revolution had taken place in Seoul,
attended by many of the incidents common where government is
" despotism tempered by assassination." But neither Japan nor
her agents were responsible for that. Mr. Takezoye, the Japanese
Minister, had gone to the Palace with his bodyguard, at the King's
request, to guard the royal person. It was a technical mistake,
no doubt on the Minister's part, for he should not have interfered
in the matter, or, at the most, should have asked the King to come
to the Legation. But there can be no doubt that he acted in good
faith. He was an amiable scholar rather than a diplomat and
had always maintained the most cordial personal relations with
.the King. The latter was never in any sense a prisoner in his
hands, as was shown conclusively by the visit of the foreign
representatives. The populace of Seoul, egged on by the con-
servatives, took a different view, however, as did also the large
force of Chinese troops gathered at the Chinese Legation. The
former slaughtered all the Japanese they could reach, and the
latter, some 3,000 in number, in company with several hundred
Korean soldiers, attacked the Japanese soldiers. The little Jap-
anese force (143 in number, not 400 as Hulbert states) beat them
off with heavy loss, without themselves suffering any serious
casualties. By that time, however, the conservatives had gained
the upper hand in the palace. The King informed Mr. Takezoye
that he did not require further assistance from him, preferring to
be guarded by his own soldiers; whereupon the Minister, as in
duty bound, returned to the Legation. He found his position
untenable, however, and resolved to go to Chemulpo. There were
about 200 non-combatants at the Legation to be cared for, among
them many women and children. Guarding these as best they
could the little band of soldiers started for the city gate through
streets rilled with a hostile mob. It was a dangerous march; a
march which foreigners who were in Seoul at the time described to
me with admiration. Numbers of armed Koreans were gathered
I
bfl
C
O
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 207
to oppose it, not the least formidable being those who threw
stones and other missiles from the house tops. At one point some
Korean soldiers brought out Gatling guns, but these were charged
and disabled before any use could be made of them. The Jap-
anese forced their way, finally, through the West Gate, and thence
on to Chemulpo, with casualties of one killed and a number
wounded. The Legation was looted and set on fire several hours
after it was deserted, and was completely destroyed.
Mr. Takezoye was at Chemulpo when Count Inouye arrived on
the 3ist of December. The Count was also met by Mr. von
Mollendorff, a high official of the Chinese Customs, detailed for
duty in Korea, who likewise acted in a diplomatic capacity.
Count Inouye informed him that he intended to go to Seoul at
once and to demand an audience at the earliest practicable mo-
ment. Mr: von Mollendorff had various reasons to urge for
delay, but Count Inouye swept them aside, and the Embassy
proceeded to Seoul the next day; it was accompanied by about
400 soldiers, a smaller force having been left at Chemulpo. In
Seoul, where they arrived that night, the Ambassador and suite
were lodged in the yamen of the Governor of the City, just outside
the West Gate. The same night the Ambassador presented his
formal request for an immediate audience. It met with the
customary Oriental reception: His Majesty was not in robust
health; the Ambassador himself must be tired and in need of
rest after his long journey; the attention of His Majesty was
occupied with preparations for a fitting reception of His Excel-
lency, and so on. Mr. von Mollendorff was kept very busy
running back and forth, but finally it was made clear to the minds
of the King's adv.isers that Count Inouye meant exactly what he
said, and that disagreeable things might happen if he did not have
his way.
The audience was finally appointed for January 3d. On the
morning of that day the cavalcade set forth, a military band
trained by a foreign band-master in the van; then a mounted
guard of honor; then the Ambassador, accompanied by Admiral
Kabayama and General Takashima and followed by his sec-
retaries,, and bringing up the rear a company of infantry. As
2 o8 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the procession passed through the Gate and emerged into the wide
street leading to the East Gate, a curious and inspiriting spectacle
presented itself. The morning was fresh and clear; the air crisp
and invigorating, and the broad, sunny street as far as the eye
could see was one mass of gaily clad humanity, men dressed in
coats of every color, white, as is usual, predominating. The
crowds parted before the head of the procession like waves be-
neath the prow of a ship; the Korean police ran alongside plying
their many-thonged whips with indiscriminate zeal; and then,
as if to add the last queer touch to the whole proceeding, the
band struck up " Dixie."
Nor did odd happenings end here. When the procession arrived
at the triple gates of the Palace, the centre gate was closed. Count
Inouye halted the line immediately and demanded the reason. It
was explained by Mr. Mollendorff that the centre gate was reserved
for the King, and that the side gates were used by the highest
dignitaries. Count Inouye replied that he was an Ambassador,
the personal representative of his sovereign, and that as such he
could not pass through an inferior entrance. Back went the
messenger behind the barred gate, and in a few minutes appeared
again breathlessly explaining that to their great chagrin and regret,
royal etiquette, binding upon His Majesty as upon his lowest sub-
ject, could not be disregarded. Upon that Count Inouye blandly
retorted that he also was bound by etiquette, immutable and un-
changeable; and that if the gate was not opened within three
minutes, much to his regret he would be obliged to retrace his
steps and to report to his Imperial Master this new slight to Japan.
The gate was opened without further delay.
After that the audience passed off smoothly. Count Inouye
was careful to impress upon the King's mind, as upon the minds
of his advisers, that while his mission was one of peace, much
depended upon the sincerity and promptitude with which Korea
met Japan's just demands for redress and upon the guarantees
she gave against the recurrence of like causes of complaint. The
negotiations throughout were conducted in that spirit. The Am-
bassador was kindly and considerate, but would tolerate no palter-
ing or double-dealing. He couched his demands in firm but
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 209
friendly language, made every allowance for the embarrassing
position in which the King found himself, placed the responsibility
for what had happened where it belonged, but made it very clear
all the while that neither he nor his government would be trifled
with. This was shown in a sensational way at the first formal
meeting of the Ambassador with the Korean plenipotentiaries.
The meeting had hardly convened when suddenly a bustle was
heard in the courtyard, and, without further notice, the Chinese
Consul-General entered, suavely bowing to those present. Pay-
ing no attention to him, Count Inouye sprang to his feet and de-
manded of the Chief Korean Plenipotentiary what the intrusion
meant, and whether the Chinese official had ventured upon this
extraordinary step with his knowledge and consent. If that were
the case, he would regard it as his duty to break off the negotia-
tions at once, for the Japanese Government would not tolerate for
a moment any interference of that kind, and would warmly resent
Korea's connivance with it. There was a hasty disavowal on the
Korean side, the Consul-General lamely adding that as China and
Japan and Korea were friends, and as the matter under discussion
was of interest to all three, he had come of his own accord to
participate in a friendly way in the proceedings. He thereupon
withdrew somewhat less blithely than he had entered. Count
Inouye then repeated what he had said and gave the Korean
plenipotentiaries clearly to understand that he would not tolerate
the repetition of such childish antics, but would regard them, if
again attempted, as reason for the gravest offence. This warning
had its effect; the negotiations thereafter proceeded expeditiously
and the Convention was signed on the gth of January. It stipu-
lated an apology; the payment of an indemnity of 110,000 yen to
the relatives of the murdered and the merchants who had been
plundered; the punishment of the murderers of Captain Iso-
bayashi, military attache; the furnishing of sites for legation and
consulate, materials for building the same, and 20,000 yen to pay
the cost of construction; the building of barracks for Japanese
troops adjacent to the Legation; and further that the murderers
of Captain Isobayashi should be punished within twenty days
after the convention was signed.
210 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
The events of 1882 and 1884 had emphasized what the
entire history of the relations of Japan and Korea had made
manifest namely, that some distinct understanding with
China must be reached if the two neighboring countries were
ever to live together in peace. The task of establishing
such an understanding was assigned to Marquis Ito, and in
the spring of 1885 he proceeded to China as Japan's special
Ambassador. Li Hung Chang, who was then Viceroy of
Chi-li, was the Ambassador appointed by the Peking Gov-
ernment. The latter appointment was the more significant
because Li was supposed to entertain a profound distrust and
dislike of the Japanese; moreover, Yuan Shi Kai, whose
subsequent career has been so important in the politics of
the Far East, and who had been in command of the Chinese
soldiers at the time of their slaughter of the Japanese in
1884, was a protege of Li's. In spite of the inherent diffi-
culties, the broad statesmanship and frankness of the Mar-
quis overcame them; and the intercourse of these two men,
whose personality and policy afterward had so much to do
with the history of their respective countries, resulted in their
becoming friends. The Chinese statesman expressed regret
that he had not met Ito before, since he had now for the first
time gained a correct conception of Japan's policy; he even
went so far as to ask the Marquis to mention the need of
governmental reforms to the Dowager Empress of China, who
became angry at him, her own Viceroy, when he ventured to
refer to the matter before her.
On the 1 8th of April, 1885, a Convention was signed which
was intended to prevent in the future all recurrence of events
similar to those of the previous December. The important
point of this Convention is that both sides pledged them-
selves against armed interference in Korea except in pressing
emergencies and after mutual consultation. This agree-
ment, while it saved the "face" of China a matter so im-
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 211
peratively important from the Chinese point of view was a
virtual abandonment of her claim of suzerainty; for it gave
to Japan, which made no such claim, equal interest in the
internal affairs of Korea and equal right to send troops into
its territory, in case the judgment of both countries recog-
nized such a need. The agreement also promised good for
Korea herself, since it made the use of Chinese or Japanese
soldiers in control of Korean affairs more unlikely for trifling
reasons; and, on the other hand, it safeguarded her against
other foreign armed intervention as the result of her domestic
intrigues.
The story of what followed and led up to the war with
Japan is, briefly, as follows: The stipulations of this Con-
vention were observed by Japan both in letter and in spirit,
and by China, upon the surface at least. For a few years
neither Power sent troops to Korea; and China ceased to
flaunt the claim to suzerainty before her neighbor's face.
But she still cherished the fiction and sought to maintain by
indirection, and by means peculiarly Chinese, what she had
failed to uphold in the open. Thus, in 1887, as stated in
Moore's Digest o] International Law: "The Chinese Govern--
ment sought to prevent the departure of a Korean envoy to
the United States on the ground of the dependent relation of
Korea toward China. The American Minister at Peking
was instructed to express surprise and regret at this action on
the part of the Chinese Government. The envoy finally set
out on his journey, but when he arrived in the United States
the Chinese Minister at Washington wrote the Department
of State to the effect that the Korean envoy would, on his
arrival there, report to the Chinese Legation, and would be
presented through it to the Department of State; after which
he might apply for an opportunity to present his credentials
to the President.
" The Korean envoy, on the day after his arrival in Wash-
212 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
ington, addressed a note to Mr. Bayard, as Secretary of State,
asking for an interview to arrange for the presentation of his
credentials to the President. Such an arrangement was duly
made, and the envoy was presented without the intervention
of the Chinese Minister. 'As the United States/ said Mr.
Bayard, ' have no privity with the interrelations of China and
Korea, we shall treat both as separate governments custom-
arily represented here by their respective and independent
agents.' "
So unmistakable a declaration as this from a friendly, im-
partial Power would, it might reasonably be thought, have
caused China to abandon her shadowy pretensions. It did
not have that effect, however. Her agents in Korea com-
mitted no overt act which was likely to provoke remonstrance
from the Treaty Powers; but they lost no opportunity of
preserving in the Korean mind at least the fiction of de-
pendency upon China. Yuan Shi Kai, for example,
''Claimed, and to a large extent obtained, the position of
Chinese Resident at Seoul. His official title was 'Director
General Resident in Korea of Diplomatic and Consular Rela-
tions,' and his substantive rank in his own country was that
of Intendant of Circuit, a rank corresponding, according to
the Anglo-Chinese Treaty, to that of a Consul. . . . Resi-
dent Yuan was permitted to proceed to the Audience Hall in
his chair and to be seated in the presence of the King, privi-
leges not accorded to the representatives of the other Pow-
ers." (Wilkinson's The Government oj Korea.) The privi-
leges thus claimed by this representative of China were ob-
tained in the course of several years after the conclusion of
the Convention of 1885. They were largely ceremonial in
character and none of the representatives of the Treaty
Powers ever recognized the right of the so-called Resident to
interfere in any manner in their business with the Korean
Government. Whatever there was peculiar in his relations
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 213
to that Government was a question of an understanding,
practically secret, and never formally enunciated or recog-
nized, between the Korean Court and himself. The condi-
tions then prevailing in Korea were highly conducive to .the
existence of such anomalies. An amiable but weak King;
a corrupt Court and Government, with two powerful factions
struggling for supremacy and stopping at nothing to gain it
these were ideal conditions for the exercise of Chinese di-
plomacy. It accomplished nothing in the end, however, even
in the hands of such an astute and able man as Yuan Shi Kai.
Japan, of course, never recognized his pretensions, but, biding
her time and always dealing with Korea as an independent
state, devoted herself to the promotion of the rapidly growing
commercial and industrial interests of her people in the
peninsula.
Naturally neither the Government nor the people of Japan
could view without resentment the attempts on China's part
to maintain rights she had already practically surrendered.
But this feeling did not assume a definite form until the as-
sassination of Kim Ok Kiun at Shanghai, in March, 1894,
and the arrest of a confederate of the murderer in Japan, who
confessed that he was officially commissioned to murder
another one of the Korean political refugees. These events
aroused a storm of indignation in Japan. What followed
added fuel to the flames. The murderer and the body of his
victim were conveyed on board a Chinese man-of-war to
Korea. The murderer was rewarded and the severed parts
of Kim's body were publicly exhibited in different parts of
Seoul. Rightly or wrongly this barbarous act, against which
the foreign representatives at the instance of the Japanese
Minister unofficially protested, was attributed to the Queen's
party. The excitement it caused had not subsided when, in
May, came the "Tong Hak" rebellion. The Tong Haks
were religious fanatics, the chief article of whose creed was
2i 4 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
said to be the massacre of all foreigners. Seoul was rife with
rumors, and the utmost alarm and confusion prevailed. Ac-
cording to the report of the American Minister, the rebellion
was practically suppressed on the 3d of June by Korean
troops; and on the 8th of June the Government officially an-
nounced that it was at an end. In the meantime, however,
the Chinese Government, without previous, notice to Japan
or mutual consultation, as stipulated in the Convention of
1885, sent a force of 2,000 troops to Korea, which on June
loth landed at A-San, about forty miles south of Chemulpo,
ostensibly to suppress the rebellion. The American Minister,
Mr. Sill, in his report on the subject to the Department of
State, says that "this was done at Korean request, dictated
and insisted on by Yuan, the Chinese Resident." Learning
of the purpose to send troops, the Japanese Government
promptly remonstrated with the Government at Peking, and
in reply was informed (after the act) that the troops had been
sent because urgently needed to suppress disorders in "the
vassal state." There was no explanation and no apology
beyond this palpable and contemptuous violation of the terms
of the Convention of 1885. There was but one possible re-
sponse. On the same day that the Chinese troops landed, a
force of Japanese marines was sent to the capital, to be re-
placed a few days later by a larger body of soldiers. The
scene of the struggle was then transferred to Seoul. The
Korean Government, having brought the trouble on its own
head, showed its usual impotence. It begged both Japan
and China to leave, and sought aid from the foreign repre-
sentatives in the effort to persuade them to do so. China
was quite willing to accede to these appeals. Possibly her
agent on the spot, it may even be the Government at Peking,
was startled by the promptitude with which Japan had ac-
cepted the challenge. In any event, China had nothing to
lose and much to gain by doing as Korea asked. She could
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 215
leave the scene with flying banners, having shown that Korea
was in fact her vassal; that the Convention was waste paper
and that Japan could be flouted with impunity. Naturally
this programme did not commend itself to Japan. Accord-
ing to her view of the situation there were certain vital ques-
tions to be settled before the troops were withdrawn. Fore-
most among these was the decision of Korea's actual status;
then, subsidiary to this, but none the less important, the adop-
tion of certain reforms which, while improving the public
administration and promoting the common weal, would
prevent the recurrence of disturbances which were a constant
menace to the welfare of Korea and her neighbors. Accord-
ingly, the Japanese Minister presented a memorial on the
proposed reforms and demanded a categorical statement as
to whether Korea was a vassal of China or not.
Regarding the latter demand the American Minister re-
ports that "This caused great consternation," since if they
(the Korean Government) answered in the negative they
would offend China, while an affirmative answer would bring
down the wrath of Japan. After many consultations and
several reminders to be prompt from the Japanese, an answer
was given in this sense: " Korea, being an independent state,
enjoys the same sovereign rights as does Japan (see Treaty of
Kang-hwa, 1876), and that 'in both internal administration
and foreign intercourse Korea enjoys complete independence '
(see letter of the King to the President of the United States).
They supposed that by thus quoting the treaties which China
allowed them to make she cannot take offence, while Japan
should be content with such an answer."
The breaking out of hostilities between China and Japan
was, of course, the occasion of renewal in acute form of inter-
nal strife between the conservative and the progressive forces
in Korea. But for the time being the progressive forces,
backed by the dominance of the Japanese, were the stronger.
216 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
On the 5th of August, 1894, the Korean treaty with China
was denounced; on the i5th of the same month it was
formally abrogated by the Korean Government; and on the
1 9th notice of an entirely new plan of Government was
officially issued. On September 3d Marquis Saionji, special
Ambassador from the Emperor of Japan, had an audience
with the King and presented him with gifts, in honor of his
accession to the position of an independent sovereign. Nu-
merous reforms 1 which had been discussed in the Korean
Council on July 3ist of this same year and agreed upon as
laws to be submitted to His Majesty for his approval, instead
of being sincerely, wisely, and perseveringly enacted and
enforced, became the causes of increased defection, intrigue,
and internal dissensions.
The rebellion (referred to above as the "Tong Hak" re-
bellion), which had been reported as suppressed the previous
June, broke out in a still more dreadful form on the first of
October (1894). The Korean rebels became a " disorganized
pillaging mob." Taxes were no longer paid; Korean officials
were robbed and mutilated or murdered; small parties of the
Japanese were attacked and tortured to death after the tra-
ditional manner of the nation. Meantime the Japanese
forces were quite uniformly victorious both by land and by
sea; and on October 9th the last of the Chinese forces were
driven across the Yalu River. A solemn "oath, sworn at the
royal temple by His Majesty the King of Korea, while he
worshipped, on the i2th day of the twelfth moon of the five
hundred and third year of the foundation of Ta Chosen"
(January 7, 1895), bound him to "give up all idea of subjec-
tion to China and to labor firmly to establish the independ-
ence of Korea" ; " to decide all political affairs in council with
1 The list of these reforms is given in the volume of the U. S. Foreign
Relations, containing the report sent to the United States by Minister
Sill, September 24, 1894.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 217
his Cabinet"; "to prevent Her Majesty the Queen, his con-
cubines, and all the royal relations from interfering in affairs
of state," thus securing a separation between their affairs and
those of the royal household; and to introduce and foster
other reforms of a political and educational character. How
poorly His Majesty kept his solemn oath, the subsequent his-
tory of his throne and of his nation abundantly shows.
By the Chino- Japan war the dominating and baleful in-
fluence of China was for all time removed, and to Korea was
secured the opportunity for an independent and progressive
national development under the guidance, and by the assist-
ance, of Japan. That the Government of Japan honestly
wished for this good to come to Korea, there is no reasonable
ground of doubt. That the good did not follow is, however,
due to the fault of both nations. As regards the character
and conduct of the average political reformer there is a
marked similarity between the Japanese and the Koreans.
Such a one is apt to be over-confident, and even self-con-
ceited; to have only a scanty acquaintance with the funda-
mental principles of politics and of statesmanship; to be
lacking in a judicial estimate of the difficulties to be over-
come; to make use (often with an apparent preference for
them) of offensive rather than conciliatory means; and to
have no adequate apprehension of the value of time, and of
the necessity of securing time, in order to effect important
changes in national affairs. Neither has he learned the art
of compromise in consistency with the maintenance of im-
portant moral principles. That Japan has not hitherto
failed in reforming herself as conspicuously as Korea is
chiefly due, after making proper allowances for the different
environments of the two nations, to the great difference in
the character of the two Emperors who have been upon their
thrones during the period of trial; to the fact that Japan has
had a body of most conspicuously wise leaders something
2i8 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Korea has completely lacked ; and to the difference as respects
the essential spirit of loyalty among the people which the
feudal system developed in Japan, but which has never been
to any extent developed in Korea.
The complete inability of the Korean official to compre-
hend, or to sympathize with, the motives which led the repre-
sentatives of Japan first, Mr. Otori and then Count Inouye
to urge the adoption of administrative reforms may be
judged by the fact that the King's father, the Tai Won Kun,
handed to Inouye on his arrival as Minister at Seoul a list of
sixty persons whom he wished to have forthwith executed in
order to secure himself in control of affairs. Squabbles for
power between the party of the Queen and the party of the Tai
Won Kun therefore continued and even became increasingly
acute. The Korean hot-head progressives were pushing
reforms without sufficient regard to the existing conditions.
But for a time the presence of a :eal statesman as the repre-
sentative of Japan in Korea kept the evil forces in check.
Count Inouye's appointment to the post of Minister was
an eloquent proof of the profound interest which the Japanese
Government took in Korea, and of its earnest desire to aid
her in the promotion of domestic reform and progress. On
the Count's part, personally, the acceptance of such a task,
difficult and in many ways distasteful, was an exhibition of
self-sacrificing patriotism, to which the present action of his
bosom friend and associate, Marquis Ito, affords a striking
parallel. While striving to reconcile the warring Korean
factions, he devoted himself to the improvement of adminis-
trative conditions and to the promotion of the public welfare.
He attained a measure of success in some directions, and
would undoubtedly have achieved more lasting success had
it been possible for him to remain longer in Korea. His
singleness of purpose was recognized by many Koreans, and
the sincerity of his endeavors to benefit Korea was acknowl-
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 219
edged by foreign observers. But the task was too heavy for
the time he could devote to it.
Finally, other more imperative duties called Count Inouye
home, and he was succeeded by Viscount Miura, a man of a
different stamp. Then followed the murder of the Queen,
with all its unhappy train of consequences. Although the
crime was undoubtedly concocted by the Queen's implacable
enemy, the Tai Won Kun, the Japanese Government never
sought to evade the share of responsibility imposed upon it.
The tragedy was a far severer blow to Japanese interests than
to those of Korea, for the Queen alive, and even still bitterly
hostile to Japan, could never have worked the harm that the
manner of her taking-off had caused. And, indeed, while
apology for this murder from the moral point of view cannot
be justified, in spite of the cruel character of the victim and
of the fact that there was then visited upon her only the same
treatment which she had herself given to scores and hundreds
of others, when considered from the diplomatic point of view
the act was even more foolish and reprehensible.
The following account from Hershey 1 gives in brief, but
with sufficient detail for our purposes, the events of this
period :
The impolitic attempts at hasty and radical reform in Korea,
which followed the outbreak of the Chino- Japanese war, were
resisted by the Court party at Seoul, headed by the Queen and the
Min family to which she belonged. Early in October, 1895, the
Queen planned a coup d'etat with a view to disbanding the soldiers
who had been, trained by Japanese officers, and of replacing the
pro- Japanese partisans of reform in the Korean Cabinet by her
friends. The result was a counter-plot (in which the King's
father, the veteran conspirator Tai Won Kun, was a prime mover)
to seize the King and Queen with the aim of obtaining complete
control of the Korean Government in interest of the pro- Japanese
1 International Law and Diplomacy of the Russe-Chincse War, p. 43 /.
220 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
and reform party. In carrying out this plot (in which the Japan-
ese Minister Miura seems to have been an accomplice) the Queen
was murdered by Japanese and Korean ruffians.
"This disgusting crime," Hershey goes on to say, " al-
though, it assured the power of the reform Cabinet for the
time being, reacted upon its perpetrators, and was followed,
four months later, by another equally revolting, by means
of which Russia gained control of the Government of Korea.
In January, 1896, there took place a slight uprising in
Northern Korea, at the instigation, it was said, of pro-
Russian leaders. When the major portion of the army had
been sent out of the capital to suppress the rebellion, 127
Russian marines with a cannon suddenly landed at Chemulpo
on February 10, and immediately entered Seoul. The next
day the King, accompanied by the Crown Prince and some
court ladies, fled in disguise to the Russian Legation, where
he remained until February 20, 1897."
Following this escapade the Prime Minister, Kim Hong
Chip, a man widely respected and in no way connected with
the murder of the Queen, and Chung Pyang Ha, equally in-
nocent of the same crime, were deliberately thrust forth from
the palace gates into the hands of the waiting mob, which,
in true Korean fashion, tore them limb from limb. Another
Minister was killed a few days later in the country. Thus
ended Japan's attempt to enter into friendly relations with
Korea while the latter nation was in the anomalous condition
of an independent dependency of China. Two valuable re-
sults, however, had been reached: Korea had been defini-
tively and finally delivered from Chinese control and dominat-
ing influence; and her own inability to stand alone and to
inaugurate the needed reforms had been, it would seem,
quite sufficiently demonstrated. Japan, on the other hand,
had not as yet shown her ability wisely to inaugurate and
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 221
effectively to secure these reforms; and by the injudicious
action of her representative in Korea she had thrown the
temporary control of the Korean Court into the selfish and
intriguing hands of other foreigners. The events of the next
decade, therefore, led logically and irresistibly forward to a
yet more desperate struggle, at a yet more frightful cost, to
solve the Korean problem.
CHAPTER X
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL (CONTINUED)
THE conclusion of the centuries of intricate and unsatis-
factory relations between these two countries was, to quote
the words of another, that " Japan saw herself deposed from
the position in Korea to which her victories entitled her, by
a nation which appeared to be both an upstart and a usurper
on the Sea of Japan." For three and a quarter centuries
Russia had been advancing through Asia at the average rate
of 20,000 square miles annually; and now, in the endeavor,
in itself laudable, to secure an outlet on the Pacific for her
Asiatic possessions, she began extending her customary
policy over Manchuria and the Peninsula. It is doubtful
whether the Korean King, when he took refuge in the Russian
Legation at Seoul, was really alarmed for his personal safety;
it is certain that he hated intensely the reform measures
which had been forced upon him, and the men among his
own subjects who were committed to those measures. His
life was, however, never in any real danger at this period.
His presence and his position at the Russian Legation,
during his entire stay there, was lacking in all semblance of
royal dignity. He was himself in the virtual custody of a
foreign power. The different Cabinet Ministers had their
places assigned in the dining-room of the Legation, behind
screens; "all except one lucky individual who secured
1 Hershey, International Law and Diplomacy of the Russo-Chinese
War, p. 44 /.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 223
quarters for his exclusive use in an abandoned out-house
where wood and coal were usually stored."
There began now a game of manoeuvring and intrigue in
which, for some years to come, the Japanese were to be at a
large disadvantage. The King, who has always shown him-
self irrevocably committed to the peculiar methods of Korean
politics, within two weeks of the day on which he had taken
refuge in the Russian Legation, began secretly communicating
with the Japanese Minister. The Russian Minister at that
time, who has been pronounced "probably the most adroit
representative of her interests whom Russia ever had in
Korea," proclaimed himself an unwilling victim of the King's
fear, which he regarded as hysterical, but could not, in com-
mon decency, fail to respect. The Japanese were in no
position to resent the insult or to foreguard against the
menace which all this involved.
Not unnaturally, the Russian representative undertook
promptly to avail his country of the especially favorable op-
portunity for promoting its interests in the Far East which
was offered by the intimate relations of protection established
over the Korean Government. For it should never be lost
out of mind that until years after these events, whoever had
dominating influence with the Korean monarch controlled,
in largest measure, the Korean Government. M. Waeber,
among other material benefits, secured valuable mining and
timber concessions for his countrymen; it was also, probably,
due to his influence that the Korean troops which had been
trained by the Japanese, were disbanded. There then fol-
lowed a radical change in the policy of Japan, which is de-
scribed as follows by Hershey: 1
In the summer of 1896 Japan formally departed from her policy
of the past two decades of upholding the independence and in-
1 Ibid., p. 45 /. See also the account of Dr. K. Asakawa, The
Russo-Japanese Canflictj p. 263 ft.
224 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
tegrity of Korea by her own efforts, and sought the co-operation
of Russia toward the same end. On May i4th, the Russian and
Japanese. Ministers at Seoul concluded a memorandum which
fixed the number and disposition of Japanese troops in Korea.
On June 9, 1896, the Yamagata-Lobanoff protocol was signed
at St. Petersburg. It was thereby agreed:
(i) That the Japanese and Russian governments should unite in
advising the Korean Government to suppress all unnecessary expenses
and to establish an equilibrium between expenditure and revenue. If,
as a result of reforms which should be considered indispensable, it should
become necessary to have recourse to foreign debts, the two govern-
ments should of a common accord render their support to Korea. (2)
The Japanese and Russian governments should try to abandon to
Korea, in so far as the financial and economic situation of that country
should permit, the creation and maintenance of an armed force and of
a police organized of native subjects, in proportion sufficient to main-
tain internal order, without foreign aid. (3) Russia was to be per-
mitted to establish a telegraph line from Seoul to her frontier; the
Japanese Government being allowed to administer those lines already
in its possession. (4) In case the principles above expounded require
a more precise and more detailed definition, or if in the future other
points should arise about which it should be necessary to consult, the
representatives of the two governments should be instructed to discuss
them amicably.
The Protocol of June, 1896, was no sooner signed than
Russia proceeded to violate its terms. In the same month
she tried to gain control of the Korean army by placing it
under Russian instruction and discipline; in the same year,
she urged the request that the disposal of all the Korean
taxes and customs be placed in the hands of M. Kir Alexeieff.
This plan was partly carried through the following year, and
Mr. J. McLeavy Brown was dismissed from the position of
Financial Adviser and General Director of Customs for
Korea, although he was soon after formally restored to the
latter office, the control of which he had never been, in fact,
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 225
induced to surrender. In August of 1897, M. de Speyer
succeeded M. Waeber as the Representative of Russia (Con-
seiller d'Etat) in Korea; his conduct of Russian affairs, which
seems to have been quite devoid of the conciliatory policy of
his predecessor, lost for his country many of the advantages
which had already been secured. Besides the inducement
from this fact, the recent acquisition of Port Arthur and
Ta-lien-wan seemed to make it desirable for Russia, for the
time being at least, to conciliate Japan. And Japan, on her
part, definitively committed herself to the effort to conciliate
Russia, while at the same time safeguarding her own im-
portant, and indeed essentially vital, interests in the Penin-
sula. Accordingly there was concluded between the two na-
tions the Nishi-Rosen Protocol of August 25, 1898.
That instrument was as follows:
ARTICLE I. The Imperial governments of Japan and Russia
definitely recognize the sovereignty and entire independence of
Korea, and mutually engage to abstain from all direct inter-
ference in the affairs of that country.
ARTICLE II. Desiring to remove every possible cause of mis-
understanding in the future, the Imperial goverrfments of Japan
and Russia mutually engage not to take any measure regarding
the nomination of military instructors and financial advisers with-
out having previously arrived at a mutual accord on the subject.
ARTICLE III. In view of the great development of the com-
mercial and industrial enterprise of Japan in Korea, as also the
considerable number of Japanese subjects residing in that country,
the Russian Imperial Government shall not impede the development
of commercial and industrial relations between Japan and Korea.
Five days later namely, on August 3oth Marquis Ito,
who was- visiting in Korea, and had been cordially received
by the Emperor and invited to dine with him, publicly re-
affirmed the policy for which His Imperial Majesty of Japan
and he himself, as His Majesty's subject, wished to be respon-
226 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
sible, in a speech delivered at a dinner given at the Foreign
Office. On that occasion the Marquis spoke as follows:
YOUR EXCELLENCIES AND GENTLEMEN:
I thank you sincerely for the kind words in which the Acting
Minister of Foreign Affairs has just addressed me on your behalf,
but at the same time I am constrained to say that I do not de-
serve the high compliments which he chose to confer upon me.
Allow me to avail myself of the present opportunity to say a few
words concerning the attitude of Japan toward this country.
You doubtless know that in 1873 a group of Japanese statesmen
advocated the despatch of a punitive expedition to Korea, a pro-
posal to which I was uncompromisingly opposed from the outset,
because I deemed such a war not only uncalled for, but contrary
to the principles of humanity. You may imagine the magnitude
of the excitement occasioned by this question, when I tell you
that the split which it caused in the ranks of the Japanese states-
men led to a tremendous civil war a few years afterward. The
point to which I wish to direct your attention is that His Imperial
Japanese Majesty's Government did not hesitate to reject what
it considered to be an unjust proposal even at such gigantic risk.
Japan's policy toward Korea has since been unchanged; in
other words, her object has always been to assist and befriend
this country. It is true that at times incidents of an unpleasant
nature unfortunately interfered with the maintenance of un-
suspecting cordiality between the two nations. But I may
conscientiously assure you that the real object of the Japanese
Government has always been to render assistance to Korea in
her noble endeavors to be a civilized and independent state.
I am sincerely gratified to see that to-day Korea is independent
and sovereign. Henceforth it will be Japan's wish to see Korea's
independence further strengthened and Consolidated; no other
motive shall influence Japan's conduct toward this country. On
this point you need not entertain the slightest doubt.
Japan's good wishes for Korean independence are all the more
sincere and reliable because her vital interests are bound up with
those of your country. A danger to Korean independence will
THE PROBLEM; HISTORICAL 227
be a danger to Japan's safety. So you will easily recognize that
the strongest of human motives, namely self-interest, combines
with neighborly feelings to make Japan a sincere well-wisher and
friend of Korean independence.
Let me repeat once more that Korea may rest assured of the
absence of all sinister motives on Japan's part. Friendship be-
tween two countries in the circumstances of Japan and Korea
ought to be free from any trace of suspicion and doubt as to each
other's motives and intentions. In conclusion, allow me to express
my heartfulhope that you may long remain in office and assiduously
exert yourselves for the good of your sovereign and country.
With the coming of M. Pavloff to Korea as its Representa-
tive, in December, 1898, the diplomacy of Russia in this part
of the Orient abandoned the traditional method of patient,
persistent effort at advance, together with more or less per-
fect assimilation of the new tribes and peoples brought under
its control, and adopted the more brilliant but dangerous
policy of a swift promotion of obviously selfish schemes by
a mixture of threats and cajolery. It is not even now certain
how far this policy was supported by, or even known to, the
home government of Russia. The war with Japan, to which
these acts led steadily and irresistibly forward, seemed, only
in its actual results, to reveal at all fully to this Government
what its representatives had been doing in the Far East.
Among the various attempts of M. Pavloff and his co-
adjutors to obtain concessions for themselves and for their
country, those which looked toward the establishment of a
Russian naval base in certain localities of the Korean coast
were threatening to Japan. " But Russia's conduct on the
Northern frontier of Korea along the Tumen and Yalu
rivers was" to quote again from Hershey "the greatest
source of anxiety to Japan."
In 1896 Russia had obtained valuable mining concessions in
two districts near the port of Kiong-hung at the mouth of the
22$ IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Tumen River, and later sought to extend her influence in that
region. More important and dangerous, however, to the interests
of Japan were the attempts of Russia to obtain an actual foothold
on Korean territory at Yong-am-po on the Korean side of the
Yalu River. As far back as 1896, when the King was a guest of
the Russian Legation, a Russian merchant had obtained timber
concessions on the Uining Island in the Sea of Japan and on the
Tumen and Yalu rivers. The concession along the Yalu was to
be forfeited unless work was begun within five years in the other
two regions. This condition does not appear to have been com-
plied with when the Korean Government was suddenly notified
on April 13, 1903, that the Russian timber syndicate would at
once begin the work of cutting timber on the Yalu. Early in May
sixty Russian soldiers in civilian dress, later increased by several
hundred more, were reported to have occupied Yong-am-po, a
point rather remote from the place where actual cutting was in
progress. At the same time there was taking place a mysterious
mobilization of troops from Liaoyang and Port Arthur toward
Feng-hwang-cheng and Antung on the other side of the Yalu.
Early in June four Russian warships paid a week's visit to Che-
mulpo. In August M. Pavloff appears to have been on the point
of obtaining an extension of the Yong-am-po lease, but this was
prevented by the receipt of an ultimatum from the Japanese Min-
ister. Mr. Hayashi threatened that if the Korean Government
were to sign such a lease, Japan would regard diplomatic relations
between the two countries as suspended, and would regard herself
as free to act in her own interests.
In this connection it should be said, that while the Korean
Government did not formally renew the lease, the Emperor
did secretly enter into an arrangement with M. Pavloff con-
cerning Yong-am-po, practically conceding all that was
asked on Russia's behalf. This document was discovered
after the war began and hastily cancelled by the Emperor, of
his own accord, upon the recommendation of the Korean
Minister for Foreign Affairs.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 229
Meantime another conflict of interests between Russia and
Japan was developing and contributing to the same result
namely, the Russo-Japanese war. This was the so-called
"Manchurian Question." It is not necessary for the
purposes of our narrative to trace with any detail the origin
and different stages of that succession of successful intrigues
and encroachments upon foreign territory which had been
for some time carried on with the Chinese by methods similar
to those now being employed in Korea. Some of the more
salient points in the history of the preceding period of nearly
a half-century need, however, to be called to mind. In 1860,
when the allied forces occupied Peking, the Russian Minister,
General Ignatieff, by a brilliant stroke of diplomacy, secured
for his country the cession of the maritime province . of
Manchuria, with 600 miles of coast, and the harbor of
Vladivostok, down to the mouth of the Tumen. For this
he gave nothing in return beyond the pretence that it was in
his power to bring pressure upon the allies and thus secure
their more speedy evacuation of the Chinese capital.
Thirty years later, after the new province had been devel-
oped and the harbor of Vladivostok converted into a powerful
fortress, Russia determined upon building an all-rail route
across Siberia, and immediately began to press for other
concessions in Chinese territory that in 1897 resulted in the
association which constructed what is now known as the
Manchurian Railway. This enterprise was ostensibly a
joint affair of the two countries; but it has been fitly described
as "only a convenient bonnet"- for an essentially Russian
undertaking. Russian engineers now came in large numbers
to Manchuria; Russian Cossacks accompanied them for pur-
poses of their protection. Later in the same year the seizure
by Germany of Kiao-chau, in satisfaction for outrages com-
mitted upon German missionaries, was followed by Russia's
request to the Chinese Government for permission to winter
2 3 o IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
her fleet at Port Arthur. In March of the next year Japan
had the added mortification, bitterness, and cause for alarm,
of seeing Russia demand and obtain from China a formal
lease of the same commercial and strategic points of the
peninsula of Liao-tung of which Russia, by combining with
Germany and France, had deprived Japan when she had
won them by conquest in war. These enterprises in Man-
churia were financed by the Russo-Chinese Bank, an institu-
tion which had recently been founded in the Far East as a
branch of the Russian Ministry of Finance. So important
is this last-mentioned fact that one writer places upon M.
Pokotiloff, Chief of the Russo-Chinese Bank in Berlin, the
responsibility for the whole Port Arthur episode, and de-
clares it was he who dictated the policy of Russia in Man-
churia after the Boxer uprising. 1
The occupation o. Port Arthur and Ta-lien-wan (renamed
Dalny) was accompanied by assurances from the Russian
Government chiefly designed to quiet Great Britain and
Japan that it had "no intention of infringing the rights and
privileges guaranteed by existing treaties between China and
foreign countries;" and that no interference with Chinese
sovereignty was contemplated. To the objections raised
when it proceeded to fortify Port Arthur, the reply was made
that Russia "must have a safe harbor for her fleet, which
could not be at the mercy of the elements at Vladivostok or
dependent upon the good-will of Japan." Under this plea
she refused to change the status of Port Arthur as a closed
and principally military port. The effect of all this upon the
attitude of public feeling in Japan toward Russia can easily
be imagined. Even when, in August, 1899, the port of
Dalny was declared " open " by an Imperial ukase, regulations
with respect to passports and claims to a monopoly of mining
1 So Mr. Whigham, in his admirable book on Manchuria and Korea.
(London, Isbiter & Company), p. 123.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 231
rights continued to lessen the confidence of other nations in
Russia's good faith with respect to the occupation of Man-
churia. It is now sufficiently well established that during
this period secret agreements between Li Hung Chang and
the Russian Government were made which enlarged the
special privileges of Russia in Manchuria. Meantime, also,
her military hold was being strengthened ; so that by Decem-
ber, 1898, she had 20,000 men at her two ports, while Cossack
guards " the pennons on their lances showing a combination
of the Russian colors and the Chinese dragon" were
patrolling the railway line and protecting the work of fortifica-
tion at Port Arthur.
During these years the Japanese Government was watching
with quiet but painful solicitude the movements going forward
in China. When Marquis Ito visited Peking and the Yang-
tse provinces in the summer of 1898, he was received with
marked attention, especially by the reform party among the
leading Chinese officials; but the baleful influence of the
Dowager-Empress, and of the party opposed to everything
likely to curtail their power, arrested the attempts at rap-
prochement between China and Japan. It was the so-called
"Boxer Movement," however, which gave to Russia a new
claim of right to interfere in Chinese affairs and to establish
more firmly than ever before her special privileges in Man-
churia. The history of this movement of the way in which
Russia dealt with its extension into Manchuria, of the siege
of Peking and the doings of the allied forces, and of the subse-
quent behavior of the Russians with regard to the evacuation
of Manchuria is now well known, or easily accessible, by
all students of the period.
In spite of repeated promises to evacuate the points seized*
and held by Russian forces when, after the relief of the Lega-
tions, these forces were withdrawn from Peking and Chi-li
to be concentrated in Manchuria, and in disregard of the
232 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
interests of the other allies, the policy of keeping all that
she had gained, and of gaining more as far as possible, was
steadily pursued by Russia,, On November n, 1900, an
agreement was made between the Representative of Admiral
Alexeieff and the Tartar General at Mukden, the most
significant point of which was the promise of the Chinese
official to provide the Russian troops with lodging and pro-
visions, to disarm and disband all Chinese soldiers and hand
over all arms and ammunition to the Russians, and to dis-
mantle all forts and defences not occupied by the Russians.
It was the probable effect of a continued occupation of
Manchuria by Russia upon their business interests which led
Great Britain and America to wish that the repeated Russian
assurances of good faith toward China and toward all foreign
nations should manifest themselves in works. The case
could not be wholly the same with Japan. Her interests of
trade were, indeed, if not at the time so large, more close and
vital than those of any other nation outside of China. But
her other interests were incomparable. So that when Russia
failed to carry out her engagements, even under a convention
which was so much in her favor, there was a revival of sus-
picion and apprehension on the part of the Japanese Govern-
ment -and the Japanese people. Manchuria and Korea both
pointed an index finger of warning directed toward Russia.
It was to further a peaceful adjustment of all the disturbed
condition of the interests of Russia and Japan in the Far East
that Marquis Ito went, on his way home from his visit to the
United States, at the end of 1901, on an unofficial mission to
St. Petersburg. The failure of the overtures which he bore
discouraged those of the leading Japanese statesmen who
-were hoping for some reconciliation which might take the
shape of allowing Russian ascendency in Manchuria and
Japanese ascendency in Korea. It also strengthened the
conviction which prevailed among the younger statesmen that
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 233
the St. Petersburg Government regarded Manchuria as not
only its fortress in the Far East, but also as its path to the
peninsula lying within sight of Japan's shores. " The
Japanese Government," says Mr. D. W. Stevens, "at last
felt that the vital interests of Japan might be irrevocably
jeopardized in Korea as well as in Manchuria, if it continued
to remain a mere passive spectator of Russian encroachments;
and in August, 1903, it resolved to take a decisive step. In
the most courteous form and through the usual diplomatic
channels Japan intimated at St. Petersburg that her voice
must be heard, and listened to, in connection with Far
Eastern questions in which her interests were vitally con-
cerned." The answer of Russia was the appointment of
Admiral Alexeieff as Viceroy over the Czar's possessions in
the Far East, with executive and administrative powers of a
semi-autocratic character.
But let us return to Korea and inquire: What was the
policy with which its Emperor and his Court met the exceed-
ingly critical situation into which the country was being forced
by the conflict going on between Russia and Japan both
within, and just outside of, its borders? The answer is not
dubious. It was the policy, in yet more aggravated form,
of folly, weakness, intrigue, and corruption, both in the
administration of internal affairs and also in the management
of the now very delicate foreign relations. The Emperor
was to use the descriptive phrase of another enjoying "an
orgy of independence." The former restraints which had been
imposed upon him by Chinese domination, by the personal
influence of the Tai Won Kun, or of the Queen, by his fears of
the reformers, and even by any passive emotional impulses of
his own, leading to reformation, were now all removed. While
he was a "guest" at the Russian Legation there was certainly
no direct influence exerted by his hosts, to assist, advise, or
guide him into better ways. It was not the policy of Russia to
234 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
effect at least for the present or immediately prospective
occasion any moral betterment of the administration of
Korean home and foreign affairs. Under the regency of his
father, the Government had been cruel, despotic, and mur-
derous toward both native and foreign Christians. But the
Tai Won Kun had some regard for ancient common laws
and usages. Under him the people were reasonably sure of
such rights, protection, and privileges of public domain, as
their ancestors had enjoyed. The public granaries were kept
full against the time of famine. The timber and fire-wood on
the hills was not given over to any one who could bribe or
cajole the corrupt officials; and the line of demarcation be-
tween royal and popular rights was more clearly drawn and
better understood. But now all this was changed for the
worse. The King declared himself the sole and private
owner to dispose of as he saw fit of all the properties which
had formerly been considered as belonging to the state.
Low-born favorites appropriated or laid waste the public
domain. The country's resources were wasted; the people
were subjected to new and irregular exactions, levied by ir-
regular people for illegal purposes. A succession of the most
consummate rascals which ever afflicted any country came
into virtual control. They were endowed with offices pur-
chased or extorted from the head ruler. Eunuchs were sent
out from the palace on "still hunts," so to speak, to discover
any kind of property which, by any pretext whatever, could
be claimed; and to seize such property in the name of His
Majesty, or of the King's concubine, Lady Om, or of some
one of the Imperial Princes. Laws which were intended to
promote the ends of justice were twisted from their purpose
and made to serve the ends of plunder. Such privileges as
that of coining and counterfeiting the currency were sold to
private persons.
Then began also that squandering of the nation's most
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 235
valuable resources which, under the name of "concessions"
to foreigners who generally allied themselves for this end with
corrupt Korean officials, has continued down, to the present
time; and the adjustment of which is still giving the Resident-
General and his judicial advisers some of their most serious
problems. To quote the description of this period by a dis-
tinguished foreigner, long in the Korean service: "Nothing
in this country is safe from the horde which surrounds His
Majesty and seemingly has his confidence. Public office is
bought and sold without even the pretence of concealment.
Officials share with the palace the plunder which they extort
from the people. So and So (naming a prominent Korean
Official) is said to owe his influence there largely to the fact
that out of every ten thousand yen which he collects he sur-
renders seven thousand to the Emperor, retaining only three
for himself. With his colleagues it is usually the other way,
about." According to the same authority, many kinds of
property which were formerly regarded as belonging to the
state were now being appropriated to the Emperor's use, or
to that of his favorites, without any pretext, under the rule
that "might makes right." Torturing, strangling, and de-
capitation, were no infrequent methods of accomplishing the
imperial will; though it should be said that these favors were
somewhat impartially distributed. Sometimes it was the
secret strangling in prison of such patriots as An Kyun-su and
Kwan Yung-chin, on the night of May 27, 1900 than which,
it has truly been said, "no more dastardly crime ever stained
the annals of this or any other government " : sometimes it was
the torturing and execution of such unspeakable rascals as the
ex-court-favorites, Kim Yung-chun (1901), Yi Yong-ik, and
Yi Keun-tak (1902). In a word, the period of " independence"
to which the Emperor has been lately imploring his own
subjects and the civilized world to restore him, was the period
in which he took what, and gave away what, and did what he
236 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
chose, under the basest influences, for the most worthless or
mischievous ends, without law or pretence of justice or goodness
oj heart, to the lasting disgrace and essential ruin of the nation.
Such is a summary of the doings during the years preceding
the Russo-Japanese war, on the part of the Korean Emperor
and his Court. "Through all this period," says Mr. Hulbert, 1
" Russian influence was quietly at work securing its hold upon
the Korean Court and upon such members of the government
as it could win over. The general populace was always
suspicious of her, however, and always preferred the rougher
hand of Japan to the soft but heavy hand of Russia." The
threatening nature of the situation created by these Russian
encroachments was as well understood at Washington and
London as at Tokyo. It was intimately connected with the
Manchurian question to the untangling of which Mr. Hay
had devoted so much thought.
But Russia's action in Manchuria, threatening as it was to
the interests, not alone of Japan but also of other foreign
powers, did not call upon the Japanese Government for armed
interference. 2 As the behavior of Japan showed during the
Boxer troubles in China, she had learned caution with respect
to fighting the battles of civilized Europe and America, at her
own expense and without show of gratitude from others.
As we have already seen, the most threatening feature of
the situation for Japan was Russia's activity upon the Yalu,
especially at Yong-am-po. In the interests of peace Mr. Hay
supplemented his efforts to maintain the principle of the open
door and equal opportunity in Manchuria, by an earnest
endeavor (which had Lord Lansdowne's cordial support) to
fend off the impending quarrel between Japan and Russia.
Since all the Treaty Powers were interested in the matter of
1 The Passing of Korea, p. 167.
2 See on this and allied points, the lecture delivered by Mr. Rock-
hill, at the United States Naval War College, Newport, August 5, 1904.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 237
treaty ports in Korea, the method that most readily sug-
gested itself was the opening of Wiju and Yong-am-po,
which would remove any question of the latter place being
used as a military or naval base. The request was reasonable
from every point of view, since Wiju, as the market town, and
Yong-am-po, as the port, were naturally the complement, on
the Korean side of the Yalu, of Antung then recently declared
an open port on the Manchurian. Indeed, other considera-
tions apart, some such action was imperatively necessary from
the Korean standpoint, inasmuch as an open port in Chinese
territory, without a corresponding port of entry in neighboring
Korean territory, could not fail to be prejudicial to the inter-
ests of Korea. Accordingly the American and British
representatives at Seoul were instructed to urge upon the
Korean Government the necessity of opening these ports.
This was done, but the attempt to persuade the Emperor
met with strenuous opposition on M. Pavloff's part, and
finally failed, apparently because of the incapacity of His
Majesty's nearest advisers to grasp the real significance of the
crisis and the momentous effect which the decision must have
upon Korea's fortunes. The struggle was a fierce one while
it lasted and, among other minor results, led to the resigna-
tion of the Minister for Foreign Affairs. The gentleman who
succeeded him, as Acting Minister, was disposed to favor
the opening of the ports, in spite of the strong opposition of
the palace coterie. He went so far as to prepare letters to the
foreign representatives declaring the ports open, and was
actually about sending them out, on his own responsibility,
when he was stopped, partly by a peremptory order from the
palace, and partly by the persuasion of his friends who
represented to him the great personal danger he would incur
by such a step.
The narrative of this official throws a curious side-light
upon M. Pavloff's methods and shows in an interesting way
238 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
his persistence, even at a time when the correspondence be-
tween Russia and Japan preceding the war had reached a
critical stage, in endeavoring by every means at his command
to carry through the very intrigue which formed the gravamen
of Japan's strongest reason for complaining. It is easy, in the
light of what has happened, to condemn this action; but
even at the time it must have seemed to impartial observers
more like the infatuation of a desperate gambler than the well-
considered moves of a shrewd diplomatist. It was all done,
too, in support of a transparent subterfuge, namely: that
Russia had no arrangement with Korea which gave to the
proposed use of Yong-am-po any other character than that of
an entirely peaceful occupation for legitimate commercial
purposes; and that her agents had done absolutely nothing
in the way of preparing the place for military occupation.
When he was urging upon the Acting Minister for Foreign
Affairs reasons for not opening Yong-am-po, the latter en-
quired: "Why have you staked off such a large extent of
territory, and why are you building a fort?" M. Pavloff
instantly denied in emphatic terms that anything of the kind
had been done. "For the past ten days," quietly replied the
Korean official, "I have had two men whom I trust thoroughly
on the spot, and my question is the result of telegraphic
reports I have received from them." The interview did not
continue, but within forty-eight hours his scouts reported to
the Acting Minister that all the stakes had been removed,
There had not been time, they said, thoroughly to remove all
traces of works upon the fortifications, but that as much of
the works as possible had been levelled and the whole covered
up with loose earth, tree-trunks and branches. Such
effrontery seems incredible; but these are facts, and others
like them equally typical of M. Pavloff's methods could be
recited. It is doubtful whether even his own government
knew all the circumstances, or was fully aware, until it was
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 239
too late, what he had done and was continuing to do to arouse
Japanese suspicion and resentment.
The negotiations having in view the peaceful adjustment
of the conflicting interests of Russia and Japan in the Far
East, which were begun by the latter country* in the summer
of 1903, were further continued. Mr. Kurino, the Japanese
Minister at St. Petersburg, was informed by Baron Komura,
who was then Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, that the
recent conduct of Russia at Peking, in Manchuria, and in
Korea, was the cause of grave concern to the Government at
Tokyo. "The unconditional and permanent occupation of
Manchuria by Russia would," said Baron Komura, "create
a state of things prejudicial to the security and interests of
Japan. The principle of equal opportunity would thereby
be annulled, and the territorial integrity of China be im-
paired. There is, however, a still more serious consideration
for the Japanese Government; that is to say, if Russia was
established on the flank of Korea it would be a constant
menace to the separate existence of that empire, or at least
would make Russia the dominant power in Korea. But
Korea is an important outpost in Japan's line of defence, and
Japan consequently considers its independence absolutely
essential to her own repose and safety. Moreover, the
political as well as the commercial and industrial interests
and influence which Japan possesses in Korea are paramount
over those of other Powers. These interests and this influ-
ence Japan, having regard to her own security, cannot consent
to surrender to, or share with, another Power."
In view of these reasons, Mr. Kurino was instructed to
present the following note to Count Lamsdorff, the Russian
Minister of Foreign Affairs: "The Japanese Government
desires to remove from the relations of the two empires
every cause of future misunderstanding, and believes that
the Russian Government shares the same desire. The
240 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Japanese Government would therefore be glad to enter with
the Russian Imperial Government upon an examination of
the condition of affairs in the regions of the extreme East,
where their interests meet, with a view of denning their
respective special interests in those regions. If this sug-
gestion fortunately meets with the approval, in principle, of
the Russian Government, the Japanese Government will
be prepared to present to the Russian Government their
views as to the nature and scope of the proposed under-
standing."
* The consent of Count Lamsdorff and the Czar having been
obtained, on August 1 2th articles were prepared and sub-
mitted by the Japanese Government which it wished to have
serve as a basis of understanding between the two countries.
The essential agreements to be secured by these articles
were: (i) A mutual engagement to respect the independence
and territorial integrity of the Chinese and Korean empires,
and to maintain the "open door" in these countries; and (2)
a reciprocal recognition of Japan's preponderating interests
in Korea and of Russia's special interests in Manchuria.
These demands were not altered in any very important way
by Japan during all the subsequent negotiations. It was
their persistent rejection by Russia, together with her long
delays in replying while she was meantime making obvious
preparations of a warlike character, which precipitated the
tremendous conflict that followed some months later. In
her first reply with counter proposals which was made nearly
eight weeks later through Baron Rosen, the Russian Minister
at Tokyo, Russia not only reduced Japan's demands regard-
ing Korea, but even proposed new restrictions upon her in that
country. But what was equally significant, the counter-
proposals took no account of the demand for an agreement
as to the independence and territorial integrity of the Chinese
empire, or as to the policy of the "open door" in Man-
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 241
churia and Korea. On the contrary, they required Japan
expressly to recognize Manchuria as "in all respects outside
her sphere of interest." Meantime Russia was increasing
her commercial and military activity in both the territorial
spheres where the question of interests and rights was under
dispute.
In the second overture of October 3oth, several important
concessions were made by Japan, to which on December nth
Russia replied with a repetition of the former counter-
proposal omitting, however, the offensive clause regarding
Manchuria and inserting the Japanese proposal relating to
the connection of the Korean and the Chinese-Eastern rail-
ways. Ten days later the Japanese Government presented
a third overture in which Baron Komura tried to make it
clear to the Russian Government that Japan desired "to
bring within the purview of the proposed arrangement all
those regions in the Far East where the interests of the two
empires meet." But when the reply of Russia was received
in Tokyo on January 6, 1904, it was found that not only was
there no mention made of the territorial integrity of China
in Manchuria, but that Russia again insisted upon Japan's
regarding the "Manchurian Question" and the littoral of
Manchuria as quite outside her sphere of interest. Russia,
indeed, agreed "not to impede Japan or the other Powers in
the enjoyment of the rights and privileges acquired by them
under existing treaties with China, exclusive of the establish-
ment of settlements" ; but only on condition that Japan would
agree not to use any part of the territory of Korea for strateg-
ical purposes, and also to the establishment of a neutral
zone in Northern itorea! In spite of the fact that the two
governments were still as far apart as at the beginning in
regard to the most vital points of interest, Japan made
another and fourth attempt. This overture was presented
to Count Lamsdorff on January i3th and, in spite of the urgent
242 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
request for an early reply, this did not come until February 7,
the day following the severing of diplomatic relations between
the two countries. Negotiations were then ended; appeal was
now made to the "arbitrament of war," so-called.
It is not our purpose to discuss in detail the question of
rights, as involved in these negotiations, whether from the
political or the moral point of view, or to consider whether
Japan's method of initiating hostilities was in accordance
with law, or with precedent as established, if such it can be
said to be, by the usage of civilized nations. In both regards
we believe, however, that the claims of Japan to have the
right upon her side are in all important particulars defensible.
But having begun the war with Russia it can be seen that to
secure free passage for her troops through Korea, and to
secure Korea in the rear of her troops as they passed to the
front, were necessities imposed upon Japan in a yet more ab-
solute and indisputable fashion than was the undertaking of
the war itself. If it was necessary in order to maintain the
integrity and free, peaceful development of Japan that, all
other means having failed, she should resort to arms in the
effort to check the dangerous encroachments of Russia in
Manchuria and Korea, it was immediately and essentially
necessary for any measure of success in this last resort, that
she should gain and hold control over the conduct of the
Korean Court and the Korean populace during the war.
What were the nature and the habitual modes of behavior of
both Court and people has already been made clear; 'more
information on these subjects will be afforded in subsequent
chapters. As to danger of treachery we may note in pass-
ing that, while friendship was being protested to the face of
the Japanese in Korea, a boat was picked up in the Yellow
Sea, late in January, 1904 that is, a few days before the
outbreak of the war which bore a Korean messenger with a
letter to Port Arthur asking for Russian troops to be sent to
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 243
Korea. The resort to valuable concessions as a bribe for
foreign influence became at once, on the beginning of hostili-
ties, more active even than before. On this latter point we
quote the words of Mr. D. W. Stevens:
The outbreak of the war created a veritable storm of terror in
the ranks of Korean officialdom. Many of its members who were
known as Russian sympathizers fled to the country; a few took
refuge in the houses of foreign friends. Palace circles were in
particular profoundly agitated. There was a curious manifesta-
tion of the trend of the Korean official mind toward the belief
that political support can be bought. Those were golden days for
the foreigner who, willing to trade upon Korean ignorance and
credulity, cared to let it be understood, either openly or tacitly,
that his government would appreciate favors shown to himself.
One foreign minister was surprised by the offer of a mining con-
cession which before that he had unsuccessfully tried to obtain.
Having due regard for his own and his country's reputation he
naturally declined. Others, private individuals, were not so
scrupulous; and there are to-day extant exceptionally favorable
public grants, both claimed and actually enjoyed, which were thus,
as it has been put, " obtained in the shadow of the war."
At this time the Emperor was dominated by the influence
of a courtier named Yi Yong-ik, whose foreign affiliations
were wholly Russian. The Palace coterie, even including
this man's bitter political enemies, was almost entirely pro-
Russian. But the Emperor was also, of course, much afraid
of the Japanese, who were now near at hand, whereas the
Russians and their Korean coadjutors had either fled the
country or gone into retirement. For the time being, there-
fore, Japan had control of the Imperial environment. Mean-
time, one of two courses only seemed open to the Japanese
themselves: they could either set aside the Emperor and his
untrustworthy officials, and assume complete control of
Korean affairs; or they could make some sort of arrange-
244 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
ment which would secure an alliance with Korea. If faithful
to this alliance, the Emperor would be assured of his personal
safety and of his throne; and the country would be placed
definitively under Japanese protection. The leaders in Japan
knew perfectly well that His Korean Majesty was anti-
Japanese and characteristically false and treacherous; but
they hoped by moderation to win him over to at least a
partial and temporary fulfilment of the obligations under
which he would be placed by the adoption of the more
friendly course.
There were also military reasons why a sort of protectorate
and alliance seemed necessary; and if possible in a way to
avoid the troubles of a forcible annexation. For, very special
and momently imminent dangers threatened the construction
and use of the railway by which the Japanese were transport-
ing their troops and supplies through Korea to the seat of the
war. In several instances armed attacks were made upon
the workmen and the track was torn up. In another con-
nection it will be shown that the charge of extreme cruelty
and wholesale slaughter made by Mr. Hulbert 1 (and illustrated
by a picture designed to excite pathos), because the Japanese
military authorities executed some of the leaders of these
dangerous riots, is quite unwarranted by the facts. The
same thing may be said of the charge that the Po-an, or
" Society for the Promotion of Peace and Safety," was illegally
and wantonly suppressed by the Japanese in July of 1904.
The simple truth is that this society bore about the same
relation to the cause of "peace and safety" which has been
borne during the past two years by the several associations
for intrigue and murder which have masqueraded under titles
suggestive of the most noble schemes for promoting the in-
terests of patriotism, education, morals and religion. It
must be either a dull or a prejudiced mind, indeed, that can
1 The Passing of Korea, p. 210 /.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL , 245
take in the atmosphere of Korean politics for even a few
months not to say, years of residence in the land, and
not understand the threatening significance of these associa-
tions. On the other hand, the question of propriety in dealing
summarily with those who persist in tearing up the tracks
of a military road in time of war may confidently be left to
those who are experienced in such matters.
Indeed, with regard to the entire conduct of affairs by the
Japanese during this period, we may ask the question, and
give the answer, of Mr. Whigham: 1 "What, then, is
Japan to do? Is she to sit down and watch the Russian
flood descending on her fields without attempting to set up a
barrier? The answer is very simple. Japan must take
Korea and do it very quickly, too."
It was such a situation of extreme peril and emergency
which compelled the Japanese Government to secure formal
recognition in an agreement with the Korean Government
so far as such a thing as government then existed in Korea
that should admit of no misunderstanding. This necessity
gave rise to the Conventions of February 23, 1904, and of
August 22 of the same year. The latter of these conven-
tions was the logical sequence and supplement of the former.
By the first of the Protocols 2 it was designed to secure neces-
sary reforms in the administration of Korea and, besides, such
an alliance between the two governments that Japan should
guard the Korean Emperor and his people against foreign
.aggressions in the future and secure for herself the furtherance
of her military operations against Russia. Of more perma-
nent importance still was the prevention in the future of all
such experiences as she had passed through in 1894-1895, and
was passing through at the present time. The Convention
of February, however, was no sooner concluded than His
1 Manchuria and Korea, p. 119.
2 See Appendix A for its text.
246 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Majesty began plotting to prevent its going into effect. With
the conduct of military matters he was indeed powerless to
interfere; but every attempt at reform met with either his
passive resistance or open opposition. This attitude of his
made necessary the additional provisions stipulated in the
supplementary Protocol of August 22, igozj.. 1 In this, pro-
vision was made for the appointment by the Korean Govern-
ment of a Japanese recommended by the Japanese Government
as "Financial Adviser," and of some foreigner, also to be
recommended by the Japanese Government, as " Adviser to
the Department of Foreign Affairs." The appointees to these
positions were Mr. Megata and Mr. D. W. Stevens.
But still the intrigue and treachery of His Majesty went on.
In spite of the excellent service of Mr. Megata in straightening
out the confusion of the Korean finances, and in utter dis-
regard of Mr. Stevens' advices and endeavors to make the
new Protocols both appear, and actually to be, greatly to the
advantage of the Emperor and of his country, the imperial
ways remained unchanged. His own Foreign Ministers were
either disregarded or made tools of intrigue. Even after the
Treaty of November, 1905, His Majesty sent secret telegrams
from the Palace ordering the Foreign Ministers of other
Governments to pay no attention to the directions of his own
Minister of Foreign Affairs, while the latter was arranging
for the closing of the Legations according to the terms of the
Treaty. During the entire war he was in secret communica-
tion with Japan's enemies, while claiming Japan's protection
under the Protocols of February and August, 1904. This
treacherous correspondence was carried on through emissaries
at Shanghai; and large sums of money, which the Japanese
Financial Adviser had somehow to provide, were wasted
upon these futile efforts to change the course of events.
Indeed, in this correspondence and in the distribution of this
1 See Appendix B.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 247
money, it is probable that the chief agent in Shanghai was
the same person as the chief agent of Russia herself.
The subsequent history of the relations of Japan and
Korea, as these relations resulted through the events of July,
1907, in establishing a protectorate which placed all important
Korean affairs, both internal and foreign, under the control
of the Japanese Resident -General, cannot be understood or
judged without keeping the necessity and the significance
of these Protocols steadily in mind. Of the Convention of
February, 1904, Lawrence significantly says: 1
Japan took the earliest opportunity of regularizing her position
by a Protocol negotiated with the native Government, and com-
municated with Tokyo to her Legations abroad on February 27th.
In this, the last of the long series of diplomatic agreements relating
to the subject, the fiction of Korean independence is still kept up,
while the fact of Japanese control is further accentuated. By the
third Article Japan " guarantees the independence and territorial
integrity of the Korean Empire "; and by the second she covenants
to ensure " the safety and repose of the Imperial Household of
Korea." The Korean Government, on its part, covenants to adopt
the advice of Japan in regard to improvements in administration,
and to give full facilities for the promotion of any measures the
Japanese Government may undertake to protect Korea against
foreign aggressions or internal disturbances. It also agrees that
for the promotion of these objects Japan may occupy strategic
points in Korean territory.
The effect of this agreement has been to place the resources of
Korea at the disposal of Japan in the present war. The victorious
army which forced the passage of the Yalu so brilliantly on May ist
was landed at Korean ports, concentrated on Korean soil, and
supplied from Korean harbors. In the political sphere Korea
has denounced, as having been made under compulsion, all her
treaties with Russia and all concessions granted to Russian sub-
jects. On the other hand, Russia has declared that she will
1 War and Neutrality in the Far East, p. 216 /.
248 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
regard as null and void all the acts of the Korean Government
while under Japanese tutelage, and her newspapers loudly pro-
claim that, if our (English) neutrality were genuine, we should
raise objections against the Protocol, as being inconsistent with
the Treaty of 1902, whereby we, in conjunction with Japan, mu-
tually recognize the independence of Korea. In reality there is no
inconsistency, because, as we have just seen, it is clear from the
first Article of the Treaty that the independence is not an ordinary
independence, but a diplomatic variety which was perfectly con-
sistent with recurring interventions to ward off foreign aggression
and put down domestic revolt. In other words, it was a dependent
independence, or no independence at all, and such it remains
under the agreement of February, 1904. That instrument un-
doubtedly establishes a Japanese Protectorate over Korea, and
the beauty of Protectorates is their indefiniteness. As Professor
Nye, the great Belgian jurist, says in his recently published work
on Le Droit International: "Le terme 'protectorat,' designe la
situation creee par le traite de protection. . . . Le protectorat a
plus ou moins de developpement ; rien n'est fixe dans la theorie;
il est cependant un trait caracteristique commun aux Etats
proteges c'est qu'ils ne sont pas entierement independants dans
leurs relations avec les autres Etats." These words exactly fit
the condition of Korea under its recent agreement with Japan.
Indeed, the description might be extended to its internal affairs
also. Susceptibilities are soothed, and possibly diplomatic diffi-
culties are turned, by calling it independent; but in reality it is
as much under Japanese protection as Egypt is under ours; all
state-paper description to the contrary notwithstanding.
The new Treaty of August 22, 1904, shows that this is
fully understood at Tokyo. A financial adviser and a diplo-
matic adviser are to be appointed by the Korean Govern-
ment on the recommendation of Japan, and nothing im-
portant is to be done in their departments without their
advice. No treaties with Foreign Powers are to be con-
cluded, and no concessions to foreigners granted, without
previous consultation with the Japanese Government.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 249
That the view of this authority as to the significance of the
Conventions of 1904 is not the view of any individual alone
has been clearly demonstrated by the acceptance of its con-
clusions, in a practical way, trfough the official action of
foreign governments since the date of the conventions them-
selves.
In particular it is to be noted that the Government of the
United States has expressed an opinion touching the effect in
international law upon the status of Korea of the February
and August Protocols which is substantially identical with
that of Professor Lawrence. Before there was any occasion
for a formal expression of opinion a significant indication of
the views of the Department of State upon the subject could be
found in the Foreign Relations for 1904. Over the Protocols
as published therein may be found the caption " Protectorate
by Japan over Korea." (437 f.) Later on, Secretary Root
had occasion expressly to state this opinion. This was when,
in December, 1905, Mr. Min Yung-chan, whilom Korean
Minister to France, came to the United States for the purpose
of protesting against recognition by the United States of the
Treaty of November iyth of the same year. In a letter to
Mr. Min, explaining the reasons which made it impossible
for the American Government not to recognize the binding
force of that instrument, the Secretary added that there was
another and a conclusive reason against interference in the
matter. This reason, he said, was to be found in the circum-
stance that Korea had previously concluded with Japan two
agreements which, in principle and in practice, established a
Japanese Protectorate in Korea, and to the force of which in
that particular the Treaty of November 17 added nothing.
To this view of the virtual significance of these earlier
Protocols there is only to be opposed the demonstrably false
assertions of the now ex-Emperor and the opinions and
affirmations quite unwarranted as the next chapter will
2 5 o IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
show of writers like Mr. Hulbert, Mr. Story, and other
so-called " foreign friends " of His Majesty. These assertions
and opinions are certainly not made any more credible by
the willingness of their authors to denounce the President
and Acting Foreign Minister of the United States in Korea,
and, by implication, all the other heads of foreign governments
who neither share their opinion, nor approve of their conduct
in support of the opinion! 1
By the Treaty of Portsmouth the Russian Government not
only definitely relinquished all the political interests she had
previously claimed to possess in Korea, but also recognized
in all important particulars the rights acquired in the same
country by Japan through the Conventions of February and
August, 1904. Article Second of the Treaty stipulates: "The
Imperial Russian Government, acknowledging that Japan
possesses in Korea paramount political, military and economi-
cal interests, engages neither to obstruct nor interfere with
the measures of guidance, protection and control which the
Imperial Government of Japan may find it necessary to take
in Korea. "
Thus did the war with Russia, which was fought over the
relations between Japan and Korea as an issue of supreme
importance, terminate the second main period in the history
of these relations. The Chino- Japan war removed forever
that foreign influence which had continued through centuries,
not only to prevent the immediate realization of a true national
independence on the part of Korea, but also to unfit the
Korean Government to maintain such independence when
conferred upon it as the gift of another nation. The Russo-
Japanese war terminated the attempt of a more powerful
foreign nation to supersede the controlling influence of
Japan in Korea. At the same time it gave a convincing
further demonstration of Korea's inherent and hopeless
1 See especially Hulbert, The Passing of Korea, p. 464 /.
THE PROBLEM: HISTORICAL 251
inability to control herself, under any existing conditions of
her government or of her system of civilization. Thus the
provisions for a Japanese Protectorate, which shall secure
for both nations the largest possible measure of good, offered
to the Marquis Ito his difficult problem as Imperial Com-
missioner to Korea in November, 1905,
CHAPTER XI
THE COMPACT
IT will need no argument for those familiar with the habit-
ual ways of the Korean Government in dealing with foreign
affairs to establish the necessity that Japan should make
more definite, explicit, and comprehensive, the Protocols of
February 23 and August 22, 1904. Foreign affairs have
always been with the Emperor and Court of Korea a par-
ticularly favorable but mischievous sphere for intrigue and
intermeddling. The Foreign Office has never had any real
control over the agents of the government, who have been the
tools of the Emperor in their dealings with foreign Legations.
The Korean Foreign Minister in 1905 was not an efficient and
responsible representative of either the intentions or the trans-
actions of his own government; instructions were frequently
sent direct from the Palace to Ministers in other countries;
foreign Legations had, each one, a separate cipher to be
used for such communications; and there were several
instances of clandestine communication with agents abroad,
even during the Russo-Japanese war. To guard, therefore,
against the repetition of occurrences similar to those which
had already cost her so dearly, Japan's interests demanded
that her control over the management of Korea's foreign
affairs should be undivided and unquestioned.
It was not, however, in the interests of Japan alone that
the management of Korea's foreign affairs was to pass out
of her own hands. It was distinctly, as events are fast proving
252
THE COMPACT 253
beyond a reasonable doubt, for the advantage of Korea her-
self. In any valid meaning of the word, Korea had never
been "independent" of foreign influences, dominating over
her and corrupting the officials within her own borders.
For centuries these influences came chiefly from China; for
a decade, chiefly from Russia and other Western nations.
The Treaty of 1905 was also, just as distinctly so, we be-
lieve, the events will ultimately prove for the advantage of
these Western nations, and of the entire Far East.
It is, therefore, highly desirable, not only as vindicating
the honor of Marquis Ito and of the Japanese Government,
but also as establishing the Protectorate of Japan over
Korea upon foundations of veracity and justice, that the
exact and full truth should be known and placed on record
before the world, concerning the Convention of November,
1905. This is the more desirable because of the gross and
persistent misrepresentations of the facts which have been re-
peated over and over again chiefly by the same persons
down to the time of the appearance of the so-called Korean
Commission at The Hague Conference of 1907.* His Maj-
esty the Emperor (now ex-Emperor) of Korea has, indeed,
publicly proclaimed his intention not to keep a treaty "made
under duress" and through fears of "personal violence";
1 The narrative which follows may be trusted to correct most of
these misstatements. But among them, some of the more important
may here be categorically contradicted. Such are, for example, the
statements that armed force was used; that General Hasegawa half
drew his sword to intimidate Mr. Han; that Hagiwara seized the
latter with the aid of gendarmes and police; that the Minister of Agri-
culture continued to hold out; that he and Minister Pak, during the
conference, withdrew from the Japanese Legation and betook them-
selves to the Palace, denouncing the compact (something no one ac-
quainted with the geographical relations of the two places would be
likely to assert with a sincere belief); that the Emperor ordered the
consenting Ministers to be assassinated; that Japanese troops pa-
trolled the streets all night, etc., etc. One curiously characteristic
error of Mr. Hulbert is involved in the statement, published in one of
254 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
he has also made it appear that the signatures and the Im-
perial seal upon the document were fraudulently obtained.
Meantime, he has sedulously (and, we believe, with such
sincerity as his nature admits) cultivated and cherished the
friendship of the Japanese Resident- General who nego-
tiated, and who has administered affairs under, the Treaty.
How he lost his crown, at the hands of his own Ministry,
for his last violation of the most solemn provisions of the
same treaty, is now a matter of universal history.
Marquis Ito arrived at Seoul, as the Representative of the
Japanese Government, to conclude a new Convention with
Korea, during the first week of November, 1905. He was
the bearer of a letter from his own Emperor to the Emperor
of Korea, which frankly explained the object of his mission.
What follows is the substance of His Japanese Majesty's
letter.
"Japan, in self-defence and for the preservation of the
peace and security of the Far East, had been forced to go
to war with Russia; but now, after a struggle of twenty
months, hostilities were ended. During their continuance
the Emperor of Korea and his people, no doubt, shared the
anxiety felt by the Emperor and people of Japan. In the
mind of His Majesty, the Emperor of Japan, the most ab-
the papers of the United States, which makes his commission by the
Korean Emperor to lodge an appeal with President Roosevelt the
cause of hastening the Japanese Government in their iniquitous coup
d'etat. The truth is that the Japanese Government had made all the
preparations for Marquis Ito's departure, and the plan afterward
carried out had been carefully formulated, weeks before it was known
that Mr. Hulbert was going to the United States. The Marquis was
only waiting the return of Baron Komura to Japan before leaving for
Korea. No thought whatever was at any time given to Mr. Hulbert.
It is, in general, late now to say that the efforts of those "friends of
Korea," who have taken the Korean ex-Emperor's money while holding
out to him the hope of foreign intervention, have done him and his
country, rather than Japan, an injury impossible to repair.
THE COMPACT 255
sorbing thought and purpose now was to safeguard the
future peace and security of the two Empires, and to aug-
ment and strengthen the friendly relations existing between
them. Unfortunately, however, Korea was not yet in a
state of good defence, nor was the basis for a system of
effective self-defence yet created. Her weakness in these
regards was in itself a menace to the peace of the Far East
as well as to her own security. That this was unhappily the ' ^ /
case was a matter of as much regret to His Majesty as it f
could be to the Emperor of Korea; and for this reason the
safety of Korea was as much a matter of anxiety to him as
was that of his own country. His Majesty had already com-
manded his Government to conclude the Protocols of Feb-
ruary and August, 1904, for the defence of Korea. Now,
in order to preserve the peace which had been secured, and
to guard against future dangers arising from the defenceless
condition of Korea, it was necessary that the bonds which
united the two countries should be closer and stronger than
ever before. Having this end in view, His Majesty had
commanded His Government to study the question and to
devise means of attaining this desirable result. The pres-
ervation and protection of the dignity, privileges, and tran-
quillity of the Imperial House of Korea would, as a matter
of course, be one of the first considerations kept in view.
" His Majesty felt sure that if the Emperor of Korea would
carefully consider the general situation and its bearing upon
the interests and welfare of his country and people, he would
decide to take the advice now earnestly tendered to him." ^
It should be noticed that this address from His Imperial
Majesty of Japan to the Korean Emperor the sincerity of
which cannot be questioned is pervaded with the same
spirit as that which has characterized the administration,
hitherto, of the Japanese Residency-General.
Marquis Ito informed the Korean Emperor that he would
256 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
ask for another audience in a few days. His Majesty con-
sented, adding that in the meantime he desired carefully to
study the letter from the Emperor of Japan. 1
On the 1 5th of November, Marquis Ito had a private
audience which lasted about four hours, and in which he
frankly explained the object of his mission. . . . The
Emperor began the interview by complaining of certain in-
juries done by the Japanese civil and military authorities
during the war. He dwelt at length upon past events,
saying, among other things, that he had not wished to go
to the Russian Legation in 1895, but had been over-per-
suaded by those about his person.
Marquis Ito replied that as he would remain in Korea
for some time, there would be ample opportunity for a full
exchange of views regarding the matters to which His Ma-
jesty referred. At the present moment he felt it to be his
imperative duty to beg His Majesty to hear the particulars
of the mission with which he had been charged by his Im-
perial Master. From 1885 onward, he went on to say, Japan
had earnestly endeavored to maintain the independence of
Korea. Unfortunately, Korea herself had rendered but
little aid in the struggle which Japan had maintained in her
behalf. Nevertheless, these efforts had preserved His
Majesty's Empire, and, although there might have been
causes of complaint, such as those to which His Majesty had
just referred, in justice to Japan it should not be forgotten
that in the midst of the great struggle in which she had been
engaged, it was unhappily not possible wholly to avoid such
1 In order to understand the following negotiations and all similar
transactions conducted in characteristic Korean style, it should be
remembered that delay, however reasonable it may seem or really be,
is in fact utilized for purposes not of reflection and judicious planning
for future emergencies, but the rather for arranging intrigues, securing
apparent chances of escape from the really inevitable, with the result of
an increasing unsettlement of the Imperial mind.
THE COMPACT 257
occurrences. If His Majesty would consider all the circum-
stances, he would undoubtedly realize that in the midst of
the absorbing anxiety of that momentous contest and of the
heavy burdens it imposed upon Japan, whatever fault might
attach to her as regarded the matters of which His Majesty
had spoken was at least excusable. Korea, on the other
hand, had borne but a small portion of the burden created
by the necessity of defending and maintaining a principle in
which she was as deeply interested as Japan namely, the
peace and security of the Far East. Turning to the future,
however, it could be clearly perceived that in order effectively
to ensure the future peace and security of the Far East, it
was imperatively necessary that the bonds uniting the two
countries should be drawn closer. For that purpose, and
with that object in view, His Majesty the Emperor of Japan
had graciously entrusted him with the task of explaining the
means which, after mature and careful deliberation, it had
been concluded should be adopted.
The substance of the plan which had been thus formulated
might be summed up as follows: . . . The Japanese Gov-
ernment, with the consent of the Government of Korea, to
have the right to control and direct the foreign affairs of
Korea, while the internal autonomy of the Empire would be
maintained; and, of course, His Majesty's Government,
under His Majesty's direction, would continue as at they
present time.
Explaining the objects of the Agreement thus outlined,
the Marquis pointed out that it would effectively safeguard
the security and prestige of the Imperial House of Korea,
while affording the surest means of augmenting the happi-
ness and prosperity of the people. For the reasons stated,
and for these alone, the Marquis went on to say, he strongly
advised the Emperor to accept this plan; and, taking into
account the general situation, and the condition of Korea in
258 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
particular, he earnestly hoped that His Majesty would con-
sent. The Japanese Minister was authorized to discuss the
details with His Majesty's Ministers.
The Emperor in reply expressed his appreciation of the
manifestation of sincere good-will on the part of the Em-
peror of Japan, and his thanks. Although he would not
absolutely reject the proposal, it was his earnest desire to
retain some outward form of control over the external affairs
of Korea. As to the actual exercise of such control by Japan,
and in what manner it should be exercised, he had no objec-
tions to urge.
Marquis Ito enquired what was meant by "outward
form."
The Emperor replied, "the right to maintain Legations
abroad."
The Marquis then stated that, in accordance with diplo-
matic rules and usage, there was in that case no difference
between the form and the substance of control. Therefore
he could not accept the suggestion. If Korea were to con-
tinue to have Legations abroad, she would in fact retain
3fi control of the external relations of the Empire. The status
quo would be perpetuated; there would be constant danger
of the renewal of past difficulties; and again the peace of
the East would be threatened. It was absolutely necessary
that Japan should control and direct the external relations
of Korea. This decision was the result of most careful in-
/ vestigations and deliberations; it could jiQL_be_^hanged._
Marquis Ito further stated that he had brought a memo-
randum of the agreement which it was desired to conclude;
and this he then handed to the Emperor.
The Emperor, having read it, expressed his implicit trust
in Marquis Ito, saying that he placed more reliance upon
what he said than upon the representations of his own
subjects. [It may seem a strange comment upon the work-
THE COMPACT
ing of His Majesty's mind, but all my observations and ex-
periences, while in Korea, lead me to believe in the veracity
of this declaration. To the last, the Emperor trusted the
word of the Marquis Ito.] ... If, however, he accepted
the agreement and retained no outward form of control over
Korean foreign affairs, the relations of Japan and Korea
would *be like those of Austria and Hungary; or Korea's
condition would be like that of one of the African tribes.
Marquis Ito begged leave to dissent. Austria and Hun-
gary were ruled by one monarch; whereas in this case His
Majesty would still be Emperor of Korea, and would con-
tinue as before to exercise his Imperial prerogatives. As for
the presumed resemblance to an African tribe, that could
hardly be considered in point; since Korea had a Govern-
ment established for centuries and therefore a national
organization and forms of administration such as no savage
tribe possessed.
The Emperor expressed appreciation of what the Marquis
said, but repeated that he did not care for the substance,
and only wished to retain some external form of control over
Korea's foreign affairs. He therefore hoped that the Mar-
quis would inform his Emperor and the Japanese Govern-
ment of this wish and would induce them to change f the |, /
plan proposed; this wish he reiterated a number of times.
[There were undoubtedly two reasons, entirely valid from his
point of view, for the endeavor to secure this change. The
first was the very natural desire to % "save his face"; and the
second was the with him scarcely less natural desire to
leave room for intrigue to contest the scope of the terms
agreed upon while claiming to be faithful to their substance.] ,
The Marquis stated that he could not comply with the
request of His Majesty. The draft was the definitive ex-
pression of the views of the Japanese Government after most
careful consideration, and could not be changed as His
260 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Majesty desired. He then quoted the Article in the Ports-
II mouth Treaty wherein Russia recognizes the paramount
political, commercial, and economic interests of Japan in
,y Korea. There was only one alternative, he added: either to
accept or to refuse. He could not predict what the result
would be if His Majesty refused, but he feared that it might
be less acceptable than what he now proposed. If His
Majesty refused, he must clearly understand this.
The Emperor replied that he did not hesitate because he
was ignorant of this fact, but because he could not himself
decide at that moment. He must consult his Ministers and
ascertain also "the intention of the people at large."
The Marquis replied that His Majesty was, of course, quite
right in desiring to consult his Ministers, but he could
not understand what was meant by consulting "the intention
of the people." Inasmuch as Korea did not have a constitu-
tional form of government, and consequently no Diet, it
seemed rather a strange proceeding to consult "the intention
of the people." If such action should lead to popular ferment
and excitement and possibly public disturbances, he must
respectfully point out that the responsibility would rest with
His Majesty.
Finally, after some further discussion, the Emperor re-
quested Marquis Ito to have Minister Hayashi (who held
the power to negotiate the proposed agreement) consult with
his own Minister for Foreign Affairs. The result could be
submitted to the Cabinet; and when that body had reached
a decision His Majesty's approval could be asked.
Marquis Ito said that prompt action was necessary, and
requested His Majesty to summon the Minister for Foreign
Affairs at once, and to instruct him to negotiate and sign
the agreement. The Emperor replied that he would give
instructions to the Minister for Foreign Affairs to that effect.
Marquis Ito stated that he would remain awaiting the con-
THE COMPACT 261
elusion of that agreement, and would again request His
Majesty to grant him an audience.
Before this first audience ended the Emperor again asked
Marquis Ito to persuade His Majesty of Japan to consent
that Korea should retain some outward form of control over
her foreign affairs; but again Marquis Ito refused. This /
repeated refusal of Japan's Representative to concede any-/
thing whatever as an abatement of his country's control in
the future over Korea's relations to foreign countries distinctly
reveals the nature of the only treaty that could then possibly
have been concluded between the two Powers. On the fol-
lowing day, the i6th of November, Marquis ItQ.had a con-
ference with all of the Cabinet Ministers, except the Minister
for Foreign Affairs, who on the same day began negotiations
with Minister Hayashi. Marquis Ito explained fully to the
Korean Ministers the object of his mission and the views of
his Government.
On the iyth of November, at n A. M., all of the Korean
Ministers went to the Japanese Legation, lunched there, and
conferred with Mr. Hayashi until 3 o'clock, when they ad-
journed to the Palace and held a meeting in the Emperor's
presence. Their decision was, finally, to refuse to agree to \
the Treaty in the form in which it had been proposed.
Marquis Ito was taking dinner with General Hasegawa, when,
at 7.30, he received a message from Mr. Hayashi conveying
this intelligence and a request to come to the Palace. 1 Ac-
cordingly, at 8 o'clock, he went to the Palace in company
with General Hasegawa, the latter's aide, and the three or
four mounted gendarmes, who accompanied Marquis Ito
wherever he went. There were no other Japanese guards or
soldiers in attendance, and none in the immediate vicinity oj
1 He was preparing to go when the Minister of the Household called
with a message requesting the Marquis to postpone the conclusion of
the Treaty two or three days.
262 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the Palace. The gendarmes who accompanied the Marquis
did not enter the Palace precincts, and all the gates and en-
trances were guarded as usual by Korean soldiers, Korean
gendarmes and Korean policemen. Precautions had indeed
been taken to preserve order in the city, as some outburst of
mob violence was possible. The necessity of this precaution
was shown later in the night when an attempt was made to
set fire to the house of Mr. Yi Wan-yong, Minister of Educa-
tion (now Prime Minister). It was only when the confer-
ence was ended that, at the express request of the Korean
Ministers, a small number of gendarmes was summoned
to accompany them to their homes. [This precaution will
not seem excessive, or threatening of violence to others, in the
eyes of one who, like myself, has spent a period of two months
in Korea, characterized by repeated attempts to assassinate
the Ministers, who always went guarded by Korean and
Japanese gendarmes. See pp. 66 ff.]
Upon arriving at the Palace, Marquis Ito was informed
by Mr. Hayashi that, although His Majesty had ordered
the Cabinet to come to an agreement which would establish
a cordial entente with Japan, and although the majority of
the Cabinet Ministers were ready to obey His Majesty's
commands, Mr. Han, the Prime Minister, persistently re-
fused to obey. Marquis Ito thereupon, through the Minister
of the Household, requested a private audience with His
Majesty.
It should be explained here that during all of the proceed-
ings, which took place in the rooms on the lower floor of the
"Library," the Emperor was in his rooms in the upper
story, and was never personally approached by any one ex-
cept, as hereafter stated, by his own Ministers. It may also
be added, in explanation of the time of the conference, that
it had been His Majesty's invariable practice for years to
transact important public business at night. He turned
THE COMPACT 263
night into day in that regard and the Cabinet Ministers had
customarily been obliged to attend in turn at the Palace and
remain there all night long.
To the request for a private audience the Emperor re-
plied that although he would be pleased to grant an audience
at once, he was very tired and was suffering from sore throat
the plea of indisposition being one to which he is accustomed
to resort for avoiding audiences. Therefore he prefered that
Marquis Ito should consult with his Ministers whom he would
instruct to negotiate and conclude an agreement establishing
a cordial entente between Korea and Japan. At the same
time that the Emperor requested the Marquis to consult
with the Cabinet for that purpose, the Minister of the House-
hold informed the Cabinet Ministers that His Majesty com-
manded them to negotiate with Marquis Ito.
Marquis Ito then turned to the Prime Minister, and,
repeating what Mr. Hayashi had told him, enquired whether
the statement correctly represented his attitude. The
Prime Minister replied that it was correct. His Majesty^
had often commanded him to come to an understanding
with the Japanese Minister, but he had refused. Then the
other Ministers had accused him of disloyalty in disobeying
His Majesty's commands. He himself could not but feel
that the accusation was well founded and, on that account,
he wished immediately to resign his office and to await the
Imperial punishment for his disobedience. As he had in-
formed Marquis Ito the day before, although he was per-
fectly well aware that Korea could not maintain her inde-
pendence by her own unaided efforts, he still wished to retain
the outward semblance of control over the Nation's foreign
relations.
Thereupon Marquis Ito said that the last thought in his
mind would be to try to force the Prime Minister to do any
thing which would destroy his country. The Minister had
264 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
said, however, that he wished to resign because he had been
disloyal in disobeying the Emperor's commands. It did not
seem to him, the Marquis, that this was either a dignified, or a
sensible course for a Minister of State to adopt. The manage-
ment of public affairs required decision. If the Prime
Minister could not come to some understanding with Japan's
representatives, as his own Majesty the Emperor had com-
manded him to do, he was seriously jeopardizing his country's
interests. The Marquis could not believe that this was
genuine loyalty. There was only one alternative before the
Prime Minister, either to obey the Imperial order, or, care-
fully considering the gravity of the situation, to do what he
could to change the Imperial opinion. He then asked
the Prime Minister to request the other Ministers, in accord-
ance with the Emperor's command, conveyed through the
Minister of the Household, to give their views regarding the
proposed agreement. This the Prime Minister proceeded
to do.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Pak Chi-sun (after-
/ wards Acting Prime Minister) stated that, as he had informed
the Japanese Minister, he was opposed to the treaty and did not
wish to negotiate it; but if he was ordered to do so, he would
comply. The Marquis asked what he meant by "ordered";
did he mean an Imperial order? Mr. Pak assented.
The Minister of Finance, Mr. Min Yong-ki, said that he
was opposed to the treaty. (He remained in office for a year
and a half after the conclusion of the treaty, considering, no
doubt, that the Imperial command absolved him from
responsibility.)
The Minister of Education, Mr. Yi Wan-yong (now
Prime Minister), replied that he had already expressed his
opinion fully in His Majesty's presence. The request of
Japan was the logical result of existing conditions in the East.
The diplomacy of Korea, always changing, had forced Japan
THE COMPACT 265
into a great war which had entailed on her heavy sacrifices,
and in which, finally, she had been victorious. Korea must
accept the result and aid in maintaining the future peace of
the East by loyally co-operating with Japan.
The Minister of Justice, Mr. Yi Ha-yung (who had been\
Minister for Foreign Affairs during the war), stated that, in \
his opinion, the Protocols of February 23 and August 22, I
1904, already gave Japan practically all that she now asked.
Consequently he did not think that the new Treaty was neces-
sary.
Marquis Ito then said to him that the opinion he had
expressed at the conference of the previous day was some-
what different, and that he had appeared at that time to be
in favor of the Treaty. The Minister assented, but added
that then, as now, he thought that the Protocols would
have been amply sufficient if Korea herself had faithfully
observed the obligations they imposed upon her.
The Minister of War, Mr. Yi Kun-tak, stated that in His
Majesty's presence he had supported the Minister of Educa-
tion in the position described by the latter. Finally, how-
ever, he had cast his vote in favor of the Prime Minister's
proposal that they should insist upon a Treaty which re-
tained to Korea the outward form of control over her foreign
relations. He would now agree to the proposed treaty, how-
ever.
The Minister of Home Affairs, Mr. Yi Chi-yung, said that
having negotiated and signed the Protocol of February 23,
1904, he had naturally associated himself with the Minister
of Education in His Majesty's presence, and he now did the
same.
The Minister of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry, Mr.
Kwon Chong-hiun, said that he had seconded the proposal
of the Minister of Education and was of course m favor of the
Treaty. He desired, however, to suggest several amendments.
266 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
After some further consultation, Marquis Ito turned to the
Prime Minister, and said that there were but two of the
Ministers opposed to the Treaty. The recognized method
of deciding such questions was by a majority vote, and, as
the Prime Minister had seen, the majority of the Cabinet
were in favor of negotiating and concluding the Treaty. It
was the duty of the Prime Minister accordingly, bearing in
mind the Imperial command, to proceed to accomplish this
result in due form. Thereupon the Prime Minister, say-
ing something about disloyalty, burst into tears and went
hastily into the next room. After a few moments Marquis
Ito followed him, and found him still greatly agitated. The
Marquis spoke to him gently, and, repeating his former argu-
ments, tried to persuade him that it was his duty as a loyal
servant to obey the Imperial command by assisting in the
negotiation and conclusion of the Treaty. Finding, however,
that his efforts were fruitless, Marquis Ito returned to the
other room, leaving Mr. Han alone. 1
1 None of the party gathered in the council chamber saw Mr. Han
after that. It seems from the accounts subsequently given by Palace
officials that a little later Mr. Han went upstairs still deeply agitated.
His evident purpose was to gain access to the Emperor, which, as he
had not requested an audience, was a flagrant violation of etiquette
from the Korean point of view. But the poor man in his confusion
turned the wrong way and stumbled into Lady Om's quarters. Some
of the officials led him to a small retiring room, where he spent the
night. The next morning it was officially announced that he had been
dismissed from office in disgrace and would be severely punished.
Marquis Ito immediately begged that the Emperor would pardon him,
and, in deference to this request, Mr. Han was permitted to go into
retirement with no other punishment than the loss of his office. The
whole proceeding was- one of those things which apparently can happen
only in Korea and not excite any one's special wonder. No one
seemed to know precisely why the Minister was punished. He was
amiable, not very strong mentally, but well-meaning and of compara-
tively good repute; he had done his best to carry out the Emperor's
wishes as he understood them, and, having failed, as was inevitable,
his grief was the best proof possible of his sincerity; and one would
THE COMPACT 267
After Mr. Han's disappearance from the scene, and
upon the Marquis' return to the room, the latter addressed
the Minister of the Household, stating that, as he had seen,
the Cabinet Ministers, with two exceptions, had expressed
their willingness to accept the Treaty in principle ; and of the
two dissenting Ministers one, the Minister for Foreign Affairs,
had said that he would sign the Treaty if he received the
Imperial command to do so. Turning then to the Ministers,
he enquired whether they were willing to proceed as com-
manded by His Majesty, with the consideration of the Treaty,
and of the amendments, which several of their number had
expressed a desire to present. The Ministers replied that
they were ready to do so, but wished the Minister of the
Household to be present. Accordingly the deliberations were
conducted in the presence of that official.
The Treaty was then considered in detail. The Minister
of Education proposed an amendment, stipulating that the
functions of control to be exercised by Japan should be con-
fined exclusively to administration of the foreign relations
of Korea. Marquis Ito replied that he could not accept
this amendment, but after some discussion proposed the
insertion of the word "primarily" in the Article. 1
think it might have excited sufficient pity to preclude resentment.
However, it should be added that the 'sincerity manifest in Mr. Han's
grief did not extend to his memory or his powers of narration. At
least that is an inference which one may draw from certain published
accounts of these occurrences Mr. Han having seemingly been the
fountain-head of the information.
1 The Marquis' reasons for refusing hardly need explanation. Japan
had already secured some measure of control over the internal adminis-
tration of Korea by previous arrangements. The acceptance of the
proposed amendment would have been virtually an abrogation of these
arrangements, notably of the most important portion of the Protocols of
February 23 and August 22. To that, of course, the Marquis could
not agree. Besides this, the control of Korea's foreign relations neces-
sarily required some measure of control and guidance over the adminis-
tration of her internal affairs. The relations between external and inter-
268 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
The Minister of Justice proposed an amendment stipulat-
ing that Japan would guarantee to maintain the peace,
security and prestige of the Imperial Household. This
Marquis Ito accepted and wrote the amendment with his
own hand.
After some further deliberation the treaty in its amended
form was agreed to. The Minister of the Household, ac-
companied by Mr. Yi Chi-yung, Minister of Home Affairs,
then took the document to the Emperor. After a time they
returned, saying that His Majesty was satisfied with the in-
strument as amended and gave it his sanction. He in-
structed them to say, however, that he desired to add one
more amendment. It was to insert in the preamble a stipu-
lation to the effect that when Korea became able again to
exercise the functions surrendered to Japan by the Treaty,
she would be entitled to resume the control of her foreign
relations. To this proposal Marquis Ito assented, and
again wrote the amendment with his own hand. The two
Ministers took the completed instrument to His Majesty,
and in a short time returned saying His Majesty was "quite
satisfied and approved the Treaty."
The copyists then began preparing the copies for signa-
ture, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs went to the tele-
phone and ordered the clerk in charge to bring the seal of
the Foreign Office to the Palace.
The Minister of the Household, who had again repaired to
the Imperial presence, returned while this was going on
with the following message from the Emperor to Marquis
nal affairs, their frequent interdependence, is so intimate, that it would
have been a grave mistake to assume the obligations which the one
imposed without the power to guard against complications which might
follow from maladministration of the other. As the case stands, the
insertion of the word "primarily," while soothing Korean suscepti-
bilities, does not affect the control of the Protectorate in any material
respect.
THE COMPACT 269
Ito, which is here repeated verbatim: "Now that this new
Agreement has been concluded our countries should mutually
congratulate each other. We feel tired, as we are not well,
and shall retire. You, who have reached an advanced age
and have remained awake until this late hour, must also be
greatly fatigued. Please, therefore, return to your home
and sleep well."
Marquis Ito returned thanks for this gracious message,
but remained until the Treaty had been copied and duly
signed by Mr. Pak, the Korean Minister for Foreign Affairs,
and by Mr. Hayashi, the Japanese Minister. He then re-
turned to his hotel. In a short time the seal of the Foreign
Office was brought to the Palace, and Mr. Pak, with his
own hand, affixed it to the four copies of the instrument
which had been made. 1
The conclusion of the Treaty was not followed by any
noticeably great public excitement in Seoul. Crowds col-
lected in the streets, and there were one or two trifling brawls,
but nothing of great consequence. The policing of the streets
1 The following facts with regard to the possession of the Imperial
seal of Korea and its affixing to this important document, are given on
the authority of Mr. D. W. Stevens. They are a complete refutation
of the charges which have been made regarding this part of the entire
transaction. It was the unavoidable delay in bringing the seal to the
Palace which gave rise to these extraordinary stories. "What actually
happened," says Mr. Stevens, "was this. While the treaty was being
copied, Mr. Pak went to the telephone and directed the clerk in charge
of the seal at the Foreign Office to bring it to the Palace. After some
delay he went again to the telephone and repeated the order. At the
time the only two persons in the office were the clerk in charge of the
seal and Mr. Numano, my Japanese assistant. Both were just then
reading in the room where the clerk slept and where the seal was kept.
The telephone bell rang, and the clerk who answered it informed Mr.
Numano that Mr. Pak had ordered the seal to be brought to the Palace.
He was putting on his street clothing preparatory to obeying the order
when the Chief of the Diplomatic Bureau of the Foreign Office came
into the room and asked the clerk where he was going. The clerk in-
270 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
was entirely in the hands of the Korean gendarmes and the
mixed force of Korean and Japanese police under the direc-
tion of Mr. Maruyama, Police Adviser to the Korean Gov-
ernment. Nor, in order to preserve the public peace, was
there at any time necessary any exhibition of a large force,
either of police or of gendarmes in any one locality. They
went about singly or in twos or threes, and the crowds were,
as a rule, orderly.
The Convention thus concluded on November 17, 1905, with
the object of strengthening the principle of solidarity which
unites the two Empires, provides that the complete control
and direction of Korean affairs shall hereafter rest with the
Japanese Government, and that a Resident- General shall
reside in Seoul, " primarily for the purpose of taking charge
of and directing matters relating to diplomatic affairs." It
also provides for the appointment of Residents, subordinate
to the Resident- General, who shall occupy the open ports
and such other places in Korea as the Japanese Government
may deem necessary. Article IV stipulates that all treaties
and agreements subsisting between Japan and Korea, not
formed him, whereupon he went to the telephone and called up Mr.
Pak. He implored the latter not to agree to the Treaty and, finally,
receiving Mr. Pak's peremptory order to cease interfering, threw him-
self down upon the clerk's bed in great grief. After this, there was no
further interruption from any quarter, and the seal was taken quietly
to the Palace."
It throws light upon the control and use of this seal to observe that,
when in the summer of 1907 he was committed to the responsibility for
the Commission to The Hague Conference by the fact that the com-
missioners were ready to prove their Imperial authorization by showing
the Imperial seal, His Majesty did not admit this as evidence in proof
of their claim. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that this use of his seal
was also with his knowledge and permission. And, now, in connection
with the various details inaugurated under the new Treaty which fol-
lowed this violation of the Treaty of November, 1905, we are told that
henceforth the Imperial seal will be kept in a safe especially prepared
for it, and carefully protected from intrusion.
THE COMPACT 271
inconsistent with the provisions of the Convention itself, shall
continue in force. Furthermore, Japan engages to maintain
the welfare and dignity of the Imperial House of Korea.
This is the substance of the Convention of 1905. Its effect
was to substitute Japan for Korea in all official relations with
foreign Powers, past as well as future. In other words,
foreign nations must hereafter deal directly and exclusively
with Japan in everything affecting their diplomatic relations
with Korea. Japan, on her part, is equally bound to re-
spect and maintain all treaty rights and all treaty engage-
ments granted by Korea in the past. The "principle of
solidarity which unites the two Empires" implies, and in
fact actually includes, even more than this. While the func-
tions of Japan's direct and exclusive control were primarily
confined to matters connected with the direction of foreign
affairs, some measure of control over Korea's domestic
affairs also is necessarily implied. It is not to be supposed,
for example, that Japan could permit internal disorders, or
the perpetuation of domestic abuses, or, in brief, any of
those disturbing conditions which had hitherto prevented
Korean progress and development. International control,
dissociated from an orderly and progressive domestic policy,
is not practicable; it is not even conceivable. The com-
plications and embarrassments which would inevitably arise
from such a complete dissociation of the two functions of
government would far outweigh the advantages. One of
the most fruitful sources of international difficulties in Korea
has always been found in domestic misgovernment. Having
assumed the responsibility and the obligations incident to the
direction of foreign affairs, Japan has the right to ask, and,
if need be, to insist, that her task shall not be fnade heavier
by Korea herself. This did not, indeed, imply, that Japan
should assume charge of the administrative machinery of
the Korean Government, but that she should enjoy the right
272 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
to have recourse to those measures of guidance which natu-
rally and properly fall within the sphere of the duties she had
assumed. Fortunately, however, any discussion relating
to this question must of necessity be purely academic; since
not only the Convention of November iyth, but also the
Protocols and other Agreements concluded before that time
give ample warrant for everything Japan has attempted or
accomplished in this regard.
If corroborative evidence is needed for the account just
given .of the negotiations which ended in the Convention of
November, 1905, and upon the basis of which Marquis Ito,
as the Representative of the Japanese Government, had
been conducting his administration in Korea up to the time
of the new Convention of July, 1907, it is afforded in fullest
measure in the following manner. A notable "Memorial"
regarding the circumstances under which the earlier agreement
was formed was presented to the Korean Emperor on the fif-
teenth of December of the same year; this document lends
the authority of all the other chief actors in this event to
every important detail of the account as already given. 1
The memorialists were Pak Chi-sun, former Minister for
Foreign Affairs; Yi Wan-yong, Minister of Education;
Kwan Chung-hiun, Minister of Agriculture, Commerce and
Industry; Yi Chi-yung, Minister of Home Affairs; and
Yi Kun-tak, Minister of War. The occasion of the me-
morial was the agitation against the Treaty which was then
at its height, and on account of which these five Ministers
1 It is a significant fact that this memorial which is. here followed
very closely and in the most important places even literally has
received no attention from the hostile critics of Japan. It would seem
as though neither Mr. Hulbert nor Mr. Story is aware of the existence
of such a memorial. This is the more remarkable in the case of the
former, because he was for years resident in Seoul, was familiar with
the Korean language, and was gathering material for his written ac-
count of the affair while upon the ground.
THE COMPACT 273
were being denounced in petitions to the Throne, and in the
public press, as traitors to their country. The purpose of
the memorial was to show that the actual responsibility for
the conclusion of the Treaty rested with the Emperor him-
self. By relating all the circumstances in detail (in particular
the occurrences at the conference on the evening of November
iyth) the memorialists brought this fact out into the boldest
prominence. Their memorial was, in effect, both a charge
which fixed the responsibility for the Treaty on the Em-
peror, and a challenge to the Emperor to deny that the
Treaty was concluded in accordance with his own orders.
It was a challenge which His Majesty did not accept; on the
contrary, by approving the memorial, as he did formally,
he acknowledged the truth of the statements it contained.
// was, indeed, officially published at the time, as approved
by the Emperor. 1 Moreover, this memorial was prepared by
its authors and presented to the Throne without the previous
knowledge of the Japanese authorities. In fact, it contained
certain interesting and important details of which they then
learned for the first time.
The memorialists began with the statement that, by reason
of His Majesty's generosity, they are entrusted with the re-
sponsibilities of Ministers of State, although they do not
merit such distinction. They have seen the petitions de-
nouncing them to the Emperor as traitors. Those petitions
affirm that the state has been destroyed; that the people
have become slaves; and that Korean territory is now the
1 It will, therefore, clearly appear that no one acquainted with this
memorial can honestly place any confidence in His Majesty's subse-
quent denials of the significance of these facts. Shall we not also be
obliged to add, that no one who is acquainted with the memorial is
entitled to the confidence of any one else, if he puts confidence in the
denials of the Emperor. Amazement at the audacity of the falsehoods
which have been told with regard to this historically important transac-
tion would seem to be the fitting attitude of mind .
274 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
property of another state. These opinions are indeed almost
too absurd to be noticed; but since they affect the inde-
pendence and dignity of the nation, the memorialists cannot
permit them to pass without protest. The new Treaty with
Japan does not change the title of the Empire or affect its
real independence. The prestige of the Imperial House re-
mains as before; the social fabric of the Empire is un-
affected; and the country is in a peaceful condition. The
only change is that the management of the foreign affairs of
the country has been placed under the control of a neigh-
boring state. Besides, the Treaty which brings about this
result is by no means a new arrangement. It is the direct
result of the Protocols concluded in 1904, and does not
differ from them in object or in principle. If these persons
who now so loudly proclaim their patriotism are really sin-
cere and courageous men, why did they not denounce those
Protocols when they were made and maintain their opposi-
tion with their lives ? None of them did that then ; yet now
they clamor for the abolition of all these arrangements and
for the restoration of the old order of things. It is im-
possible to agree with them.
We desire, the memorialists go on to say, now to state the
actual facts of the conclusion of the new Treaty:
When the Japanese Envoy arrived in Korea all the people, even
the children, knew that a grave crisis had arisen. And on the
1 5th of November when Your Majesty received the Envoy he
presented a most important document. On the following day
the Prime Minister, with the other members of the Cabinet,
except the Minister for Foreign Affairs, conferred with the Envoy;
while the Minister for Foreign Affairs did the same with the
Japanese Minister. At the former conference Sim San-kiun,
Imperial Treasurer (former Prime Minister and one of the Em-
peror's favorites), was also present. We discussed the matter
fully with the Envoy, but did not agree to the proposals he made.
THE COMPACT 275
In the evening we were received in audience by your Majesty and
reported all that had occurred. We stated to your Majesty that
if we went to the Japanese Legation the next day, as had been
proposed, we should continue to refuse to accede to the Japanese
proposals. On the next day, we went in a body to the Legation
and there conferred at length with the Minister upon the subject.
Finally, as we still refused to concur in what the Minister pro-
posed, he stated that further conference would be a waste of time;
that your Majesty alone had authority to decide, and that he had
asked for an audience through the Minister of the Imperial House-
hold. Thereupon the whole party repaired to the Palace. Your
Majesty received the members of the Cabinet in audience, and we
reported what had happened at the Legation, and assured Your
Majesty that we were still prepared to continue to refuse to
accede to the Japanese demands. Your Majesty expressed
anxiety regarding the course to be adopted, and said that, as we
could not refuse positively, it would be better to postpone nego-
tiations.
Then Yi Wan-yong addressed Your Majesty. He said that the
matter was one which vitally affected the state; and that all of
the vassals and servants of Your Majesty must refuse to accept
terms injurious to the state. But the relationship of the monarch
to his vassals is like that of a father to his sons, and therefore the
members of the Cabinet were bound by every tie of duty to speak
frankly to their Master. He must, therefore, call His Majesty's
attention to the fact that the visit of the Envoy to Korea, and the
coming of the Japanese Minister to the Palace that evening, had
one object and one only namely, the conclusion of the Treaty.
Therefore it was necessary to decide at once upon what was to be
done; the matter did not admit of procrastination. It is easy for us
eight Ministers to say " No "; but our refusal alone does not -decide
the matter. We are vassals merely, and only the word of the
monarch is final. The Envoy will undoubtedly ask for an audi-
ence. When that occurs, if Your Majesty continues firmly to
refuse to the end, it is all right. But if Your Majesty's generosity
should at last induce you to. yield, what shall be done then?
This is a question which we must consider and settle beforehand.
276 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
When Your Majesty received us in audience last evening you ex-
pressed no opinion.
As the other Ministers said nothing, Yi Wan-yong went on to
explain that what he meant by studying the subject beforehand
was to examine the provisions of the Convention, several of which
he was of opinion should be changed. Concerning such matters
it was necessary to consult and to come to some decision before-
hand.
Then Your Majesty said that Marquis Ito had informed you
that if we wished to modify the wording of the Convention there
was a way to do so. Your Majesty thought that if we rejected the
Convention categorically, the good relations of Korea and Japan
could not be maintained, and, in Your Majesty's opinion, it was
possible to have some of the Articles changed. Therefore, what
Yi Wan-yong had proposed was proper.
Upon that Kwan Chung-hiun said that the Minister of Educa-
tion had not advised His Majesty to accept the Convention, but
to consider the matter upon the supposition that some amend-
ment was possible. Your Majesty replied that you understood
that, but that the difference was not of practical consequence.
The other Ministers expressed the same opinion. Your Majesty
then called for a draft of the Convention and asked for opinions
regarding the amendments which should be made.
The memorial then goes on to consider the amendments 1
which it was thought would be desirable, and which were
those subsequently proposed at the conference with Marquis
Ito. The Emperor approved these amendments and him-
self suggested an amendment to the effect that in Article I of
the convention the word "sole" in the sentence " shall have
sole control" should be omitted. [This word, it may be
remarked in passing, appeared in the original draft, but was
not included in the Article as finally agreed to.]
Finally, when these deliberations terminated, the Ministers
1 This part of the memorial agrees closely with the statements in the
first part of the chapter, as to what was then said.
THE COMPACT 277
collectively addressed the Emperor, and stated that although
they had conferred upon the adoption of possible amend-
ments, they were still prepared, if His Majesty so ordered
them, to refuse altogether to accept the Japanese proposals.
In reply the Emperor commanded them not to reject the
Treaty finally and conclusively. On leaving, Mr. Han,
speaking as Prime Minister, and Mr. Pak, as Minister for
Foreign Affairs, stated that they would not disobey His
Majesty's commands.
Then follows the account of the Conference with Mr.
Hayashi, in which it is stated that the Prime Minister, while
acknowledging that the Emperor had ordered him and his
colleagues to come to some arrangement with the Japanese
Minister, refused to consider any of the various proposals
made by the latter. After that Marquis Ito arrived and the
account of what happened subsequently, as given in the
memorial, is the same in all essential details as that related
in the first part of this chapter. 1
With regard to this Treaty as a whole no advocate of Japan
will, of course, claim that it was entered into by Korea with
a willing heart much less, in a jubilant spirit. It is seldom,
indeed, that treaties of any sort are concluded between two
countries with apparently conflicting interests, where both
are equally well satisfied with their terms. In all cases in
which one party is compelled on grounds of expediency, or
1 The purpose of this significant Memorial, we repeat, is self-evident. The
Ministers, who had agreed to the. Treaty by the Emperor's commands
and with his concurrence and approval, were being attacked as traitors.
The Emperor himself was secretly favoring the attack and endeavor-
ing to create the impression that he had not agreed to the Treaty, but
that it was the work of the recreant Cabinet without his approval. The
Memorial forced him to abandon that position once and for all. As
before stated, it was officially promulgated with the Imperial sanction,
and should have ended all controversy at once. In any country but
Korea, and with any but the class of writers whom these incidents have
developed, that would have been its result.
278 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
of fear that greater evils will follow the rejection of the terms
proposed by the other party, there is a sense in which it may
be said that the will is not free, but that the deed is done
"under a sort of compulsion." But if all treaties made
under such conditions may be repudiated when conditions
are changed, or if either of the parties to a treaty may act
with treachery, and without punishment, when called upon
to carry out faithfully the contracts thus entered into, the
peace of the world cannot be secured or even promoted by
any number of treaties. A feeling of regret and chagrin,
especially on the part of the official classes and, indeed, of the
educated men of Korea in general, was to be expected. So
far as it was sincere and unselfish, the feeling was honorable;
and for it the Resident- General and all those agreeing with
his policy have never shown any lack of respect. But, as
has already been made clear, the important thing with the
millions of Korea is not, who are Cabinet Ministers, or who
manages the foreign affairs of the country, or even who is
Emperor; for them the important thing is the character of
the local magistrates and the amount of their "squeezes."
Protests and petitions followed the enactment of the
Treaty of November, 1905. The Emperor refused 'to receive
the petitions or to give audience to the petitioners. And
when two men, among the most sincere and blameless of his
subjects General Min Yung-whong and Mr. Choi Ik-hiun
persisted in petitioning to be punished (as would have been in
accordance with Korean custom under similar circumstances)
for their disobedience to the Emperor's commands in refusing
to accept the Treaty, the Emperor declined to punish them.
The petitioners then transferred their efforts from the Palace
to the Supreme Court, and were disappointed there also.
One of them, perhaps both, undertook to punish themselves
by suicide. General Min thus became the typical martyr of
the period. He is described by one who knew him well as " a
THE COMPACT 279
man of amiable character, of dignified manners, and pleasing
address. He was known at one time as the 'good Min,' to
distinguish him from the other members of the family to
which the late Queen belonged." But it has already been
shown that, during the entire course of Korea's history, such
men have almost always been without sufficient influence, or
strength of character, to serve their country well and escape
death usually, at the hands of the Emperor or their rivals,
sometimes, however, by their own hands. For a time the air
was full of rumors of suicide and uprisings; but in fact there
was little of anything of the kind, even in Seoul; the stories
of wholesale suicides are false. Beyond Seoul, and outside
of a few of the larger towns in which greater numbers of the
Yang-bans resided, there was scarcely any excitement of any
kind. The Treaty then went into effect, on the whole
quietly, under Marquis Ito who had negotiated it as the
Representative of Japan.
In this way the Japanese Government in Korea was sub-
stituted for the Korean Government in all matters affecting
the relations of foreign countries, and their nationals, to the
peninsula. The retirement of the Foreign Legations fol-
lowed logically and as a matter of course. It is needless to
say that this change of responsibility for the conduct of these
relations was accepted without dissent or formal protest from
the Governments of the civilized world. Indeed, with the
exception of Russia, all the nations supremely interested had
acknowledged already that, under the Protocols of 1904,
Korea had lost its claim to be recognized as an independent
state in respect of its foreign affairs.
CHAPTER XII
RULERS AND PEOPLE
A JUST appreciation of the mental and moral character-
istics of alien races is a delicate and difficult task to achieve,
even for the experienced student of such subjects. From
others it is scarcely fair, no matter how favorable the oppor-
tunities for observation may have been, to expect any large
measure of real success in the accomplishment of this task.
The more important reasons for the failure of most attempts
in race psychology may be resolved into the following two:
a limitation of the observer's own experiences, which prevents
sympathy and, therefore, breadth of interpretation; and the
inability to rise above the more strictly personal point of view.
In both these respects, women are on the whole decidedly
inferior to men; accordingly, their account of the ethnic
peculiarities of the ideas, motives, and morals of foreign
peoples is customarily less trustworthy. The inquirer after
a judicial estimate of the native character will find this fact
amply illustrated in Korea. But what is more weighty in its
influence as bearing upon such a problem as that now
under discussion is this: all the inherent difficulties are en-
hanced when it is required to understand and appreciate an
Oriental race by a member of a distinctively Western civiliza-
tion. It is without doubt true that all men, of whatever race
or degree of civilization, are essentially alike; they constitute
what certain authorities in anthropology have fitly called "a
spiritual unity." But for the individual who cannot expect
280
RULERS AND PEOPLE 281
to find within himself whatever is necessary to understand
and interpret this unity, and especially for the observer who
does not care even to detect and recognize the existence of
such a unity, the difference between Orient and Occident is
a puzzle perpetually baffling and seemingly insoluble.
Now in some not wholly unimportafit aspects of Korean
character and Korean civilization, these difficulties exist in
an exaggerated form. Korea is old in its enforced ignorance,
sloth, and corruption; but Korea is new to rawness, in its
response to the stimulus of foreign and Western ideas, and
in its exposure to the observation, either careless and casual
or patient and studious, of visitors and residents from
abroad. Korea has not yet been awakened to any definite
form of intelligent, national self -consciousness. At the same
time, neither its material resources, nor its physical character-
istics, nor its history and antiquities, nor its educational
possibilities, nor the distinctive spirit of its people, have ever
been at all thoroughly investigated by others. No wonder,
then, that the views expressed by the "oldest residents" in
Korea regarding the characteristics of its rulers and its
people Emperor, late Queen, Yang-bans, pedlers, and
peasants (for there is almost no middle class) are strangely
conflicting. Diverse and even contradictory traits of char-
acter are, with equal confidence and on the basis of an equally
long and intimate acquaintance, ascribed by different persons
to all these classes.
The true and satisfactory account of these differences of
opinion is not, however, to be found by wholly denying the
justness of either of the opposite points of view. Contradic-
tions are inherent in that very type of character of which the
Koreans afford so many striking examples. Indeed, all peo-
ples, when at a certain stage of race-culture, and the multitudes
in all civilizations, are just that bundles of confused and
conflicting ideas, impulses, and practices, which have never
282 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
been unified into a consistent "character." The average
Korean is not only liable to be called, he is liable actually to be,
kindly and yet cruel, generous and yet intensely avaricious,
with a certain sense of honor and yet hopelessly corrupt in
his official relations. Accordingly, as one puts emphasis on
this virtue to the exclusion or suppression of that vice, or
turns the eye upon the dark and disgusting side of the picture
and shuts out the side that might afford pleasure and hope,
will one's estimate be made of the actual condition and future
prospects of the nation.
But let us begin our brief description with the man who has
been for more than a generation the chief ruler of Korea, the
now ex-Emperor. He is a typical Korean especially in
respect of his characteristic weakness of character, his taste
for and adeptness at intrigue, his readiness to deceive and
corrupt others, and himself to be deceived and corrupted.
For all this no specially occult reasons need to be assigned.
With a weak nature, his youth spent under the pernicious
influence of eunuchs and court concubines and hangers-on,
his manhood dominated by an unceasing and bloody feud
between his wife and his father, his brief period of "inde-
pendence" one orgy of misrule, and his latest years con-
trolled by sorceresses,, soothsayers, low-born and high-born
intriguers, and selfish and unwise foreign advisers: what but
incurably unsound character, uncontrollable instability of
conduct, and a destiny fated to be full of disaster, could be
expected from such a man so placed ?
The father of the ex-Emperor was Yi Ha-eung, Prince of
Heung Song, who was long the so-called "Regent" or
" Prince-Parent," and is best known in history as the "Tai
Won Kun." It has been said of him that "he was the
grandson of a great and unfortunate crown prince, the
great-grandson of a famous king, the nephew of another
king, and the father of still another king." The lineal an-
RULERS AND PEOPLE 283
cestor of the Tai Won Kim was Yong-jong, who reigned
from 1724 to 1776. This sovereign quarrelled with his own
son and had him put to death as insane; but other issue
failing, the crown descended through the murdered crown
prince, and from him through three lines of monarchs.
Until his son was chosen to occupy the throne, the Tai Won
Kun, although he had married into the powerful Min family,
does not iseem to have exercised much influence in politics.
But in 1804, on the death of the king, without male issue
the Dowager X^ueen Cho, by what is reported to have been
a not altogether legitimate procedure, proclaimed the second
son of the Tai Won Kun, then a boy of only twelve years,
as the successor to the throne.
Little is exactly known as to the care or education of the
boyish king during his earliest years. It is commonly re-
ported that he was fond of outdoor sports, especially of
archery, and disinclined to study. Yet he is reputed to be
a fine Chinese penman and to be well acquainted with the
Chinese classics. His father was a strict disciplinarian and,
although he was never legally in control of affairs during his
son's minority, his influence was dominant so long as he
kept on good terms with the wily Queen Dowager and the
Ministers of her selection. The failure of all foreign at-
tempts to enter into friendly relations with the Koreans,
and the persecution and slaughter of foreign Christian
priests and of thousands of Korean Christians during this
period, are customarily attributed to the influence of the
Tai Won Kun.
When thirteen years of age, the new king was married to
a girl selected for him from the Min family. But until 1873
his position as ruler was only nominal; on the attainment of
his majority, however, the deadly struggle between the wife
and the father, the Queen and the Prince Parent, began to
be revealed. A word as to the character of the woman is
284 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
necessary in this place, in order to understand the conduct of
the King and, as well, the recent history of Korea. The
Queen was, without doubt, an unusually gifted and attractive
woman, with the ability to attach others to her, both men
and women, in a powerful way. But a more unscrupulous
and horribly cruel character has rarely disgraced a throne,
whether in ancient or in modern times. Her rivals among
the women of the court were tortured and killed at her
command; the adherents of the Tai Won Kun were de-
capitated and their bodies thrown into the streets or their
heads used to festoon the gateway. One of the Koreans
acquainted with court affairs during her reign informed a
friend of the writer that, by careful calculation, he had
reckoned the number of 2,867 persons put to death as the
victims of her personal hatred and ambition. The number
seems incredible, and there is no way to verify it; but no
one who knows the history of the Korean Court, even down
to very recent years, will assert that it cannot be correct.
The tragic death of this woman, not improperly, drew tem-
porarily a veil over these atrocities. But their existence is
a part of the proof that, pernicious as was much of the
father's influence over the king, the influence of the wife and
her family was yet more pernicious.
It was under influences such as these that the royal char-
acter of Yi-Hy-eung, now ex-Emperor, developed, and that
all the earlier part of his reign was concluded. The result
was to be expected namely, an amiable and weak nature
rendered deceitful, cruel, and corrupt. The impression
made by his presence as already described (see p. 46 f.)
is not one of dignity and strength of character; but the voice
is pleasant, the smile is winsome, the willingness to forgive
and to do a good turn, if either or both can be done without
too much sacrifice or inconvenience, is prompt and motived
by kindly feeling. His Majesty is usually ready to listen
The Ex-Emperor and Present Emperor.
RULERS AND PEOPLE 285
without malignant anger or lasting resentment to unwelcome
advice and even to stern rebuke. On the other hand, as
already said, he is a master of intrigue ; and more than once,
until very lately, he has succeeded in quite surpassing at
their own tricks the wily foreigners who thought to get an
advantage over him. On the other hand, his ignorance and
credulity \haye often rendered him an easy victim to the in-
trigue of others. As one foreign minister, a stanch friend,
said of him :\" You may give His Majesty the best advice,
the only sensiole advice possible under the circumstances;
he will assent cordially to all you say, and you leave him
confident that your advice will be followed. Then some
worthless fellow comes in, tells him something else, and what
you have said is all wiped off the slate."
In spite of his natural amiability this ruler has frequently
shown a cold-blooded and calculating cruelty, made more
conspicuous by ingratitude and treachery; and his reign
has been throughout characterized by a callous disregard of
the sufferings of the people through the injustice of his own
minions. To quote again the estimate of a foreign minister :
"His Majesty loves power, but seems' color-blind when it
comes to- the faculty of distinguishing between the true and
the false. He would rather have one of the Government
Departments pay 20,000 yen in satisfaction of a debt which
he owes than pay 5,000 yen out of his own purse. 1 And he
allows himself to be cheated with the same sense of tolera-
1 An amusing illustration of the ex-Emperor's way of filling his privy
purse is found in the following authentic incident. At one time the
large sum of 270,000 yen was wanted in cash to pay a bill for silks and
jades which, it was alleged, had been purchased in China for Lady Om.
When the request was made to exhibit the precious goods which had
cost so enormous a sum, and which were going to make so large an
unexpected drain upon insufficient revenues, the show of materials was
entirely unsatisfactory. But, if not the goods, at least the bill itself
could be produced. A bill was then brought to light, with the items
286 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
tion which he has for those who cheat the Government, pro-
vided that the culprit has the saving grace of a pleasing de-
portment." One of his most able and upright Korean
officials once declared: "It is true I am devoted to His
Majesty, and I am sure he likes me; but if I were to be
executed for some crime of which I was completely inno-
cent, and a friend were to come to His Majesty, while he
was at dinner, and implore his intercession, if it meant any
danger, even the slightest, to him, he would leave me to my
fate and go on eating with a good appetite." During the
Boxer troubles in China a plot was devised by the reigning
favorite of the Emperor, Yi Yong-ik, to kill all the foreigners
in Korea; the plot was exposed, but the favorite did not
suffer in his influence over the Emperor. Over and over
again, in earlier days, the missionaries have appealed to him
in vain to secure their converts against robbery and death
at the hands of imperial favorites. It was formerly his
custom to have at stated intervals large numbers of persons
executed inconvenient witnesses, political suspects, ene-
mies of men in power. This custom of indiscriminate "jail-
cleaning" was, as far as it was safe and allowable under the
growing foreign influences, continued down toward the
present time.
That the foregoing account of the character of the man
who came to the throne of Korea, as a boy of twelve, in 1864,
and abdicated this throne in 1907, is a true picture needs no
made out in due form, but by a Chinese firm of merchants in Seoul
instead of in China. The Chinese Consul-General, on being inquired
of, replied that there was indeed such a reputable Chinese firm in the
city; and he desired to have the matter further investigated lest the
credit and business honor of his countrymen might suffer by connection
of this sort with His Majesty's efforts to obtain ready money. Investiga-
tion elicited the fact that a certain Court official had visited this firm
and inquired how much such and such things would cost, if purchased
in Shanghai. But no goods had been delivered or even actually ordered!
RULERS AND PEOPLE 287
additional evidence to that now available by the world at
large. Strangely inconsistent in some of its features as it
may seem to be, the portrait is unmistakably true to life.
No wonder then, that, after exhausting all his resources of
advice, rebuke, and warning, the Resident-General was
regretfully forced to this conclusion : no cure for the tempera-
ment and habits of His Majesty of Korea could possibly be
found. But this had long been the conclusion of his own
Cabinet Ministers and all others among the wiser of the
Korean officials. It was finally by these Ministers, without
the orders, consent, or even knowledge of the Marquis Ito, that
in order to save the country from more serious humiliation
and disaster, movements were initiated to secure his abdica-
tion of the throne he had disgraced for more than forty years.
As to the Korean ruling classes generally, the Yang-bans
so-called, it may be said that for centuries they have been,
with few exceptions, of a character to correspond with their
monarchs. The latter have also been, with few exceptions,
such in character as to represent either the weak side or the
corrupt and cruel side, or both, of the ruler just described.
This truth of "like king, like nobles," was amply illus-
trated by the case of Kwang-ha, in the early years of the
seventeenth century. When the monk Seung-ji induced this
king to build the so-called "Mulberry Palace," thousands of
houses were razed, the people oppressed with taxation, and
the public offices sold in order to raise the funds. When the
same monarch, yielding to the influences of his concubine
and her party, committed the infamy of expelling the Queen-
Dowager from Seoul, only one prominent courtier, Yi Hang-
bok, with eight others, stood out against 930 officials and
170 of the king's relatives who were ready to vote for the
shameful deed. 1
The proportion of courageous and honest officials con-
1 See Hulbert, The History of Korea, II, p. 61 /.
288 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
nected with the Korean Court had not greatly increased up
to the time when Marquis Ito undertook the task of its
purification. This fact, in itself, so discouraging to the
effort at instituting reforms from above downward on the
part of the Koreans themselves, is made obvious in a strik-
ing way by the analysis of a brief, confidential description
(a sort of official Korean "Who is Who?") of ninety-six
persons, prepared by one well acquainted with the men and
their history, but favorably disposed toward even preju-
diced in favor of the side of Korea. Of these ninety-six
officials, only five are pronounced thoroughly honorable and
trustworthy characters; twenty-seven are classed as fairly
good; the remainder are denominated very weak, or very
bad. Subsequent developments have revealed the weakness
or corruption of most of those whom this paper less than
ten years ago pronounced to be on the whole either hopeful
or positively good. What this means for Korea to-day can
be judged by the following selected examples: (i) "A rather
proud and rich member of the - Clan; a notorious
squeezer, and one whose services may always be had for a
price; absolutely unreliable and incapable of patriotic im-
pulses." (2) " A contemptible but rich member of the -
Clan; a most detestable oppressor of the people as shown in
Pyeng Yang; incapable of good impulses apparently." (3)
" A slippery self-made man; Emperor's private treasurer;
Vice-Minister of Interior for many years; rose through in-
fluence of his cousin, but not loyal to latter's memory; can-
not be influenced except through fear or favor." (4) "A
self-made man who might better have let out the job; has
courage, and is unmercifully cruel and oppressive; is the
most ignorant official in high office during twenty years."
Yet this low-born and ignorant fellow had almost absolute
control of the Emperor and of the country's finances for
several years.
RULERS AND PEOPLE 289
The examples given above may serve to describe the one-
third of the ninety-six officials characterized by extreme im-
morality. Of the other one-third, whose services to their
country are rendered available only for evil on account of
their weakness, the following examples afford a sufficiently
accurate description: (i) " Foreign Minister repeatedly; very
deficientNin intelligence, but says little and looks wise; too
feeble to bfe dishonest, but an easy tool for one who cares to
use him." \a) "Governor of ; a weak, abominable
man, who has opne well at , because kept in check by
the Japanese; would be a scoundrel if the opportunity
offered; a tool of Yi Yong-ik" (a man notorious for his
corruption and oppression, on account of which some of the
highest officials knelt before the Palace gate during the entire
day and night of November 28, 1902, praying for his trial
and punishment; but he was saved by the Emperor, who
feared him; he was even subsequently brought back from
banishment and restored to his post as " Director of the
Imperial Estates"). (3) "An old man of remarkable his-
tory; has been on all sides of the political fence; is good at
times, and apparently a patriot, and then he will turn up on
quite the opposite side."
It cannot be supposed that an official class, so constituted
and so thoroughly imbued with such unwholesome charac-
teristics, would easily form within itself a party loyal to
reform, and brave and strong enough to carry its loyalty out
into practical effect. As a matter of fact no such political
party has ever been formed and maintained to any successful
issue, in the history of Korea. For this we may take the
word of Mr. Homer B. Hulbert, who says, 1 regarding the
formation of parties in 1575: "These parties have never
represented any principle whatever. They have never had
any platforms, but have been, and are, simply political clans
1 The History o/ Korea, L, p. 339.
2 9 o IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
bent upon securing the royal favor and the offices and emolu-
ments that go therewith." In another work of the same
author we are told: "From that day onward (middle of the
sixteenth century) politics has been a war of factions, strug-
gling for wealth and power, with no scruples against murder
or other crime." The Koreans are, indeed, given to the
formation of societies and parties of various descriptions;
the more improper or nearly impossible are the ends to be
reached, and the more clandestine and illicit the means em-
ployed, the greater the temporary enthusiasm which they
are likely to excite. All these parties have therefore one
plank and one plan of action: to get the ear of the king, to
seize upon and control the office-making power, and so to
put in every lucrative or honorable position their own par-
tisans. It is "the spoils system sublimated"; for there is
"absolutely no admixture of any other element." 1
On the other hand, this same factional and corrupt spirit
among the ruling classes has made it certain that, "however
good a statesman a man might be, the other side would try
to get his head removed from his shoulders at the first op-
portunity; and the more distinguished he became, the
greater this desire would be. From that time (again the
middle of the sixteenth century) to this, almost all the really
great men of Korea have met a violent death.^/ . . . "No
matter how long one lives in this country, he will never get
to understand how a people can possibly drop to such a low
estate as to be willing to live without the remotest hope of
receiving even-handed justice. Not a week passes but you
come in personal contact with cases of injustice and bru-
tality that would mean a riot in any civilized country." 2
As to the public justice when administered by such a
ruling class, this has actually been what might have been
1 See Hulbert, The History of Korea, II. , p. 54.
2 Hulbert, The Passing of Korea, pp. 50, 58.
RULERS AND PEOPLE 291
expected. The one judicial principle universally recognized
is that justice is worth its price; the side which can offer the
largest bribe of money ot influence will uniformly win its
case. Of justice in Korea, to quote from Mr. Hulbert again, 1
there is "not much more than is absolutely necessary to hold
the fabric of the commonwealth from disintegration." Until
the Chino- Japan war, when Japanese influence made itself
felt in a controlling way, the brutal spectacles were not in-
frequent of \nen having their heads hacked off with dull
swords, or their\bones broken by beating with a huge paddle.
Death by poison with extract made by boiling the centipede
was administered to prisoners. It was not till 1895 that the
law was abolished which required the poisoning of mother,
wife, and daughter for the man's treason, the poisoning of
wife for his crime of murder or arson, and the enslaving of
wife for his theft. When the reformers of 1894 ordered the
restoration to their lawful owners of the lands and houses
which had been illegally seized, numerous officials some of
whom were well known in foreign circles as partners of con-
cessions obtained through influence lost large fractions of
their wealth because of the decree.
After describing the Yang-ban as one sees him upon the
streets or meets him in social gatherings at Seoul in the fol-
lowing terms a "dignified, stately gentleman, self-centred,
self -contented, naively curious about the foreigner, albeit in
a slightly contemptuous fashion" a writer well acquainted
with the Korean gentry goes on to say: "Experience teaches
that this fine gentleman is not ashamed to live upon his
relatives, to the remotest degree; that he disdains labor and
knows nothing of business; that he is not a liar from malice,
but that he is a prevaricator by instinct and habit. Even
when he wishes to tell the truth, and nothing but the truth,
it leaves his lips so embroidered with fanciful elaborations
1 The Passing of Korea, p. 67.
292 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
that the Father of lies would be glad to claim it for his own.
With all that, he may, according to the accepted standards
of his class, be an upright citizen, a kind husband, and a
conscientious parent. And just as likely as not, he may
possess qualities which endear him to the foreign observer."
Under centuries of subjection to a ruling class having the
character described above, the mental and moral character-
istics- of the Korean people have been developed as might
have been expected. The ethnic mixture from which the
race has sprung is possessed of fine physical and spiritual
qualities. The male members of the race, especially, are in
general of good height, well formed, and capable of endur-
ance and achievement in enterprises demanding bodily
strength. They are undoubtedly fond of their ease and even
slothful for man when not stimulated by hope or necessity
is naturally a lazy animal as the impression from the rows
of coolies and peasants squatted upon the ground and
sucking their pipes, or lying prone in the sunlight, during
the working hours of the day, bears witness. As for the
Yang-ban, on no account will he do manual work. But, on
the other hand, the lower classes make good workmen, when
well taught and properly "bossed"; and their miners, for
example, are said by experts to be among the best in the
world. The success in manual pursuits of those who emi-
grated to Hawaii some years ago testifies also to their inherent
capacity. As has already been said, the Koreans are much
given to forming all manner of associations; they are "grega-
rious in their crimes as in their pastimes." When well treated
they are generally good-natured and docile easy to control
under even a tolerably just administration. Nor are they,
probably, such cowards that they cannot be trained to acquit
themselves well in war.
The prevailing, the practically universal vices and crimes
are those which are inevitable under any such government, if
RULERS AND PEOPLE 293
long continued, as that which has burdened and degraded
the Korean populace from the beginning of their obscure
history as a complex of kingdoms down to the present time.
What their vices and crimes are can be learned even better
from the lips of their professed friends than from those whom
they regard as their open or secret enemies. Of the average
Korean Mr. Hulbert 1 affirms: "You may call him a liar or
a libertine, and he will laugh it off; but call him mean and
you flick him on the raw." "In Korea it is as common to
use the expression, 'You are a liar' as it is with us to say,
* You don't say. ' . . . A Korean sees about as much moral
turpitude in a lie as we see in a mixed metaphor or a split
infinitive." As to his good nature: "Any accession of im-
portance or prestige goes to his head like new wine and is
apt to make him offensive." The same author, after saying
of the Korean bullock, "This heavy, slow-plodding animal,
docile, long-suffering, uncomplaining, would make a fitting
emblem of the Korean people," goes on to describe his own
disgust at the frequent sight of the drunken, brutal bullock-
driver, venting his spleen on some fellow Korean by cruelly
beating his own bullock. Torturing animals is a favorite
pastime for both children and adults. The horrid brutality
of the Korean mob, to which reference has already been
repeatedly made, has been more than once witnessed by those
now living in Seoul; it would speedily be witnessed again, if
the hand of the Japanese Protectorate were withdrawn.
For the Korean, when angry, is recklessly cruel and entirely
careless of life, and resembles nothing else so much as a
"fanged beast." 2 When combined with the superstition and
the incredible credulity which prevail among the populace,
this brutality constitutes a standing menace to the peace and
life of the foreign population residing in the midst of them.
1 The Passing of Korea, pp. 38, 41.
2 IUd., p. 43,
294 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
It was as late as 1888 that the mob, excited by the report that
the Americans and Europeans were engaged in the business,
for profit, of killing Korean babies and of cutting off the
breasts of Korean women to use in the manufacture of con-
densed milk, were scarcely repressed from wholesale arson
and murder. 1
I The anti- Japanese natives and foreigners have with more
or less good reason complained that an increase of sexual
impurity and of licensed vice has resulted from the Japanese
Protectorate over Korea. Without entering upon the dis-
cussion of the difficult problem involved in these charges, it
is enough to say that "corruption of the Koreans" in this
regard is scarcely a proper claim to bring forward, under
any circumstances. It is of no particular significance to de-
termine whether the statement of a recent writer that the
exposure of their breasts on the streets is characteristic of
Korean women generally, is a libel, or not. It is true, indeed,
that the foreign lady who has done much to encourage among
the natives of her own sex in Seoul a certain regard for the
decencies of civilization, was accustomed, not many years ago,
to provide herself with safety-pins and accompany their use
upon the garments of the lower classes (women of the higher
classes do not appear upon the streets) with a moral lecture.
But to one acquainted with the unimportant influence of
such exposure upon really vicious conduct among peoples of a
certain grade of race-culture, the charge, whether true or not,
is comparatively petty. Much more determinative is it to
learn from their friendly historians that only one in ten of
their songs could with decency be published; that almost all
their stories are of a salacious character and, "however dis-
creditable it may be, they are a true picture of the morals of
Korea to-day"; and that among the lower classes "the utmost
'See the account of the "Baby War" and "Breast Hunters," The
History of Korea, II. , p. 245.
RULERS AND PEOPLE 295
promiscuity prevails. "A man may have half-a-dozen wives
a year in succession. No ceremony is required, and it is
simply a mutual agreement of a more or less temporary
nature." 1
As to business honesty^ or respect for property rights, as
such7~there is alniosFnone of it among the people of Korea.
But-wkat-eLc could_be especial uf pedlera. peasants, and
coolies, who have lived under the corrupt and oppressive \/
government of such rulers during centuries ot time 7^ To u
quote again irom the friendly historian: 2 *'In case a man
has to foreclose a mortgage and enter upon possession of the
property, he will need the sanction of the authorities, since
possession here, as elsewhere, is nine points of the law. The
trouble is that a large fraction of the remaining point is de-
pendent upon the caprice or the venality of the official whose
duty is to adjudicate the case. In a land where bribery is
almost second nature, and where private rights are of small
account unless backed by some kind of influence, the thwart-
ing of justice is exceedingly common." More astonishing
still, from our point of view, is the use made of the public
properties, which until recently prevailed even in the city of
Seoul, by the lowest of the people. Any Korean might extend
his temporary booth or shop out into the street, and then,
when people had become accustomed to this, quietly plant
permanent posts at the extreme limit of his illicit appropria-
tion. On being expostulated with, " he will put on a look of
innocence and assert that he has been using the space for
many years"; 3 indeed, "he inherited it from his father or
father's father." To this day the making of false deeds, or
the deeding of the same property to two different purchasers
(by one false deed and one genuine, or by both false) is an
1 The Passing of Korea, pp. 311, 319, 369.
2 Ibid., p. 283.
3 Ibid., p. 247.
296 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
exceedingly common occurrence. If the native wanted a
place for the deposit of his filth, and the drain near his house
was already full, he dug a hole in the street; if he wanted dirt
for his own use, he took it from the street. " Scores of
times," says Hulbert, "I have come upon places where a hole
has been dug in the street large enough to bury an ox."
Meanwhile, petty stealing and highway robbery have been
going on all over the land. This, too, is the practical morality
of the Korean populace, when unrestrained by foreign con-
trol, even down to the present time.
A curious confirmation of the foregoing estimate of the
mental and moral character of the people of Korea was
afforded by the " confessions" which poured forth in perfervid
language, ending not infrequently in a falling fit or a lapse
into half-consciousness, from thousands of native Christians
during the revival of 1906-1907. The sins which were con-
fessed to have been committed since their profession of
Christianity, were in the main these same characteristic vices
of the Korean people. They included not only pride, jeal-
ousy, and hatred, but habitual lying, cheating, stealing, and
acts of impurity.
It is, then, no cause for surprise that a recent writer 1 affirms:
"If it seems a hopeless task to lift the Chinaman out of his
groove, it is a hundred times more difficult to change the
habits of a Korean. . . . The Korean has absolutely nothing
to recommend him save his good nature. He is a standing
warning to those who oppose progress. Some one has said
that the answer to Confucianism is China; but the best and
most completely damning answer is Korea."
Can Korea such a people, with such rulers be reformed
and redeemed? Can her rulers be made to rule at least in
some semblance of righteousness, as preparatory to its more
perfect and substantial form ? Can the people learn to prize
1 Whigham, Manchuria and Korea, p. 185.
RULERS AND PEOPLE 297
order, to obey law, and to respect human rights ? Probably,
yes; but certainly never without help from the outside.
And this help must be something more than the missionary
can give. It must lay foundations of industrial, judicial, and
governmental reform: it must also enforce them Such
political disease does not, if left alone, perfect its own cure.
The knife of the surgeon is first of all needed; the tonic of
the physician and the nourishment of good food and the
bracing of a purer air come afterward. We cannot, there-
fore, agree with the small body of Christian workmen now,
happily, a minority who try to believe that the needed
redemption of Korea could be effected by their unaided
forces. A union of law, enforced by police and military, with
the spiritual influences of education and religion, is alone
available in so desperate a case as that of Korea to-day.
It is to the task of a political reformation and education for
both rulers and people in Korea that Japan stands com-
mitted before the world at the present time. As represented
by the Marquis Ito, she has undertaken this task with a good
conscience and with a reasonable amount of hope. Among
the administrative reforms in Korea 1 one of the most im-
portant is the "Purification of the Imperial Court." This
"singular operation the Resident- General caused to be
resolutely carried out in July, 1906." At that time "men
and women of uncertain origin and questionable character
. . . had, in a considerable number, come to find their way
into the royal palace, until it had become a veritable rendez-
vous of adventurers and conspirators. Divining, fortune-
telling and spirit-incanting found favor there, and knaves
and villains plotted and intrigued within the very gates of the
Court, in co-operation with native and foreign schemers
1 See a pamphlet bearing this title as an "Authorized Translation of
Official Documents published by the Resident-General, in Seoul,
January, 1907," p. 7.
298 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
without. By cheating and chicanery, they relieved the
Imperial treasury of its funds, and in their eagerness to fill
their pockets never stopped to think of what dangerous seeds
of disorder and rapine they were scattering broadcast over
the benighted peninsula."
It must doubtless be confessed that under the ex-Emperor
the efforts of the Residency- General to effect the needed
reforms were successful only to a limited extent. But with
his last piece of intriguing to " relieve the Imperial treasury
of its funds," by sending a commission to the Hague Con-
ference, "in co-operation with native and foreign schemers,"
the old era came quickly to an end. The history of its
termination will be told elsewhere; but the fact has illumined
and strengthened the hope that Korea, too, can in time
produce men fit to rule with some semblance of honesty,
fidelity, and righteousness. Meantime, they must be largely
ruled from without.
How this hope of industrial and political redemption may
be extended to the people at large and applied to the different
important interests of the nation, both in its internal and
foreign relations, will be illustrated in the several following
chapters. Now that the Emperor 1 is publicly committed
to an extended policy of reform; that the Ministers are for
the first time in the history of Korea really a Cabinet exer-
cising some control; that the Resident-General has the
right and the duty to guide and to enforce all the important
1 During all my visit in Korea it was commonly reported by those
intimate at Court that the Crown Prince was an imbecile both in body
and in mind. But in his boyhood he was rather more than ordinarily
bright, and his mother, the murdered Queen, was the most clever and
brilliant Korean woman of her time. It is not strange, then, that since
his accession to the throne and in view of his obviously sensible way of
yielding to good advice from others, in spite of the evil influence of his
father, the impression has been made that he might have been feigning
imbecility in order to escape plots to assassinate him, which were formed
in the interests of a rival claimant to the throne.
RULERS AND PEOPLE 299
measures necessary to achieve reform; that the foreign na-
tions chiefly interested have definitively recognized the
Japanese Protectorate; and that the leaders of the foreign
moral and religious forces are so largely in harmony with
the plans of Japan; now that all this is matter of past
achievement, the prospects for the future of Korea are
brighter than they have ever been before. One may reason-
ably hope that the time is not far distant when both rulers and
people will be consciously the happier and more prosperous,
because they have been compelled by a foreign and hated
neighbor to submit to a reformation imposed from without.
That they would ever have reformed themselves is not to be
believed by those who know intimately the mental and moral
history and characteristics of the Koreans.
/
/*-^.
CHAPTER XIII
RESOURCES AND FINANCE
THE resources of the Korean peninsula have never been
systematically developed; indeed, until a very recent date no
intelligent attempt has ever been made to determine what
they actually are. The Korean Government has usually
been content with such an adjustment of ''squeezes" as
seemed best to meet the exigencies of the times admin-
istered according to the temperament and interests of the
local magistracy. At intervals, however, the Court officials
have carried their more erratic and incalculable method of
extortion and of plundering the people rather widely into
effect. Then those of their number who chanced to be His
Majesty's favorites of the hour have enjoyed most of the
surplus; the people have submitted to, or savagely and
desperately revolted against, the inevitable; but the country
at large has continued poor at all times, and has frequently
been devastated by famine. As to the exploiting of Korea's
resources by foreign capital, the facts have been quite uni-
formly these : a combination of adventurers from abroad with
Koreans who either possessed themselves, or through others
could obtain "influence" at Court has been effected; some-
times, but by no means always, the Emperor's privy purse
has profited temporarily; but the main part of the proceeds
has been divided among the native and foreign promoters.
Of late years, some of the "concessions" have been almost,
or quite, given away in the hope of thus obtaining foreign in-
300
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 301
terference or sympathy. In only rare instances has the
national wealth been greatly increased in this way, or even
the treasury of the Government been made much the
richer.
It is plain, then, that if the Japanese Protectorate is to be
made really effective for the industrial uplift and develop-
ment of the Korean people, as well as capable of rewarding
Japan for its expenditure in substantial ways, the resources
of the country must be intelligently explored and system-
atically developed. Here is where the work of reform must
begin. In intimate relations with this work stands, of course,
the establishment of a sound and stable currency. For the
financial condition of Korea up to very recent times was as
disgraceful as its industrial condition was deplorable. To
this important task of developing the resources of Korea and
reforming its finances, Marquis Ito, as Resident-General,
and Mr. Megata, as Financial Adviser, have devoted them-
selves with a patience, self-sacrifice, and skill, which ought
ultimately to overcome the tremendous difficulties involved.
"Korea," says the Seoul Press, "is essentially an agricul-
tural country. Eighty per cent, of her population till the
soil, and stinted as are the returns which the soil is will-
ing to yield under the present method of cultivation, the
produce from land constitutes at least ninety per cent, of
the annual income of the country. To improve the lot of
the toiling millions on the farms is therefore to improve the
lot of virtually the whole nation. It was in recognition of
this obvious fact that Marquis Ito, in addressing the leading
editors of Tokyo, in February, 1906, previous to his departure
for Korea to assume the duties of his newly appointed post as
Resident- General, laid particular emphasis on the urgent
importance of introducing agricultural improvements in this
country. This question was consequently the very first to
engage the serious attention of the authorities of the Resi-
302 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
dency- General." 1 'The statistics for the year ending De-
cember 31, 1906, show that out of an amount" of taxes esti-
mated at 6,422,744 yen, the sum of 5,208,228 yen was
apportioned to the land tax, and 234,096 yen to the house
tax. The difficulty of collecting the taxes, either through
the corruption of the officials, or by reason of the in-
ability or inexcusable and often violent resistance of the
people, can be estimated by the fact that, of the land tax
2,214,823+^^ was still "outstanding," and of the house
tax, 68,794+^w. 2
The institution of an Experimental Station and Agricul-
tural School at Suwon has already been described (p. 122 f.).
But in order to accomplish the needed development of Korea's
agricultural resources, the peasant farmers must themselves
be induced to reform their methods of cultivation. As might
be expected, however, the Korean peasant farmer is sus-
picious of all attempts to improve his wasteful methods, is
extremely " conservative " (a much-abused word) in his
habits, and slow to learn. Some good work has, however,
already been done by way of opening his eyes. The example
of the Model Farm, which is limited to one locality, is sup-
plemented by the example of the Japanese farmers who are
settling in numerous localities. To take an instance: im-
proved Japanese rice seed was distributed gratis in various
parts of the country. But even then it was necessary to
guarantee the farmers against loss in order to induce them
to try the experiment of cultivating it. The result of the ex-
periment was most encouraging. The yield was in every
case greater than that obtained from the native seed ; in some
cases the gain in the product being as much as from six to
ten to (3-5 bushels) per tan (J acre). Similar experiments
1 Issue of Saturday, March 16, 1907.
2 So the report on the "State of the Progress of the Reorganization of
the Finances of Korea, March, 1907."
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 303
are now in progress with the seed of barley and wheat, im-
ported from Japan, America, and Europe.
In intimate connection with these plans for developing the
agricultural resources of Korea stands the project for utilizing
the unreclaimed state lands. And surely here, at least, all
those who have the slightest honest feeling of regard for the
real interests of the country ought to wish that the people,
and not the Court, and not the foreign promoter, should be
primarily considered and protected. How great are the
chances for waste, fraud, and unwise action in the distribu-
tion of this form of the nation's resources, no other country
has had better reason to know than has the United States.
For the purpose of " Utilization . of Unreclaimed State
Lands" a law was prepared under the advice, and by the
urgency, of the Japanese Government, and promulgated in
March of 1907. This law, including the Supplement, con-
sists of seventeen articles, according to which all uncul-
tivated lands, marshes and dry beaches not constituting
private properties, will be included in the category. On
application to the Minister of Agriculture, Commerce and
Industry, these lands will be leased for a period not exceeding
ten years. The Minister of Agriculture, Commerce and
Industry is authorized to sell or give gratis the leased lands
to lessees who have successfully carried out the prescribed
work on them. For the five years following the year in
which such a sale or bestowal has taken place, taxation on
these lands will be at the rate of one-third of the tax levied
on the lowest class lands of the province of which they form
a part. The lessees will be unable to sell, transfer or mort-
gage the leased lands without permission of the Minister
above mentioned. Charters for lands on which the pre-
scribed work has not been started within one year of the date
of their granting shall be cancelled, also those for lands on
which the work, after commencement, does not make sum-
3 o 4 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
cient progress unless proper reason for that can be shown.
Any person who utilizes unreclaimed state lands in violation
of the present law will be liable to a fine of between five and
two hundred yen inclusive. In the case of the utilization of
unreclaimed state land less than three cho (some 7 acres) in
area, the present law will not be applied for the time being,
the old custom in force being adhered to. Possessors of
charters for the utilization of unreclaimed state lands which
have been obtained before the promulgation of the new law
and which are still valid must apply to the Minister of Agri-
culture, Commerce and Industry for their recognition within
three months of the date of enforcement of the present
law. When the lessees who have obtained such recognition
have succeeded in carrying out the prescribed work on the
leased lands, the lands will be presented to them by the
Government.
Another important part of the development of the agricul-
tural resources of Korea is the introduction of wholly or
largely new products of the land. This is, indeed, a more
truly "experimental," and in some cases highly speculative,
procedure. There will doubtless be, as its inevitable ac-
companiment, a larger percentage of failures; there maybe, if
the experiments are not intelligently made and hedged about
with educational and legal precautions, financial losses which
the poverty of the country can ill afford to bear. There is,
perhaps, peculiar danger of this under the dominant Japan-
ese influences; for Japan has herself not as yet, industrially
and financially, got her heel firmly on the ground. Experi-
ments of various kinds, of a highly speculative character,
are still according to the mind of the nation at large. But
the Government of Japan is meantime training its own
young men to a more thorough scientific acquaintance with
the facts and laws which determine industrial prosperity;
and under the administration of the Residency-General in
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 305
Korea the Japanese Government is committed to the plan
of giving to the Koreans also the fullest share in the benefits
of this training.
To mention a single instance of the class of projects to
which reference has just been made, we quote the following
paragraph from an official paper: 1
The climate of Korea is thought to be well suited for cotton
cultivation. Whether through misjudgment in the choice of the
seed, or blunders in the method, the experiments made in this
direction have, however, been so far fruitless of satisfactory re-
sults. Taking this fact to heart, those Japanese and Koreans in-
terested in the matter, some time ago formed "A Cotton Cultiva-
tion Association," and memorialized the Korean Government of
their resolution to carry through their aim. Lending its ears to
their memorial, the Government decided on a plan to open a
cotton nursery, to be first sown with the imported, continental
seed, then to distribute among planters at large the seed obtain-
able from the crop; and also to start a cotton-ginning factory
with the special object of preventing the seed from being waste-
fully thrown away. It was then arranged for this purpose to dis-
burse a sum of 100,000 yen, distributed over several years, com-
mencing in 1906. The management of the undertaking was first
placed wholly in the hands of the "Cotton Cultivation Association,"
and the Resident- General intrusted the supervision of the Associa-
tion's work to the Residency-General's Industrial Model Farm.
In its turn, however, the Association asked the Farm to take over
the entire business primarily placed in its control. The request
being granted, the Farm opened a branch office at Mok-pho on
the 1 5th of June, 1906, calling it the " Kwang-yo Mohan jo Mok-
pho Branch." There were selected ten sites for cotton beds
(covering altogether 51 cho, 2 six tan, or about 120 acres, of land in
Mok-pho); and forthwith commenced work. The site for the
cotton-ginning factory was chosen in Mok-pho, and its buildings
are now completed.
1 Administrative Reforms in Korea, p. 18.
2 A cho is nearly 2,\ acres r
3 o6 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Of the same character as the project for raising cotton in
Korea, although rather less experimental, are the plans for
increasing the product of tobacco. Of this Mr. Megata says
in his last report: "Investigations are being made of the
various sources of wealth, of which tobacco is regarded as
the most promising. Practical examination as to the state
of tobacco manufacture in this country was started in the
preceding years. Exertion is being made by the Govern-
ment for the extension of the general demand for Korean
tobacco. Better qualities of it were selected and sent to the
Tobacco Monopoly Bureau of Japan for trial manufacture.
The improvement of its planting and manufacture and of
the selection of seed is being studied. For the purpose of
investigating the relation between the climate and tobacco-
planting, the survey of the climate of the country was com-
menced; and the result of the investigation is now to be
taken into consideration for the safety and progress of that
industry in this country. Korean youths to engage in the
investigation of the resources of national wealth are being
trained for the task."
Next to agriculture in importance stands the development
of forestation in Korea. The Koreans have never given any
attention to the art of growing trees either for timber or for
fuel. The late Tai Won Kun, as one of the ways adopted by
him for ruining the country while building a palace for his
son, ordered every owner of large, serviceable trees through-
out the land to cut them down and transport them to Seoul
at his own expense. Day by day, and hour by hour, the
Korean populace, to the number of thousands of old men,
women, and boys, with hundreds of bullocks and ponies,
are engaged in exterminating the future forests in order to
provide themselves with fuel, of which they will not be
persuaded to make economical use, and which they cannot
dispense with so long as their present tastes and contrivances
C
o
U
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 307
for heating themselves and cooking their food are not changed.
Hence, all over the more frequented parts of Korea the
hills and mountains, unless in comparatively rare cases
they are especially protected, are denuded and barren.
This constant deforestation has its customary inevitable
results. In dry seasons there are those chronic water
famines which discourage the farmer's cheerful industry,
and which encourage him to hatred of the government, to
refusal to pay taxes, and to violent and murderous revolt.
But when there is abundance of rain, then follow inundations,
almost as destructive to the fields as are the droughts. Min-
ing and all other industries suffer from the same source.
Thus, as says the Report of the Residency- General, when
"seen from the economic, sanitary, or political point of view,
one of the greatest needs of Korea at present is the rehabilita-
tion of its forests." The task involved in this matter of
industrial reform and development of resources is, however,
of the most difficult order. The rights of the people, not
only to use as they please their own trees, but to plunder
the hill and mountain sides of their fuel, regardless of
ownership, are firmly established by usage. In the bitter
weather of winter much suffering would ensue, and its
consequent political disturbance, if these customs were
suddenly and extensively controlled. Nevertheless, model
forests have been established and instruction in foresta-
tion is given to Korean youths in a school founded for that
purpose. Below are given the names of localities and the
sizes of the model forests so far established, with their
outlays: 1
" Koan-ak-san and three other places in the vicinity of
Seoul. Total area 2,060 cho. Outlay, about 152,000 yen,
distributed over five years, commencing 1907.
" Tai-syong-san and two other places in the vicinity of
1 See Administrative Reforms in Korea, p. 19.
IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Pyeng-yang. Total area 610 cho. Outlay, about 63,000
yen, distributed over five years, commencing 1908. [Nursery
beds expected to be opened in 1907.]
" Oa-yong-san and one other place in the vicinity of Taiku.
Total area 650 cho. Outlay, about 63,000 yen, distributed
over six years, commencing 1908. [Nursery beds expected
to be started in 1907.]"
The more important resources of this class are, however, the
existing forests along the banks of the Yalu and Amur rivers.
Indeed, the desire to gain control of this wealth of timber
was one of the more immediate causes leading to the Russo-
Japanese war; it is still one of the more difficult points for
satisfactory adjustment on the part of the three nations chiefly
concerned. For the development of these resources an agree-
ment between Japan and Korea was signed on October 19,
1906, by the Marquis Ito and the Korean Prime Minister,
the Minister of Finance, and the Minister of Agriculture,
Commerce and Industry. The text of this agreement and
a brief introduction, stating 'its importance, is given in Mr.
Megata's last report. 1 "The banks along the Yalu and
Amur," says this report, "are rich in forests which have
never been cut. Proper management of those forests would
yield a considerable revenue to the treasury; but at the
same time it would require not a little expense. In the
present condition of the Korean finances it would not be
wise to undertake this on the account of Korea alone, although
the opening up of such a source of wealth is highly necessary.
An agreement was concluded between the governments of
Japan and Korea in October last to carry on the forestry
along those banks on their joint account, each government
investing 600,000 yen. The agreement newly concluded
reads as follows:
1 State of the Progress of the Reorganization of the Finances of Korea,
March, 1907, p. 20.
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 309
The Governments of Japan and Korea, regarding the forests
in the districts along the Yalu and Amur rivers to be the richest
source of wealth on the Korean frontier, hereby agree on the
terms mentioned below as to the management of those forests:
Art. i. The forests in the districts along the Yalu and Amur
rivers shall be subject to the joint management of the Govern-
ments of Japan and Korea.
Art. 2. The fund for the management shall be 1,200,000 yen,
a half of which shall be invested by each Government.
Art. 3. As to the management of the forests and its income
and expenditure, a special account shall be created in order to
make them clear.
The details of the account shall be notified to each Government
once a year.
Art. 4. The profit or loss of the undertaking shall be divided
between the two Governments in proportion to the amounts of
their investments.
Art. 5. In case necessity arises to increase the investment
stated in the Art. 2, it shall be done, on the recognition of both
Governments.
Art. 6. In case necessity arises to enact detailed rules in order
to enforce the present agreement, it shall be submitted to the
hands of commissioners appointed by both Governments.
Art. 7. On the progress of the undertaking, when necessity
arises to change its organization into a company ,so as to enable
the subjects of both the countries to join in the undertaking,
the necessary processes shall be determined by an agreement
of both Governments.
For centuries Korea has been reputed to be rich in deposits -
of gold; and it is a fact that Japan, by trading with Korea,
obtained most of this precious metal, which the Dutch, by
shrewd management of their relations in trade with Japan,
carried off to Holland. Both these Oriental countries in
this way contributed to the enrichment of a limited number
of Europeans. But the real condition of the mining re-
310 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
sources of the peninsula has never been investigated; even
the amount of the annual product of gold has never been
accurately ascertained; and worst of all there have never
been any laws or accepted principles to govern the mining
industry. The result of all this ignorance, confusion and
fraud is not difficult to conjecture. "Some mines," says
the official report, " are under the direct control of the Minister
of Agriculture, Commerce and Industry; with others the
granting of a concession rests with the Chief of the Mining
Bureau; with others again, the subordinate officials on the
spot have it in their power to allow or disallow their working;
and to make confusion worse confounded, there are even
mines operated under patents secretly granted by the Em-
peror without consulting the Cabinet. This chaotic state
of things is bad enough, but it does not stop here. For in
some cases the concessions granted are cancelled without
compensation; while in other cases, one and the same mining
district has been leased to several persons one after another
until it has become utterly impossible to tell which is the
rightful concessionaire. Then, again, there are cases in
which the Departments of Agriculture, Commerce and
Industry, of Finance, and of the Imperial Household,
severally and independently, have levied mining taxes to
suit their own convenience; while in others, the provincial
authorities quite arbitrarily collect imposts. In the midst
of this indescribable confusion, the cunning and unscrupulous
have not been slow to make the most of the situation, by
having recourse to bribery, instigation, intimidation, and
other unlawful schemes, until vast tracts of mining lands
have come under their control." 1
To remedy, as far as possible, these evils and to limit their
continuance into the future, a General Mining Law was
proclaimed on July 12, 1906, and a Placer Mining Law on
1 Administrative Reforms in Korea, p. 15.
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 311
the 28th of the same month. Both these laws' were ac-
companied by the enactment of detailed rules. The principal
features of these laws provided that mines, whose ownership
could not be definitely ascertained, should revert to the state;
that the limits of mining concessions should be definitely
prescribed ; that mining rights which could be established as
legally gained should be legally protected; that the taxes
on mining properties should be unified; and that priority of
application, in cases of competing concessions, should, until
examination could be made, stop the granting to others of the
same concession in an arbitrary way. In the effort to put into
effective operation these legal enactments it was necessary
to call upon the Korean authorities to promulgate a list of
the mines belonging to the Imperial Household, and also a
list of such Crown mines as the Household might intend
to work for itself. But the Korean authorities, either from
ignorance, sloth, or other even less creditable reasons, did not
make haste to prepare such a list. Meantime, all mining
rights were, legally considered, in abeyance. It was only
after repeated and urgent remonstrances from the Resident-
General, and as late as November 17, 1906, that the required
list was promulgated. It then appeared that the Imperial
Household not only laid claim to mines claimed by Japanese,
but also by American and European concessionaires.
The falsity of the statement, so repeatedly made abroad, that
the Koreans are being robbed by Japanese, to the detriment
of the interests of other foreigners, under the protection of
the Japanese Government in Korea, is made obvious by the
following, among other facts. Had the applicants to these
contested claims been only Japanese or Koreans, they would
have been required to survey the properties and make out
maps at their own expense; but in deference to the interests
of the American and European claimants the survey was
made by experts at the expense of the state. And while only
312 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
twenty per cent, of the 200 applications made by Japanese
were granted, "virtually all the applications made by Amer-
icans and Europeans were granted."
Besides gold, which is found especially in the form of gold-
dust, there are in Korea silver, copper, graphite, and coal.
The coal is not good for steaming purposes, nor fitted for
export; but when made, by mixing it with earth, into bricks
or balls, it is valuable as fuel for those who can afford its use.
The total annual value of these mineral products, for reasons
already explained, cannot be accurately ascertained. Hith-
erto-much of the gold has been smuggled out of the country
in order to escape the export and other taxes. It is calculated,
however, by the Residency- General that in the aggregate
these products do not fall below 6,000,000 yen.
We shall not attempt to speak in detail of the other natural
resources of Korea, of its fisheries, or its sericulture, or its
raising of fruit. But all these have been in the past left in a
lamentable condition of ignorance and disorder; and all
of these are to be made objects of attention, with the purpose
of reform, by the Korean Government under the Japanese
Protectorate.
. What has been shown to be true of the natural resources of
Korea, in soil, forests, mines, and other products, is true of its
j manufacturing industries. Early in her history Korea
attained a considerable development in the arts of weaving,
pottery, paper-making, metal-casting, and the dressing of
skins. In several instances Japan borrowed her models
from Korea in all these lines of the industrial arts. But
to-day there is absolutely nothing that a foreign traveller
would covet to take away from Korea except, perhaps, a
Korean brass-bound chest or a set of its rude brass utensils
for holding food. The founding of an Industrial Training
Institute in the spring of 1907, and a statement of what it
proposes to try to accomplish for the revival and development
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 313
of Korean industrial arts, have been referred to in an earlier
chapter (p. i28f.). Its practical results must be awaited with
patience; but now that the control of the Resident- General
over internal affairs in Korea is increased by the Convention
of July, 1907, we may reasonably anticipate favorable results
in due time.
The matter of the Customs stands midway between the
development of the natural resources and the control of
finance; it therefore concerns both the topics which are being
briefly treated in this chapter. The following quotation
from the last report of the Financial Adviser to the Korean
Government gives all the information necessary to our
purpose upon this point:
On the conclusion of the Russo-Japanese war, trade on the X
Yalu River became suddenly prosperous. It is a well-known
fact that the districts along the river are rich in various sources
of wealth, the opening up of which depends greatly upon the
facility of transportation, as well as the prosperity of trade in
those districts. While making arrangements for the convenience
of traders at large, the prevention of illegal traders, as smugglers,
is being carried out more strictly than ever before; and a healthy
development of the trade is thus aimed at. On the seventh of
June, a branch office of the Chemulpo Customs was established in
Shin-Wiju. On the third of August last, a Customs Agency of
this branch office was commenced at Yong-am-po, and an Inspec-
tion Station at Wiju. On the first of October last the Chin-
nam-po Branch Office of the Chemulpo Customs was promoted to
an independent office, and the above-mentioned branch offices,
agency, and station were transferred to its jurisdiction.
The increase of trade after the Russo-Japanese war was not
limited to the banks of the Yalu River. A similar increase was
also shown in Northern Korea, and a sufficient equipment to
meet the customs demands of this increase was lacking. As a
means of meeting the present requirements, the reconstruction of
the Song-chin Customs Godown, which had been destroyed by
3 14 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
fire during the war, was commenced in June last, and completed
in the following October. In September last, the construction of
the Customs Wharf at Song-chin was commenced and completed
in November. The Wonsan Customs had not been provided with
sufficient sheds, and consequently damage to the goods was an
affair of frequent occurrence. Sheds were newly built there in
December last. Steam launches were provided in the Customs
of Chemulpo, Fusan, Wonsan, Chinnam-po and Mokpo, for
purposes of inspection.
Though Japanese have now been appointed as Commissioners
at Chemulpo and Fusan, the customs business is being managed
in essentially the same way as when those offices were being held
by Europeans, but not without some changes. From the first of
September last, the institution of new customs regulations was
undertaken. In October the service rules for customs officials
were issued, and uniforms were prescribed for officials of the out-
door service. In November the jurisdiction of each customs office
was clearly defined. Uniformity of taxes was arranged. The
work was divided into several departments and sections. Various
procedures in the collection of customs were altered. The new
arrangements are intended both to regulate and to expedite the
work of customs; but the before-mentioned concern matters of
internal administration only. As to the reform of more funda-
mental matters, this must be undertaken in connection with the
reconstruction of harbors, customs, accommodations on land, and
the building of lighthouses. The Customs Maritime Works De-
partment has been organized for this purpose the first stage of
the work to be concluded in 1911. As the port regulations now
in force do not fit the present conditions in each port, alterations
are now being planned. In February last the method of quaran-
tine inspection was altered. The accounts of the Korean Cus-
toms Department have hitherto been separate from the Korean
Government accounts the revenue and expenditure of the former
not being entered in the annual budget. [On the last item the
Report of the Residency-General upon Administrative Reforms
remarks that the impropriety of this omission is obvious.] They
are, however, entered in the budget of 1907 for the first time.
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 315
The development of the resources of any country is, of
course, intimately dependent upon the soundness and wis-
dom of its financial policy and administration. This is in-
creasingly so under modern conditions in countries where
international relations are of the greatest importance. Noth-
ing could have been worse than the chaotic condition of
the Korean finances when Mr. Megata, in conformity with
the Convention signed between Japan and Korea on the 22d
of August, 1905, was appointed Financial Adviser to the
Korean Government by the Imperial Japanese Govern-
ment. 1 Mr. Hulbert, who afterward became the most un-
sparing critic of Mr. Megata's policy, himself wrote in the
Korean Review, in 1903: "It is encouraging to note that
every part of the Korean Executive has come to the conclu-
sion that something has got to be done to put Korea's money
system on a more secure foundation." It was, however,
largely this same "Korean Executive" which had been
chiefly responsible for the deterioration of the currency and
for the entire confusion in the financial condition of the
country. On this matter of the deterioration of the currency,
the Financial Adviser says in one of his Reports: 2 "The
currency of Korea, though nominally on a silver basis, has
hitherto in reality possessed no standard, and only cash and
nickel coins have been in circulation. Before the com-
mencement of the reorganization of the currency, the market
rate of the nickel coins fell to 250 won for 100 yen in gold
(Japanese currency); while that of the cash fluctuated from
100 per cent, to 60 per cent, premium. All cash pass at a
uniform rate in spite of their different sizes and weights.
The market rate varies according to the condition of supply
1 It should be noted in this connection that this appointment is one
of the very few which, like that of. the Resident-General, proceed
directly from the Emperor of Japan himself.
2 Summary of the Financial Affairs of Korea, p. 5.
3 i6 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
and demand. When the market rate is equivalent to one
rin (i-iooo yen Japanese currency) it is called par; when it
is 2 rin, the cash is at 100 per cent, premium. Cash are pre-
ferred in some provinces, nickel coins in other provinces.
Since the commencement of the withdrawal of the old nickel
coins in June, 1905, the market rate has gradually risen, and
at present it is steady at the normal rate of 200 won to 100
yen. (According to the Currency Law, the face value of
the old nickel coin is 2.5 sen, its intrinsic value being 2 sen)." l
Nor was the chaotic state of the currency the only evil con-
nected with its use. The cash, while having the preference
over the nickel coins because its intrinsic value was more
nearly equal to its market value, and it was therefore more
stable, was intolerably inconvenient for monetary transac-
tions of any considerable size. Its value was so low as to
make it not worth the risk of counterfeiting. But even the
traveller for a few weeks in the country could pay his expenses
only by taking along several mule-loads of these petty coins.
The nickels, on the contrary, were exceedingly unstable, and
were subject, to wholesale debasement and counterfeiting.
It is true, as Mr. Hulbert charges, that " counterfeit nickels
were made largely by the Japanese in Osaka"; but it is also
true that these coins were counterfeited in large quantities by
the Chinese, and that the worst offenders were the Koreans
themselves. Here, as everywhere during the contempo-
raneous history of Korean affairs, it was the " Korean Execu-
tive " which was chiefly to blame. In some cases the Govern-
ment loaned its coining machine for a money consideration;
in others, the "promoter of the minting industry" was
obliged to content himself with a manufacturing outfit ob-
tained on private account. In this connection the author
1 In interpreting this it should be remembered that the Japanese sen
is equal in value to one-half a cent in American gold, or about one
farthing in English currency. 100 sen=i yen, and 1,000 rin=i yen.
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 317
calls to mind an astonishing but authentic story of how'a
boy, deputed by his father to return to a benevolent associa-
tion in Seoul a sum of money which had been originally
stolen by the trusted agent of this association and loaned to
the father, stole the money again and spent it in the purchase
of a counterfeiting machine. It should be added that these
remarkable transactions were of recent occurrence.
Japanese counterfeiters were arrested, tried and punished,
after the passage of a law by the Diet making it an offence to
counterfeit foreign money in Japan, with the same penalties
as those applied to cases of counterfeiting Japanese money. 1
Even before that, administrative measures were taken by the
Japanese to break up the illicit industry. So far as Korean
offenders were concerned, nothing was done to punish the
chief culprits. In fact, the Korean Government was hardly
in a position to do anything, having itself made large over-
issues of nickels, and even surreptitiously farmed out the
right to private individuals to coin them. This right was
exercised, among others, by a relative of the Emperor.
Doubtless this official malfeasance is what Mr. Hulbert al-
ludes to when he speaks of the " prime movers in the deteriora-
tion of the currency."
The history of this nickel coinage is another illustration of
1 "There had been," says Mr. D. W. Stevens, "some criticism be-
cause such a law was considered necessary; and Japanese legal pro-
cedure was accused of being defective, on this account, by certain
foreign critics. But in the late seventies the British Court at Yoko-
hama released a man who had been detected counterfeiting Japanese
money, on the ground that there was no British law under which to
punish him, and that Japanese law against counterfeiting did not apply
to British subjects in Japan. And the highest British courts have held
that a contract to smuggle goods into a foreign country is a valid con-
tract as between British subjects in Great Britain." The entire matter
is dwelt upon at such length because it illustrates so well the inability of
the Koreans for "independent" management of their own internal
affairs, and also the animus and propriety of much of the anti- Japanese
criticism,
3i8 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the opera bouffe methods which characterize Korean public
administration. The discovery of the potentialities of fiat
currency probably came in the nature of a revelation to
Korean officialdom. It opened vistas of profit never before
dreamed of; all that was needed was the raw material and a
machine. Finally the industry ceased to be as remunerative
as at first; and the "Korean Executive," all branches
of it, discovered (in 1903) that, sooner or later, even a nickel
coinage will find its true level.
Such, briefly described, was the deplorable state of the
financial affairs of Korea when Mr. Megata's administration
began. This was only a brief time ago, or in 1905. What
has already been accomplished for the reform of the Ko-
rean finances may be summarized as follows. 1 The first
step taken was the adoption of the gold standard, followed
by the promulgation of a law strictly prohibiting the private
minting of nickel coins, and the endeavor to recall this cur-
rency already in circulation. Measures were also taken to
popularize the circulation of notes issued by the Dai Ichi
Ginko (First Bank), and to enlarge the sphere of circulation
for the coins newly introduced. "The organ for the circula-
tion of money and the collection of the taxes having been
now fairly well provided, efforts will be made to restrict and
ultimately prohibit the circulation of the fractional cash now
in use in the three southern provinces, by encouraging the
employment of notes in accordance with the law regulating
currency." "As regards the bank-notes issued by the
General Office of the First Bank in Korea, the Korean Gov-
ernment has officially sanctioned their compulsory circula-
tion. But, it being deemed desirable to have said Govern-
ment grow firm and content in the idea that the notes are the
national currency, a contract was concluded in July, last
1 The quotations are from the pamphlet, Administrative Reforms in
Korea, p. n /.
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 319
year (1906), between the Government and the First Bank,
providing that the pattern and denomination of the notes
shall be subject to the approval of the. Resident- General and
the Korean Minister of Finance; that the amount of their
issue and of the reserve be reported every week to the said
Minister; that the Korean Government have the power to
institute inquiries and examinations with respect to the
issue of notes; and that the bank be placed under reasonable
obligations in return for the exclusive privilege of issuing
notes."
The General Office of the First Bank at Seoul has now
been made the Central Treasury of the Government of
Korea; and therefore receives on deposit and pays out the
exchequer funds. It is under the competent management
of Mr. Ichihara, who, after several years of study of eco-
nomics and finance in the United States, became prominent
as a banker in Japan, and was subsequently chosen Mayor
of Yokohama. Its branches and sub-branches throughout
Korea are assisted by the postal organs in handling the
exchequer funds. "Notes Associations," which undertake
to popularize the circulation of reliable negotiable bills, and
Agricultural and Industrial Banks, established at different
centres for the accommodation of long loans, are also in
part the results of Mr. Megata's reform of the Korean
finances. The most important, and doubtless most difficult,
thing remaining to be done is the purifying and reorganization
of the revenue system. For, as has already been repeatedly
indicated, nothing can exceed the measure of ignorance,
extortion and corruption, which has hitherto characterized
the conduct of the provincial administrative organs.
Perhaps the most difficult problem with which the newly
appointed Financial Adviser to the Korean Government had
to cope was the retirement of the nickel currency. The solu-
tion of this problem was indeed difficult, but it was abso-
320 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
lutely indispensable to the very beginning of any systematic
reform. The distinction between spurious and genuine
coins was scarcely possible; the distinction between those
counterfeited without, and those counterfeited with, the
sanction of the " Korean Executive" was impossible. The
amount of both kinds was hard to determine. According to
Mr. Megata's calculation, the old nickel coins minted by
the Government amounted in value to 17,000,000 won;
while the spurious, but not debased, coins in circulation may
have amounted to some 4,000,000 won. 1 His plan involved
both the exchange of the old nickel coins for new coins of a
standard value and issued under proper safeguards and re-
strictions, in accordance with the newly inaugurated gold
basis; and also the reduction of the cash by re-minting such
coins as were deficient and returning the balance to circula-
tion. From October, 1905, the coinage of silver ten-sen
pieces and of bronze one-sen and one-half -sen pieces was
begun. By these it was intended to displace the circulation
of the old nickel coins. The coins tendered for exchange
were classified into three classes: Class A coins exchanged
at the rate of 2 old for i new coin; Class B coins exchanged
at the rate of 5 old for i new coin; and Class C counterfeit
and debased coins, defaced and returned to the applicants.
By these means there was withdrawn from circulation of old
coins, between July i and October 15, 1905, in Korean
dollars to the amount of 10,722,162,. of which, however,
1,411,184 were received in payment of taxes.
So radical a change in the currency of the country could
not be accomplished without working hardship in certain
directions. But those who have carefully examined the
existing condition of Korean finances and the working in
detail of the plans for reform find reason for 'praising the
prudence and skill of Mr. Megata's way of accomplishing a
1 See Summary of the Financial Affairs of Korea, p. 5.
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 321
most difficult task. The details are to be found, carefully
worked out and tabulated, in the official reports. It is enough
for us to recognize the enormous change for the better which
has taken place during the past two years in the financial
condition of the peninsula, and in all the foreign financial
relations to Korean business affairs; and, at the same time,
to reply with a brief, categorical denial to certain criticisms
from unfriendly and prejudiced sources. As to the latter
point, "it is untrue," says a trustworthy informant, "that
any Korean capitalists came forward with a bona fide offer of
a loan at a lower rate of interest than that procured by the
Japanese Government for the retirement of the old nickel
coinage. The only plan of the kind which was ever mooted
had in view the borrowing of foreign capital, not Japanese.
A great deal was said, after the fact, about the readiness of
these capitalists to intervene; but Mr. Megata was never
given an opportunity to avail himself of their alleged willing-
ness to advance the funds until it was too late. Mr. Me-
gata's first object was, of course, to obtain the money as
cheaply as possible. It was not until he had looked the
situation over very carefully, and had made enquiries con-
cerning the possibility of making better arrangements with
foreign capitalists that he finally concluded the arrangement
with the Dai Ichi Ginko."
Another example of the same species of criticism is shown
in connection with the story that the Korean Emperor desired
to advance to the merchants of Seoul 300,000 yen to relieve
the distress over the increased stringency in the money market,
which was, of course, one of the first results of the conversion
of the nickel-coin currency. "For this offer," the authority
just quoted says, "the underlying motive was undoubtedly
political. There was distress among the merchants of Seoul,
but there was no necessity for the Emperor's direct inter-
vention. If, indeed, the distress had been as great as was
322 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
represented at the time, the sum offered, 300,000 yen, was not
sufficient to afford permanent relief. The offer of the money
was merely another instance of Korean methods. The
process of reasoning was simple: Financial distress existed,
due to the action of the Japanese Financial Adviser; His
Majesty generously came to the assistance of his embarrassed
subjects; hence gratitude to His Majesty and humiliation
for the discredited Japanese Adviser. Mr. Megata did
no more than to treat the matter as its childish nature war-
ranted. It should be added that, in addition to the genuine
distress caused by the stringency of the money market, there
was a patent attempt to heighten the resultant agitation for
political effect. This was met by offers, due to Mr. Megata's
initiative, to advance money on easy terms in deserving cases.
The native capitalists made no move to relieve the situation
at this supposedly critical juncture."
The recent condition of the resources and finance of Korea
can be discovered in the most trustworthy way possible under
existing circumstances, only by a critical study of the detailed
reports to which reference has already been made in this
chapter. The following more important items are taken
from the Report of March, 1907. In this report the total
estimated revenue for 1907 is given at 13,189,336 yen, which
is an increase of 5,704,592 yen over that of 1906. Of this
total, however, 3,624,233 yen is extraordinary. The total
estimated expenditure for the same year is 13,963,035 yen,
which is in excess of that of the year of 1906, by the sum of
5,995,647 yen. The increase in expenditure is partly to
provide for increase in salaries a necessary measure if the
amount of " squeezes" is to be reduced and a sufficient
number of competent and honest officials secured; but more
largely for the reform of the educational organization, for
the founding and support of technical schools, for the exten-
sion of engineering works, the building of roads, of law
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 323
courts, and other public buildings, the founding of hospitals;
and for the extension of the police and judicial systems.
As to individual items it is noticeable that the military
estimates have been reduced from 2,426,087 yen, in 1905,
when they were 26 per cent, of the total expenditure, to
1,522,209 yen, or u per cent, of the total expenditure for the
year 1907. This sum has now further been much reduced
by the disbanding of the Korean army, with the exception
of a body of palace guards, as a consequence of the new
Convention of July, 1907.
One-tenth of the entire estimated expenditure or, more
precisely, 1,309,000 yen is attributed to the Imperial House-
hold. But even this by no means represents the cost to the
nation of the Emperor and his Court under the former occu-
pant of the throne. For all manner of irregular, illicit, and
scandalous ways of obtaining money for his privy purse were
resorted to by the ruler, whose character and habits in the
obtaining and use of money have already been sufficiently
described. 1 The trials which have come upon the Financial
Adviser of the Korean Government since his appointment,
through the behavior of the so-called " Korean Executive,"
can scarcely be exaggerated. One of the questions pending
when Mr. Megata first assumed office concerned the size of
the allowance for the expenses of the Crown Princess' funeral.
The Emperor's private funds were at a low ebb (they always
are); the national treasury was impoverished (it always had
been). Yet the Imperial Treasurer, an official of the old-
time stamp, insisted that one million yen was absolutely
indispensable for the proper carrying out of the burial
ceremony (!). This way of plundering the treasury of the
country, which was considered especially legitimate by the
Korean Court and its parasites, Mr. Megata dealt with in
1 See the incidents which are of a sort to be almost indefinitely mul-
tiplied on page 285 f.
3 2 4
IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
that spirit of " philosophical humor" which is characteristic
of him. He patiently pointed out that the estimated prices
of many of the items called for were greatly in excess of their
market value. In this manner he finally reduced the wily
claims of the Korean official to the modest sum of a half-
million yen. Two full-dress rehersals, which differed from
the actual ceremony only in the circumstance that the coffin
was empty and no official invitations to attend were issued,
preceded the final pagent. On each of these occasions the
long procession marched pompously through the streets,
which were crowded with wrangling lantern-bearers, chair
coolies, and the innumerable other horde of a low-lived
Korean populace, to the dissipation of all the solemnity of
a death-ceremonial, but to the delectation of the spectators
as well as the participants.
The public debt of Korea in March, 1907, is here exhibited
in tabular form :
TABLE OF NATIONAL DEBT
Name of Loan
Date of Issue
Amount
Interest
Term
Outstanding
Date of
Redemption
June 1905
7 %
Currency Adjustment
For Increased Circulation . .
New Enterprises
1905
Dec., 1905
March, 1906
3,000,000
1,500,000
5,000,000
6 %
6 %
6i%
6 "
6
5 "
June, 1915
Dec., 1912
March, 1916
This debt, while insignificant as compared with that of
civilized nations generally, is by no means so when compared
with the poverty of Korea. And it will doubtless be largely
increased in the near future by the necessity of putting into
operation many imperative reforms and improvements of the
existing material condition of the country. The possibility,
however, of a rapid development of the resources and increase
of revenue is also great. To take a single item: while the
amount estimated from Port Duties for the year ending
December 31, 1906, was only 850,000 yen, the actual income
RESOURCES AND FINANCE 325
was 2,434,118 yen. Some reduction in the items allowed for
expenditure is also possible for example, that of the Im-
perial Household, and for the Military (a reduction already
accomplished). Under a just administration, with a revision
of the system of taxation, the resources and the revenue can
probably be doubled in a few years, and at the same time
the material welfare of the people improved. With the
policy of the present Resident-General continued in force,
the prospect is therefore by no means without dominant
elements of hope for Korea's future.
CHAPTER XIV
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE
UNTIL recently neither public education nor public justice,
in the modern meaning of these terms, has had any existence
in Korea. Even those who were regarded as preferred
candidates for government positions in educational and
judicial fields were not really fitted for the intelligent and
faithful performance of their duties supposing (what, in
most cases, was not true) that they really desired efficiency
and true success. For the common people of Korea, indeed
for all except the most highly privileged classes, there was no
opportunity for learning and no conception or experience of
the fair, legal safeguarding of human interests and human
rights. The older educational methods, so far as method
existed at all, were patterned after those of China; but they
were never so thorough or excellent of their kind as were the
Chinese. Civil service examinations were indeed required
for official preferment. These examinations were exceed-
ingly superficial, and were not guarded against fraud; so that
the selection of successful candidates was too frequently
made on quite other grounds than those of superior excellence
in passing the examinations. To this latter fact the Korean
stories of poor and worthy candidates who have been unjustly
deprived of the offices to which they were entitled bear an
ample and often dramatically pathetic witness. While, as
to the almost total absence of even-handed justice, from the
central government at the Court down to the most petty of
the local magistrates, the entire history of Korea is one con-
tinued pitiful story.
326
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 327
With regard to the condition of the public education as
late as just previous to, and even after the attempted re-
forms of 1894, we quote the following description from the
Korean Review of November of 1904:
According to Korean custom and tradition, any man who
knows Chinese fairly well can become a teacher. There is no
such thing as a science of teaching, and the general average of
instruction is wretchedly poor. The teacher gets only his deserts,
which are extremely small. The traditional Korean school-
teacher, while receiving some small degree of social considera-
tion because of his knowledge of the Chinese characters, is looked
upon as more or less of a mendicant. Only the poorest will en-
gage in this work, and they do it on a pittance which just keeps
them above the starvation line. It has been ingrained in the
Korean character to reckon the profession of pedagogy as a mere
makeshift which is only better than actual beggary. If you ex-
amine the pay-list even of the Government schools, you will find
that the ordinary wage is about thirty Korean dollars. This
means about fifteen yen a month, and is almost precisely the
amount that an ordinary coolie receives. This wretchedly low
estimate of the value of a teacher's services debauches the whole
system. The men who hold these positions are doing so because
nothing better has turned up, and they get their revenge for the in-
adequacy of the salary by shirking their work as much as possible.
It would seem from this account that the contemplated
reforms of the educational system, which had been inaugu-
rated ten years before, when the old-fashioned civil-service
examinations were abolished, had* remained, as is customary
with all reforms in Korea if not enforced from without,
merely matters of so much paper. Another writer 1 about
midway in this decade gives a somewhat better account of
Korean educational affairs after the Chino- Japan war.
1 Dr. Allen, then American Consul-General, in a report upon Educa-
tional Institutions and Methods in Korea^ 1898.
328 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
The "present favorable aspect of education" at that time
this writer attributes to the influence of the war. It is to be
noted, however, that the "favorable aspect" covers, for the
most part, only the special schools established in Seoul and
does not regard the unimproved and still deplorable state
of the public education in the country at large. Stricter
attention to the extent of this alleged improvement, even
within the city of Seoul, shows how limited it really was.
Besides well-deserved praise bestowed upon the few missionary
schools, only the governmental so-called "Normal School,"
in which 30 scholars were enrolled, and which was presided
over by Mr. Homer B. Hulbert, and a school for teaching
English to the sons of nobles, numbering 35 pupils, are
given as examples. Inasmuch as the latter school had the
same teacher, and he was justly complaining that his obliga-
tion to teach the young Yang-bans interfered with his legiti-
mate work, the cause of the public education could not have
made any considerable advances at this time. The same
report speaks of a Japanese school maintained in Seoul by
the Foreign Education Society of Japan, in the following
significant way: "It was organized in April, 1898, as a
token of the sincere sympathy for the lack of a sound educa-
tional basis in Korea, with the view of giving a thorough
elementary course of instruction to Korean youths, and ' thus
aiming to form a true foundation of the undisputed inde-
pendence of that country.' "
In further proof of the undoubted fact that the reforms of
1894 had accomplished little in Seoul itself, and almost noth-
ing at all in Korea outside of the capital, we may appeal
again to the testimony of the writer in the Korean Review:
"We do not see," says this writer, "how the government can
be made to realize the importance of this work. When no
protest is made against the appropriation of a paltry $60,000
a year for education as compared with $4,000,000 for the
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 329
Korean army, there is little use in expecting a change in the
near future. The government could do nothing better than
reverse these figures; but the age of miracles is past."
"Before suggesting a possible solution of the question,"
this writer goes on to say, "we should note with care what
is at present being done t6 provide young men with an
education. There are the seven or eight primary schools in
Seoul with a possible attendance of forty boys each. This
means a good deal less than 500 boys in this city of over
200,000 people, including the immediate suburbs. At the
least estimate there ought to be 6,000 boys in school between
the ages of ten and sixteen. Practically nothing is being done.
As for intermediate education there is a Middle School, with
a corps of eight teachers and an average attendance of about
thirty boys. The building, the apparatus, and the teaching
staff would suffice for about four hundred pupils. There are
several foreign language schools, with an attendance of any-
where from twenty to eighty each, and they are fairly success-
ful. . . . Then there are the several private schools, almost
every one of which is in a languishing condition. A Korean
will start a private school on the least provocation. It runs
a few months and then closes, nobody being the wiser,
though some be sadder. When we come to reckon up the
number of young Koreans who are pursuing a course of
instruction along modern lines, we find that they represent a
fraction of less than one per cent, of the men who ought to
attend, and might easily be doing so." Such was then the
condition of the public education in Korea even down until
after the beginning of the Russo-Japanese war, or in Novem-
ber of 1904.
The foregoing true account of educational matters in Korea
is further confirmed and expanded by the Official Report
more recently given out in the name of the Residency-General. 1
1 See Administrative Reforms in Korea, p. 4 /.
330 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
The report, however, notices the existence of the accepted
means of education for the village children in the provinces.
These means were employed, after a debased Confucian
system, in so-called Syo-bang by a sort of village dominie,
who gathered about him the children of the neighborhood
and taught them the rudiments of reading and writing the
vernacular. There were in 1894 some ten thousand of these
schools scattered throughout the peninsula. In the barest
rudiments of the native language the instruction they gave
was deficient; of modern education in other matters, there
was nothing. In Seoul there was also a high-school of
Confucian learning (a Syong-Kyun-Koari), where the students
were taught the three " Primary" and the four "Middle
Classics," and were given some lessons in history, geography,
composition and mathematics.
The same Report further agrees with the Article in the Ko-
rean Review in considering the reforms proclaimed in 1894 by
the government as ineffective. The schools which sprung up
under the " Primary School Ordinance," with the intention of
introducing the Western system of education, were almost
without exception of the old (Shobo) character. And, in-
deed, how could it be otherwise, when there were no teach-
ers who could give the rudiments of a modern education,
and few pupils who desired such an education? As for
the middle-grade education which the Seoul schools pro-
fessed to give, there was little or nothing to bear out their
pretensions.
The Residency- General aims, therefore, "at nothing less
than the establishment of an entirely new system of education
for Korea." But the system does not propose to interfere
with, much less wholly to close, the existing old-fashioned
Confucian institutions. It will, the rather, gradually displace
them by something better. The Government system as now
planned contemplates supplying the nation with the necessary
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 331
schools of the different grades, in accordance with the outline
of reforms given below.
1. The former "Primary Schools" have been renamed " Com-
mon Schools." The Common School Ordinance and Regulations
have been drawn up and put in practice ; the ten primary schools
of various kinds in Seoul having been turned into Government
Common Schools, and the thirteen Primary Schools in the prov-
inces into Public Common Schools. The class work under the
new regime was begun in September, 1905, in all these schools.
It has been arranged, further, to establish Public Common Schools
in twenty-seven principal cities and towns of the provinces in
April this year.
2. The former "Middle Schools" have been renamed "High
Schools"; and the "High School" Ordinance and Regulations
issued. The period of study in these schools has been fixed at
four years, and graduates of the Common Schools are to be taken
without the examination, which is, however, required in the case
of other candidates for admission. The number of regular course
students in each of these schools is fixed at 200, with the proviso
that they may open a Hoshu-kwa class (or interim class for those
who need to complete their qualification before taking up the
regular course).
3. Reforms and the expansion of the scope of work, judged
necessary and advisable, have been effected for the Normal, and
the Agricultural, Commercial and Industrial Schools, which all
retain their old names, while the Medical School has been at-
tached to the Tai-han-ui-won (or "Great Korean Hospital").
4. Out of the 500,000 yen provided for the extension of the
educational system, a sum of 340,000 yen has been expended in
newly constructing, renovating, or enlarging the Common School
buildings. The remaining 160,000 yen has been put in part to
the service of new buildings for the Normal, the Agricultural and
Forestry, and the Commercial Schools; and in part to the fund
for necessary construction work and equipment for the schools of
the Middle Grade.
5. Besides the schools described above, a special institution
332 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
having the name of Syu-hak-won has been established for giving
education to the children of the Imperial and aristocratic families.
It has been placed under the superintendence of the Minister of
the Household. The regular number of scholars received into
this institution is fixed at twenty. The course of instruction given
is not dissimilar to that in the common schools.
Any account of educational reforms in Korea would be
quite inadequate if it did not include mention of the new
provisions for medical and surgical treatment and for the
education of native physicians and surgeons. Incredible as
it may seem, it is true that there was in the spring of 1907
only one native in all Korea who had received a thorough
modern medical education; and this one was a woman who
had studied in the United States and was connected with the
medical work of the Methodist Mission at Pyeng-yang. In
connection with one of the three small hospitals hitherto
existing in Seoul there has been for some seven years a
Seoul Medical College, with only one Japanese instructor.
The hospitals are now to be united in a single large institution,
for which 280,000 yen, to be spent in construction, and 123,600
yen, for maintenance, have already been provided. This
hospital will also have charge of training for the medical
profession and for hygienic and sanitary administration.
The site has been secured and the construction of the buildings
begun, with the expectation of having them completed during
the year 1907.
The educational work thus far actually accomplished in
Korea has been chiefly done by the missionary schools.
Among these schools those belonging to the Korean Mission
of the Presbyterian Church in the United States are most
numerous and effective. The Annual Report of this Mission
for the year 1906, under the head of " Educational Work,"
furnishes information as to the following among other par-
ticulars. The total enrolment of the "Academy" was 160,
EDUCATION, AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 333
of whom 104 remained in school till the close of the year.
In the autumn of 1905, twelve of the students, "contrary to
advice and orders, left the school and joined the throng at
Seoul, who wanted to lay their lives on the altar of their
country in the effort to retain their national independence.
The twelve were suspended for the year. Order was finally
restored, and the remaining pupils returned to their work
with renewed zeal." The class which graduated in June,
1906, consisted of four members. In the fall of 1906 a sum
of money amounting to somewhat more than $2,000 was col-
lected with a view to starting a so-called " college." The
theological instruction which was carried on at Pyeng-yang
during the months of April, May, and June, of the same
year, became the germ of a developing " Theological Semi-
nary" for the training of an educated native ministry. An
advanced school for girls and women had an enrolment of
53 for the year. The number of local primary schools was
4 for boys and 3 for girls, with a total attendance of 494;
to these should be added, of the " country schools," 62 for
boys and 8 for girls, with a total attendance of 1,266. Such
is the report of the " Pyeng-yang Station." In the "Seoul
Station," for the same year (1906) the report shows a total
of 105 boys, in 4 schools, under 5 teachers, and of 48 girls,
in 4 schools, under 4 teachers (rated as "Primary Schools"),
in the city of Seoul; and 27 schools with 303 boys and 35
girls, belonging to the churches in this station, outside of
Seoul. There was also in this district one "Intermediate
and Boarding School," with 60 boys and 23 girls numbered
among its pupils. While the building to accommodate the
boys of this school was in process of erection, they were com-
bined with those of a corresponding school belonging to the
Methodist Mission; and the united work carried on in the
building belonging to the latter Mission thus attained a
total enrolment of 150 pupils. Without mentioning the
334 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
educational work done in less important stations of this
Mission, it is enough to say that in the year 1906 there were
7 schools of a grade above the primary, giving instruction to
255 boys and 125 girls, and 208 schools of the lower grade
with an enrolment of 3,116 boys and 795 girls as the aggre-
gate number of their pupils. Most of the schools of the
primary grade, however, consist of "classes" somewhat ir-
regularly taught, insufficiently supplied with teachers, and
wholly without adequate permanent accommodations.
Into the actual condition of educational work in Korea,
so far as such work is dependent upon the attitude of the
Koreans themselves, the following extract from the Report
of the Union High School gives a significant glimpse: 1
Union school work was opened up in the building known as
Pai-chai, and was carried on there during the year. As is usually
the case in opening a term in Korea, the first two weeks were a
period of growth. The students who were with us last year came
straggling along, while those who came for initial matriculation
found their way to us from day to day, until about 130 names
were on the roll. It will be a day of rejoicing when Korean stu-
dents come to appreciate the opening day and are to be found in
their places on that day, ready for work. As it is now, a day or
two, a week or two, or even a longer period, matters little to them;
they come to take up their work when it is wholly convenient to
them. It is easy to see that this slip-shod way of doing things is
a serious drawback in school work, and it is hoped that in some
way it may be brought about that every day late at opening will
be counted a day lost by the student himself. But this can be
secured only when a higher value is placed upon time than it now
has. Now that our boys are fairly well classified, it is hoped that
the difficulty may in a measure be remedied by compelling those
students to drop back one form whose general attendance grade,
class-room work, and examinations do not come up to the pre-
scribed standard.
1 Official Minutes of the Korean Mission Conference, 1906, p. 41.
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 335
The Mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Korea,
in its Conference Report for the year 1906, gives the number of
its so-called "High Schools" as 2, with 3 teachers and 93
pupils, and of its "other schools" as 54, with an enrolment
of 1,564 day scholars. A year later the statistics presented
to the Conference stated: "The Mission maintains 106
schools with 3,787 pupils under instruction."
In connection with the hospitals under both these Mis-
sions at Seoul and at Pyeng-yang, a beginning has been made
in the preparation of medical text-books for native use, and
in the training of natives for the medical profession.
The showing made by the facts just stated is meagre
enough, when we consider that it is the best that can honestly
be made for a modern nation of about ten millions. There
is reason to believe, however, that the statistics exaggerate,
rather than minimize, the results already achieved along
educational lines. There has, indeed, been a beginning,
but only a beginning. There are generous plans adopted
and set in operation ; but the effectual working of these plans
on any considerable scale remains for the future to bring
about. The interest of the Emperor and his Court in the
educational reform of Korea was no more to be depended
upon than was their interest in any other reform, or real and
substantial good, accruing to the benefit of the Korean
public. So far as these influences prevailed, the Korean
system was in 1904, and would have remained, an affair of
paper only. But the Korean Department of Education,
under the Residency-General, has co-operated faithfully in
efforts to give to the country an efficient system of public
education. The former Minister of Education, now (1907)
Prime Minister Yi, has been at once the strongest and the
most sincere of the Korean officials under the Japanese
Protectorate. The hope of Korea, and the realization of
the hopes of the Marquis Ito for Korea, depend upon the
336 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
initiation and execution of a wise Government policy of edu-
cation more than upon any other one influence. Unaided by
Japan, Korea would never bring this about. As said Mr.
Hulbert, when in his better mind: 1 "What Korea wants is
education; and until steps are taken in that line there is no
use in hoping for a genuinely independent Korea. Now we
believe that a large majority of the best informed Koreans
realize that Japan and Japanese influence stand for educa-
tion and enlightenment; and that while the paramount influ-
ence of any one outside power is in some sense a humiliation,
the paramount influence of Japan will furnish far less genuine
cause for humiliation than has the paramount influence of
Russia. Russia secured her predominance by pandering to
the worst elements in Korean officialdom. Japan holds it
by strength of arm, but she holds it in such a way as to give
promise of something better. The word reform never passed
the Russian's lips. It is the insistent cry of Japan. The
welfare of the Korean people never showed its head above
the Russian horizon, but it fills the whole vision of Japan ; not
from altruistic motives mainly, but because the prosperity
of Korea and that of Japan rise and fall with the same tide." 2
In the future development and administration of educa-
1 Korean Review, of February, 1904.
2 It is significant to notice in this connection that previous to his
several commissions from the Korean Emperor, this writer held a quite
different view from that which he afterward advocated with regard
to the underlying principle of all the recent relations between the
two countries. In the same article he says: "The present chaotic
state of the national finances and of popular discontent, show some-
thing of what Russian influence has accomplished in Korea; and the
people are coming to realize the fact. They are passionately attached
to the theory of national 'independence.' We say theory advisedly.
This word ' independence ' is a sort of fetich 'to which they bow, but
they think that independence means liberation from outside control
alone, forgetting that genuine independence means likewise a liberation
from evil influences within, and that liberty, so far from being carte
blanche to do as one pleases, is in truth the apotheosis of law,"
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 337
tional affairs in Korea two principles are especially important
to be kept in mind. The first is the necessity for co-operation
on the part of all the educative forces under some system or
general plan. On the one hand, the private and missionary
schools could never suffice for the educational reform of the
nation; neither could they supply adequately the needed
number or kind of schools for its proper educational develop-
ment. In general, missionary schools belong to the planting
and earlier stages of religious propagandism among peoples
who have either no system of public education or a system
which is hostile to religious influences. Missionary schools
are of necessity foreign schools; when they have effectually
performed their initial work, they should somehow become a
part of the native equipment for educating the people. As
we have already said, they have until recently been almost
the only though exceedingly meagre and faulty means for
giving the rudiments of a modern education to a small fraction
of Korean youth. They never could be developed, if they
remain simply missionary schools, so as to cope with the
entire educational problem in this land of public ignorance
and of intellectual and moral degradation. Those who are
in charge of them, therefore, should be among the most
forward to welcome cordially, and effectively to assist, the
organization and advance of a national system of public
education in Korea. Otherwise their highest service can
never be rendered to the country; their most important and
ultimate purpose of contributing toward the evolving of an
intelligent Christian nation can never be realized.
On the other hand, any plans for the establishing and
developing of a system of education in Korea at the present
time should be wise and generous in the matter of taking into
its confidence, and availing itself of, the assistance of the
mission schools. So miserably poor is Korea in all resources
of this character, that the barest principles of economics en-
338 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
force the necessity of her availing herself of all possible helps.
Moreover, the converts to Christianity although a very con-
siderable proportion of them are ignorant of the truths, and
negligent of the morals, of the foreign religion they suppose
themselves to have espoused are multiplying rapidly, and
are destined to become of more and more political and social
significance in the near future. Some sort of regulated co-
operation and conformity to a general plan should, therefore,
as speedily as possible be secured between the Government
and the private Christian schools. The Japanese and
Korean Governments and the Missionary Boards should
speedily agree upon some common plan for the requirements
of the primary and secondary grades of instruction, and thus
actively assist each other in the attainment of their com-
mon end. That this cannot be done without sacrificing the
special interests deemed most important to each, it would be
in contempt of the good sense and sincerity of both to
affirm.
The second most important principle to set in control of the
educational system of Korea is this. At first, and for a long
time to come, it should be pretty strictly limited to fitting the
Koreans themselves for a serviceable life, in Korea, and under
the conditions, physical, social, and economic and political,
of Korea. To educate after the fashion followed too much
by Great Britain in India thousands of Korean babus, who
thus become unfitted for the pressing needs of their country
at this present day, and inclined to idleness rather than any
hard and disagreeable but useful work, would be a mistake
which neither the Government nor the Missions can afford
to make. It is a fact, however, that, up to the present time,
too large a proportion of the Korean youth, whether educated
abroad or in the missionary schools at home, have lapsed into
this worthless class. When called upon to work manfully,
faithfully, persistently, doing with his might what his hand
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 339
finds to do the Korean, like the Indian babu, is likely to
show that his modern education has the more unfitted, rather
than the better fitted, him for the effectual service of his
country. If this should be the result of modern education,
it would be scarcely more to be commended, under existing
conditions in Korea, than was the education of the old-time
Confucian schools.
The extension of the educational system of Korea ought,
therefore, for some time to come to be almost exclusively
limited to these two lines namely, to providing the barest
elements of a modern education for all the children of Korea,
and to the equipping and developing of the means for fitting
the youths of both sexes for the most needed forms of public
service. The time to spend large sums of money on the
higher branches of a liberal culture has not come as yet for
Korea. The present urgent need of the country is for men
who will tend her fields and forests, develop her mines and
manual arts and manufactures with intelligence; run her
railroad trains with safety; who will occupy her magistracies
with some knowledge of ethics and of law; and care for her
sick and injured with skill in medicine and surgery. Colleges
and universities for rearing scholars, authors, philosophers, or
gentlemen of learned leisure with Government sinecures, can
bide their time.
The deplorable condition of the Public Justice in Korea,
from the beginnings of the history of the United Kingdom
down to the present time, has been both assumed and illus-
trated in the preceding pages. It is difficult to give any
adequate picture of this condition in few words. The re-
straints of a constitution or a recognized legal code have had
no existence. Court and local magistrates have been alike,
with rare exceptions, either inefficient or wholly corrupt.
The administrative and judicial functions have not been dis-
tinguished, and both have been under the control of "influ-
340 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
ence," and devoted to "squeezes" and bribes. Of this illegal
and unjust condition the police and the army were, under
the old system, the instruments. And whenever during these
sad centuries of injustice an occasional monarch, or a few
of the inferior officials, attempted reform, if in the one case
the attempt was partially successful, the old condition soon
returned; while the inferior official who wished to be more
just than his colleagues, by this very attempt risked his po-
sition or even his head.
Among the reforms contemporaneous with the Chino-
Japan war (1894), the remedy for the existing maladminis-
tration of justice in Korea naturally had a prominent place.
Some of the forms of injustice then in common use such as
the bribing of judges and the punishment of accused persons
without even the semblance of a trial had no justification
under Korean law, so far as law existed at that time. Other
equally deplorable forms of injustice were, however, strictly
legal; as, for example, the infliction of penalties on the in-
nocent relatives of a condemned criminal, and the imprison-
ment of the household of an official charged with extortion.
In particular, the use of torture barbarous in kind and ex-
treme in cruelty was in "full accord" with the legal system
of the Ming dynasty in China, which formed the basis of the
Korean code. Of the older forms of torture some, such as
crushing the knee-caps, slitting the nostrils, applying pincers
or hot irons, had already been in 1894 abolished by the Ming
dynasty; but a great number of equally painful forms of
torture were still legally in practice at that time. Among
such were seating the victim on hot coals, driving splinters
under the toe-nails, applying fire to the feet and hands,
pounding the shins, and squeezing the ankles. On the
eleventh of January, 1895, however, the Minister of Justice
obtained the king's assent to the abolition of all the more
severe forms of torture except in capital cases. To enforce
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 341
confession of guilt by beating with a stick was still to be
allowed. 1
The reforms promised and inaugurated in 1895, with re-
spect to the improvement of the administration of justice,
like all the other reforms of that time, scarcely went beyond
the so-called " paper stage." Some forms of torture were,
indeed, no longer customarily practised; but on the whole
the barbarous treatment of accused and convicted criminals
was not greatly improved. In civil cases the practice of the
Court and of the magistrates was never worse than during
the period preceding the Russo-Japanese war. It was, as
has already been shown (p. 233 /.), "an orgy of indepen-
dence."
In the opinion of Marquis Ito, when he became Resident-
General, the primary and most important thing in the in-
terests of the public justice was the discovery, systematizing,
and promulgation of the "law of the land." But how should
this difficult task be accomplished? Or as involving sub-
ordinate questions of great importance upon what founda-
tion of principles should the task be undertaken? In the
reforms of 1894-95 the plans of the Korean and Japanese
1 Among the many falsehoods told by the Koreans and their "Foreign
Friends," in their endeavors to excite pity for themselves, and, pos-
sibly, interference with the Japanese Administration in Korea, none is
more ridiculous than that the latter were reviving the use of torture.
It should be borne in mind that, previous to the Convention of July,
1907, which followed upon the promulgation of this and other more
important false charges by the commissioners to The Hague Con-
ference, the Japanese Residency-General's power did not extend to the
interference with the execution of the Korean law upon Korean crim-
inals. Preliminary examination by beating with a stick was then
legal; according to credible current report it was practiced upon the
vice-Minister of Education, when, during my visit to Korea, he was
accused of having contributed money toward effecting the assassination
of the Ministry (see p. 51). All this is quite different from the retort
which might be made to critics from the United States to remember
the practice of "water-cure" in the Philippines, etc.
342 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
enthusiasts involved the sudden making of all things new.
At once, a tolerably complete modern code was to be devised
and forced upon the people of Korea. In accordance with
these plans an abundance of legislation was enacted; but
most of it was, of necessity, ineffective, since it was neither
adapted to the present condition of Korean civilization nor
ever honestly applied. At the present time in Japan and in
view of the large increase of power given to the Resident-
General by the Convention of 1907, there is a difference of
opinion as to the proper procedure in the reform of the public
justice in Korea. A certain party would repeat the mistakes
of more than a decade ago. They would have the Japanese
Protectorate secure the ''entire adoption of the new Japanese
Criminal Code, and in civil suits provide Korea with 'an
entirely new set of laws' patterned after those of modern
civilized nations." This would be a comparatively easy
matter, so far as the preparation of a code is concerned.
But it would undoubtedly be relatively defective so far as the
actual reform of justice in Korea is concerned. "The
Resident- General," says Mr. Stevens, "is manifestly deter-
mined to avoid this mistake, and to provide, in the first place,
some adequate means for the enforcement of the law."
Meantime, the work of codification is proceeding cautiously.
The first step in this work was directed toward the "law
affecting real estate."
"This law" namely, the law affecting real estate "has
been taken up before all others, because, despite the fact that
in the present economic condition of the country immovables
form the most important object of ownership, Korea as yet
possesses no law of any real efficiency to protect rights
relating to real property. For instance, in selling and buying
a piece of land or in mortgaging it, the parties concerned
have nothing to go by but to follow the old custom of hand-
ing over and receiving the bunki, or title deeds, which are
EDUCATION AND^THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 343
generally in the form of a file of documents vouchsafing the
transaction. It so happens that the country is now flooded
with forged bunkis, and there is really no security for prop-
erty. For this reason, in July last (1906) the Resident-
General caused the Korean Government to institute a Real
Property Law Investigation Commission, and urged the in-
vestigation of established customs and usages pertaining to
immovables, with a view to drafting with the utmost de-
spatch a law of real property of a simple and concise char-
acter. The Commission made rapid progress in its work,
and in consequence of this the Land and Buildings Certifica-
tion Regulations (Imperial Ordinance) and the Detailed
Rules of operation thereof (Justice Department Ordinance)
were promulgated respectively on the 3ist of October and
the yth of November following. According to the Regula-
tions, in the case of transfer of land lots and buildings by
sale, exchange, or gift, and in that of mortgaging them, the
contracts are certified to by a Kun magistrate or Pu pre-
fect; and a contract thus certified constitutes a full legal
document, by virtue of which the transfer .may be validly
carried out without decisions of any law court. When, how-
ever, one of the parties to the contract happens to be an
alien, not a Korean subject, the document needs to be addi-
tionally examined and certified to by a Resident, otherwise
the document is lacking in legal efficacy. When neither of
the parties are Korean subjects, certification by a Resident
alone is sufficient. Simple as the law is, its effect is far-
reaching. To give an instance, originally treaties withJJCorea
took cognizance of .a foreigner's, right to possess land only
within the settlements and one ri zone around them, and
hitherto all foreigners have experienced considerable diffi-
culty in securing landed property in the interior of the
country; but now, the above Regulations recognize the right
of foreigners to possess land in the interior, and the result of
344 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
their promulgation is the practical opening of the whole
empire to foreigners.
" Following this line of action, the Real Property Investiga-
tion Commission is steadily working on laws of various de-
scriptions, and it is expected that before long that body
will be able to recommend some plan to place the land sys-
tem of Korea on a solid and fair basis. As soon as the Real
Property Law is drawn up and promulgated in a perfected
form, the codification of other laws will be taken in
hand." l
The necessity for providing means effectively to enforce the
existing and the newly to be enacted laws is obvious to any
one who is acquainted with the methods of Korean justice
down to the present time. This necessity becomes the more
imperative on account of the condition of dissatisfaction and
unrest which followed the Russo-Japanese war and the
establishment of the Japanese Protectorate over Korea. It
was further emphasized and brought to an acute form at the
time when the abdication of the Emperor and the disband-
ment of the Korean army, on the one hand, exaggerated the
alleged reasons for revolt, and, on the other hand, let loose
the forces most ready and appropriate to make revolt effect-
ive. The experience in connection with the repeated at-
tempts made to assassinate the Korean Ministry showed
plainly enough that Korean police and military could not be
depended upon to protect the rights or the lives of their own
countrymen. Subsequent events showed that these same
" minions of the law" were most dangerous to the property
and lives of foreigners. Hence the imperative need of a
1 Quoted, as are the following paragraphs bearing quotation marks,
from the pamphlet prepared under the supervision of the Resident-
General, and published in Seoul, January, 1907, on Administrative
Reforms in Korea. [These quotations are made exactly, and without
attempt to change the language in accordance with our use of legal
terms.]
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 345
reorganization of the police. On this matter of reform, the
Report of the Resident- General discourses as follows:
In olden times Korea had practically no police system. Under
the central Government there was indeed the "Burglar Capture
Office," while the provincial Governors were privileged to exer-
cise police powers for the maintenance of peace and order. But
the evil practice of selling offices being prevalent, the officials
made it their business to extort unjust exactions, and the people
enjoyed no security of life and property. In the year 503 of the
Korean national era (1894) the "Burglar Capture Office" was
closed and replaced by a " Kyong-mu-chyong" (Police Office),
the latter being entrusted with the work of administering and
superintending the police and prison affairs within the city of
Seoul. The capital was then divided into five wards with a
police station in each. Further, the Korean Government en-
gaged advisers from among police inspectors of our Metropolitan
Police Board, and put in force various laws and ordinances, de-
fining and regulating the duties of the police force, besides adopt-
ing fixed uniforms for men and officers, all in imitation of the
Japanese system. At the same time the " Kyong-mu-koan " was
created in the provincial Governor's Offices, for the exclusive
management of local police affairs. Since then numerous changes
have followed, and the Japanese police advisers have been dis-
missed. In 1895 the Kyong-mu-chyong was abolished, and a
new Department of Police was established. Then the police ad-
ministration of the whole country was centralized in the hands of
the Minister of Police. This innovation was, however, but short
lived, and the Kyong-mu-chyong came to be resuscitated, the whole
police system being now placed in the control of the Minister of
Home Affairs. At that time, in virtue of her treaty with Korea,
Japan not only took her own means of protecting her subjects
residing in that country, but despatched police officials who were
required in carrying out her rights connected with her Consular
Courts. Subsequent to the Japan-China war, the number of
Japanese resident in Korea steadily increased, and as years went
by a similar change took place with regard to the number of our
346 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
police attached to the Consulates, so that the latter had finally to
have a regular police station within each Consular compound.
Thus it happened that by the time of the Russo-Japanese war,
Korea had come to have two police systems in force in the land.
When the war broke out Korea engaged Japanese advisers for
her police administration, and everything connected therewith,
large or small, underwent changes in accordance with their views.
At that juncture there was necessity, for military reasons, of in-
troducing into Korea Japanese military police or gendarmerie, so
that the country has since come to have simultaneously within her
bounds three police organizations namely, the native police, the
Japanese Consulate police, and the gendarmerie.
On the establishment of the Residency- General, after the ter-
mination of the war, all three systems were brought under the
unified control of the Resident- General, in such a manner as to
promote the national tranquillity of Korea, each supplementing
the work of the other. Under the new arrangement all ordinary
police work is placed in the hands either of the Japanese or of the
Korean police, to suit the needs of the localities concerned; while
the gendarmes are to look after the higher class of police affairs
or those relating to acts that tend to endanger the safety of the
Korean Imperial House, or to defy the authority of the Korean
Government, or to disturb the friendly relations between Japan
and Korea. At one time the gendarmerie was divided into twelve
sub-companies, and fifty-five detail stations were established for
them. Under the new regime 184 men have been honorably dis-
charged, having been retained in the service beyond their regular
term, or belonging to the reserve. At the same time the number
of detail stations was reduced to thirty-two. The need of aug-
menting the strength of the Japanese and" native police being in-
creasingly felt, measures are being steadily taken in this direction
within the limits which the circumstances allow.
The laws of the land may be enlightened in their construc-
tion, and the police thoroughly well organized and efficient;
but if the courts of justice are not intelligent and honest,
the public justice is not secure. In Korea, as in China, from
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 347
which country she derived her administrative and judicial
system, two principal evil influences have prevented any
effectual reform in the judiciary. These are the failure to
separate the executive and judiciary branches of government,
and the fact that officials generally have not been dependent
upon sufficient salaries for their reward, but, chiefly, upon the
amounts which could be squeezed out of the offices.
"The way in which justice has been administrated in
Korea," says the Report, "is too revolting to all sense of
decency to be told in detail. Her political development has
never yet attained that stage when the executive and judiciary
branches of government separate and become independent
of each other. The privilege of meting out justice has always
been in the hands of executive officials, and abuses have
grown up in consequence of this. Justice, which should
always be fair and upright, has generally allowed itself to be
influenced by the amount of bribe offered, and right or wrong
often changed places according to the .power and influence
of the parties concerned. The conviction of innocent people,
the confiscation of their property, and the liberation of the
guilty, all under a travesty of trials, have been common
occurrences; very frequently, too, contributions in money or
in kind have been extorted under threats of litigation. Korea,
indeed, possesses a law court organization by virtue of a law
promulgated in 1895, and according to it the courts are of the
following descriptions: i. Special Court of Law (tries
crimes committed by members of the Imperial family).
2. Court of Cassation. 3. Circuit Courts. 4. (Seoul) The
Trade Port Courts (courts of first resort). 5. District
Courts (courts of first resort), and their branches (when
needed)."
"The truth is, however, that this organization exists
merely on paper, the only courts in actual existence being the
Court of Cassation and the Seoul Court. In the provinces,
348 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the governors, commissioners and superintendents are, as
of old, also judges and hear and judge both civil and criminal
cases. The Kun magistrates, too, retain their judiciary
powers, which are, however, limited in extent. Even at the
independent courts, such as the Court of Cassation and the
Seoul Court, judges and prosecutors are men totally deficient
in legal knowledge and training, and their judgments often
,end in the miscarriage of justice. It is not surprising that
justice is generally made the object of ridicule and contempt
in Korea both by the natives and by foreigners. Treaties
give foreigners from the West the right to bring an action
against the natives in the Korean Courts in cases of a certain
description; but none of them has ever made use of such a
right. When any legal dispute arises, these foreigners always
make an international question of it and bring it before the
Residency- General. Leave the situation as it at present is,
and the day will never come when Korea may be freed from
the system of extra-territoriality. It being evident that the
chief cause responsible for this regrettable state of things lies
in the judiciary in force and the incompetency of judges, the
Resident- General has decided first to effect reform on these
two points, with others to follow gradually. The reforms
he has already put in practice for this purpose may be
outlined as follows" [Here given only in summary form]:
The creation of the office of Chief Councillor in the Depart-
ment of Justice (the incumbent to be a Japanese); increase
in the number of judges, procurators, and clerks; the con-
stituting of the Prefects of the eleven Prefectures to act as
Judges; provision for proper offices and for the travelling
and other expenses of the Judges and the Law Courts; the
introduction of rules of the civil service order, so that care
may be exercised in the appointment of judiciary officials, etc.
It has already been made sufficiently clear, however, that
the one instrument of the public justice which conies closest
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 349
to the common people of Korea, and which determines more
than any other the spirit of satisfaction with their condition
or of unrest and revolt, is the local magistracy. On the
''Reform of Local Administration" the Report remarks as
follows :
One thing that has defied satisfactory solution ever since the
beginning of the present Yi dynasty is the problem of the political
division of Korea. Soon after the Japan- China war, Pak Yong-
hyo, who was then Minister of Home Affairs, tried a radical
change by turning the country into 23 prefectures. It was an
innovation indeed, but short-lived, for not long after the country
returned practically to its former division of 13 provinces, one
crown district, three prefectures and 341 districts (excepting Han-
Yang pu), with a Governor for each province, a Crown Commis-
sioner for the crown district, a Magistrate for each district, a
Prefect for each prefecture, and a Superintendent for each open
port. Nor has this division seen much change since then. It is
true that the question of local administration was one of the
many that confronted the Residency- General when it set out on
its work of politically regenerating Korea. A special Commission
was instituted, and under the direction of the Resident- General
its members carried investigations deep into the root of the evils
and abuses to be removed. As the result all changes, sudden
and radical, from fear of unnecessarily provoking popular excite-
ment, were carefully avoided. Having in view, however, the new
condition of things, the Commission decided on a plan of pro-
vincial reforms, which took the form of an Imperial Ordinance
proclaiming a "New Official Organization" and "Detailed Rules"
for its operation. These were issued on the 28th of September
last and put in force on the ist of October.
The more detailed features of the reforms proposed are
uninteresting and difficult to understand for one not making
a special study of Korean local administration from the
expert's point of view. In general, the reforms are intended
to separate the appointment and control of the local magis-
350 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
tracy from Court and other corrupt official influences; to put
a stop to the evil practice "of selling offices by holding
examinations for official candidates"; to reduce the tempta-
tion to increase the squeezes, by increasing the legitimate
salary and by providing properly for office, travelling, and
other expenses; and to adopt and install "a new official
organization for the provincial governors and their subordi-
nates, classifying the nature of the business to be managed
by them and denning their powers of issuing administrative
orders, of levying local taxes and of conducting other affairs."
These reforms require a considerable increase in the number
of officials in both the Do (or Province) and Pu (or Prefecture) ;
but they leave the Runs (or smaller districts) substantially
unchanged in this regard.
Besides the above changes, the Residency- General has
already established a Residency or a Branch Residency in
each of the provincial capitals. Further, the Local Adminis-
tration Investigation Commission is now making enquiries
into village constitutions, village assembly regulations, and
other village association systems, handed down from olden
times. From the data thus obtained, a plan will be drawn
up for the ultimate introduction of the system of local auton-
omy. As to the reorganization of the Law Court system,
the independence of the Department of Justice, the separation
of tax collection from routine executive business as the
result of the establishment of a new Taxation Bureau with
a chief of its own, etc., these form, no doubt, a part of local
administration reform.
Only the result can tell how far, and how soon, these
plans for the reform of the public justice in Korea can so
change its present deplorable condition in this regard as to
satisfy the reasonable wishes of the Marquis Ito, and the
Japanese Government, so far as it is supporting him in his
peaceful and benevolent plans. The events which have oc-
EDUCATION AND THE PUBLIC JUSTICE 351
curred since this Report on Administrative Reforms was
composed, have, on the one side, given to the Resident-
General and his helpers a freer hand in a more open field,
but on the other they have augmented the responsibilities
and in some respects increased the difficulties of their task.
CHAPTER XV
FOREIGNERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS
BY the Protocols of February and August, 1904, and still
more perfectly by the Convention of November, 1905, Japan
became the sole official medium for communication between
Korea and all other foreign Powers. Indeed, as the history
of the relations between the two countries already narrated
in summary form abundantly shows, thus much of control
over Korean affairs had been demonstrated to be necessary
for the welfare of both. But apart from considerations
which are fitted to influence the judgment of either Japanese
or Koreans, the question arises: How is the Protectorate of
Japan likely to affect other foreigners in their relations to
Korea? At present the foreign interests concerned in the
solution of the general problem are chiefly of two orders:
they are the interests of trade and commerce, and the mis-
sionary interests. The larger diplomatic controversies,
except so far as these may possibly arise in adjusting these
two classes of interests, have now, it would seem, been satis-
factorily arranged for some time to come. The recent
treaties concluded between Japan on the one side, and
Great Britain, France, and Russia on the other, all ex-
pressly guarantee respect for Japan's control over the penin-
sula. In addition to the arrangement for a sort of reciprocal
"hands-off" from each other's possessions and " paramount
interests" in the Far East, into .which France and Russia
have entered, Great Britain has pledged her support in de-
fence of the Protectorate. All these nations have, more-
352
FOREIGNERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS 353
over, solemnly committed themselves to the maintenance of
the integrity of the Empire of China and to the policy of the
so-called "open door." How unlikely it is, then, that the
Japanese Government should proceed at once to violate
treaty obligations which it has itself been at such pains and
expense of men and money to secure, and the maintenance
of which, to the satisfaction of its foreign allies, so intimately
concerns its own future welfare.
These same Conventions which confer certain rights upon
the Japanese Government in Korea just as plainly put this
Government under certain solemn obligations. The foreign
Powers have, strictly speaking, no diplomatic corps at Seoul.
Their Ambassadors and Ministers at Tokyo are their repre-
sentatives for Korea as well as for Japan. All foreign
Powers are represented by officials residing in the capital
city of Korea who have consular functions only. Since,
however, such functions must, in general, be exercised on the
spot, and since other business can often be transacted only
there, with any tolerable degree of convenience, the Consuls
at Seoul are admitted to correspond with the Residency-
General and with the various subordinate Residencies.
Naming them in the order of their seniority, Belgium, China,
Great Britain, Russia, France, and the United States are
now (in 1907) each represented by a Consul- General, and
Italy by a Consul. "Where foreign rights of any kind," says
Mr. Stevens who in saying this speaks both as Adviser to
the Korean Council of State and also as Counsellor to the
Resident- General "are threatened or molested, it is the
duty of the Japanese Government to furnish safeguards or
to provide a remedy. The Japanese Government has the
right to employ for that purpose all the machinery which the
laws of Korea place in its hands; and it would seem logically
to follow, also, that where such means prove inadequate, it is
the right, as well as the duty, of the Japanese Government to
354 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
insist that the deficiency shall be supplied by appropriate
legislation or by such other method as may be reasonable
and just under the circumstances."
It does not follow from this, however, that either the rights
of the Japanese Government allow, or their obligations
compel, it to go to any length demanded by foreign business
men, or concessionaires, or even by foreign missionaries, in
promoting their real or fancied interests, or in redressing
their fancied as well as their real wrongs. There are plainly
limits to be observed in meeting demands and requests of
this character. It may be the duty of the Japanese Govern-
ment, for example, to secure and defend all the mining and
other concessions made to foreigners which can prove them-
selves to have been honestly obtained and administered in
substantial accord with the initial contract. Inasmuch as
few concessions of any sort among those obtained from the
last Emperor can stand the test of honesty, or even of
tolerable freedom from corruption, it will doubtless be well
for the Japanese Government not to be over-scrupulous or
too curiously enquiring in many cases. But it certainly is
not its duty to allow the Imperial treasury to be plundered
ad libitum by contracts made, and concessions obtained,
through combinations of corrupt Korean officials with greedy
and unscrupulous foreigners. Again: it may be the duty
of the Japanese Government to protect a certain "freedom
of the press," in the case of publications owned and managed
by foreigners, even if printed in the vernacular and distributed
widely among the more ignorant and excitable of the native
population. It is certainly greatly to the credit of the Japanese
officials to have borne so quietly the slanderous and abusive
attacks upon their government of one such publication in
Seoul. But surely there may be a limit here also. Un-
doubtedly that limit was reached, when the vernacular
edition of this publication excited the natives to sedition,
FOREIGNERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS 355
revolt, and assassination, especially at so critical a juncture
in the national affairs as occurred during the spring and
summer of 1907. Possibly, there is also a limit beyond
which misrepresentation and falsehood directed against
individuals not connected with the government ought not
to be allowed to pass. 1
It must also be remembered that the success of the Resi-
dency-General in the economic, educational, and judicial
reform of Korea depends largely upon husbanding and
developing the resources of Korea. In all this, Mr. Megata,
the Financial Adviser, has been the right-hand man of
Marquis Ito, the Resident-General. If these resources are
squandered, or "conceded" in such a way as to deprive the
Korean Government and the Korean people of the natural
wealth of their own land, then the plans for every kind of
reform will be crippled, if not wholly thwarted. To en-
courage legitimate business with all nations is for the ad-
vantage of both the Japanese and the Korean Governments;
such a policy is directly in the line of Marquis Ito's intentions
1 The following incident illustrates the habitual behavior of the Korean
Daily News, edited by Mr. Bethell, in both an English and a native
edition. Dr. Jones, one of the most faithful and useful of the Mis-
sionary body in Korea, had previously incurred the bitter enmity of
this paper by publicly announcing (see p. 61 f.) the intention to assist
the Resident-General in his plans, so far as his own work as a mis-
sionary permitted, for the up-raising of Korea. At the time when the
Korean troops, in a wholly unprovoked way, fired upon the crowd in
the streets of Seoul, Dr. Jones published in the Seoul Press an account
of what he himself saw. The account was not accompanied by any
harsh criticism of the conduct of the troops. But "shortly afterwards
a Korean attached to the vernacular paper visited him and, attacking
him fiercely, denounced him as an enemy of Korea. This was followed
by a savage attack in the Korean edition of the News, giving an en-
tirely false account of what Dr. Jones had done and said. It was in
fact an invitation to murder." Dr. Jones at once appealed to the
American Consul-General and he to the British. The editor was
forced to retract and apologize, but this by no means compensated for
the damage his article had done.
356 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
for the reform and unlifting of the economic condition of the
peninsula. No one person would suffer so severely in mind
and in reputation as would the Resident- General himself
if this policy failed through any fault of his own or of his
country's administration in Korea. But, on the other hand,
to check the evil consequences of illegitimate schemes of pro-
motion already accomplished, and to prevent the initiation
of such schemes in the future, is an equally necessary part
of this policy.
On the whole subject of the attitude of the Japanese Gov-
ernment toward foreign business interests in Korea the follow-
ing lengthy quotations may be considered as authoritative:
The foreign trade of Korea has been steadily increasing, es-
pecially during the past six years. Making due allowance for the
increase of imports brought about by the war, the proportion of
normal increase gives every sign of healthy growth. Japan's
trade is much the largest. Korean exports go almost exclusively
to Japan, except ginseng, which is sent to China. Of the im-
ports from Japan a large proportion are foreign, as Japan is put
down in the Customs Returns as the country from which the
importation was made, the country of origin not being given.
As Japan is the place of transhipment for much of the trade, and
as much of it passes through Japanese hands, it would be difficult
to differentiate. There are certain important staples, however,
concerning which there can be no ambiguity American kerosene,
for example, which practically monopolizes the market. Rails
and railway equipment also come from foreign countries, the cars
and engines from the United States. As Korea increases in
wealth and her purchasing capacity grows correspondingly, there
will be a field for other machinery, modern farming implements
among the rest, no doubt.
American and European enterprise has not been so conspicuous
in the field of ordinary commercial enterprise as in other direc-
tions. Concessions of one kind and another have attracted more
attention than trade and commerce. The most conspicuous and
FOREIGNERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS 357
successful undertaking of this kind is the Oriental Consolidated
Mining Company at Unsan in Northern Korea, originally Amer-
ican; now it is generally understood to be largely English in
ownership. This was the first mining concession ever granted to
foreigners in Korea. His Majesty the Emperor was originally a
half owner in the company, but sold out his interest for 300,000
yen and a payment of 25,000 yen per annum. The company's
concession covers a large area, and the capital is $5,000,000,
American money. At the outset the enterprise did not look very
promising, but by skilful management it grew until it reached its
present important proportions.
It would probably be idle to attempt an analysis of the advan-
tages and disadvantages to Korea of enterprises of this kind.
Certainly, if there are any advantages, the Unsan concession should
be a favorable example. That it has been of great advantage to
Korea is at least an open question. On the one side, in its favor,
may be set the large amounts annually expended by the company
in wages, etc. This is undoubtedly a good thing while it lasts;
but gold mines are exhausted sooner or later, and the benefits
they confer are only temporary. The abandoned mining sites in
America, no matter how prosperous in their day, can hardly be
instanced as examples of prosperity for the people of the country
in which they are located, who are not owners of successful mines.
. , . Against this, and other like enterprises, may be cited, for
one thing, the disadvantage of the wholesale destruction of timber.
The country about Unsan has been practically denuded of timber,
and in an agricultural country like Korea this is undoubtedly an
evil.
This much has been said of the effects of the operations of a
successful company, conducted on a conservative basis, merely to
show that the advantages of the development of Korean resources
about which so much has been said, are not unmixed blessings.
The matter is of some importance in the light of all that has been
published of late upon the subject. . . . English and German
companies each obtained a mining concession, but neither proved
financially successful. Japanese also obtained one concession, in
which American capital is at present interested. . . . The
358 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
system of granting mining concessions was open to so many
objections that foreign representatives frequently importuned
the Korean Government to issue mining regulations under
which the mineral resources of the country could be system-
atically developed. Nothing was done, however, until after the
establishment of the Residency-General, when a mining law was
passed. This law provides for mining under proper safeguards
as regards public and private interests. Under the old system, or
rather lack of system, the concessionaire could do practically
what he pleased within the limits of his concession. Now he
must conform to laws and regulations which permit him to carry
on his business under conditions which promote the interests and
conserve the rights of all concerned.
The business methods which have developed in Korea since
intercourse with foreigners began are the natural outgrowth of
the circumstances and of the practices prevailing before that
time. Reference is not here intended to ordinary commercial
transactions, but to that species of business which has its rise in
government favors and thrives by government patronage. In a
country where the Government is the fountain-head of favors of
every description, it was perhaps inevitable that the results should
be those which we see in Korea. Viewed from the most favorable
standpoint they certainly leave much to be desired. The Gov-
ernment, or, as has really been the actual fact, the Emperor, has
been persuaded to enter into a number of business enterprises,
both public and private, not a single one of which has been suc-
cessful and every one of which has been the occasion of loss either
to the public treasury or to His Majesty's privy purse. Under-
takings of various kinds wooden manufactories, glass factories,
railways, etc. have been projected, but have gone no further than
the stage of involving the employment of foreign directors, as-
sistants, and the like, and have stopped there. Sometimes foreign
experts have been employed who were really capable of conducting
the business for which their services were secured. They have
come to Korea, only to discover that no preparations have been
made to carry on the enterprises with which they were to be con-
nected. In other cases, the persons engaged to oversee the pro-
FOREIGNERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS 359
jected enterprises have been notoriously incompetent, and the
whole affair has smacked largely of fraud from beginning to end.
It would require too much space to recount the various under-
takings of a public nature which have been attempted and have
ignominiously failed. The result has been monotonously the same
in every instance namely, the payment by the Korean Govern-
ment of large sums of money for useless material and for services
never rendered. Another source of heavy loss has been the con-
tracts made on behalf of the Government for all sorts of things
rice that was never needed, arms and ammunition which were
worthless, railroad material which was never delivered, and so on
through the long list of wasteful expenditure of the public funds.
It is something hardly capable of direct proof, but there is no reas-
onable doubt that almost every one of these enterprises had its
inspiration in the desire for illicit gain by one or another of the
officials interested. The explanation of the foreigners interested
may be summed up in the phrase, "that is the way business is
done in Korea." The Empire has been the happy hunting-
ground for the foreign business man not over-scrupulous as to the
methods by which money was to be made. Equally it has held
out golden opportunities to the promoter and hunter for " con-
cessions." This does not include those foreigners who are willing
to take the chances of success and the pecuniary risks inseparable
from enterprises like mining, for example, but that other class of
promoters who desire to get something for nothing, and then sell
it to others. The gentlemen who have so much to say about
"enlisting foreign capital" in the development of Korea's re-
sources will generally be found upon investigation to be prepared
only to "enlist" some one else's capital. The promoter has his
uses, no doubt, and, as a pioneer in new fields, unquestionably
accomplishes good in some cases. Unfortunately, in Korea the
results of his activities can hardly be classed in this category. . . .
Especially is this true of those enterprises with which His
Majesty has been most prominently identified as an investor. As
before said, they have invariably resulted in heavy losses to the
privy purse. Various explanations have been given for this, but
the fact remains and cannot be disputed. Others have pros-
360 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
pered, but so far as His Majesty is concerned, the balance has
always been on the debit side of the ledger.
If it were necessary to multiply instances of the injury done
to the economic interests of the Korean people, and of the
difficulty of adjusting in any half-satisfactory way the claims
of foreign promoters and concessionaires, it could easily be
done upon good evidence. But mention of a few such in-
stances only with the suppression of names and details, for
obvious reasons will suffice to convince the reader, however
"patriotic" in such matters, who has even the semblance of
a candid mind. Prominent among examples is that of a
foreign company of contractors, who have obtained from
the Korean Government a variety of claims, such as public-
utility franchises, and a mining concession. Of the former,
one franchise had cost the Privy Purse of the Korean Em-
peror not less than 600,000 yen up to 1902; and when it was
sold to satisfy a mortgage held by these same contractors,
although Mr. J. McLeavy Brown, at the time Commissioner-
General of Customs, who had been appointed to audit the
accounts, recommended that items aggregating 1,100,000 yen
should be disallowed, and gave his judgment to the effect
that foreclosure would be a grave injustice to His Majesty,
the latter was induced to buy one-half of the property at
750,000 yen. The whole of the same property not long be-
fore had been offered at 800,000 yen! This public utility
still fails to yield a dollar in dividends to the royal in-
vestor.
Another franchise of this same company has been sold,
without any investment o capital on their part, to an English
company for 15,000 cash and 50,000 in fully paid-up
ordinary shares. Under the apparent impression that they
have even yet not sufficiently profited from the Privy Purse
of the Emperor and the national treasury of this poverty-
FOREIGNERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS 361
stricken land, the same company is bringing all possible
" influence" to bear in order to validate their claims to a
" Mining Concession." With regard to this last claim, which
is still contested, it is enough for our purposes to say that it
was surreptitiously obtained; that the stipulation which re-
quired a capital of $1,000,000 fully paid up at the time of
incorporation has been violated; and that the provision
which guarantees that no other mining concession should be
made to any one, native or foreign, until these concession-
aires had made their choice, is plainly contra bonos mores.
Moreover, negotiations have been entered into by this
company for the sale of this concession to another foreign
syndicate.
The mining claim of these foreign promoters, although it
has not yet been wholly adjusted is, indeed, a cause c'elebre
on account of the large sums involved; but it only illustrates
a special combination of the elements which are found, with
a difference of mixture, in all the cases of this general char-
acter. There was the foolish and wanton Emperor, who has
little intelligent care for the material or other interests of his
people; the crafty and corrupt Koreans, officials and ex-
officials; the land rich in unexplored and undeveloped re-
sources, and the "enterprising" foreigner, unscrupulous as
to his methods and ready to utilize either truly or falsely
his alleged " influence" with the officials of his own Govern-
ment. Another case, in which all the participants were
Koreans with the exception of one foreigner, has also been
charged to the account of the Japanese Government on the
debit side. This foreigner, having put forth the claim to be
a mining engineer (he was in truth only a miner a so-called
"three-^m-a-day" man), associated himself with a Korean,
popularly known as "Pak the liar," and through the latter
obtained the assistance at Court of a powerful official and his
friends. A " company" was formed, which obtained from
362 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the Emperor an elaborate document of the ''franchise" sort,
giving them the exclusive right to find coal-oil where no
coal-oil was, to bottle mineral water from springs which have
no valuable qualities to their water, and to export coal which
was totally unfit for export. Appeals were constantly made,
and answered, for funds to further this enterprise, until His
Majesty became tired, and the whole affair was wound up.
This was done by paying the foreigner 12,000 yen claimed as
back pay. He then departed to his native land to complain
that the Japanese were inimical to the investment of foreign
capital in Korea. The net result was a few thousand tons of
coal taken from one small mine sold, but the proceeds never
accounted for; an expenditure from the Privy Purse variously
estimated at from 300,000 yen to 400,000 yen; and the en-
richment of certain Korean officials and ex-officials. For
all this Mr. Megata, the Japanese Financial Adviser, had
to provide the money. The "Poong Poo" Company
itself never had any money to put into its " promoting"
schemes.
That the charge of favoring their own countrymen in the
matter of concessions and monopolies, which has been some-
what freely made abroad against the Japanese Government
in Korea, is not justifiable, the following proof may be cited.
At some time between January 15 and January 29 of 1905,
Mr. Yi-chai-kuk, then Minister of the Imperial Household of
Korea, recognized and signed no fewer than twenty-three
concessions granted to one Yi-Sei-chik, a Korean, and his
four Japanese associates. These concessions included the
consolidation of taxation on land, the utilization of the
water-ways for various purposes, and state monopolies of
tobacco, salt, kerosene, etc. Imperial orders were secretly
given to the same Yi to raise a foreign loan of several
million yen for the purpose of detecting the secrets of
the Military Headquarters stationed in Korea, as well as
FOREIGNERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS 363
of the Tokyo Government, and to make reports about
them. 1
These iniquitous transactions in which Koreans and Jap-
anese were concerned were made, when discovered, the occa-
sion of a memorandum of protest. This memorandum re-
minded the Korean Government and Court that they have
often been unfaithful to the "general plan of administrative
reform," based upon the compact made between Korea and
Japan, by granting to foreigners various important conces-
sions in secret ways. "With a view of putting an end to
any further recurrence of such complications, an express
Agreement was entered into, August, 1904, by which "it
was stipulated that, in case of granting concessions to foreign-
ers, or of making contracts with foreigners, the Imperial
Governments should first be informed and consulted with."
The memorandum then goes on to express profound regret
that "His Majesty and his Court" had attempted by these
concessions, "in defiance of this provision, a breach of faith."
Then follows the demand upon the Minister for Foreign
Affairs of Korea to take the following steps:
1. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, after stating to His
Majesty the above facts and reasons, shall announce in a most
public way under the Imperial order that the concessions above
mentioned are null and void, as they have failed to observe the
provisions of the Agreement between Korea and Japan.
2. It shall also be most publicly announced under the Im-
perial order that, in any case of granting concessions to foreigners,
either the Korean Government or the Court shall first consult
with the Imperial Government.
This memorandum bears date of July n, 1905. But this
instance of the most decisive steps taken by the Japanese
1 This fact has been clearly proven by papers found on the body of
Yi-Sei-chik, when he was afterward arrested and detained at head-
quarters, as well as by his personal statements.
364 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Government to prevent its own subjects from profiting by
secret and corrupt alliance with Korean officials, for the ob-
taining of concessions and contracts, is by no means an
isolated one. In truth, the Japanese Protectorate is more
severe in dealing with such cases where Japanese are con-
cerned, than where other foreigners have the chief interests.
And repeatedly has the Resident- General assured his own
countrymen that they must expect no favors in business
schemes for exploiting Korea to their own advantage, but to
the injury of the Koreans themselves. Indeed, he has
publicly declared to all such Japanese: " You have me for
your enemy"
More recently effective measures have been enacted and
put into force to make impossible the recurrence of the old-
time ways of robbing Korea by schemes for " promoting"
her business enterprises and by secret ways of obtaining
concessions. Among- such measures is the safeguarding of
the "Imperial black seal" (the Emperor's private seal),
which could formerly be used to plunder the treasury with-
out the knowledge or consent of its legalized guardians, or
even of the Emperor himself. Under the new regulations,
the black seal cannot be legally used except with the knowl-
edge and attestation of the Minister of the Household and
his Imperial Treasurer.
Among the other foreign relations into which Japan has
entered, to substitute for Korea, is the protection of Korean
emigrants. Although Korea needs, and can for a long
time to come support, all its own natural increase of
native population, and .several millions of foreign immigrants
besides, the complete lack of opportunity for "getting ahead"
in their native land caused a considerable exodus of her own
population some six or seven years ago. At the instance of
an American, about 8,000 Korean men and 400 Korean
women emigrated to Hawaii. In 1905 a Mexican prevailed
FOREIGNERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS 365
upon 1,300 natives to go to Mexico. This experience led the
Korean Government, in April, 1905, to issue an order pro-
hibiting the emigration of Korean laborers. Under the
Japanese Protectorate, however, in July, 1906, "An Emi-
grant Protection Law," with detailed rules for its operation,
was enacted, which came into force on the i5th of September
of the same year.
With regard to all foreign relations with Korea, whether of
legitimate business, of commerce, or of emigration, the civi-
lized world is undoubtedly much better off now that their
custody is in the hands of the Japanese Residency- General.
In our judgment the same thing is true of those moral and
religious interests represented by the missionary bodies al-
ready established, or to be established in the future, in the
Korean peninsula. This is not, indeed, the opinion of all
the missionaries themselves. As regards the whole subject
of the effect of the Protectorate upon mission work past,
present, and future there is a difference of opinion among
the missionaries themselves. As to the attitude of Marquis
Ito there can be no reasonable doubt. His expressions of
feeling and intention have been frequently mentioned in the
earlier chapters of this book. The missionary problem will
be discussed, apart, in a later chapter.
As to the general feeling of the Koreans themselves toward
foreigners, the following quotations are believed to express
the truth;
Since the inauguration of foreign intercourse the anti-foreign
feeling of which the Tai Won Kun was so prominent an exponent,
appears to have died out. Possibly it may linger still in the minds
of some of the old-fashioned Confucian scholars, but not to any
appreciable extent. Formerly it was, no doubt, possible to excite
the people against foreigners for slight cause; but exhibitions of
anti-foreign sentiment in recent times appear to have been
officially instigated, as, for example, the massacre of the French
3 66 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
missionaries and their converts, for which the Tai Won Kim is
held responsible. More intimate intercourse with the representa-
tives of Western civilization, and especially missionary labor
which has been so genuinely successful, seem to have eliminated
anything like a general feeling of dislike for foreigners.
The case of the Japanese stands by itself in this regard. Much
has been written of the ancient hatred of Koreans for Japanese.
Traces of that feeling may linger, but that it is an ineradicable
national trait, as some would seem to hold, hardly seems pos-
sible. Koreans and Japanese have lived together in complete
amity and good fellowship in the past, and there is no good reason
why they should not live side by side on the best of terms in the
future. Certainly none in the sentiment of dislike on one side,
for the origin of which we must go back nearly three centuries.
The practical difficulty, the dislike which really counts, is of more
modern origin. Korea and Japan have been jostled together, as
it were, by two wars in recent times, and the weaker of the two
has suffered a circumstance to be regretted, no doubt, but still
inevitable. Korea has experienced some of the evils which follow
in war's train; and while they were not nearly so disastrous as
has been represented, they have left a feeling of dislike and dis-
trust for those who are held responsible. This was to have been
expected and counted upon; for the remedy we must await the
wider and more intelligent comprehension of the real meaning of
the new order of things. When it is finally understood that even-
handed justice is the rule, that the life and property of every man,
no matter how humble, are safe under the law, and that the pres-
ence of the alien does not mean licensed extortion and oppression,
we shall not hear anything more of that racial hatred upon which
so much stress has been laid.
CHAPTER XVI
WRONGS: REAL AND FANCIED
AMONG the many embarrassments encountered by Marquis
Ito as Japanese Resident-General in his efforts to reform
and elevate Korea, there is perhaps no one more persistent
and hard to overcome than the charges of fraud and violence
made against his own countrymen. These charges come
from various sources and are promulgated in a variety of
ways. Sometimes they take the form of a book as, for
example, Mr. Hulbert's "Passing of Korea." For months
the Korean Daily News, under the editorship of Mr. Bethell,
in both its native and its English editions, filled its daily
columns with complaints, wearisomely reiterated after- they
had been repeatedly disproved, or made anew on insufficient
grounds and even without any trustworthy evidence what-
ever. In scarcely less degree, the same thing has been true
of certain English papers printed outside of Korea, especially
in China. More effective still in producing an impression
abroad, but not more trustworthy, have been the published
letters of many travellers and newspaper correspondents.
Conspicuous among the latter class was the letter of Mr.
William T. Ellis to the New York Tri-Weekly Tribune, in
which it was stated that, under the then existing Japanese
Government, "robbery, abuse, oppression, injustice, and
even murder are the lot of the Korean common people." 1
1 This serious charge was made by the writer and published to a
friendly nation, on the basis of no personal knowledge, not to say care-
ful investigation, and after casual conversation with a small number of
witnesses who belong to the class peculiarly liable to be deceived both
as to facts and as to causes of such alleged incidents.
367
368 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Most deplorable 1 of all are the hasty and inconsiderate charges
believed on exaggerated or wholly false accounts of the
Koreans themselves, and propagated by the relatively small
body of missionaries who have remained for reasons to
be considered subsequently in an attitude of open or secret
hostility to the Japanese Protectorate.
The charges against the Japanese of violence and fraud
in Korea may be divided into four classes: those which are
important and true; those which are trivial and only partly
true; those which are exaggerated; and those which are
wholly false. Of the first kind there are a few only; of the
second there are many; of the third there are even a greater
number; and of the fourth there are not a few. In judging
the conduct of the Japanese Government and its officials
of all ranks and classes, as distinguished from the conduct
of adventurous and unscrupulous individual Japanese, the
material and social condition of affairs in the peninsula during
and immediately after the Russo-Japanese war cannot fairly
be left out of the account. One complaint brought by its
most unsympathetic critics against the Government is that
it did not foresee the influx of undesirable characters into
Korea during the war and make sufficient provision for their
control. But precisely the opposite of this complaint is true.
The military and other coolies and camp-followers had given
much trouble and embarrassment to the Japanese officials
in the war with China. Accordingly, the military authorities
determined at the beginning of the war with Russia to avoid
such complications by composing the military train wholly
of enlisted men. Thus many recruits students, profes-
sional men, and tradesmen who did not come up to the
standard set for the soldier, or who were not ready for service
1 Deplorable, on account of its effect, direct and indirect, upon the
Koreans, upon Marquis Ito's efforts at reform, and upon the mis-
sionary cause in Japan as well as Korea,
WRONGS: REAL AND FANCIED 369
in the ranks, served as cart-pullers, burden-bearers, and in
other laborious and humble ways. The conduct of the
army, and of the enlisted men generally, in Korea and
Manchuria, was so admirable as to call out the quite unex-
ampled approval of all candid observers. Looting was
almost absolutely prevented; the extremely rare cases of
rape were punished with death as soon as the offence was
proved; violence or insult toward all non-combatants was
of rare occurrence; and the treatment of the Russian prison-
ers of war evoked the gratitude of the prisoners themselves.
In all these respects, the difference between the Japanese
and the Chinese and Russians was indeed remarkable.
At the beginning of the war the Tokyo government, per-
ceiving that the civil authorities in Korea were already over-
burdened with labors consequent upon the great influx of
Japanese many of them belonging to the lower classes
proposed a bill to establish new courts and an increased force
of police. In the pressure of important business connected
with the life-or-death struggle in which Japan was then
engaged, the bill did not pass. A Police Adviser to the
Korean Government was, however, appointed. What must
have been the complete incompetency of the Korean magis-
trates and police at such a time of confusion may be faintly
imagined by one who like the author has seen how in-
effectively they still discharged their functions, for the pro-
tection of their own officials and for the maintenance of
order in the country, at the time of his visit in the spring of
1907. It would have been strange, then, if anything ap-
proaching an even-handed justice through the courts, or a
complete condition of order by fear of the police, could have
been secured in Korea in 1904 and 1905. No such justice
or order has ever existed in this land of misrule. Japan
secured it during the occupation of war, so far as its own
enlisted men were concerned; but its rights as "Protector"
370 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
were not fully gained and defined until after the close of the
war.
Among the most serious of the charges which are important
and, in certain instances, true, is that made against the mili-
tary authorities for the appropriation of lands for military
and railway uses, to an unreasonable extent, and in unfair
ways. "There can be no question," says Mr. D. W. Stevens,
"that at the outset the military authorities in Korea did
intimate an intention of taking more land for these uses
than seemed reasonable. They proceeded upon the principle
that the Korean Government had bound itself to grant all
land necessary for railway and military uses, and itself to
indemnify the owners an assumption which was technically
correct. But the owners, knowing the custom of their own
government under such circumstances, were hopeless of
obtaining anything like adequate redress. This, it should be
remembered, happened during the war, when martial law
was in the ascendant." When peace came, other counsels
prevailed; the intention to appropriate additional large tracts
was abandoned; and the amount staked off for military
purposes was greatly reduced was, indeed, in several
instances, made only a fraction of the original amount. For
all the domain granted or appropriated by the Korean
Government there has already accrued to the country, in
transportation facilities and other economic and political
advantages, far more than its actual value at the time of its
granting or appropriation. For the private land owned by
Koreans a fair price was paid in the majority of cases. The
prohibition of the owners within the delimited areas to sell
their lands and houses was designed to prevent prior purchase
by speculators and other indirect attempts to obtain extrava-
gant prices. The military authorities, under the pressure of
what they regarded as necessity, solved these difficulties in
the military way a way that certainly does not commend
WRONGS: REAL AND FANCIED 371
itself to civilians in times of peace, but which has been
employed too often by all the other civilized nations to enable
them to cast stones freely at the Japanese.. Even by these
high-handed measures they could not avoid, in certain cases,
paying much more for land owned by foreigners than it was
really worth. 1
It must further be confessed that a considerable number
of Japanese sharpers for the most part usurious money-
lenders have obtained land from Koreans in unjust and
oppressive ways. This species of robbery is made the more
difficult to detect and punish for the following reasons:
The Korean customs and laws concerning the transference
of titles to land are inadequate and confusing (for this reason,
some of the landed property belonging to other foreigners
than the Japanese, and even to the missionary bodies, would
have no little difficulty in establishing title) ; the Koreans are
given to issuing false and forged deeds, or in their ignorance
claiming title and conferring title where no such right ex-
ists; finally, in numerous instances, both Korean or foreign
'"squatters" (see p. 295 f.) and the government or some of its
officials are asserting, either honestly or fraudulently, their
holding of good title to the same piece of land. On all this
class of offences we may trust implicitly the statement of the
foreign official (an American) whose duty has led him to
examine into a large number of these cases: "The theft of
1 It has been asserted that the value of the land staked off by the
Japanese military authorities near Seoul was 6,000,000 yen. As the
result of a "painstaking and impartial investigation" it was found that,
at the highest market price, this land would not have brought more
than 750,000 to 1,000,000 yen. The Korean way in such matters is
well illustrated by the experience of the Young Men's Christian Asso-
ciation in Seoul, who, when one small piece of land was needed to
complete their site, were obliged to invoke an official order preventing
the sale to any other party; and even then paid a price probably two
or three times its true market value. Compare also what is said, p. 98 f.,
about the Pyeng-yang affair.
372 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
land by eviction, false deeds, etc.," says this authority, "is
another offence upon which great stress has been laid. Un-
doubtedly there were a number of cases of this kind, although
here again exaggeration has been at work. The commonest
instances were those where money-lenders were concerned;
and, in these cases, as in almost all others of the kind, Koreans
were associated in some way or other with the frauds which
were perpetrated. A spendthrift son or nephew would give
false title-deeds, or even pawn the genuine ones without
authority; a Korean rascal would conspire with a Japanese
of the same kidney to defraud other Koreans, and so on
through the long gamut of fraud wherein Korean connivance
was an indispensable prerequisite to success. The offences
relating to land have now been rendered practically impossible
through the promulgation of land regulations by the Residency-
General."
In a word, offences of this kind committed by the Japanese
against the Koreans, however numerous and grievous they
may have been, have proved short-lived; they were formerly
due to the disturbed conditions of a period of war, and
will now speedily be brought to an end. Summing them all
up, and even without making allowance for exaggerations,
the cry of the Koreans against the Japanese on the charge of
fraud and oppression touching their land is only as a drop to
a good-sized bucket compared with the cry of the Irish against
the English, or of the Koreans themselves against their own
countrymen. The wrongs are small indeed as compared
with those which have characterized the behavior of Amer-
icans against Americans in our own West. 1
1 What is the state of the case in certain portions of the West is truth-
fully told in the following paragraph quoted from a popular journal:
"In the matter of cheating Indians and acquiring public lands in ways
which bear all the ethical aspects of theft, there is no public or private
morality either in Oklahoma or any other of those Western States
where Indians and public lands continue to exist."
WRONGS: REAL AND FANCIED 373
Of brutal and murderous assaults from Japanese upon
Korean men and women there are indeed instances; but
the cases prove on examination to have been by no means
frequent. They have been, on the whole, fewer than such
crimes are accustomed to be between peoples of two nations
similarly placed. Indeed, they have been fewer than those
occurring to-day between different classes and different
nationals in many of the civilized countries of the Western
World. They bear no comparison to the horrors which
have for centuries been familiar in most of the Orient, in-
cluding Korea itself. "Wholesale military executions," for
example, of the Koreans who tore up the track of the military
railroad have been charged against the Japanese as virtually
murders. But during the entire war there was never a
single instance of what is known as "drum-head court
martial" of a Korean for such an offence. After the trial the
evidence in each case was transmitted to the Headquarters at
Seoul, where the case was confirmed, modified, or reversed.
The Japanese military authorities consented to have a Korean
official present at each trial as an amicus curia of the defend-
ant; but the Korean Government declined to be represented
and claimed that all such cases should be tried before their
own officials only. What would have been the outcome of
such a committal of the most vital military interests of Japan
to Korean magistrates it needs no great amount of experience
to judge. A Korean, for example, who had been arrested by
a Japanese gendarme and taken before a native magistrate
was duly punished for "throwing a stone at the railway!"
But on his being rearrested and tried before a military court
it was established that the man had been repeatedly con-
victed of piling stones upon the track with a view to wreck the
trains conveying the Japanese soldiers; whereupon the sen-
tence of the military court was confirmed from Headquarters
and the man was quite properly executed.
374 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Of the killing of Koreans, unprovoked and without the
excuse of self-defence, by Japanese, there have been at no
time any considerable number of cases. Indeed, the murders
of men and women of the other nationality, while in the quiet
discharge of their official duty or in their homes, have been
far more numerous. This was especially true while the
country was stirred to riot and bloodshed by the abdication
of the Emperor in July, 1907, and by the disbandment of
the Korean army, when mistaken or feigned "patriotism"
was showing itself in the customary Korean way. But that
there is nothing new about all this, a reference to chapters
which have sketched (IX and X) the history of the relations
of the countries in the past centuries will abundantly show.
Of serious and unprovoked assaults of Koreans by Jap-
anese there have been, doubtless, a considerable number.
It would be impossible to tell just how many, even as a result
of the most patient and candid investigation ; if for no other
reason, because the Korean habit of exaggeration and lying
renders almost all the uncorroborated testimony of the
natives untrustworthy. This experience with official lying
to cover their own countrymen against the demands of
foreigners for justice, or to enforce indemnity in cases of
false charges made against foreigners for assault on Koreans,
is not confined to the Japanese. It is the common experience
with all Korean judicial procedure. 1
Among the more serious unproved charges against Japan-
1 On one occasion the British and Chinese Ministers jointly urged
the payment of indemnity in the case of two Chinamen, one a British
protege ', who had been injured in a fight with tax-collecting officials at
a place to which Chinese junks were in the habit of resorting. The
British protege had died of his wounds, both he and his companion
having been confined after the fight in the magistrate's yamen. The
Korean local officials contended that only one person had been killed
namely, the wounded Chinaman. When confronted with the fact
that, according to their own report,, there was a dead Chinaman in the
WRONGS: REAL AND FANCIED 375
ese officials was that of torturing Korean prisoners by Jap-
anese gendarmes at the time of the so-called "cleansing" of
the Palace. Mr. Hulbert published this charge and specified,
on the authority of " numerous witnesses," the exact char-
acter of .the torture namely, by a kind of iron instrument
designed to squeeze the head. Immediately Marquis Ito
took up the matter and sent a messenger to Mr. Hulbert to
express his earnest desire to probe the matter thoroughly;
and his intention, in case the charge was proved, to punish
the offenders severely. This request implied, as a matter
of course, the pledge of protection to the witnesses; and Mr.
Hulbert agreed to furnish the evidence. But when this
could not be done, the excuse was first offered that the wit-
nesses were afraid to come forward; and next, the "nu-
merous witnesses" resolved themselves into one person, who
had "gone into the country." When still further pressed to
furnish the promised evidence, the story of the iron head-
rack was altogether abandoned, and for it was substituted
the charge that a certain eunuch had been arrested and
beaten by the police. But this, if it occurred, is only ac-
cording to the Korean custom of judicial procedure, still to
be allowed, after the torture of criminals had been legally
abolished under Japanese influence. Nevertheless, this con-
fessedly false charge was afterward included in a pamphlet
by the same authority as another instance of Japanese out-
rages in Korea. 1
yamen the morning after, they replied that this man was not in the
fracas at all; he had merely crawled into the yamen during the night,
and had died of some unknown disease. The picture of this shrewd
Celestial going to -the yamen to die, apparently for the purpose of fraud-
ulently foisting an incriminating corpus delicti upon the innocent Ko-
rean official, did not appeal to the British Minister, and he got his
indemnity.
1 See "The Japanese in Korea," Extracts from The Korean Review,
p. 46 /.
376 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Of rudeness and petty assaults the Koreans have, no doubt,
had much to endure at the hands of the coolies and other low-
class Japanese. But not so much as the Burmese and East
Indians have had to endure from the British soldier and
petty official in their own home land; or the Chinese and
Japanese on the Pacific Coast of the United States; and,
probably, not more than the Japanese themselves during
the earlier days of the entrance of foreigners into Japan.
While the atrocious treatment of the natives by the Belgians
in Africa, by the French in Madagascar, by the Russians in
many parts of Asia, is as midnight darkness to twilight
or full dawn when compared with anything done to Koreans
of late years by the Japanese.
In order to understand, but not to excuse, this harsh and
bullying attitude of the foreigner toward the native, two
things need to be borne in mind. The first is this: Korea
has never been a land where the common people have been
treated with any decency, not to say respect. In the old days
the days to change which the Japanese Government is
planning and doing more than any other human agency
the attendants of officials beat every commoner who came
within their reach; this was as a matter of course; it was an
evidence, not much resented by the people, of the superiority
of their master. Lieutenant Foulk describes how, when he
was travelling in the country, his chair coolies on approaching
an inn would accelerate their pace and, rushing into the yard
at the top of their speed, would begin to belabor every one
in sight. "In 1885," says Mr. Stevens, "I was riding
through the streets of Seoul on official business. Among my
attendants were several policemen armed with the many-
thonged whips carried in those days. The policemen slashed
with these at the curious who pressed around the chair, re-
gardless of where the blows fell. One old woman, lashed in
the face until the blood came, still pressed forward when the
WRONGS: REAL AND FANCIED 377
policeman had passed, eager to see the foreigner close at
hand, and apparently regarding the blows as a matter of
course." To-day such cruelty is in no respect rare among
the "amiable Koreans." Indeed, without something of
this kind, it is difficult in the country for the traveller, whether
native or foreigner, to get anything done. " During the first
two days," says Mr. Henry Norman, 1 -"I was greatly an-
noyed by my mapouSj whom I could not get along at all. At
the midday halt they would lie about for a couple of hours,
and jn the morning it was two or three hours after I was up
before I could get them to start. On the third morning I
lost my temper, and going into their room, I kicked them one
after the other into the yard. This was evidently what they
expected, for they set to work immediately. Unless they
were kicked they could not believe the hurry was real. After-
ward, by a similar procedure, I started whenever I wished."
Again, Mr. Angus Hamilton, after bringing a railing accusa-
tion against the Japanese for their bullying methods with
the Koreans, recommends that the Korean interpreter "be
flogged" if he suggests the employment of too many servants,
asserts that "an occasional kick" is helpful to convert the
Korean into a "willing if unintelligent servant," and closes
his book with the frank narrative of his falling into a blind
rage and taking vengeance right and left because of his
disappointment over the defeat of a scheme for an exploring
and sporting trip to the northern part of the peninsula. 2
The second consideration to which reference was made
brings out the more humorous side of the picture. In Korea
1 The Far East (London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1901), p. 337 /.
2 Korea (Chas. Scribner's Sons, 1904), pp. 128 /.; 274 /. Perhaps
the underlying reason for much of Mr. Hamilton's rather vituperative
criticism of affairs in Korea may be found in Chapter XII, where
Japanese, American, and British merchants, and Lord Salisbury are
all severely taken to task because too much of Korea's trade is falling
into other than English hands.
378 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
it makes a great difference, not only whose ox is gored, but
who gores the ox. Small favors of the kind which are re-
ceived uncomplainingly almost gratefully from their own
officials, and even from other friends, are by no means just
now received in the same way from the Japanese. Of this
fact Dr. Gale gives an admirable description: it is that of a
Korean lounging along in the middle of the road and smoking
the pipe of contemplative abstraction a habit indulged in
by almost all Koreans in the most inconvenient places. A
Japanese jinrikisha-man pushes him rudely to one side,, and
not being at all firm upon his legs, he goes sprawling on the
ground (comp. p. 172 f.). Eyes raised to heaven, he calls
upon the skies to fall; for the end of all things has come.
"But," says the passing stranger, "a missionary pushed you
out of the way yesterday; another foreigner beat you the day
before;: your own people have always kicked and cuffed you."
"Yes, yes, but a Japanese! Only think of it a Japanese!"
Among the partially true, but greatly exaggerated, charges
of petty oppression and injustice must be classed the claim
that the labor on the Japanese military railway was enforced
by personal cruelties and paid for at unfair prices. Again,
it must be remembered that the prompt conclusion of this
work was a military necessity of the first importance. In
the rush and confusion which accompanied its execution, it
would have been strange if there had not been cases of harsh
treatment of laborers by the Japanese sub-contractors.
Where an appeal, accompanied by trustworthy evidence, was
taken -to the higher authorities, it was possible to obtain re-
dress in almost every instance. But there was another class
of cases where it was almost impossible to secure anything
like decent reparation ; these were chiefly under the manage-
ment of the Koreans themselves. Concerning such cases,
the statement of an authority, made on grounds of personal
knowledge, is quoted below:
WRONGS: REAL AND FANCIED 379
Complaints came from various sources, all of the same tenor.
Laborers living long distances from the railway were compelled
to come to work at wages which hardly paid for their food. Yet
at this time the authorities were paying wages much higher than
any that could be earned by these men in other occupations. As
the laborers could not appeal, or did not appeal, directly to the
military authorities, but usually waited until their return home to
repeat the story of their wrongs, it was difficult to ascertain the
truth. Whenever an investigation was possible, however, it was
usually discovered that the ill-treatment was due to a combina-
tion between interpreters, sub-contractors, and local officials.
The sub-contractors had to have men, and, either through inter-
preters or directly, would make contracts with the local officials
to supply a certain number of laborers. These were almost in-
variably secured one or two day's journey from the railway line;
as it would not do to attract too much attention by interfering
with the people living near the railway. The laborers would be
compelled to work for about one-fourth of the wages really paid,
and the balance would be divided between the interpreters and
local officials. In certain cases the people were allowed exemp-
tion from this drafting system upon the payment of ransom,
estimated upon the basis of the number of men which they had
been asked to supply. Only recently an officer, who during the
war had charge of the construction of an important section of
the Seoul- Wiju line, related a case of this kind. He was pay-
ing one dollar and thirty cents, Korean money, as a day's
wages; the men were well treated, and food was cheap and
abundant. Still there was constant trouble on account of in-
sufficient supply of labor, the reason for which the closest investiga-
tion failed to reveal. But only a few months ago (more than t\vo
years, that is, after the experience) the officer met a man who
explained the reason. It seemed that the Korean Governor of
the province had an arrangement with the interpreters which was
mutually profitable even when laborers were not actually procured
for the work. The operations were carried on over a large extent
of territory distant, as was customary, several day's journey from
the railway. As many laborers as could be induced, or forced, to
380 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
come, were paid thirty-five cents a day the conspirators pocketing
the balance. In the majority of cases where the people preferred
.to purchase exemption, these precious rascals collected consider-
able sums. And, of course, the military authorities got all the
blame, as all this was done in their name. Sometimes the sub-
contractors assisted by sending out parties, Korean and Japanese,
armed with swords and pistols, for the purpose of intimidating
the unwilling or the recalcitrant. On several occasions condign
punishment was inflicted for offences of this kind, but as actual
violence was very rarely committed and the intimidation was
carried on quietly, where it could not easily be discovered, it was
difficult to secure convincing proof against the culprits.
Fair-minded persons, familiar with the facts, know that the
military authorities did all that could have reasonably been asked
to put a stop to such practices; but, occurring during a time of
war, many of these irregularities were of a nature which it was
difficult wholly to prevent. That officers in the field and at head-
quarters were always ready to listen to complaints and, so far as
lay in their power, to rectify wrongs, is an indisputable fact.
The reputation of the Japanese army, civil government,
and the people generally has suffered more from the long-
standing and the more recent relations between Japan and
Korea than is customary elsewhere under similar circum-
stances. This is due partly to inexperience and over self-
confidence on their own part; but also in larger measure to
the untrustworthy and corrupt witness of the Korean officials
and to the ignorance' and credulity of the Korean people;
most of all, however, to the prejudiced or malignant, untrue
reports of certain foreigners. During the occupation and
transit of the Japanese army in the late war, the charges of
cruelty and injustice on its part were not confined to the
construction and service of the military railway. While the
commissary department was paying to the Korean con-
tractors the full market price for provisions and other sup-
plies, the contractors were compelling the Korean people to
WRONGS: REAL AND FANCIED 381
furnish the supplies, either without pay or at greatly reduced
rates. From time immemorial, the people of Korea have
been accustomed to have their rice, chickens, ponies, and
service, levied upon by their own officials; in the present case
they, as a matter of course, attributed the same manner of
getting what you want by taking what you see, to the
Japanese. 1
Ignorance of the Korean language and customs is another
fruitful scource of bad repute for the Japanese. Even now,
in the city of Seoul, the Japanese who blunders into the
women's quarters, or even into their too near vicinity, in the
discharge of his duty to collect a bill, to make an inspection
or a report of some official character, or to inquire his way,
is liable to be charged with an intent to commit rape or some
other form of assault. The Japanese collector of taxes, or
customs, or the Japanese policeman who protects the ob-
noxious Korean official, or even the " unpatriotic " Cabinet
Minister, is a particular object of Korean falsehood and
hatred. But all these complaints, although they have been
made much of by the anti- Japanese "friends" of Korea, and
in spite of the undoubted fact that they greatly increase the
feeling of bitterness between the two peoples and interfere
with the benevolent plans of the Resident-General, are in
themselves comparatively trivial.
Wholly false charges of oppression and fraud of a much
more important character have been made against the Jap-
anese Government in Korea, either in ignorance or with
malignity, and have industriously been spread abroad by the
subsidized or the deceived " foreign friends" of the Korean
Court. One of the most notable of such charges concerned
1 According to the testimony of travellers in the interior of Korea,
it is extremely difficult to. get any food, accommodation, or service,
even when desirous of paying the highest prices, on account of the ex-
perience with their own travelling officials, who never expect to pay
for anything exacted from the country people.
382 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the so-called " fisheries company." Its history is briefly this.
Certain Koreans came to a "missionary friend" complaining
that the Resident-General had peremptorily dissolved a
Korean company which had a legal concession to develop
the fisheries industry, thus involving the shareholders in
heavy losses. The presumption was that the unjust act was
intended to further in the future the Japanese interest in
this same industry. But the truth was that the Minister of
Agriculture, Commerce and Industry had in the Fall of 1906,
at the solicitation of a "Korean, notorious for previous par-
ticipation in malodorous schemes," secretly granted to a
native company a monopoly of all the fishing rights upon the
entire Korean coasts , except the whale fisheries. In addition
to this, this same company was given the exclusive right of
control over all the fish markets in the Empire, so that no
fish could be sold except at places designated by it and upon
payment to it of such sums as it might choose to exact.
When, however, sufficient funds were not speedily available
from Korean subscribers to float this monstrous and totally
illegal monopoly, a Japanese visiting capitalist was ap-
proached by the Korean promoter and asked to buy a half-
share of the enterprise. His mention of the investment
offered to him gave to the Residency- General its first knowl-
edge of the scheme. The Minister of Agriculture, Com-
merce and Industry was immediately informed that such a
concession was in plain violation of treaty rights and highly
prejudicial to Korean private and public interests. The
Minister was also warned that the concession should be can-
celled; he promised to do this, and it was supposed that he
had kept his word. But either through cowardice or con-
nivance at corruption, the promise was not fulfilled. Months
later, therefore, the Chief of the Commercial Department of
the Residency-General, Mr. Kiuchi, while making a tour of
inspection in Southeastern Korea, received a petition from
WRONGS: REAL AND FANCIED 383
the fishermen of the district, complaining that this same
company was levying taxes upon them and forbidding those
who did not pay the taxes to continue their fishing. The
complete dissolution of this illegal monopoly was saved from
being the object of popular resentment only by the fact that
its promoters had been ready to share their plunder with a
Japanese ! l
Another instance which illustrates, however, the habitual
exaggeration and ignorant credulity of the Koreans rather
than their well-known official capacity for fraud, is connected
with the establishment of the royal "stud-farm" near Pyeng-
yang. In this case two native pastors from this city, as
members of a deputation to petition the redress of a great
wrong, came to a missionary friend in Seoul in great distress.
Their story was that the Korean officials of the Household
Department, in complicity with the Japanese officials, had
enclosed in stakes a territory having a population of fifty
thousand people and comprising a vast quantity of arable
land. Within this large area, no one could sell the land, or
cut timber or grass, or plant crops, or bury the dead; or, in
brief, put the land to any of its ordinary uses. These official
prohibitions were said to have been inscribed upon the
stakes although the petitioners, on being questioned, could
not tell upon just how many of them. At Seoul, neither the
Korean nor the Japanese officials knew of any such project
in connection with the proposed stud-farm; although it was
true that such a farm was to be established, under the joint
patronage of their Majesties, the Emperors of Japan and
Korea. Communication with Marquis Ito, who was then in
Tokyo, brought a reassuring telegram from him. Investiga-
tion showed that no notice of the kind had been put upon
any of the stakes which had been erected to show that all
1 It furnished Mr. Hulbert and Mr. Bethell, however, with a striking
instance of the way in which the Japanese are robbing the Koreans.
384 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the government lands within the area delimited were re-
served for the uses of the farm. Nor did the placing of the
stakes put any restrictions whatever upon the people, so far
as concerned their own property. The one stake on which
the mysterious notice did appear had been driven some time
previous to the very* existence of the scheme for a royal farm;
and it had reference to a totally different piece of Imperial
property which it had been designed to guard against en-
croachments from both Koreans and Japanese dwelling in
Pyeng-yang. All this excitement could have been avoided
if the Korean officials had done their duty by way of inform-
ing and instructing the people. But the simple truth is that
many of them and of the "foreign friends" of Korea do not
wish to avoid any popular excitement which will contribute
to the embarrassment and discredit of the Japanese Govern-
ment in Korea. The rather do they welcome all such excite-
ment.
The truth of this last remark is amply illustrated by the
treatment given to the " Pagoda Incident" one of the
"flagrant wrongs" done to Korea by the Japanese which was
on the carpet during our entire stay of two months in the
land. Viscount Tanaka, who is described as "an ardent
virtuoso and collector," while visiting in Seoul was ap-
proached by a Japanese curio dealer with the suggestion that
he might add to his collection the ancient but neglected
pagoda then situated near Song-do. Mention of the matter
was made to the Korean Ministers of the Interior and of the
Household, and their approval obtained; and through them
the sanction of the Emperor was gained for its removal, as a
present to his distinguished guest. The actual work of the
removal was committed to the dealer who made the un-
fortunate suggestion, and who executed his job "with his
characteristic skill and audacity." Previous to its removal
this relic of former grandeur had for a long time been wholly
The Stone-Turtle Monument.
WRONGS: REAL AND FANCIED 385
neglected by the Korean Government and was, in fact, in
process of destruction by the Korean people, who were in the
habit of removing bits from it to use as medicine. At once,
however, a storm of indignant protest broke out; not, indeed,
among the Koreans left to themselves so much as on the part
of the "foreign friends" of Korea in their English papers and
foreign correspondence. The Viscount was called by terms
applicable to a common thief; the "robbery of the Pagoda,"
the "rape of the Pagoda," the plunder of this "precious
religious relic" of Korea's former grandeur, was deplored
and abjurgated in the most extravagant terms. The Em-
peror doubtless chuckled; for while he cared little for the
Pagoda, he cared much for the discredit which the taking
away of it brought upon the Japanese. The unwise act was
virtually disowned by the Residency- General (Marquis Ito
was absent in Japan at the time of its removal), and was
severely criticised by the Japanese themselves; with the de-
parture of Mr. Hulbert for Russia the excitement over this
act of oppression gave way to more important political affairs .
Most ludicrous and pathetic but highly characteristic
of all these popular excitements was, perhaps, that which
arose through the mere proposal of a subject of debate by
a Japanese student in Waseda University, Japan : Whether
the Korean Emperor should not be made a noble of Japan ?
(Thus implying, of course, his descent from his Imperial
dignity and the virtual annexation of Korea.) The proposal
was indeed never adopted, and the debate never took place.
But the intolerable insult to the Korean students at the
same university, and to the whole nation of Korea although
the authorities of Waseda at once rebuked the unfortunate
student was dwelt upon, and exaggerated, and rubbed into
the inflamed and sensitive skins of the people, with all the
vigor which the Korean patriots and their " foreign friends "
could command. And when some obscure but self -conceited
3 86 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Japanese official, in Japan and not at all in Korea, published
a brochure giving fully two-score and more reasons why
Japan should promptly annex Korea, these same patriots and
their friends made all the use in their power of this insignificant
document to stir up sedition and murderous revolt. It was
the issue of it as a forgery bearing the official authorization
of the Japanese Government, which caused the excitement in
Pyeng-yang the story of which has already been told
(see p. 104 f.). 1
It is not necessary, however, to multiply instances under
any of these heads. All classes of wrongs done the Koreans
by the Japanese important and trivial, real, exaggerated, or
falsely claimed are fast diminishing and are destined in time
to be reduced to a minimum. The Korean Central Govern-
ment is now more genuine, more intelligent, and more
efficient as distinguished from the mere wilfulness of the ex-
Emperor than it has ever been before. The reforms possi-
ble under the Convention of July, 1907, will afford a judiciary
system and judicial procedure hitherto impossible as respects
the administration of justice. The control of the local
magistrate and of the policing of city and country will con-
1 An occurrence, which might easily have become a much celebrated
instance of a Japanese attempt at robbery and oppression of the Ko-
reans, came to the writer's notice in a private but entirely trustworthy
way. One of the ex-Emperor's real foreign friends was sent for some
time ago and found His Majesty in a state of intense alarm and excite-
ment over a plot of the Residency-General which had just been made
known to him. A certain foreigner had authorized the story that the
Japanese authorities were trying to purchase three houses owned by a
Chinese and situated just opposite the Palace, with a view to tear them
down and erect barracks for the Japanese soldiers on the spot. The
price offered by the Japanese was 60,000 yen; but if His Majesty
would furnish 65,000 yen, this friendly foreigner would buy the prop-
erty for him, and so defeat the nefarious project of the Japanese.
The Emperor wished at once to borrow the money. It was suggested,
however, that His Majesty should allow inquiry to be made before
parting with so much of his privy purse. Whereupon, the following
WRONGS: REAL AND FANCIED 387
tribute something quite new in the way of the blessings of
peace and prosperity to the common people. The reforms in
the public finance and in taxation will stimulate trade and
commerce; the industrial and common-school education will
bring about an economic redemption. And if the teachers of
morals and religion, both native and foreign, behave with a
reasonable wisdom and self-control in the future, and with the
same devotion and enthusiasm which they have displayed in
the recent years, wrongs will be righted; justice will be done;
enlightenment will be spread abroad; and the Korea of the
near future will be a quite different nation from the Korea
of the long-continued, disgraceful, and distressful past.
conversation was held between the Chinese owner and the person to
whom the Emperor looked to procure for him the needed sum:
"I understand the three houses you own are offered for sale."
"Well, I do not particularly wish to sell them; but that Frenchman,
Mr. , has been here and wanted to get them. He said he wished
to put up a large store in their place."
"How much do you ask for the houses?"
"They are worth 13,000 yen; but if any one will take all three of
them, he may have them for 12,000 yen in cash."
"Is that so? I understood the Japanese wanted them to build bar-
racks for their soldiers on the land."
"I have not heard anything about the Japanese wanting them; it
was that Frenchman who said he wanted them, to build a store there."
The benevolent spirit of this enterprising foreign friend is revealed
more intimately when we learn that he threatened to shoot on the spot,
if he could only find out who he was, the man that had thwarted his
plan for this bit of real-estate speculation. The same intention was
avowed by the American miner against the foreign official of the Korean
Government whom he regarded as standing in the way of the success
of the "Poong Poo" Company (see p. 361 f.).
CHAPTER XVII
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES
AMONG the many vexatious problems occasioned in modern
times by the increased intercourse of Western nations with
the Orient, those which arise in connection with the advent
and development of Christian missions are of no small im-
portance. In general, in this quarter of the world the diplo-
mats and business men are upon one side of most of the con-
troverted questions; the missionaries and their supporters upon
the other. It is inevitable, and not necessarily discreditable
to either party, that differences of opinion should exist between
these two classes as to the best practical answer to some of
these questions. Those few of the former class, who are
sincerely and unselfishly interested in moral and spiritual
things, and in the higher welfare of the world, and the scarcely
greater number of the latter class who have the spirit of
knightly gentlemen, a thorough culture, and are also of a wise
and broad mind, can usually approach very closely to a
sympathetic understanding of each other, if not toward
active co-operation. If, however, the diplomat or business
man, as is so frequently the case, does not like to see the cause
of religion advancing, because of the sure instinct that its
success will limit, or stop, many a nefarious or morally
doubtful practice, then, of course, the support of all who care
for the higher values must be given to the side of the mis-
sionaries. On the other hand, if the narrow prejudice, fanat-
icism, or intellectual and ethical weakness of the teacher of
foreign religion are seriously interfering with the legitimate
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 389
practices of diplomacy or commerce, our sympathies can
scarcely fail to turn in the other direction. Especially is this
true where such interference tends to produce disturbance of
the public order and to check genuine political and economic
reform. Yet in the one case, we cannot forget the injunction
of the Founder of Christianity to his disciples: "Be ye wise
as serpents and harmless as doves"; or the rebuke implied
in the declaration: "The children of this world are wiser in
their generation than the children of light." In the other case,
we have ringing in our ears the declaration which so many
centuries of history have confirmed: "Think not that I
came to send peace on the earth; I came not to send peace
but a sword."
In most cases of prolonged controversy over the -conduct
of the missionary and the character of his work, there is more
or less of misunderstanding and of faulty behavior on both
sides. For missionaries are but men; and like men of all
other trades, businesses, prof essions, or callings, they have their
peculiar temptations, their liability to peculiar mistakes, and
to use the theological term their besetting sins. The past
and present relations of Christian missions to the Government
and people of Korea will be the better understood if we
consider briefly what some of these temptations are. One
of the most potent, if not important,' is the temptation to
make a good showing in the matter of statistics. That the
workman on the field should rejoice in a bountiful harvest
is not, in itself, a matter for surprise or rebuke; just the con-
trary is true. Nor is it necessarily prejudicial to the real
good of the cause, if the home officers and supporters of the
foreign denominational enterprise implicitly seem to require,
as a prerequisite to their continued zeal and generous sub-
scriptions, a fair annual showing as to the increase in the
number of converts. But especially in Korea at the present
time, it is quality and not numbers that ought chiefly to be
3Qo IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
allowed to count. And yet it is numbers and not quality
which is most reasonably to be expected and most likely
to be found, for two or three generations to come.
The paradox involved in the last sentences requires further
explanation. In her interesting but highly colored and by
no means altogether trustworthy book on Korea, Mrs. Bishop
makes the following declarations: "The idea of a nation
destitute of a religion and gladly accepting one brought by a
foreigner, must be dropped. The religion the Korean would
accept is one which would show him how to get money with-
out working for it. The indifference is extreme ; the religious
faculty is absent; there are no religious ideas to appeal to,
and the moral teachings of Confucius have little influence
with any class." 1 Of these declarations the last is the only
one which is wholly true. M oral teachings of any kind have
had little effect hitherto in Korea. Briefly stated, and as
seen from the point of view afforded through a survey of the
history of man's religious experience and of the progress of
Christian missionary enterprise, the condition of the Korean
people is this. They are a nation by no means indifferent
to religion, or destitute of religious faculty and religious ideas.
But the religion almost universally prevalent has been for
centuries a low form of spiritism largely, devil-worship.
Even Korean ancestor-worship, unlike that in Japan, is still
almost exclusively motived and characterized by super-
stitious and degrading fears rather than by the spirit of
reverence, loyalty, and affection. Among the so-called
civilized nations of the world there is probably not another
where the prevalent native religion is of a more depressing
and degrading character than in Korea.
Now it is an experience very easy to explain from the
psychological point of view that where the other elements of
"uplift" begin to work powerfully among a people of a low
1 Korea and Her Neighbors, by Isabella Bird Bishop, p. 64.
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 391
form of religion, any imported religious faith and worship
which seems to offer help to, or to be in conformity with, this
work, may speedily secure the adherence of great multitudes
of the people. In Korea, for example, there is absolutely no
religion to compete with an imported Christianity. There is
no developed Confucianism as there is in China; no re-
formed or reflectively elaborated Buddhism, as there is in
Japan; no refined religious philosophy and complicated
caste system as there is in India. Any kind of ferment in the
ancient but deplorably sad and oppressive conditions of the
popular life will inevitably, therefore, prove favorable to the
rapid spread of a modern and improved form of religion.
For the people must have some religion ; and in Korea, what
is there to rival, for what it promises and performs, the
religion of the American and English missionaries? It is
this kind of nation which, so far as statistics that can boast
millions of converts are concerned, may under favorable
conditions be "born in a day." At the .same time, how-
ever, it is this kind of nation whose multitude of converts
will almost surely fail to apprehend or to appreciate the really
important things about the new faith which they hasten to
profess. It is this kind of nation that most needs, through
three or more generations, the solid work of education, and
the purifying process of severe discipline, in order to secure
the genuine spirit and true practice of the religion of Christ.
Education and prolonged moral discipline are imperative for
the establishment ^of a trustworthy Christian population in
Korea. Here the necessity for careful sifting and severe prun-
ing is exaggerated beyond most precedents, because of the
undoubted fact that the underlying motives for a first ad-
herence to Christianity are, in a large percentage of the so-
called converts, economic and political rather than moral and
spiritual. And, indeed, how.can the Korean common people,
with their low intellectual, material, and moral ideals, rise en
392 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
masse from the condition of superstitious and immoral devil-
worshippers to the faith and practice of a pure Christianity ?
The most fundamental conceptions of God, of Christian
duty and Christian character, of the spiritual life, and of the
Divine relations to man, are as yet almost totally lacking.
If the number of recent converts in Korea furnishes just cause
for hope and rejoicing, the character of these converts and
of their environment gives also cause for foreboding.
Closely connected with this temptation is another which is
less obvious and therefore more subtle and dangerous. It
is the temptation to a wrong which has done more by far than
all the heresies to disgrace and damage the Christian Church
during the centuries of its history. This is the temptation,
even unconsciously, to make use for one's self, or for one's
converts, of the "double ethical standard." Neither in
Korea nor elsewhere can the missionary permit himself to
be betrayed into words and conduct which he would con-
sider unworthy of a " heathen" gentleman; or allow his dis-
ciples, without rebuke and discipline, in the practice of the
very vices for which he despises the Japanese or Chinese
coolie or tradesman. There are no two standards of moral-
ity one for the American or English teacher of religion and
another for the Korean or Japanese official; one for the priest
and anotner for the layman; one for the Korean confessor
and another for the foreign oppressor. It is true that for a
long time to come great discretion and much leniency must
be shown toward the Korean convert who continues in the
beliefs, or who relapses into the practices, of the low-grade
spiritism out of which he emerged when he became a Chris-
tian adherent. It is not impossible, however, that there has
been up to the present time too much of praise and too little
of rebuke and instruction meted out to the " adherents" of
Christianity in Korea. Indulgence in the vices of lying, dis-
honesty, intrigue, avarice, impurity, and race-hatred, cannot
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 393
be condoned by a display of amiability. Flagrant cases of
sexual misdemeanors h^ye, indeed, in comparatively few
cases been made subjects for the severer discipline. But the
prophetic voice, raised unmistakably in evidence of the high
standard of morality characteristic of "the religion of Christ"
is required under all such circumstances as those which
prevail among the Korean Christians thousands of whom,
during the religious awakening of the winter of 1906 and
1907, confessed to having lived for years in the habitual
practice of the vices enumerated above.
All of this, and even more of similar experiences connected
with the planting and growth of Christian missions in Korean
soil, is by no means necessarily discreditable to the mission-
aries themselves. On the contrary, much of it is inevitable;
it is the same thing which has been the accompaniment of
the early stages of Christian propagandism in all ages, when
conducted in the midst of similar conditions. So-called
"conversions" may be rapid; the process of selection and the
labor of instruction and edifying follow more slowly, in due
time. The lower the existing religious condition of the
multitude, when the higher form of religion appeals to them,
the more prompt and extensive is the religious uplift of this
multitude; but the larger the number of the converts, the
more need of discretion and diligence for the process of im-
proving their quality. It is a reasonable hope that the same
workmen who have in the main proved so successful in the
one form of Christian work will prove equally successful in
the somewhat different work which the future development
of Christian institutions in Korea imposes upon them.
There is another form of temptation against which it is
much easier for the religious propagandist to guard, but
which has been rather unusually strong and pervasive in
the recent history of Korean missions. This is the tempta-
tion to underestimate, or even despise, the auxiliaries which
394 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
are offered by an improved condition of tne material, legal,
and educational facilities to the more definitively religious
uplift of the people. The missionary can contribute the
share of religion to progress and reform; and he can make
that a large share. But it is safe and wise for him not to
under-estimate or despise the support of the civil arm. Korea
is to-day, as has been already shown in detail, a land un-
blessed by any of the institutions of a prosperous and equi-
table civil government of the modern Christian type, estab-
lished and fostered by its own ruling classes. The multitude
of its people are even more than its rulers incapable of taking
the initiative in founding such institutions. The dawning
of the very idea of good government has scarcely as yet risen
upon them.
Early Christianity was propagated in the Roman world
largely by making available for its uses the means furnished
by the Roman Empire. And the early Christians were ex-
pressly enjoined to welcome all the support offered from,
and to offer their support to, whatever was good and helpful
in the existing civil government. It is then a conceit which
is unwarranted by the history of the Christian church that
makes the missionary think, by ''preaching the Gospel" to
effect all which is necessary toward reforming a nation in the
condition of Korea at the present time. Moreover, the
claim that it was Christianity especially in the form of a
so-called preaching of the Gospel which, unaided by other
historical and moral forces, gave to the Western world its
"democratic" advantages, is no longer tenable. The ex-
perience with Coptic Christianity in Egypt, with Armenian
Christianity in Western Asia, with the Greek Church in
Holy Russia, and with Roman Catholicism in Spain and
South America (not to mention other notable examples) con-
tradicts this claim. In Korea itself it is not the Christian
Missionary who is building railways, making harbors, plant-
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 395
ing light-houses, devising a legal code, introducing a sound
currency, and attempting the task of reforming the finances,
the judiciary, the police, and the local magistracy. Even
granted that he is setting at work moral and spiritual forces
which will ultimately bring to pass all these public benefits,
it would take five hundred years for Korea without foreign
assistance from other forms of civilizing energy, to secure
these benefits. It is with no intention to depreciate the
work of missions in Korea that attention is called to this
obvious fact; its workmen had very unusual opportunities
to assist in improving the moral character of the Emperor,
the late Queen, the Court, and the other officials; and yet
they signally failed in this regard. Nor could they, unaided
by the civil arm of foreign powers, accomplish much toward
relieving the miserable and oppressed and immoral conditions
of living prevalent among the common people of Korea.
Just here, however that is, in the sphere of moral and
spiritual influence upon personal character, whether of
prince or peasant is where the influence of religion
ought to show itself supreme. The " purification " of
Korea required, and still requires, the firm, strong hand of
the civil power. We cannot, then, credit any such sentiment
as that expressed in the following statement : 1 " The influence
of Christianity, so largely and rapidly increasing in the
country, holds out a better prospect of spontaneous reform
than the outside, violent interference of a money-grabbing
and hated heathen enemy." In answer to every such ex-
pression of sentiment, the protestation of the Resident-
General has been perfectly clear; and as fast and as far as
his influence could make itself felt, the conduct of affairs has
1 Quoted from an anonymous letter, signed "Foreigner," and pub-
lished in the Seoul Press, date of August 6, 1907. The spirit of this
passage is characteristic of the entire letter, which was nearly a column
long, and which was, alas! written by a missionary.
396 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
confirmed the protestation: "It is Japan's honest and sin-
cere purpose to make of the Koreans a self-reliant and re-
spectable people. Let there be an end, then, to the malign
and mischief-making efforts to alienate the Koreans from
those who to-day are through the sure work of History
charged with responsibility for this nation. " *
It would seem, then, that prompt, open, and hearty co-
operation with all the efforts, of every kind, made by the
Japanese Protectorate to lift up the Korean people is the
only truly wise and Christian policy on the part of the mis-
sions in Korea. 2
How far the Korean missionaries have yielded to these and
other temptations and have behaved unwisely toward the
Japanese Government and before their Korean converts, it
is not our purpose to discuss in detail. And yet we cannot
avoid all reference to this delicate and unwelcome theme.
Wholesale charges of political intrigue and other unbecoming
conduct directed against the Residency-General have been
met by emphatic and equally wholesale denials especially
during the troubled times of 1906 and 1907. The charges,
on the one hand, have been made not simply by an irre-
sponsible Japanese press, but by several of the more reputa-
ble and generally trustworthy of its papers. On the other
hand, all similar charges are met by Bishop M. C. Harris 3
1 Editorial in the Seoul Press, August 8, 1907.
2 In this connection it should be remembered that the Young Men's
Christian Association in Seoul is heavily subsidized by the Residency-
General in recognition of its services for the good of the Koreans; that
Marquis Ito sent a message of welcome, accompanied by a gift of
10,000 yen, to the "World's Christian Student Federation" at its meet-
ing in April, 1907, in Tokyo; and that His Excellency has taken all
possible pains to assure the Christian missionaries in Korea of his
desire for their active co-operation, by use of the moral and spiritual
forces which they wield, with his plan to use the allied economic and
educational forces, for the betterment of the Korean nation.
3 Letter to the Japan Times, published, Tokyo, May 9, 1907.
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 397
with the assurance " because of full knowledge of the sit-
uation in Korea covering the space of three years," "that
no American missionary has been identified with political
movements," . . . but that "in all the far-reaching plans
of the Residency- General to promote the welfare of Korea
and Japan as well, the missionaries are in hearty accord."
Yet again, on the other side, repeated representations of a
quite opposite character to that of Bishop Harris have fre-
quently appeared, both in letters and papers, in the United
States and in England.
The exact truth is with neither of these contentions; to
appreciate it one must bear in mind the difficult situation in
which the missionaries in Korea have been placed. All the
wrongs (as their story has been told in the last chapter),
real or fancied, important and trivial but true, or important
and trivial but falsely alleged, have been appealed to them by
their Korean converts and also by Korean adventurers, with
claims for sympathy and for assistance. What was said of the
Cretans in old times may be said of the Koreans to-day:
they are liars quite generally. Even when they do not intend
deliberately to deceive, they find it impossible to refrain from
gross exaggeration. On the other hand, the missionaries,
where their sympathies are wrought upon by their own chil-
dren in the faith all the more on account of the mental and
moral weakness of .those children are apt to be over-
credulous, and are not always sane in judgment or prudent
in conduct. These virtues are perhaps too much to expect;
perhaps they are not even the appropriate virtues for a
Christian woman when one of her own sex exposes bruises
which she alleges to have been inflicted by the hands of a
"heathen coolie." At such moments it is not easy to re-
member the deeds of her own countrywomen in the South,
or of her own countrymen in San Francisco, in the Philip-
pines, or in South Africa.
398 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Furthermore, it cannot be truthfully claimed that none of
the missionaries have ever meddled in politics with a view
to injure the Japanese Government in Korea. It was, in
fact, an American missionary who, after one of his colleagues
upon the mission field, while expressing his sympathy with
the Korean Emperor, had refused to send a secret telegram
asking for interference from the President of the United
States, did send such a telegram; and when sternly rebuked
by the diplomatic representative of his own nation for con-
duct so unbecoming to his profession, he replied with an
assertion of the .right to do as he pleased in all such matters.
Others have, from time to time, allowed themselves to be
used by the more wily Korean, whether un-Christian official
or Christian convert, so as to involve themselves in implied
complicity with political intrigues. If it is a mistake or
even worse than a mistake to circulate reports of evil with-
out examination into their accuracy, and to allow in all one's
attitude toward the powers that be, unverified suspicions and
secret hostilities to dominate, then a considerable number of
the missionary body in Korea must plead guilty in the past
to this mistake. But most of all has this body suffered from
its failure to disavow and practically to dissolve all connection
with those other " foreign friends" of Korea who have during
the past few years brought upon her Emperor and her people
much more of misery and of harm than, has been wrought by
all the irresponsible and disreputable Japanese adventurers
taken together.
A marked improvement, however, in the relations between
the missionaries and the Japanese Government in Korea has
characterized the treatment of the more recent events. For,
although there was inevitable a certain intensifying of hostile
feeling by the uprising and bloodshed that followed the Con-
vention of July, 1907, the active co-operation of the most
influential majority of the missionaries in the plans of the
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 399
Residency- General for the future welfare of the Korean people
seemed to have been by this time assured. During the
recent troublous times in spite of charges to the contrary
they appear to have remained, almost without exception,
faithful to their true calling and reasonably effective in limit-
ing or preventing the yet sorer evils that might have followed
the abdication of the Emperor, the disbandment of the
Korean army, and the tightening of Japan's grip upon
Korean internal affairs. With certain, not very numerous,
exceptions and those mostly among the spurious Christians
who used the title only as a cover of selfish or foolish political
aims the converts also acquitted themselves well. The
Korean Christians and their foreign leaders were favored by
the Japanese Government with special protection when the
mad and cruel Korean mob rose up, in veritable ancient
fashion, to plunder and to murder atrociously, in spots
favorable to such activity throughout the land. Thus in the
emergency which, thanks to the wisdom of both kinds of re-
forming and restraining forces, was after all far less great
than might have been expected, Korea made at comparatively
small expense a great step forward toward the position of a
truly civilized and prosperous nation. And if these same two
forces the economical and judicial, backed by the police
and the military, and the moral and spiritual force on which
Christianity relies continue to work in accord, as we may
hope they will, the full redemption of Korea in [the nearer
future is assured.
Of the administrative mistakes which have hindered the
progress of modern missions elsewhere there appear to have
been comparatively few in Korea. Among such mistakes,
perhaps the following two are most important: first, the
failure to occupy strongly certain strategic centres with mis-
sionary institutions, and to postpone the occupation of other
less important places for the work of the trained native helper,
400 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Bible-reader, evangelist, or pastor; and, second, the rivalries
and waste of denominational jealousy and exclusiveness. Jn
Korea, the two cities of Seoul and Pyeng-yang have wisely been
selected as centres in which to build up a " plant " of Christian
institutions of various kinds churches, schools, hospitals, and
seminaries for the training of native assistants. Further, the
two largest missionary bodies namely, the American Metho-
dists and American Presbyterians, have worked together with
admirable respect for each other's rights, and in sincere co-
operation.
There is one other matter of policy touching the adminis-
tration of missions which, in this connection, it is fitting to
mention, but about which anyone with the views of the
writer might well hesitate to express publicly an opinion.
It is true, however, in the judgment of many of the wisest
friends of missions, that in the Far East the sphere of woman
in missionary work should be more carefully guarded and
even restricted. It is impossible to make the inhabitants of
the Orient, in general, understand the propriety of foreign
women being on terms of intimacy, even as religious teach-
ers, with 'native young men. On the other hand, women
must, as a matter of course, be employed in all the work
of the most intimate character, and within the home circle,
which concerns their own sex. It is also true that not a few
of the most serious difficulties and perplexing cases of friction
between the missionaries and the diplomats and civil magis-
trates, when traced to their real origin, are due to the more
personal and emotional way in which matters of public
interest are regarded by the gentler sex. The legitimate
work of foreign Christian women in the Far East is invalu-
able; but it should be private and confined, for the most
part if not exclusively, to intercourse with native girls and
women. In all administrative affairs, and in general where
the missions come into closest contact with the civil authori-
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 401
ties; it is better to-day, as it was in the days of early Christi-
anity, that her voice should not be heard.
The recent history of the planting and growth of Christian
missions in Korea shows a period of bloody persecution which
was followed, less than a score of years later, by a period of re-
markably rapid increase. In 1707 some French priests from
Peking visited the northern border of the peninsula, but were
unable to enter the country. It was three-quarters of a
century later (1783) that Thomas Kim, a Korean youth who
had been converted to Christianity under the Portuguese
bishop, Alexandria de Gloria, came over from China and
succeeded in introducing the foreign religion into his native
land. A year later a royal decree was issued against Chris-
tianity, and Thomas Kim was executed for his faith's sake.
But, although two other Korean Christians who had been
baptized in Peking were beheaded in Seoul, December 8,
1791, the new religion began to spread rapidly in Korea.
The usual course of such efforts was being run: others were
executed, a new edict in 1802 was issued against Christianity,
and yet, "this added much to the knowledge of the faith."
In 1836, Pierre Maubant, the second Papal nominee to the
post of Vicar Apostolic of Korea, reached Seoul after an
arduous journey; and when three years later still another
murderous edict was issued, this Christian Apostle and the
two other French missionaries who had subsequently joined
him, under instruction from one of the three, Bishop Imbert,
surrendered themselves to martyrdom in the hope of staying
the persecution of their Korean converts. Still Christianity
continued to grow in the number of its adherents; and by the
year 1860, the foreign religion counted nearly 20,000 native
converts. Then began, in the early part of 1866, the infamous
slaughter of the faithful under the Tai Won Kun, the father
of the "amiable" ex-Emperor, and the man "with the bowels
of iron and the heart of stone." Within some five years
402 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
about one-half of the entire number of converts had paid the
penalty with their lives.
It is not well to forget these facts of history in connection
with our estimate of the character of the Korean Government,
the Korean people, and the development of Christian Missions
in Korea. Under the son of this cruel father, the late Em-
peror, precisely the same thing might have taken place at
any time, had it been for his interests, in his own sight, to
have it so; and had it not been for his fear of the conse-
quences, after foreign control began to exercise some restraint
over native cruelty. It is foolish to suppose that the religion
or the life of the Protestant missionary, for example, who has
served the ex-Emperor as physician, are any dearer to His
Majesty than were the religion and the services of the French
Roman Catholic priests to the Tai Won Kun. The first
thing, indeed, which the earlier treaties with foreign nations
demanded as their right was the "free exercise of their
religion in the treaty ports for the subjects of the signatory
Powers; nor to this day does any article, expressly 1 sanction-
ing missionary enterprise, appear in any of the treaties."
That the Emperor, when freed from the influence of the Tai
Won Kun, was in his youth somewhat sincerely inclined to a
more liberal policy toward foreign religions is undoubtedly
true; but almost as undoubtedly, that his kindness toward
American missionaries has been from a purely political
motive and that his use of them has been, not at all to learn
the truths of the Christian religion, but to discover through
them new and improved methods of soliciting and procuring
"help" from so-called Christian nations.
In recent years, moreover, repeated instances have occurred
of the indisposition or inability of the Korean Government to
protect either the foreign missionaries or their native converts.
1 See Problems of the Far East, by the Hon. George N. Curzon, M.P,
(1894), pp. 192-197.
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 403
During the second Tong Hak uprising in the South, in May
of 1894, the American missionaries were called into Seoul
for their safe protection. The Chinese army in Korea during
the Chino- Japan war was everywhere a source of terror to
the foreign preachers of Christian doctrine and to their
avowed Korean converts; and in July of 1894 a French
priest was murdered by Chinese soldiers at Kong Hyen, near
Asan. On the contrary, both the foreign and the native
Christians felt quite free from anxiety when the troops of
Japan were in control of Korean territory. The spirit of the
official classes toward the foreign religion was revealed in
clear light when the Korean Minister of Education, in October
of 1896, issued a book entitled "The Warp and Woof of
Confucianism," which was so offensive that it was objected to
by the Foreign Representatives in a body as being disrespect-
ful to them. In general, the capricious favors of an unscrupu-
lous monarch, who would readily and even gladly deliver to
death those whom he has tried to make, whether with success
or not, his tools to help carve a way through confining sur-
roundings, are a poor substitute for a system of law and
justice, as a soil into which to pour the seed of Christian truth.
There are said now to be thousands of native Roman-
Catholic Christians scattered about in the country of Korea.
Many of the priests, who are natives, live with their converts ;
but it is the policy of the Church to have every one of its
members visited once in each year by his spiritual father.
The French Catholic Cathedral (dedicated May 29, 1898)
and establishment is one of the most conspicuous objects in
Seoul. The archbishop in charge is an intelligent, kindly, and
devout man. While speaking with mild disapproval of the
treatment received by his converts a year or two before the
arrival of the Resident- General, and expressing his fear that
the Koreans might inevitably be driven to the wall by the
multitudinous incoming of a sturdier and more aggressive
464 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
race, he gratefully admitted the marked improvement in con-
ditions which Marquis Ito was bringing to pass. To " the
Church," however, all political institutions were indifferent :
Her work remained ever one and the same, and ever equally
secure.
The story of Protestant missionary enterprise in Korea
since the arrival, in June, 1883, on a tour of inspection, of
Dr. R. S. McClay, has been frequently told. It need not be
repeated here; for the purpose of this chapter is only to sketch
in barest outline the relations existing between the reforms
planned by the Residency- General and the welfare of Korea
as depending upon the progress of the Christian religion there.
General Foote, who was then United .States Minister, pre-
sented to the Emperor a statement of the object of the pro-
posed mission which, it was understood, would be encouraged
to work most acceptably along medical and educational
lines. The summary of what has actually been accomplished
along these particular lines has already been given (Chap.
XIV). Acting on the suggestion of Dr. McClay, the Board
of Missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church in the
United States sent out two missionaries, one a graduate of the
College of Physicians and Surgeons in New York City (Dr.
Scranton, who, after a long and useful service as a missionary,
has recently been made a Professor in the Government
Medical School), and the other a graduate of Drew Theolog-
ical Seminary, Mr. Henry Gerhardt Appenzeller. Before
these gentlemen reached Seoul the bloody events of 1884 had
taken place. In 1887 followed Rev. George Heber Jones; and
in the same year Rev. Franklin Ohlinger was transferred from
China to Korea. Other helpers were added to this mission,
as the demands of the work grew, until the report for 1907
shows that forty-two foreign members and thirty-five Korean
preachers, ten of whom are ordained, are engaged under its
auspices in the work of propagating Christianity on Korean
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 405
soil. In recent years the more visible signs of success have
greatly increased. The summary of statistics presented
before the Korean Mission Conference at its session of June,
1906, was as follows: Full members, 2,810; probationers,
9,981; Sunday Schools, 116, with teachers and scholars
numbering 8,943. But only a year later, the total connection
of the Church of this denomination in Korea was given at
23,453 of which 19,570 were probationers a gain over the
preceding year of 10,664, or nearly one hundred per cent.
During the same year 3,553 persons had been baptized.
It was on April 5, 1885, that Rev. H. G. Underwood .of the
American Presbyterian Mission arrived and "formally
opened Protestant clerical mission work." He was followed,
on June 2ist of the same year, by J. W. Heron, M.D., who
died in Seoul, July 26, 1890. To this mission other workmen
were added from time to time; and in November of 1892 a
mission of the Southern Presbyterian Church of America was
started by Messrs. Junkin, Reynolds, and Tate, and a Miss
Davis. Still later, on September 7, 1898, three clergymen of
the Canadian Presbyterian Church Messrs. Foote, McRae,
and Dr. Grierson arrived to open a mission of this denomi-
nation. These several Presbyterian missions have been, on
the whole, well supported from the churches at home, well
manned, and more than ordinarily successful in planting and
upbuilding the various classes of missionary institutions.
The table compiled from the council statistics of these
missions for the year -ending June 30, 1906, makes the follow-
ing exhibit of results. The total number of missionaries was
then 77, of whom 41 were women, and 12 were engaged in
medical work. The native helpers numbered 373, of whom
8 1 were unordained preachers, and 201 teachers (men), with
42 Bible women and women teachers. The fruits of these
laborers were 20 fully organized churches and 628 out-
stations, or places of "regular meeting," of which 481 were
4 o6 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
put down as " entirely self-supporting." Connected with them
were 12,546 communicants, of which 2,811 had been ad-
ded during the year, and 44,587 "adherents," with 11,025
"catechumens" and 36,975 members of the Sunday Schools.
The average attendance upon these regular meetings was
35,262; and the total of native contributions was $27,418.89,
as reckoned in United States gold. When the poverty of the
average Korean Christians and the difficulties of various
kinds which hinder them from the regular discharge of any
of their obligations are considered, this showing of attendance
at church services and of liberality in giving cannot be
pronounced otherwise than remarkable. The increase in
every form of work since the report, the statistics of which
have just been quoted, is no less remarkable in the Presby-
terian Missions than in that of the Methodist Episcopal
Church.
These two American missions are, among those of the Prot-
estant churches, much the most active and successful in
showing such results as can take the form of a statistical
exhibit. But other missionary enterprises are worthy of
mention. In September of 1890 Bishop Corfe (whose
diocese was Korea and Shing-king, i. e., Manchuria) arrived
at Seoul to establish a Church of England Mission. He was
preceded by Dr. Julius Wiles, Deputy Surgeon-General
Retired, who opened medical work for the mission and who
was succeeded in 1893 by Dr. E. H. Baldock. With the addi-
tional help of other clergy and lay helpers, and of sisters of
St. Paul's, Kilburn, the customary forms of church work
evangelizing, translating and printing a Korean prayer-
book and other publications, hospital work and care of
the poor and sick have been undertaken with that rare
good sense and self-denial which characterize so much of
the missionary enterprise of this Church.
It was not until 1899, in the month of January, that the
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 407
Russian Church Mission arrived in Seoul. It consisted of the
Rev. Deacon Nicholas; and he was followed by the Right
Rev. Archimandrite Chrisanff and Mr. Jonas Levtchenke,
Psalmist, on February 12, 1900. The dwellings and school-
houses for this mission were established near the West
Gate and were first occupied in the summer of the same
year.
No complete account or just estimate of the Christian forces
now at work for the religious and moral uplift of Korea could
be given without emphasizing the presence and fine progress
of the Young Men's Christian Association at Seoul. The
operations of this association did not begin until November
of 1901. Their work has been much embarrassed in the
country places by the illicit use of their name to cover and
commend various unwise and sometimes corrupt and danger-
ous attempts at so-called " reform," or even at sedition and
revolution. In Seoul itself where is the only legitimate and
recognized Y. M. C. A. some of their make-believe or would-
be friends have done their good cause much more of damage
than has been done by any of their avowed enemies. In
spite of these embarrassments, however, and of others to which
fuller reference need not be made in this connection, the
work of this benevolent association has been most successful.
As we have already said, the value of this work for the
moral, industrial, and educational reform of the Koreans has
been officially recognized by a generous subsidy from the
Government. Its efficiency and extent cannot fail to be
greatly increased when its new building, so commodious and
centrally located, has been in use for a number of years.
The writer gratefully acknowledges that during his visit in
April and May, of 1907, it was largely through the manly
courage and good sense of its foreign officers, and of that
portion of its native official and other membership which
followed the lead of these foreign officers, that he was able
4 o8 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
to leave any impression upon the Korean Christians. Indeed,
in the capital city, no other means were found for even saying
a private word to the Koreans in behalf of education, morals,
or religion. It was only when away from the pernicious influ-
ences of the Court notably at Pyeng-yang that the courage
of the missionaries seemed sufficient to sustain a platform for
such efforts, on the part of the guest of Marquis Ito, in the
churches themselves. 1
The "Great Revival" of 1906-1907, which added so
much to the encouragement of the missionaries and to the
number of their converts, can best be understood in its most
characteristic features when viewed in the light of what has
already been said about the nature of the Koreans themselves.
After a period of silent and slow preparation, a sudden seizure
of the impulse to repent and confess came upon the entire
body of native Christians, and even carried away the foreign
teachers and preachers also. Night after night, and several
times each Sunday, the churches were crowded to suffoca-
tion with hearers of their strange words, and witnesses of their
unwonted actions. Especially at Pyeng-yang did the people,
both Christian and non-Christian, flock in from the surround-
ing country first to "look-see," perhaps, and then to partici-
pate in these extraordinary performances. In numerous
instances, the penitent rose with an appearance of enforced
calmness and began quietly to tell of the sinful experiences
of the years both preceding and following his adoption of the
Christian name. But as he proceeded his excitement grew;
his voice rose to a higher and yet higher pitch and assumed
a tone of ever-increasing shrillness; sobbing and wailing in-
tervened; and, finally, he began to sway to and fro, to beat
his head against the mats, sometimes so violently as to cause
the blood to flow; then he fell to the floor, where he ended
his experiences in a complete nervous collapse and lay pros-
1 Compare the narratives of Part I, pp. 37-64; 90-111.
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 409
trate, frothing at the mouth and groaning piteously,or became
quite unconscious.
What may be considered as an official account by an eye-
witness of two of these remarkable^ meetings gives the follow-
ing description of the phenomena:
All were prostrate on their faces, and all alike, with the excep-
tion of the few who liad already received a blessing, were in an
agony of repentance. Sometimes they beat their foreheads and
hands against the floor, sometimes they literally writhed in an-
guish, roaring as if the very devils were tearing them; and then
at last, when there seemed no more power of resistance left, they
would spring to their feet and with terrible sobs and crying, pour
out their confessions of sin. And such confessions! It was like
hell uncovered. Everything from murder, adultery, and the most
inconceivable abominations of uncleanness, through arson, drunk-
enness, robbery, thieving, lying, down to hatreds, spites, and
envyings, was emptied out, a,nd with what shame and loathing!
At the meeting of the second evening, before even the leader
took his place, the tide of prayer began rising, and although three
young men arose one after another, and attempted to lead in
prayer, their voices were not heard in the tumult of intercessory
supplication that broke out. As prayer continued the building
began to resound with groans and cries. Many fell forward on
their faces and wallowed on the floor. When something like a
semblance of order could be restored, an opportunity was given to
all who had any ill-feeling toward any one present, or who had
wronged any of the others in any way, to make confession and
ask forgiveness. In a very few minutes the meeting was resolved
into numberless groups of students weeping in each other's arms.
Nor did the members of the faculty escape; and it was interesting
to see them, with perhaps two or three boys weeping at their
knees, and others hanging about their necks.
In the later stages of the revival, those who went to mock
remained to be carried away by the same impulse ; and when
they were exhorted by the foreign or native helpers, either
4 io IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
at their place, wedged in among the others (for the Korean
audiences sit packed together on the floor), or were dragged
or helped forward to the altar, they experienced the relief and
happiness of "being converted."
From the principal centres of this religious movement it
spread to surrounding places sometimes through those who
returned home from these centres, sometimes through
delegates sent out from the same centres. One of the most
remarkable of the latter cases was the experience of the
delegates deputed from Pyeng-yang to visit Chemulpo. At
first, when the church at the latter place saw the brethren
from the northern city, heard their tale, and witnessed their
testimony and procedure, they were greatly alarmed. It was
even suggested that one of the visiting brethren should be
put to death as an emissary of the devil, if not a devil him-
self. But the zeal of the preachers from Pyeng-yang
finally triumphed; and the church at Chemulpo itself be-
came the scene of similar confessions and convulsions of
penitence.
The student of similar phenomena in the past will have
no difficulty in understanding and appreciating at their true
value the experiences of the "great revival" in Korea.
Similar emotional manifestations are common enough on a
variety of occasions, as well in the Korea of the past as in the
Korea of to-day. Indeed, at the very time that the native
Christians of Pyeng-yang were wailing and sobbing, and
beating their heads on the mats, on account of their sins, the
multitude of the same city were doing the same things because
they had been deceived into believing that their Emperor was
to be dethroned and carried off to Japan. From time
immemorial, the proper official way to attract the attention
of His Majesty to any request of his officials, or of the people,
has been to make somewhat similar demonstrations before
the palace gates or inside the palace walls. In a word, such
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 411
is the Korean mode of manifesting any strong emotional
excitement.
But to discredit altogether the sincerity of these confessions
or thje genuineness of the following conversion would be a
no less grave mistake, from every point of view, than to place
a specially high value on them because of their abnormal *
psychological character. It is not strange that the Korean
populace is Korean still, when it suddenly takes to some new
kind of reform, or adopts some new kind of religion. Such
strong and contradictory, and even convulsive, reactions
characterize the native in his politics, his morals, his religion,
and his behavior generally. The amiably cruel Emperor,
the smiling and good-natured but, on occasion, atrociously
barbarous court official, the peasant who seems as gentle as
his ox until he turns upon the ox, or upon his neighbor, or
upon the local magistrate, to tear in pieces, reveal essentially
the same psychical characteristics.
But how, it may be asked, as to the kind of Christian
father or mother, Christian citizen, Christian leader, which
will be evolved from this multitude of converts ? Here, again,
the only fair and reasonable answer will avoid the two alike
tempting but, in the end, disappointing extremes. During
the writer's stay in Korea, Dr. George Heber Jones, who
fifteen years before had been barred outside of the gates,
preached at Kang Wha to a congregation of fifteen hundred
willing hearers, about one thousand of whom were professing
Christians. Multitudes in the whole Island were just then
turning toward Christianity entire schools and, in some
instances, almost entire villages, were professing the new
faith. In their burning zeal the converts were even resorting
to a sort of boycott in order to compel recalcitrants to the
adoption of this foreign religion. Yet when a colleague of
1 "Abnormal," i. e., from the point of view of what would be expected
from minds of a higher degree of culture and of self-control.
4 i2 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
this missionary, a member of the same mission, was a few
weeks later urged to baptize some sixty converts in one village,
he refused to comply with the request in the case of a single
person, because examination showed that none of the sixty
had as yet sufficient knowledge of what was really meant by
proclaiming themselves Christians.
Here, again, however, the student wise in the things of man's
religious experience will not depreciate the value of such
early but ignorant steps, wherever they are taken from a
motive not too degradedly selfish, toward a higher spiritual
life. The infancy of the Church in Korea will, as a matter
of course, be characterized by the infantile condition of the
Korean mind, united, alas ! with a morality that is far removed
from the innocence customarily attributed to the human
infant. But already the later experiences of modern missions
fully authorizes the expectation that what Roman Catholicism
earlier did to fit the Koreans for martyrdom under the Tai
Won Kun, will be much surpassed in what the combined
efforts of all the Christian institutions now planted in Korea
will do to fit her children for a nobler and happier life under
the Japanese Protectorate.
In fine, the Japanese Protectorate under the present
Resident-General, and the foreign Christian missionaries with
their native converts, command the two sources of power
and influence which must unitedly work for the uplift of the
Korean nation. That His Excellency, the Marquis Ito, takes
this view of the matter, he has both by speech and action
made sufficiently clear. That the majority of the missionary
body are taking the same view of the same matter is becoming
every day more clear. If, through any honest difference of
opinion upon important matters of policy, the leaders of
these two forces should fail to co-operate in the future, it
would be deplorable indeed. But if either one of the two
should, whether through avoidable misunderstanding or
MISSIONS AND MISSIONARIES 413
because of the decline in an intelligent and conscientious
desire for the good of Korea, refuse to co-operate, the refusal
would be no less of a misfortune; it would be also worthy
to be called a crime.
CHAPTER XVIII
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD
A TELEGRAM from The Hague to the Orient, bearing date
of July i, 1907, announced the arrival of three Koreans at
the place of Peace Conference, and the publication over their
signatures, in a French paper called The Peace Conference
Times, of an open letter addressed to the delegates of all the
Powers. In their letter these men claimed to have been au-
thorized by the Emperor, in a document bearing his seal, to
take part in the Conference as the delegates of Korea. In
this connection they repeated the time-worn falsehoods as
to the conditions under which the Treaty of November, 1905,
was signed, and as to the present treatment accorded by the
Japanese to the ruler and people of Korea. In view of these
alleged facts they made in behalf of their country an appeal
for pity and for relief to all the foreign delegates. As was
inevitable from the beginning, the efforts of this deputation at
The Hague came to naught; and after the death of one of
their number they departed to carry on their mission of ap-
peal, first in England and afterward in the United States.
So thoroughly discredited, however, had the word of such
Koreans and of their " foreign friends" already become in
the hearing of all acquainted with the facts, that the mission
met with as little real success in these other foreign countries
as at The Hague. So far as its original purpose was con-
cerned, it ended in failure miserable and complete. But in
Korea itself the results were by no means transient or trivial.
The news of the appearance of the so-called Korean dele-
414
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 415
gates at the World's Peace Conference was received in Seoul
on July 3d. It will be remembered (see p. 83 f.) that to
quote from the Seoul Press of the next day " when Mr. H.
B. Hulbert left for Europe under peculiar circumstances,
there were rumors that he was charged by the Emperor of
Korea with some political mission to The Hague." This
paper then goes on to say that it did not attach much im-
portance to the rumor at the time, being unable to reconcile
such an enterprise with the reputation for shrewdness of the
chief foreign commissioner, and also "with the expressions
of good will and friendship which the Emperor of Korea has
repeated to Japan and her Representative over and over
again." But there were even more important reasons why
the rumor should seem antecedently incredible. No one of
the present Cabinet, or of the previously existing Cabinet, ap-
peared to have any knowledge of so serious an affair of
State; no one of either of these bodies had even been con-
sulted by His Majesty about the possibility of such an under-
taking. " Even the best informed did not dream that a step
so palpably useless and treacherous would be taken." The
conclusion followed that, if the rumor proved true, the act
was ascribable to the Emperor alone, as " instigated no doubt
by the coterie of irresponsible native counsellors and their ob-
scure foreign coadjutors whose mischievous advice has already
so often led His Majesty astray." Such a movement was ren-
dered all the more untimely, not to say unnecessary, because
under the new Ministry and the wise and kindly leadership of
the Residency- General, all the foreign and domestic affairs of
the country were now proceeding in the most orderly and
satisfactory manner. Whatever ground for protest and ap-
peal against the treatment of Korea by the Japanese Govern-
ment may have existed in the past, everything in the situa-
tion of the spring and early summer of 1907 called for hopeful
and active co-operation on the part of all forces interested in
416 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the welfare of the land. The stirring of the elements always
ready for riot, sedition, arson, and bloodshed, was, under
the circumstances, both a folly and a crime.
On the morning of the same day on which the news of the
affair at The Hague reached Seoul, the Emperor sent the
Minister of the Imperial Household to Marquis Ito with a
message disavowing all responsibility for the delegation and
for the protest addressed by it to the Peace Conference.
This was precisely what the delegation had already informed
all Europe His Korean Majesty would certainly do. But
then there was their word against the Emperor's word; and
they claimed that the document in their possession bore the
Imperial seal. There was, moreover, for the very few who
knew the circumstances under which the alleged foreign mem-
ber of the delegation left Seoul, the previous private confession
of His Majesty made to be sure only after repeated private
denials. The situation was, therefore, so far as the testimony
of Koreans went, rather complex. His Majesty was now
publicly denying what he had formerly, in private, both
affirmed and denied; his delegates were publicly affirming
what he was publicly denying, but had previously, in private,
both denied and affirmed. To the Minister of the Imperial
Household Marquis Ito replied that, in view of all the cir-
cumstances which had come to his knowledge not the least
significant of which was the public declaration of the Im-
perial sanction, made by the delegation and supported by its
offer to submit its credentials to the inspection of the Con-
ference the force of His Majesty's disavowal was weakened.
At any rate, the situation had now become so grave that the
only course the Resident- General could pursue was to sub-
mit the whole matter to his own Government and await its
decision. 1
1 With regard to the personnel of the Korean members of this com-
mission, the head was Yi Sung-sol, who had formerly been a Cabinet
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 417
The news from The Hague at once provoked a lively dis-
cussion on the part of the Japanese press and the political
parties as to the proper treatment of Korea and her Emperor
for this breach of treaty faith. Meetings were held by the
leaders of the principal parties to determine the policy which
should, in their judgment, be followed by the Government;
and several of the more prominent statesmen allowed them-
selves to be interviewed for publication of their views upon
this important national affair. Count Okuma was reported
as having suggested that His Majesty of Korea, in case he
had authorized a scheme so lacking in common sense, could
not be in his right mind, and might, not improperly, be placed
under restraint. Count Inouye, whose successful manage-
ment of Korean affairs at the close of the Chino- Japan war
entitled his judgment to public confidence, thought that if
the Emperor could be induced, or compelled, to come to
Japan and see for himself what Japan had done by way
of recent developments, and what Japan wished to do for
Korea, he would voluntarily cease from his unfriendly and
Councillor. With him were associated Yi Chun-yong, a Judge of the
Supreme Court, and Yi Wi-chong, who was at one time secretary to the
Foreign Legation at Russia. The two former seem to have taken the
Siberian route to St. Petersburg, where they arrived about April 2oth,
and were met there by Yi Wi-chong. The Russian Government, being
at that time negotiating a treaty with Japan which was to recognize
in most explicit terms the Japanese Protectorate over Korea, and give
to it a "free hand" in the management of Korean affairs, naturally
enough, gave no encouragement to the Koreans or to their "foreign
friend."
In view of the large sum of money which, according to rumor at the
time, the Emperor contributed to this purpose, it seems scarcely credi-
ble that the Korean delegates should feel compelled at The Hague
"to stay at a low-class hotel where the meals cost about 50 sen" (or
25 cents in gold), as the cable despatch reports. No less a sum than
240,000 yen was subsequently traced to expenditure upon this futile
scheme; and 100,000 yen additional was suspected on good grounds.
In addition to this, as the event proved, it cost the Emperor his crown.
J
418 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
treacherous policy. 1 Of the political bodies, the Constitu-
tionalists, or party now in control of the Government, took
the entire matter most quietly, and expressed itself as entirely
ready to leave the whole situation in the hands of the Resident-
General, as advised or instructed by the Tokyo authorities.
Prime Minister Saionji, to whose cool judgment and quiet
temper the nation is greatly indebted at all times for allaying
tendencies to undue excitement, assured the Daido delegates,
on July 1 2th, that the policy toward Korea had already been
established and that there was really no need of making
"much fuss" over the matter. The Progressives, or strong-
est anti- Government party, took the most vehement position
of urgency for prompt action and for punitive measures.
Some of its papers went so far as again to call in question
the entire policy of Marquis Ito, with its plan for secur-
ing a peaceful development of Korea under a Japanese Pro-
tectorate; but only a few called for immediate forcible an-
nexation.
On the whole, and considering the great and repeated pro-
vocations offered to Japan by the Korean Emperor and his
Government, the Japanese nation kept its temper in a truly
admirable way. While agreeing that some means must at
last be found to stop the interference of His Majesty of
Korea with all attempts to reform internal affairs, and the
better in the future to control foreign intrigues, the general
opinion favored strongly an increased confidence in the
character and policy of the existing Residency- General.
The situation in Japan itself was faithfully, described as
follows in the Japan Times, in its issue of July i4th:
1 It should be understood that the proposal of Count Inouye did not
contemplate taking the Korean Emperor prisoner and carrying him
off by force to Japan. It expressed simply the belief on the Count's
part that the shortest way of making Korea accept Japan's guidance
was to cause the Emperor to become acquainted with Japan by per-
sonal observation.
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 419
The Hague Deputation question continues to attract serious
attention. The whole Press is practically unanimous in urging
the adoption of such measures as would effectively prevent the
recurrence of similar incidents. The matter has also been taken
up by nearly all the important political parties, and the attitude
adopted by them is tantamount to an endorsement of the view so
unanimously expressed through the newspaper organs. Very
little attempt has been made, however, to point out in a concrete
form the line of action to be taken. It is evident that, although a
small section of the Press unfavorably criticizes Marquis Ito's
leniency in dealing with the Emperor, the important organs of
opinion have so much confidence in His Excellency's ability to
cope with the situation with his characteristic wisdom and
efficiency, that they do not think it necessary to trouble him with
suggestions at to matters of procedure and detail.
\
The Tokyo Government acted with promptness and de-
cision in dealing with this latest phase of the everlasting
Korean problem. On July i6th it was publicly announced
that the Government had determined to "go along with the
opinion of the people," and adopt "a strong line of action
toward Korea." Viscount Hay asm', Minister for Foreign
Affairs, was forthwith appointed to convey in person the
views of the Government to His Excellency Marquis Ito,
and was commissioned with the disposal of Korean affairs
after consultation with the Marquis on the spot. Hayashi
bore with him several somewhat different plans, among which
decision was to be reached after his arrival at Seoul; but all
of them contemplated leaving the details very largely to the
Resident- General. It is pertinent to say, with authority, in
this connection, that none of these plans included, much less
suggested or required, the abdication of the Emperor; al-
though, as we have already seen, Marquis Ito had become
quite conclusively convinced that the reform of Korean
affairs could never be accomplished with the co-operation of
420 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
the present ruler of the land, or, indeed, otherwise than in
spite of his utmost opposition.
Meantime there was a great stir taking place among the
members of the different political factions in Seoul. The
Emperor himself, now that his own foolish treachery had
been brought to light, was daily becoming more alarmed.
The Court intriguers of necessity shared in this growing alarm.
Before the departure of Viscount Hayashi, the Imperial Gov-
ernment of Japan had received a telegram from Mr. Motono,
Minister in St. Petersburg, which stated that the new Russo-
Japanese Convention would recognize Japan's rights in
Korea even more completely than the Peace of Portsmouth
) .0- had done. The fact, now made evident to the Korean
officials, that the backs of all the nations were turned toward
Mhe verbal and practical falsehpods-ef their Emperor and of
his intriguing foreigrTTnends, and that the judgment of all
those wise in respect of Korean history and Korean charac-
^ . teristics saw no hope for their country except through the
aid of Japan, tended as a matter of course to deepen this
alarm. And when the determination of the Japanese Gov-
ernment to send one of its Cabinet Ministers to Korea, in
order at once and finally to put an end to Korea's power, in
treachery, intrigue, and assassination, to work her own woe
and to jeopard the peace of the Far East, was made known,
the consternation in Seoul officialdom reached its height.
The only persons among the Koreans who could be relied
upon in any measure to save the country from well -merited
punishment for this last act of insane treachery on the part of
the Emperor and his Court were the newly appointed Korean
Cabinet. It was a great piece of good fortune for Korea that
this Cabinet had previously been appointed and pledged to
fidelity to the interests of the whole country rather than to
connivance at His Majesty's intriguing ways. On the whole,
in this extreme emergency^ the Korean Government behaved
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 421
wisely, patriotically, and in a way to secure the crown and
the people against the worst results of the Emperor's policy.
They began their efforts, indeed, in the vain attempt to dis-
cover the plans of the Japanese Government through the
Resident- General and to get His Excellency's advice upon the
best course of action on their part in order to meet these plans.
But Marquis Ito refrained alike from indicating the steps
which would probably be taken by Japan and also from ad-
vising as to the steps which it was best for Korea to take.
The Korean Ministers were by this time holding daily
conferences of several hours in length. The result of these
conferences was the conclusion on their part that the abdica-
tion of the Emperor offered the only escape from the direful
condition in which he had himself placed his country. As
early, therefore, as an audience on the 6th of July, they
began collectively and individually to urge upon His Majesty
the advisability of this step. There is no doubt that they
gave this advice the more heartily because, apart from the
present dilemma, they were profoundly convinced that he
was a bad and dangerous ruler, and that comparatively little
could be done for the improvement of Korean affairs as long
as he sat upon the throne of Korea. The occasion was op-
portune, then, for terminating such weak misrule and
perversion of Imperial power.
Viscount Hayashi arrived at Seoul on the evening of July
1 8th. In the afternoon of the same day Marquis Ito visited
the Palace at the request of the Korean Emperor. He found
that His Majesty had no suggestions to make as to the
solution of the grave problem before the two governments:
His Majesty continued, however, to disavow the Hague
delegation and to suggest the severe punishment of its mem-
bers. 1 The more important reason for the request for this
1 The mixture of ignorance and craft of which the ex-Emperor is
capable was illustrated in a humorous way by his inquiry of Marquis
422 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
interview appeared when the Emperor stated that his Cabinet
were urging him to abdicate and suggested that he supposed
they were prompted to do so by Marquis Ito. This the
Marquis emphatically denied: so far as the Resident- General
was concerned, the Korean Cabinet were in all respects
acting on their own initiative. His Excellency was himself
still awaiting the decision of his own Government at Tokyo ;
and until that was announced he had nothing to say as to
what Japan was likely to do. Moreover, since he was not a
subject of the Emperor of Korea he should refrain from
advising His Majesty in any way about the matter of his
abdication. 1
Meantime the Korean Cabinet continued to press upon the
Emperor the necessity of his abdication in the interests of the
country at large. On Wednesday, July lyth, they proceeded
in a body to the Palace, where His Majesty is said to have
kept them waiting for their audience with him for nearly
three hours. At this audience, however, they again explained
the nature of the present crisis, and again besought him to
save his country by sacrificing the crown for himself. After
a prolonged interview they are said to have left the Emperor
much enraged and still refusing. But on the next day the
Cabinet Ministers repaired again to the Palace at a quarter
to five in the afternoon. Before this meeting could be over
the train bearing the Viscount Hayashi would roll into the
South- Gate Station. The whole affair was culminating;
the national crisis was imminent. For more than three hours
Ito whether the Japanese Government would not undertake the arrest
and punishment of his own emissaries at The Hague! The reply was,
of course, that Japan could no more do such a thing in Holland than
Korea in Japan.
1 This double policy of soliciting advice and help from Marquis Ito,
as his most true and powerful friend, while acting contrary to the ad-
vice when given and rendering the help difficult or impossible, has
characterized the Emperor throughout in his relations with the Marquis.
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD
423
the Ministers pressed for their Sovereign's abdication, with a
most bold and insistent attitude. It was after eleven o'clock
that evening when the Emperor began to show signs of giving
way, and ordered summons to be issued to assemble the
Elder Statesmen. These men soon arrived at the Palace
and held a secret conference among themselves, during which
they, too, arrived at the decision that there was really no
alternative for the Emperor; he should yield to the advice
of his Ministers; and the throne was at once memorialized
to this effect. At three o'clock on the morning of the nine-,
teenth the Emperor agreed to retire in favor of the Crown
Prince, and a decree announcing this fact was published in/
the Official Gazette at a later hour the same morning.
From about ten o'clock on Thursday night the people began
to assemble in front of the Palace. By one o'clock in the
morning of Friday the crowd had become dense and began
to show threatening signs of a riotous character; but they
dispersed by degrees without serious incidents, until at dawn
scarcely one hundred men were remaining in the neighbor-
hood. Rumors of the Emperor's abdication were spread
abroad after sunrise; and again the crowd of excited people
increased in front of the main gate of the Palace and in the
streets .adjoining. A hand -bill, circulated from the same
source of so much pernicious misinformation namely, the
native edition of the Korean Daily News which asserted
that the Emperor had been deposed and was going to be
carried off to Japan by Viscount Hayashi, added greatly to
the popular excitement. The Korean police, under Police
Adviser Maruyama, however, had the matter well in hand;
and having been earnestly advised by the Resident- General
to avoid all unnecessary harshness, they succeeded in dis-
persing the people with only a few trifling encounters. In the
work of restoring order and preventing riot and bloodshed,
the police were doubtless greatly assisted by a timely down-
,
424 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
pour of rain. For of all people under the sun it is probable
that a Korean crowd of men, with their expensive and
cherished crinoline hats and their lustrous white raiment,
most object to getting thoroughly wet. Patriotism of the
intensest heat can scarcely bear this natural process of cooling.
At 7.15 P. M. on July igth the Korean Minister of Justice
called on the Resident- General and delivered to him the
following message from His Majesty:
In abdicating my throne I acted in obedience to the dictate of
my conviction; my action was not the result of any outside advice
or pressure.
During the past ten years I have had an intention to cause the
Crown Prince to conduct the affairs of State, but, no opportunity
presenting itself, my intention has to this day remained unrealized.
Believing, however, that such opportunity has now arrived, I have
abdicated in favor of the Crown Prince. In taking this step I
have followed a natural order of things, and its consummation is
a matter of congratulation for the sake of my dynasty and country.
Yet I am grieved to have to observe that some of my ignorant sub-
jects, laboring under a mistaken conception of my motives and in
access of wanton indignation, may be betrayed into acts of violence.
In reliance, therefore, upon the Resident-General, I entrust him
with the power of preventing or suppressing such acts of violence.
This appeal to the Residency-General to preserve order in
Seoul was made in view of events which had occurred earlier
in the afternoon of the same day. About a quarter to four a
Japanese military officer on horseback was stopped by the
mob while passing in front of the main gate of the Palace;
and when the Japanese policemen in the Korean service
came to his rescue and attempted to open a path for him
through the crowd, both they and the officer were more or less
seriously wounded by stones. The mob, on being dispersed,
retreated in the neighborhood of Chong-no. Here a party
of Korean soldiers, who had deserted from the barracks since
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 425
X
the previous night, joined the crowds under the command of
an officer. Soon after five o'clock these soldiers, without
either provocation or warning, fired a succession of volleys
upon a party of police officers, killing and wounding more
than a score; whereupon the fury of the mob broke out anew,
and several more were killed and wounded on both sides.
The total number of police officers who lost their lives in this
way was ten, and some thirty or more others were more or
less severely wounded. 1 After this dastardly action the
Korean soldiers ran away.
As to the unprovoked character of this deplorable incident
the testimony of eye-witnesses is quite conclusive. Dr.
George Heber Jones, who was on the spot soon after the first
sound of firing, says: "In fact all through the excitement
I was impressed with the moderation and self-control shown
by the public officers in dealing with the crowds which had
been surging about them since Thursday night. Their con-
duct was admirable." After narrating the experiences of
himself and his companion as they came upon the dead and
wounded lying in the streets and alleys of the district, the
wrecked police-boxes and the officers covered with blood, \
this witness goes on to say : " The Pyeng-yang soldiers in the
barracks just north of Chong-no, becoming restive, in the after-
noon broke into the magazine of their barracks and supplied
themselves with ammunition. One company of them then
broke out, and under command it is said, of a captain who
was mounted suddenly appeared at Chong-no and without
warning began firing on the policemen who were trying to
preserve order in the crowds. ... A mania of destructio
1 It was subsequently reported that the number of Koreans injured
during the disturbances of this Friday was 210; since the majority of
these had bullet wounds and the Japanese police were not armed with
rifles, the conclusion is inevitable that most of these casualties were
occasioned by the firing upon the crowd of the mutinous Korean sol-
diers.
. to /
ion/'
426 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
took possession of the people for a time, and there are reports
of assaults on Japanese civilians in various parts of the city;
and from what I personally witnessed there is little doubt of
this, that the scenes of violence which occurred in 1884 were
repeated yesterday." 1
As a result of the Emperor's request following upon this
outbreak of serious disorder, the city of Seoul was put in
charge of Japanese police and gendarmes. A strong body of
Japanese troops was posted outside the Palace, and four
machine guns were placed in front of the Taihan or Main
Gate. A battalion of infantry was summoned from Pyeng-
yang, and a squadron of the artillery regiment at Yong-san.
The riotous outbreaks were now mainly directed against those
Korean officials who had brought about the abdication of the
Emperor. Over one thousand rioters assembled near the
Kwang-song Gate and, after a short debate, proceeded to
assault and set on fire the residence of the Prime Minister,
Mr. Yi Wan-yong. In spite of the efforts of the Japanese
troops and gendarmes, as well as of the fire brigades, a large
portion of the residence was destroyed. Part of a Korean
battalion also assaulted the prison at Chong-no, where the
headquarters of the Japanese police had been established, but
were driven away. At 6 p. M. of Tuesday, July 23d, a huge
crowd assembled and "passed resolutions" that at sunset
the headquarters of the II Chin-hoi, or party most prominent
in its demand for reforms, should be set on fire, and after this
several other buildings were marked for destruction. These
attempts were, however, frustrated; but the villas of Mr. Yi
Kun-tak and Mr. Yi Chi-yung, the former Ministers of War
and of Home Affairs, outside the small East Gate, were
1 These quotations are from the article, the publication of which was
followed by the incident already narrated (p. 355, note). This ex-
ample is typical of the temper and methods of the anti- Japanese leaders
and their foreign friends.
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 427
burned. Finally, these demonstrations of rowdyism came
to a point of cessation, and the usual order of Seoul was
restored. During the period of rioting the Korean crowd
was, as usual, tolerably impartial in the distribution of its
favors; in addition to Japanese and Koreans, a few Chinese
and other foreigners were assaulted or shot at.
All these events made it entirely obvious, even to the most
prejudiced observer, that the Korean Government was still
as incapable of securing and preserving order in -times of
popular excitement as it has ever been. It could not guar-
antee the safety of its own officials or of foreigners of any
nationality, without outside assistance. Unless the controlling
influence of the Japanese authorities had been exercised, there
cannot be the slightest doubt that a frightful reign of anarchy
and bloodshed would have ensued upon the abdication of the
Emperor; and no one acquainted with the Korean mob,
when once let loose, will venture to predict how many, and
whom, 'it might have involved. Thus far these authorities
had done nothing beyond lending an indispensable support
and assistance to the Korean Government. They were
acting wholly in its interests as centralized in the newly
declared Emperor and in the Cabinet Ministers. One
other thing, however, was also made equally obvious. The
Korean army could not be trusted; its continuance as at
present constituted was an intolerable menace to both
governments, as well as to the interests of the people at
large. It was intrinsically worthless for the legitimate pur-
poses of an army, and dangerous in the extreme as a force
to provoke and to intensify all manner of lawlessness. If
it had not been -for the mutinous action of these undis-
ciplined troops, who became centres of all the forces of
sedition, arson, and murder, there would probably have
been little or no bloodshed connected with the events of
July, 1907.
428 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
It should not be forgotten that the Korean Ministers were
influenced by patriotic motives in unanimously and urgently
demanding the abdication of the Emperor. 1 It imme-
diately became evident, however, that His Majesty did
not intend really to abdicate, but that he was continuing his
old tricks of intrigue, double-dealing, and instigating assas-
sination. There was well-founded suspicion to quote a
statement based on trustworthy information that "the
unfortunate incident of Friday last and the mutinous spirit
prevailing among the Korean troops were the result of an
understanding between the ex-Emperor and his abettors and
supporters in Seoul." There was even proof of a conspiracy to
have the Korean troops rise in a body, kill the entire Korean
Cabinet, and rescue from their dominating influence his
"oppressed" Majesty. Whatever may be the full measure
of truth as to these and other secret intrigues and plots for
sedition and murder, certain actions were publicly avowed
that were unmistakably in open defiance of the new Emperor
and his Ministers, as well as complete proof that by abdication
His Majesty meant something quite different from what the
word was properly held to signify. [This Korean word was
indeed capable of two interpretations; it was, however, the
term customarily employed to signify the relinquishment of
Imperial control and responsibility, while at the same time
"saving the face " of the person abdicating and often increas-
ing his real influence for evil]
At midnight on Saturday, July 2oth, the ex-Emperor
summoned to the Palace and personally appointed Pak
1 This is perhaps the place to deny, authoritatively and finally, that
Marquis Ito procured, counselled, or even gave consent to, the act of
abdication. Indeed, the members of the Residency- General, and the
Japanese in Seoul generally, who approved of the more strenuou
measures to be taken against Korea, regretted to have the abdication
take place. To use the expression of one of them: "It dulled the edge
of the Japanese sword "
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 429
Yong-hio to be " Minister of the Imperial Household." 1
Upon this Mr. Pak had the impudence to call upon Marquis
Ito on the following Sunday morning and announce his
appointment. It is probable that he did not meet with a
very cordial reception, or succeed well in impressing His
Excellency with the dignity and value of his new office.
Not satisfied with this practical retraction of his own deposi-
tion of Imperial functions, when the Cabinet submitted to the
Throne for Imperial signature a draft of an edict calling upon
the people to keep peace and order, the ex-Emperor prohibited
his son, now the reigning Emperor, from signing it and in-
sisted that the edict should be issued in his own name.
In view of all this manceuvering, the Cabinet Ministers spent
another whole night closeted with the ex-Emperor: they
emerged from this new contention with a renewed and per-
fectly positive declaration of abdication. At the same time
the new Emperor issued over his own name an edict in which
his subjects were warned against all disloyalty to him,
and were exhorted to turn their energies, in reliance upon
his guidance, to the advancement of civilization and of the
national interests.
1 It should be understood that this office is the most important and
influential of all the Korean offices, so far as private transactions with
the Emperor are concerned. Now Pak Yong-hio, after a life of idle-
ness and debauchery in Japan, whither he had fled some years before,
and where he had been supported by the kindness of Japanese and
Korean friends, had recently been pardoned and allowed to return to
Korea. In petitioning for permission to return, Pak dwelt in pathetic
terms on his "home-sickness," and expressly promised in the future to
refrain from political intrigue. But he had scarcely set foot on the
soil of Korea before he began a most dishonest and disgraceful course
of political intrigue. A little more than twenty-four hours after his
pseudo-appointment as Minister of the Imperial Household, the Cabinet
Ministers ordered his arrest, and he was subsequently condemned to
be punished with eighty lashes and banished for life to the Island of
Quelpart. Such are the vicissitudes of Korean political careers when
most free from foreign influence!
430 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Nothing could, of course, be done toward settlement of
the problem of future relations between the Governments of
Korea and Japan until public order was restored. But
speculation was eager and varied as to what would then take
place: for neither had the Marquis Ito disclosed his views
upon this subject, nor had the instructions of Minister
Hayashi been made known to the public. The telegrams
which came into Seoul from all quarters showed that the
civilized world, both diplomatic and business, expected the
out-and-out annexation of Korea by Japan, and the conse-
quent dethronement of the Imperial house. The Koreans
themselves expected little less; in addition to this they feared
the immediate and open humiliation of having the ex-Emperor
carried off to the enemies' country. Indeed, it was this
severe calamity which the Korean Cabinet hoped to mitigate
by procuring His Majesty's abdication. In the same hope
the most numerous of the several Korean societies of an alleged
patriotic character the // Chin-hoi, or " All-f or-Progress
Society" sent in a petition, or "pathetic memorial," to the
Residency-General. After acknowledging "the policy of
mildness and conciliation" which had won for His Excellency
the hearts of the Korean people, the memorial proceeds in
substance as follows: "The offence which the Emperor has
committed in connection with the Hague question is great
as a mountain; His Majesty has been very deficient in having
a proper sensa-of what he owes to Japan. But what fault is
there in the people who know nothing about the affair?
Or what culpability in the land and soil of Korea ? They are
in no way related to the dynasty of Korea. When we think
over these things we cannot stop the flow of tears in a thousand
drops. Your Excellency, we pray you to have mercy on the
mountains and seas of Korea and to place in a position of
safety the 20,000,000 souls, the 3,000,000 homesteads, and the
nation of 500 years." [The customary expedient of Korean
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 431
rhetoric is to be noted in doubling the number of the popula-
tion of the peninsula.]
It has been said of the Japanese that they treat no one else t %
so generously as their defeated and prostrate enemy. How-
ever this may be, it is matter of historical truth that after
some particularly aggravating offence from Korea, what
Western nations generally would regard as an excess of chival-
ric and totally unappreciated kindness has quite uniformly
characterized the treatment accorded to this country by the
Japanese Government. The Bismarckian policy of " making
your enemy cough up all you can when you have him by the
throat" has never been the policy of Japan in dealing with
the peninsula. And yet, at last, it should have been perfectly
evident to every true friend of both countries that the Korean
Government traditionally corrupt, cruel, and regardless of
the Korean nation must no longer be allowed to stand
between this nation and the plans for bringing it into an
improved internal condition and into safer relations with
foreign Powers. That formal annexation was never con-
templated by the Tokyo Government became evident when,
on the evening of July 2ist, a congratulatory telegram was
received by the new Emperor from His Imperial Majesty,
the Emperor of Japan. To this telegram a reply was sent
on the next day, which read, in effect, as follows: "By
the order of my Imperial father I have ascended the
throne at this difficult crisis, and being conscious of my
unworthiness, I am filled with apprehensions. I beg Your
Majesty to accept my profound thanks for Your Majesty's
courteous telegram of congratulations. I warmly recip-
rocate Your Majesty's wishes for still more intimate rela-
tionship between the two countries and between our Im-
perial Houses."
After a number of consultations between Minister Hayashi
and the Residency- General,, and between the Japanese repre-.
432 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
sentatives and the Korean Cabinet (who, in their turn, con-
sulted among themselves and with the new Emperor), at
noon of Wednesday, July 24th, Marquis Ito handed over to
the Korean Government a document conveying Japan's
proposals as the basis of a new Japanese-Korean agreement.
After the Korean Ministers had again conferred with one
another, the Premier and the Minister of War, at four o'clock
p. M. of the same day, had a brief audience with their Emperor.
Other conferences continued through the whole of this
memorable night with the result that at a later audience
Mr. Yi Wan-yong, the Premier, was invested by His Majesty
with authority to sign the new Convention. It is understood
that on this occasion, as on that former equally memorable
night in November of 1905, Marquis Ito used the authority
given him to modify some of the details, so as to make
them seem less harsh while preserving the substance of the
contract, in order to "save the face" of the Korean
Government. When this Convention was published in the
Official Gazette, the Korean politicians of the Palace
"gang" were congratulating themselves on having es-
caped so easily from the risk of a punitive expedition to
which their Emperor, by their own assistance, had sub-
jected them; the Korean Cabinet were congratulating
themselves on the deliverance of their country from the
peril of annexation; while the majority of the Korean peo-
ple, even in Seoul, seemed -quite indifferent to what had
happened.
Immediately upon the conclusion of the new Convention
Marquis Ito summoned to his residence the principal Resi-
dency-General officials and acquainted them with its terms.
He also informed them that he should himself adhere con-
stantly and firmly to the policy of carrying out its stipulations;
and he exhorted them to bear in mind what he had just said
and to spare no pains to discharge their own duties with
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 433
moderation and efficiency. The officials, in their turn,
congratulated the Resident- General upon his brilliant suc-
cess, and promised their co-operation in the new plans now
before them.
The Agreement of July 24, 1907, definitively places the
enactment of all laws and ordinances, the administration of
all important Korean Government affairs, and all official
appointments which relate to internal administration, under
the control of the Japanese Resident- General. Its preamble
renews the assertion which has governed the policy of Marquis
Ito throughout namely, that the motive is to be found in
" the early attainment of the prosperity and strength of Korea,"
and the "speedy promotion of the welfare of the Korean
people." Moreover, it pledges the Korean Government to
keep judicial affairs distinct from administrative affairs.
With regard to the appointment and dismissal of officials of
the higher rank, whether native or foreign, it is specified that
the consent of the Resident- General must be secured; and
also that his recommendations for the appointment of Japan-
ese to official positions shall be followed. Taken in connec-
tion with the Convention of November, 1905, therefore, the
present condition of Korea is undoubtedly that of a country
completely dependent upon Japan for both internal govern-
ment and also for commercial and diplomatic relations with
all foreign countries. For the present the autonomy of
Korea, except so far as it is preserved in certain customs
and laws which even the source of control would be forced
to regard, and in the nominal preservation of the Ko-
rean crown and its Cabinet Ministers, is suspended. The
native government can suggest, propose, and assimilate sug-
gestions and proposals; but they can* neither initiate nor
control in important affairs without the consent of the
representative of Japan. On the other hand, the plans and
proposals of the Japanese Resident- General must be ac-
434 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
cepted and carried out under his supervision and ultimate
control. 1
The clause in the new Convention which gave most offence
to the official classes and to the Yang-bans generally in Korea
was that which opened the door, per force as it were, to the
appointment of Japanese to all kinds of official positions in
the peninsula. Although it has been the declared policy of
the present Resident- General to retain the Korean Cabinet
Ministers, the agreement plainly makes it easily possible for
the Japanese Government to treat desirable appointments in
Korea as freely in the interests of its own countrymen as is
possible for the British Government in British India. The
pledge, however, to maintain the Imperial House in the
nominal possession of the crown, and in the show of authority
and dignity which go with this possession, appears still to be
binding upon Japan. From this time onward, the Resident-
General becomes the uncrowned king of Korea.
In spite of this, and of all the other features of these re-
formed relations which might seem offensive and humiliating
to Korean officialdom, it is altogether likely that no consider-
able disturbance would anywhere have taken place, had it not
been for the action of the same disorderly and rebellious
factors which occasioned the bloodshed and confusion of
Friday, July igth. 2 These were the Korean troops belonging
1 For the text of this new Convention, which is remarkable at once
for its brevity and its comprehensive indefiniteness, the reader is re-
ferred to Appendix C. In vew of the claims that the Convention of
1905 could not have been consented to by the Emperor because it does
not bear his signature, or that it did not have the consent of the Minis-
ters, because they did not all sign it, attention is called to the fact that
the new Convention is signed only by Marquis Ito and the Korean
Prime Minister.
2 One of the leaders of the riot of July igth confessed that he was
betrayed into his action by the false report of the Taihan Mai-il Shimpo
(or Korean edition of the Korean Daily News Mr. BethelPs paper),
that the Emperor would be forced to go to Japan to apologize for The
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 435
to the barracks at Seoul. Let it be distinctly understood that
these troops were not disciplined soldiers; much less were
they sincere though misguided patriots. They were largely
untrained rowdies, who cared chiefly for the pay, prestige, and
idle life which their employment as so-called palace guards
gave to them. At the time of the conclusion of the Convention
an understanding probably existed between the Resident-
General and the Korean Ministry, who were themselves
threatened with assassination and the defeat of all their
work by these same armed and unscrupulous fellows, that the
Korean army should be disbanded.
Late on Wednesday night, July 3ist, an Imperial rescript
was issued which ordered the disbandment of the Korean
Army. The reason assigned was the necessity of economizing
all superfluous expenses and applying the funds thus saved
to material improvement. The existing army was called
"mercenaries" 1 and said to be "unfit for purposes of national
defense." The intention was announced to remodel the entire
military system and, for the present time, to attend chiefly
to the training of officers for a national army in the future.
A small select force was to be retained as guardians of the
Imperial House, and a gratuity in money was to be bestowed
upon every one of the disbanded troops, according to rank.
All the reasons here given for this action were quite in ac-
cordance with the facts; but the most important of all was,
of course, concealed namely, that the existing army was the
Hague incident. On reading the Japanese-Korean Convention, how-
ever, he was surprised at the moderation of Japan, and considered him-
self a fool for being deceived by the paper. This is only one of in-
numerable instances illustrating the truth that the English editor of
this paper, and his American coadjutor have, of late, probably done
more mischief to the Korean nation than any other persons except the
Emperor and his small coterie of corrupt Court officials.
1 The word thus translated, however, means "paid" troops rather
than volunteers.
436 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
most serious of all menaces to good order and to peace. It
was sure to be the tool, for purposes of assassination, of the
reactionary party.
Early the following morning Thursday, July 3ist the
superior officers were summoned to the residence of General
Hasegawa, where General Yi, the Korean Minister of War,
read to them the rescript of disbandment. After conference
it was decided that the non-commissioned officers and men
of all the battalions in Seoul should be marched without arms
to the parade ground inside the East Gate of the city and there
be dismissed after receiving their gratuities from the Em-
peror. They were to be present for this purpose by ten
o'clock of the same morning. Soon after eight o'clock, as
the Japanese instructor of the Korean Army was engaged,
in its barracks, in drawing up the first battalion of the First
Korean Regiment, a great noise of weeping and groaning
was heard, and the fact was made known that its commander
had committed suicide. This was the signal for the springing
up of a great excitement, during which the troops broke
their ranks and threatened the Japanese officer with a mur-
derous attack. The mutiny spread at once to another
battalion occupying adjoining barracks. The mutineers
then proceeded to break open the magazines and, arming
themselves, they rushed out of the barracks. They thereupon
posted sentinels around the barracks where the majority of
the forces still remained, who began to fire aimless shots
from within upon the passers-by. Meantime some of the
troops ran away. 4
From this centre the mutiny spread, the mutineers rushing
out from the barracks to fire upon the Japanese officers who
were conducting to the parade ground the other Korean
battalions; but soon after the appointed time of ten o'clock all
the Korean forces had reported there, with the exception of
the two mutinous battalions. The reduction of the mutinous
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 437
soldiers was no easy matter, for the main force was en-
trenched behind stone walls near the centre of the city, and
the Japanese forces attacking them were much embarrassed
by being fired upon by those of the number who had rushed
out from the barracks. But the use of several machine guns
two of which, after being planted on the wall of the Great
South Gate, were trained so as to cover the advance of the
Japanese infantry and a hand-to-hand fight with bayonets/
and hand-grenades at the barracks soon reduced the mutinous \
Korean soldiers. By 10.50 A. M. the barracks were completely /!
in the hands of the Japanese. The casualties as estimated in
the official report o: General Hasegawa were, on the side of
the Japanese, 3 killed, and 2 officers and 20 men wounded;
on the side of the Koreans, n officers and 57 men killed, and
100 officers and men wounded. Korean officers and men, to
the number of 516, were taken prisoners. The best possible
care was given to the wounded, both Koreans and Japanese,
in the government and missionary hospitals Marquis Ito,
and his suite, and the prominent Japanese ladies belonging
to the Red Cross Society and Patriotic Associations, visiting
them in the hospitals and making generous contributions to
their assistance and comfort.
In one respect, however, the Japanese military authorities
made a mistake which their hostile critics were not slow to
seize upon and exaggerate to the discredit of their management
generally. It appears that the services of some thirty
civilians were volunteered and accepted to assist the police
and soldiers in searching for the fugitive mutineers. Much
bad blood had been stirred up between the two nationalities ,
by the previous unprovoked attack and murder of the Japan- \
ese police at the hands of mutinous Korean soldiers. In the \
spirit of vengeance, therefore, there was no doubt considerable
return of excesses on the part of irresponsible individuals /
among the Japanese civilian volunteers. Otherwise, the very /
438 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
trying situation in which these revolts of the Korean military
forces placed the Japanese Government in Seoul was appar-
ently met with commendable moderation and skill.
One of the most noteworthy features of this entire disturb-
ance was the complete aloofness of the people of Seoul from
any hostile demonstration toward the Japanese. Within
forty-eight hours of this battle between their own disbanded
troops and the foreign military, the city resumed its normal
appearance ; the people went about their accustomed occupa-
tions; the full tide of business began to flow as usual. Such
behavior as this, under anything resembling similar condi-
tions, has seldom or never before characterized the populace
of Seoul. It must be interpreted as a hopeful sign for the
future good order and prosperity of the city.
The disbandment of the Korean provincial garrisons for the
most part proceeded quietly. But the disbanded soldiers in
considerable numbers allied themselves with other elements
of riot and unrest, and local disturbances of a more or less
serious character continued to break out and demand sup-
pression by the police and the military, here and there in
various parts of the peninsula. This state of things continued
for weeks and, in a diminishing degree, for months following
the Convention of July, 1907. But the detailed account of
these transactions does not concern our narrative. Under
the circumstances they may be considered as temporary but
unavoidable incidents in the practical solution of this complex
and difficult historical problem of the relations to be estab-
lished between Japan and Korea. Among the mutinous
and riotous outbreaks that at Kang-wha Island the scene
in the past of so many acute conflicts between Korea and
/foreign nations was typical and also, perhaps, one of the
/ most important. When the Japanese captain in command
of a detachment of Japanese troops, and accompanied by the
Korean commander of the native battalion at Suwon, arrived
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 439
to disband the Korean garrison and to distribute the gratuities,
they were met by a shower of bullets poured upon them while
landing on the island. The Korean mutineers retreated to
the city of Kang-wha, where they were joined by some 300
rioters. Under cover of the city walls they offered a some-
what stubborn resistance to the attacking forces, but were
finally dislodged and fled in various directions. It was
afterward learned that the Korean troops, in defiance of their
own officers, had broken open the military magazine, mur-
dered the magistrate of the island and several policemen, and
had then forced some hundreds of the citizens, by threats of
death, to join with them in fighting the Japanese. When
the real fighting began, they ran away.
The procedure at Kang-wha, we repeat, was typical.
It is a specimen of the Korean ancestral way of resisting
every form of government. The method of these " patriotic"
uprisings was everywhere similar. Several score or hun-
dreds of Koreans, stirred and led by the disbanded soldiers,
came together, killed the Japanese old men, women, and.
children as well as the police officials, shot some of their/
own countrymen, chiefly those suspected of not being sufrV-
ciently violent in their anti- Japanese sentiments, burned and
plundered indiscriminately; and then when the Japanese
military or police approached in any formidable numbers
they ran away and hid themselves. In view of these dis-
turbed conditions and the alleged connection of some of their
converts with these uprisings, the missionaries were anew
placed in a difficult and delicate situation. This, however, \
like the greater number of similar previous trials, was not j Y'
primarily due to the Japanese Protectorate, but to the Koreans/ '
themselves Emperor, officials, and common people. There
were numerous plausible charges made against the mission-
aries and their converts of harboring Korean rioters and even
of lending countenance to the rioting under the pretence of
440 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
patriotism. There can be little doubt, however, that these
charges were, almost if not quite without exception, either
misunderstandings or malicious falsehoods. The misunder-
standings were, in view of the past, not altogether unreason-
able; the falsehoods were such as are encountered by the
religious teacher wherever he seems to stand in the way of
unlimited greed or unchecked violence. On the whole, as
has already been said, there can be no doubt that the mission-
aries and their Korean converts exerted a notable influence
in favor of quietness, peace, and the observance of law and
order. That the native Christians were alarmed, and stood
in fear both of the Japanese and of their own countrymen,
was a thing to be expected. But probably their experience
in this time of trial with the behavior of these foreign police-
men and soldiers tended to diminish the native dislike and
dread of the Japanese Protectorate.
At once the strength of the reform party among the Koreans
themselves began to make itself felt under the terms of the
new Convention. On the date of August i5th an Imperial
rescript forbade boys under seventeen years of age, and
girls under fifteen, from contracting marriages. The same
day the new Emperor proclaimed the purpose, which he
afterward carried out, to cut his hair on the occasion of his
formal accession to the throne and to dress himself in
military uniform from that time. The ex-Emperor, in spite
of the fact that he had formerly been glad to .see his people
excited to rebellion and murder by a similar proposal for
changing the fashion of the Korean gentleman's head-dress,
and in spite also of the fact that weeping eunuchs and ancient
Court officials besought him not to proceed to such lengths
in breaking with the past, actually did subsequently join in
the new custom. And when the deed was done, His ex-
Majesty was pleased to command the objectors to do likewise,
and to say for himself that the change was really not half so
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 441
bad as he had thought it would be. Now, although these are
not trivial matters in Korea, or mere straws which show the
way of the blowing of the wind, a more important result of
the new Convention was this: after due deliberation, the
Cabinet Ministers decided that the young son of Lady Om
who had already been proclaimed Crown Prince, must in
future really attend to his lessons and become educated in
some manner befitting his future expectations. Although it
was doubted whether His Imperial Highness was not still too
young to go to Japan for study, he was required to begin the
study of the Japanese language in addition to English and
Chinese. Left to the influence of the eunuchs and palace
women, he was sure to be debauched and ruined. Educated,
he may easily make the best sovereign Korea has enjoyed for
centuries.
At once also the Resident-General began to mature the
larger plans for carrying out his purposes toward Korea
which the new Convention made possible. For now upon
the Japanese Government in Korea rested the responsibility,
not only for the satisfactory and safe management of the
country's foreign relations, but directly and more heavily
than ever before, the readjustment, reform, and successful
management of all its internal affairs. To report to the
Emperor of Japan, and to consult with His Majesty and with
the Japanese Government about the form and successful
execution of the measures made necessary or desirable by the
new Convention, Marquis Ito paid a visit to his native land.
Leaving Seoul by special train for Chemulpo on the afternoon
of August nth, His Excellency arrived at Oiso five days later; \
and on the Tuesday following, August 2oth, received at \
Shimbashi Station in Tokyo a reception, both by the official
class and by the crowds, such as has seldom or never been /
accorded to a civilian before in the history of Japan. The /
reception given to him by the Emperor, who had sent air
442 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
Imperial Chamberlain to intimate his desire to consult with
the Resident-General, was scarcely less unique.
In the many public addresses which followed, at the various
banquets and receptions given to the Marquis, he took pains
to make it perfectly clear that his benevolent intentions
toward the Korean people had in no respect suffered a change.
Of himself he declared that he was neither elated in spirit over
the success of the new treaty, nor depressed in spirit before
the new difficulties which must be encountered. He wished
his countrymen to remember that the Korean problem was
not political, not one of the successful exploitation of a
weaker nation by a stronger, but a question of that policy
which should be fpr the highest interests and best welfare of
both nations. The need of the hour was the need of men
both Japanese and Koreans who could stand in the places
of responsibility and influence, and discharge their duties
faithfully, honestly, unselfishly. The work which he had
undertaken to do in Korea was only a beginning; and on
account of advancing age he must soon let it go from his hand.
At present, however, he was in harness and must remain so.
When the time came for him to resign, he hoped sincerely
that some able and wise successor in the office now so in-
creasingly responsible of Japanese Resident- General in
Korea might somewhere be found.
This historical and critical sketch of the relations between
the two nations of Japan and Korea fitly closes with the visit
of Marquis now Prince Ito to Tokyo in August of 1907.
The results to follow from the plans which were then matured
for the administration of the offices of the Residency-General
and for the more ultimate solution of the delicate and com-
plex problem of bringing about a state of affairs which shall
at the same time redeem Korea and deliver Japan from the"
constant menace which the peninsula has hitherto been
and not only this, but shall bind the two nations together
JULY, 1907, AND AFTERWARD 443
in a common prosperity under terms of friendship and
good-will, are destined to form important items in the future
history of the Far East. It remains only to add that no one
who could have heard the firm and feeling-full declaration
made to the writer by His Excellency when the latter was
on the eve of returning to Seoul, would question the wisdom,
honesty, or benevolence of the Japanese Resident-General in
Korea. As fast and far as he can have his way, this long-
time misgoverned and wretched nation will be reformed and
uplifted to an unwonted economical and political prosperity.
CHAPTER XIX
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM
THE role of the prophet in his predictive function, and
with reference to the destiny of nations, is always a delicate
and dangerous part to play. The danger is particularly
great when the complex and largely unfamiliar ideas and
emotions of Oriental peoples constitute the controlling factors
in the situation; it is made still greater at the present time,
as regards the future of the Far East, by the increasing
admixture of foreign and Western influences. Above all,
however, is the situation complicated by the unsettled and
totally uncertain condition of China. Here are countless
millions of an industrious, patient, and thrifty, but almost
incredibly ignorant and superstitious, population; corrupt
and intriguing official classes and an essentially foreign
Court; indefinitely great resources of soil and mines, and an
almost limitless capacity for foreign trade, which makes it
the coveted territory for exploiting schemes by both European
and Asiatic nations. Into this hitherto relatively inert mass
the ferment of new conceptions of civilization and of life, of
the things which are worth the having and which may be had,
if men will struggle and fight for them, is now being every-
where introduced. The restlessness of feeling, with its
stimulus to violence, which has formerly resulted for the most
part in local uprisings against excessive squeezing from their
own officials, or against too obvious interference with their
ancient institutions and present material interests by for-
eigners, is now taking the form of a purpose which may
444
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 445
quickly change, and by bloody revolution if necessary, the
character of the Chinese Government and even the nature of
Chinese characteristic civilization. What will be the effect
of all this upon the entire Far East, is a question which would
require of any student of history a bold, an audacious front
to answer in a confident tone. 1
In this uncertainty as to the future of the Far East, Korea
shares, as a matter of course, to a large extent. For, even now
that certain important factors in the problem of the Japanese
Protectorate over Korea seem to be relatively stable, the
problem as a whole remains exceedingly difficult and com-
plex. How will Japan succeed in solving this problem?
Will it be by the way of developing the material resources of
the land, on the whole peacefully, and chiefly for the benefit
of the Koreans themselves; of reforming the economic, ad-
ministrative, and judicial condition of the common people;
and of making a foreign rule to be esteemed a blessing rather
than an odious imposition? Or, will it be by the way of
reducing Korea to a condition of virtual vassalage, and of
making its people a dissatisfied nation, ever ready for revolt
and only kept down from successful revolt by the strong arm
of a foreign police and a foreign military force ? Will Japan
really succeed in solving this problem at all ? All suggestions
in answer to these and similar questions are of value only as
they are rendered more or less probable in view of such facts
1 How dangerous is prophecy touching the future of the Far East is
well illustrated by the following passage quoted from Mr. Whigham's
generally calm and fair book on Manchuria and Korea, p. 49. Speak-
ing of the mistake which Japan made in not preventing Russia from
building the Manchurian Railway, Mr. Whigham says: "On the other
hand, one is more and more convinced that what used to be talked
about a short time ago as the inevitable war between Russia and Japan
is destined to end in smoke, since the Japanese have already lost their
great opportunity." This was written as of July, 1901. Less than three
years later "the inevitable war" began in the "smoke" of battle, and
ended with Japan in possession of this same Manchurian Railway.
446 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
as those to which attention has been directed in the preced-
ing chapters of this book.
The future of Korea and of the Japanese Protectorate over
Korea will inevitably depend upon the action and reaction
of three classes of factors. These are the attitude and be-
havior of other foreign nations; the native capacity for self-
government and the actual conduct of the Koreans them-
selves; and the policy of Japan, not as a theory or an experi-
ment merely, but as embodied in industries, laws, institutions
and other forms of practical effect.
In all past time, but especially during the last half-century,
the relations of Japan and Korea have been chiefly determined
by the attitude and behavior of other foreign nations, both
toward and within the Korean peninsula. It was the desire
of Japan to get at China through Korea, and the determination
of the Chinese Government to resist and thwart this desire,
and to retain for itself the supremacy in the control of Korean
affairs, which brought about the invasion of Hideyoshi, with
its persistent train of consequences lasting well down into
modern times. Until the end of the Chino- Japan war, and
especially in the events of 1882 and 1884, as well as in those
events which immediately preceded the war, it was what
China did or proposed to do, which formed the principal
influence to determine the relations of Japan and Korea.
After this war had definitively and finally delivered the
peninsula from all Chinese claims to suzerainty, or even to
predominating influence, it was chiefly the attitude and
actions of Russia which decided the more active relations of
Japanese to the Korean Government. France and Germany
at the close of the war with China, and France during the
period just preceding the war with Russia, exercised consider-
able influence of a less obvious and direct character, how-
ever upon the relations of these two governments. During
the last three or four years which cover the period that began
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 447
toward the close of the Russo-Japanese compaignings, Great
Britain and the United States have powerfully, but for the
most part indirectly, affected the newer relations that have
been in the process of forming between Japan and Korea.
The Government of Great Britain has been the fair ally and
sensible counsellor of the Japanese Government; the United
States, while maintaining an official attitude distinctly favor-
able to giving the Residency- General a "free hand" for his
plans to accomplish reforms in Korea, has been, by complicity
of some of its private citizens with a false and corrupt Emperor,
a no inconsiderable source of embarrassment. The same
thing would have to be said of some of the British residents
in Korea.
Recent Treaties and Conventions with Great Britain,
France, and Russia, have now, however, made it as certain as
anything in the political future of human affairs can well be,
that none of these powerful nations will for some years to
come interfere in the policy or administration of the Japanese
Protectorate in Korea. So far as their action is concerned,
Japan has only to maintain her pledges of "equal oppor-
tunity," the "open door," and "hands-off" from China for
purposes of plundering its territory, and she may now try
without foreign interference her plans for the improvement of
her relations with this hitherto most troublesome neighbor.
Indeed, the way in which the Convention of July, 1907, with
its increase of legal rights to control the internal administra-
tion and reshape the entire code and economic and social
system of the Korean peninsula, has been received by the
Powers generally, shows that no formidable objection from
without would be raised if Japan should substitute out-and-
out annexation for the now-existing Protectorate. The four
great nations whose territorial possessions give them a su-
preme interest in the Far East, have already formally ac-
cepted the existing situation ; there is less and less likelihood
448 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
of meddling, as authorized by other European or American
nations, on the part of their diplomatic representatives.
Furthermore, in Korea itself, those squabbles with foreign-
ers which have arisen out of conflicting promoting schemes
and claims to concessions, since order is being rapidly brought
out of the confusion they have occasioned, are likely to cut
less of a figure in the future. The anti- Japanese missionaries
and other foreign residents in Seoul are being either won over,
or their complaints silenced, by the policy of the Residency-
General. If the criticisms of the dealings of Japan with Korea
were much more just and severe, they would not be likely to
involve international complications of any serious magnitude.
Only China remains huge, mysterious, incalculable both for
good and for evil, a vast overhanging cloud, with here and
there a flash of lightning or streak of sunlight shining through.
But for some time to come it is altogether unlikely that the
Celestial Empire will be able, however willing, to re-establish
any claims to a dominating influence, much less to a restored
suzerainty, in the Korean peninsula. This first class of
factors* which have been so influential and even determinative
in the past, may therefore not improperly be eliminated in
making up one's calculations as to the probable future. In
other words, the issue will now be determined by the behavior
toward each other of the two peoples immediately concerned.
Japanese and Koreans will now be allowed to work out the
problem of the relations for the weal or for the woe of both
peoples to exist and prove effective between Japan and
Korea.
What shall be said, however, as to the part which the
Korean Government and the Korean people themselves are
likely to contribute toward solving the difficult and intricate
problem of the future relations of the two nations? The
basis for a plausible answer to this question must be found
in an estimate of the material resources of Korea and in a
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 449
calculation as to the share which the Koreans are destined
to have in the improved conditions brought about by the
development of these resources. It has already been shown
that the soil of the peninsula, under improved methods of
cultivation, can easily be made to support double the existing
population. Reforestation and proper treatment of the
forests remaining can easily supply this increased population
with fuel and with timber. The introduction of new crops,
and the increase of the products of cotton and silk, the
fostering of such forms of manufacture as are fitted to the
country, and the development of the mines, can just as easily
be made to place this two-folded population in circumstances
of greatly increased comfort and prosperity. And with it all
will go, of course, the building up of foreign trade and the
securing of all the benefits that follow in its train. But
who will actually possess the fruits of this development;
will it be the Koreans themselves, or the Japanese immi-
grants ?
So far as the answer to this question depends upon the
enactment and the enforcement of a just legal code the
right to an equal chance, and security of this right if only the
man is able to seize and improve it the Japanese Residency-
General is solemnly pledged and actually committed. But
laws, courts, educational institutions, and banking facilities
cannot do everything. After all these, and in the midst of
all these, there is the man his physical and mental character-
istics, his moral and spiritual impulses. Overwhelming
Japanese immigration is perhaps, then, greatly to be dreaded
by the Koreans, even when the former can no longer take
from the latter by fraud or by violence. The dread, however,
that the Koreans will be supplanted by the Japanese would
seem by no means to be wholly warranted in view of existing
facts. The actual native population of the Korean peninsula
is difficult to ascertain ; but the latest census, taken in the
450 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
spring of 1907, shows that it was probably greatly over-
estimated by the previous statistics. This census gave the
numbers as 9,638,578 people inhabiting 2,322,457 houses.
A census of the Japanese population in Korea, January 31,
1907, returned the figures of 81,657 m ^ * which 31,754
were females. As compared with the returns for March 31,
1906, this census showed an increase of about 20,000 in the
non-official Japanese population (a calculation not differing
greatly from that based upon the returns of the steamship
agency at Fusan, see p. 143 f.). Making allowance for those
immigrants who failed to register, we may calculate that not
far from 100,000 Japanese, exclusive of the army and the
civil officials, were resident in Korea during the summer of
1907. The great majority of these immigrants were traders,
artisans, and common laborers; but an increasing number
of Japanese farmers were settling, especially in the fertile
valleys of Kyung-sang-do and Cholla-do. Of these traders,
artisans, and common laborers, many are engaged in building
Japanese houses and in construction work on the Japanese
railways; by no means all such immigrants are likely to
become permanent residents in Korea. With the farmers
the case is not the same.
Is the annual rate of Japanese immigration into Korea
likely to increase greatly in the future? No one can tell
positively; but the negative answer seems much the more
likely. The day of temptation to the mere adventurer is
largely gone by; the Koreans themselves are likely to become
acquainted with the way of doing things as the Japanese
demand requires they should be done, and then many of
these foreign traders, artisans, and laborers will have their
places taken by Koreans. Formosa, Manchuria, and Hok-
kaido are rivals of Korea for the Japanese agriculturists and
other kinds of permanent settlers; South America and other
countries offer greater inducements to the emigration com-
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 451
panies. Moreover, at about the same time that the results
of these censuses were published, a local paper in Seoul
published the birth and death statistics of the Japanese
colony there. These statistics showed that during the pre-
vious year there had been an excess of deaths over births
among the Japanese in Seoul. Of births there were 312
187 male and 125 female, while the deaths amounted to a
total of 464 308 male and 156 female. And yet there are
few old people, and almost none who came as invalids, in
this foreign population.
Let it be supposed, however, that the annual net increase
of Japanese population in Korea amounts to 20,000 for the
next fifty years. There will then be only somewhat more than
one million of this now foreign population. But meantime
the Korean peninsula will have become quite capable of
supporting double its present native population. Besides
this, there are those to the opinion of whom the present
writer is strongly inclined who feel confident that fifty
years from now the distinction between Korean and Japanese,
among the common people, will be very nearly, if not quite
completely, wiped out. And, indeed, the two nations are of
essentially the same derivation, so far as their dominant
strains of ancestral blood are concerned ; and great as are the
present differences between the Japanese in Japan and the
Koreans in Korea, there is no real reason why both Japanese
and Koreans should not become essentially one people in
Korea.
There is then, it would seem, no essential and permanent
reason of a material sort why Korea should not remain Korean
in its principal features, if the next half-century shows the
expected results in its material development. We have seen
that the present Residency- General is committed to the policy
of developing the land in the behalf of its own inhabitants,
while according all just and natural rights, and all reasonable
452 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
encouragement, to foreign immigration and to foreign capital.
Again, however, the same decisive but as yet unanswered
questions return: Can the Court be purified? Can an
honest and efficient Korean official class be secured, trained,
and supported by the nation? Can that middle class
which is in all modern nations the source of the controlling
economic and moral factors be constituted out of the body
of the Korean people ? And, finally, can the great multitude,
the Korean populace, be made more intelligent, law-abiding,
and morally sound?
As to the purification of the Court at Seoul under the ex-
Emperor, and so far as his influence could be extended such
a thing was found impossible by the Resident- General.
Warnings, advice, experience of evil results all were of no
avail. This weak and corrupt nature would not free itself
from its environment of sorceresses, eunuchs, soothsayers,
and selfish or desperate, corrupt, and low-lived native and
foreign advisers ; and without the conversion of the Emperor,
under the former conditions, the Court could not be made
more intelligent, honest and patriotic. So long and so far as
the ex-Emperor can exercise his parental influence upon the
present Emperor in national affairs, the part which the Court
plays in the redemption of the nation will be comparatively
small. But this influence is now broken; and the measures
which are being taken wholly to nullify it can scarcely fail
to succeed. If it becomes necessary, His ex-Majesty can be
given a residence remote from Seoul. The Convention of
July, 1907, gives to the Japanese Resident- General a hitherto
impossible control over the entourage of the Emperor. It is
therefore altogether unlikely that any future ruler of Korea,
even if he should wish to follow this bad example, this most
disastrous precedent, will be able to rival for mischief his
predecessors, by way of encouraging fraud, violence, and sedi-
tion at home, and foreign misunderstandings and interferences
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 453
through the help of unwise or unscrupulous "foreign friends."
Moreover, the present Emperor, so far as can be judged by
the brief experience under his rule, is either not disposed, or
not able, to continue the evil practices of his Imperial an-
cestor. The proposals for reform brought before His Korean
Majesty seem now to meet with neither open nor secret
opposition. Best of all, the palace horde of evil men and
women is being reduced from within, and excluded from
without; and this, in the absence of complaints and petitions
for pity, sent over the civilized world, from the royal "pris-
oner" under a blood-thirsty Japanese guard! Thus there is
solid ground on which to build hopes of a far less corrupt,
a much more intelligent and honest, Korean Court.
That honorable and brave leaders generals, civil rulers,
magistrates, and judges can come out of Korean ancestry,
there is the evidence of history to show. True, the number
of such leaders, through all the past centuries of Korea's
sad and disgraceful career, has been relatively small. But, as
has been repeatedly pointed out, this fact has been largely
due to the corrupt official system, and the ever-present cor-
rupting influence, which has come from across the Yellow
Sea that is, from China. The Cabinet officials who had to
meet the severely trying emergency which ended with the
abdication of the Emperor, a new Convention with Japan,
and the pacification of a people much given over to local
disorders and to the spreading of the spirit of riot and
sedition, on the whole acquitted themselves well. It is,
indeed, difficult to see how they could have done better
for the country under the existing circumstances. That
timber can be grown in Korea, out of which may be hewn
in the future enough material for a sound and fair of-
ficial edifice, there is, we think, no good reason to doubt.
Under the recent Convention the responsibility for framing
laws, policing the country, securing order, appointing a just
454 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
and intelligent magistracy, as well as developing schools
and industries and arts, rests primarily upon the Japanese
Government. If moderation and wisdom can be secured
here, a sufficient force of native official helpers and partners
in all the benevolent projects of the Marquis Ito can probably
in due time also be secured. In order, however, that Japan-
ese and Korean officials should co-operate heartily, and should
live and work together in peace, it is necessary that the under-
lying principle of their co-operation should be not selfish, but
controlled by devotion to duty and by an intelligent and
sincere desire to secure the welfare of both nations. Only
such high motives can unite men of different nationalities, or
even of the same nation, in works of economic reform and
moral improvement. This is only to say that in Korea, as
everywhere else in the ancient and the modern world alike,
the real and lasting success of the government must depend
upon its intelligence and its righteousness. It is to be hoped
that the capacity for both these essential classes of qualifica-
tions for self-government is in the Korean blood, if only it
can have tuition, example, and freedom for development.
With the improvement of the economic and industrial
conditions in Korea, and especially with the enlarged op-
portunities for foreign commerce, a fairly intelligent and well-
to-do middle class population is likely to result from the
Japanese Protectorate. This class is in a process of evolution
in Japan itself. It is essentially the product, "natural" so
to say where public schools exist and thrive, and where the
conditions are favorable to manufacture, trade, and agri-
culture on any large scale. But especially is such a class
one of the most sure and valuable results of a more highly
moral and spiritual religion. Christianity distinctly favors,
when it becomes practically operative, the formation of a
middle class. In Korea hitherto there have been only, as a
rule, corrupt and oppressive rulers and officials, and ignorant,
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 455
oppressed, and degraded multitudes. The foundation of
schools of the modern type, especially for technical and man-
ual training, and the spread of Christianity, will, almost
inevitably, combine to raise a body of thrifty, fairly intelligent,
and upright, self-respecting citizens. This will go far
toward solving the problem of the reform and redemption
of Korea.
As to the destiny of considerable numbers of the lower
orders of the people, that is perhaps unavoidably true which
has been said of the Korean farmers : "A large percentage of I
them are past all hope of salvation." The professional
robbers and beggars, the riotous "pedlers," the seditious
among the disbanded troops or the "tiger hunters," the wild
and savage inhabitants of the mountainous regions, the people
who live by thieving, counterfeiting, soothsaying, divin-
ing, and other illicit ways, will have to submit, reform, or
be exterminated. Doubtless, many of them will prefer to be
exterminated. But our examination of the previous chapters
encourages and confirms the hope that something much
better than this is possible for the great multitude of the
peasants among the Korean people. Marquis Ito has set his
heart on helping this class toward a much improved condi-
tion. The promise of this he has distinctly affirmed in both
private and public addresses, and has indeed done all that
he possibly could to confirm. It is this also upon which every
true-hearted missionary is most intently bent. For it was to
these same multitudes sheep without a shepherd that
Jesus came; on their uplift and salvation he set his heart.
It would be contrary to the experience of the centuries to
suppose that an enlightened form of education and a spiritual
religion could combine in the effort to raise 'the multitudes of
any nation, without resulting in a large measure of success.
It would seem, then, that the responsibility for a successful
and relatively permanent solution of the difficult problem
456 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
offered by the geographical, historical and other important
relations of Japan and Korea, under the now existing Con-
vention between the two governments, rests most heavily
upon the Japanese themselves. ( They have at last " a free
hand"; the material with which they have to deal in order
to construct a new and improved national structure is, indeed,
in bad and largely unsound condition; but it is not hopeless,
and it is not radically deficient in the qualities necessary for a
sound and durable structure. Korea is, inherently considered^
capable of reform; but at present it is not capable of self-
government, much less of self-instituted and wholly self-
controlled reform. Japan has taken upon herself the task
of furnishing example, stimulus, guidance, and effective
forces, to set this desirable ideal into reality. No other
nation has this task; no other nation is going seriously to
interfere with Japan in its task. On the Japanese Govern-
ment and the Japanese people rests the heavy responsibility
of securing a new and greatly improved national life for the
millions of the Korean peninsula; if they succeed, to them
will chiefly be the praise and the profit; if they fail, to them
will chiefly be the shame and the loss. At present, and in
the near future, it is the last of these three sets of determining
factors namely, the policy and practice of Japan herself
with reference to Korea which will have the final word to
say in the solution of this difficult problem. The judgment
of the civilized world is already pronounced upon this matter.
Korea has already been judged impotent and unworthy to
be trusted with the management either of her own internal
affairs or of her relations to other nations in the Far East
and in the world at large. Japan has been judged to be
most favorably situated and, for the protection of her own
interests, best entitled to undertake and to carry through
the reform and reconstitution of Korea. Japan also will
in the future be judged, by the judgment of the civilized
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 457
world and by the verdict of history, according to the way in
which she fulfils her duties, and accomplishes her task, in
; Korea.
Will Japan prove equal to the management and the de-
velopment of the internal resources, civil government, and
foreign relations, of her weaker neighbor in such a way as to
command the title to a righteous and genuine success? No
one can answer this question with a perfect confidence. In
many important respects the present is an exceedingly critical
time for the Japanese Government and the Japanese nation
in respect of the condition of its own internal affairs. The
same thing is true of Japan's relations to foreign nations.
The army and navy deserved and won praise from all the
civilized world for its bravery, skill, and moderation in the
last war. And after the war terminated in a treaty of peace
which, while it w r as at the time wisely made on the part of
the real leaders of the nation, was exceedingly disappointing
to the military and naval forces and to the people at large,
the whole of Japan, with the exception of few and brief de-
monstrations of resentment, obeyed the wise counsels and
injunctions of His Imperial Majesty, its Emperor. In obe-
dience to these injunctions the nation turned quietly and
diligently to the pursuits of peace. But in these pursuits
Japan is by no means so far advanced, when judged by mod-
ern standards, as she was in the preparation for, and conduct
of, war both by land and by sea. In manufactures and every
form of industry, in trade and commerce, in the devising and
management of the means of communication, in education,
science, and literature everywhere in these lines of peaceful
national activity there is a great deficiency of trained and
trustworthy helpers, even for the supply of her own immediate
needs. In all these matters of national interest and import,
the cry of her leaders is for the right sort of men. How, then,
shall Japan at the present juncture supply in sufficient num-
IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
bers the workmen to meet the needs of the hour in the reform
and uplift of Korea?
Moreover, as the nation of Japan advances in these many
lines, it is inevitable that it should meet the same difficulties,
embarrassments, and dangers which in yet severer form are
testing the leading nations of Europe and America. Trusts
and labor unions both likely to become the enemies of the
Empire as they have so largely in the United States become
the enemies of the Republic are already growing apace.
Even more, perhaps, than anywhere else outside of Russia
and parts of Germany, insane theories of ethics, philosophy,
and religion, are captivating the minds, and controlling the
conduct, of not a few of her students and other young men.
As in the United States, especially, but also in all the countries
of Europe, the old-fashioned parental control and discipline
of the home-life is being greatly relaxed. The over-estimate
of so-called science and the conceit of modernity are working
mischief in the character of not a few. And the life of the
millions of the people is not yet lifted to the higher grades of
morality and religion.
With regard to the right national policy toward Korea
there has also been, as we have seen, a long-standing difference
of opinion. This difference. still exists, although it was for
the time submerged by the tide of enthusiastic approval
which welcomed the policy of Marquis Ito when, under the
grant of liberty of action from His Imperial Majesty, with the
consent of the Elder Statesmen, and the co-operation of Minis-
ter Hayashi, the Convention of July, 1907, was successfully
concluded. Many of the military leaders, however, continue
to favor a more punitive and war-like attitude toward any
resistance on the part of the Koreans. The mailed fist, with
its threats, rather than the open palm, with its promise of
friendly assistance, seems to them better fitted to the situation.
And it can never be expected that there will be a cessation
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 459
of the desires and efforts of that crowd of Japanese ad-
venturers, promoters, and unscrupulous traders, who are as
ready to make game of the resources of Korea as are the smaller
number of no less selfish foreigners residing in the peninsula
but claiming the protection for their schemes of other nation-
alities. Of the two, the latter are in not a few cases much
the more difficult to deal with in a manner satisfactory both
to the honor of the Japanese Protectorate and also to the
interests of the Korean people. All these schemers, as a
matter of course, have scanty faith in the slow and patient
methods of education, economic and judicial reform, which
are deliberately chosen and persistently followed by the
present Residency- General.
Such tendencies as those just mentioned undoubtedly make
it more difficult to predict with confidence the success of Japan
in the task of building up a strong and healthy national existence
out of the so largely dead and decayed material furnished to
its hand. But there are other tendencies, and other forms
of influence, now existing and growing in vigor among the
Japanese of to-day, which strongly encourage the hopeful
view. The nation emerged from the war with Russia in
much more sober and thoughtful frame of mind than that
which followed upon the close of the Chino- Japan war.
The enormous losses of life, and the heavy debt left upon
them by the expenditure of treasure, tended to keep down
the self-conceit and headiness which might have followed an
easier victory. And in spite of the immediate disadvantages
growing out of the fact that the terms of the Treaty of Ports-
mouth fell so far below their expectations, and below what
seemed to them at the time their just deserts, it was probably
best in the preparation for their future enterprises and strug-
gles to have the war end as it did. Of the sincere desire of
Japan for peace with the whole world, no one who knows the
nation can have the slightest honest doubt.
460 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
There has also been a great awakening of interest in
moral problems since the Russo-Japanese war. This interest
is not confined to any one class. In all the Government
schools, of every description, especial attention is being given
to ethics. This is the one study which is kept most constantly
before the minds of the pupils, from the earliest stages of their
training to the end of the graduate courses in the university.
Aware of the unworthy reputation of its business men, in
respect of business morality, the commercial schools, higher
and lower, government and private, are placing emphasis
upon the side of moral instruction and discipline in prepara-
tion for business life. The men, now past middle life, who
were trained to the respect for honor and the feelings of devo-
tion which characterized the Samurai (or Puritan knights)
of the old regime, and who have been the inspirers and guides
of all that has been best* in the "New Japan," are still,
though they are growing old and fewer in number, controlling
the destinies of the nation They have the confidence of
His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor of Japan, who steadily
throws the great weight of his influence upon the side which
favors combining these ancient virtues with a modern
education. Among the men in middle life there still lingers,
indeed, much of those influences and practices which have
cost the New Japan so dearly, in loss of reputation and of
failure to make good use of some of her choicest opportunities.
But the new and better spirit is most conspicuous with
the younger educated men; the boys and girls in the public
schools are receiving a form of education and discipline
which, considering Japan's poverty and newness of resources,
surpasses that of any other country in the civilized world.
Moreover, the ear of the nation is open to religion as never
before in its history. This increased feeling of*need, and this
higher estimate of the value of an improved morality and a
more spiritual religion, together with the arousing and
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 461
directing of the nation's energies into the development of its
material resources and its foreign trade, are the distinctive
features of the national life of the Japanese at the present
time.
There is another thing about the temperament of' the
Japanese which is often of most powerful influence, and yet
most difficult for foreigners to appreciate. This is the force
of sentimental considerations, which frequently triumph over
those considerations that are regarded by other peoples as of
more importance in practical affairs. Already, the senti-
ments of generosity, of pity, and of a sort of condescending
kindness, have triumphed in the management of Korean af-
fairs by the Japanese. The history of the relations of the
two countries has amply illustrated this fact. These senti-
ments, which are certainly dominant to a large extent with
the Residency- General, when reenforced by the growing re-
spect for morality and religion, will it seems fair to sup-
pose be even more powerful in the future.
Still further, Japan has successfully overcome many
enormous difficulties, and has bravely and well met many most
threatening emergencies, during the last fifty years. Over
and over again during this period, her case has seemed
almost desperate. But each time the nation has rallied and
has climbed upward to a higher and better level in its na-
tional life. True, this has been due, to a large extent, to the
wisdom and skill of the men who have thus far led the nation.
And they are passing off the stage. That the younger spirits
who are coming on will serve their day with equal courage,
wisdom, and success, is our hope and our belief. Then
there will be assured the third and most important class of
the factors which, in their combination with the other two,
will secure the new, redeemed Korea in friendly relations,
in amity and unity, with Japan, her benefactor as well as
her protector.
462 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
/~v
There is no essential reason why Japanese and Koreans
~ should not become one nation in Korea. Whether this
nation will be called Korea or Japan, time alone can tell.
That it will be a happier, more prosperous, more moral and
truly religious people than the present Korean people, there
is sufficient reason to predict. Indeed, considering the brief
time which has elapsed since the Convention of November
17, 1905, the improvement already accomplished under the
control of the Japanese Residency-General, if not all that
could be wished, has been all that could reasonably have
been expected. The two peoples have learned to live peace-
fully and happily together, in certain places, both of Japan
and of Korea, in past times. The conditions favoring their
union, and indeed amalgamation, in Korea itself are to-day
incomparably better than they ever were, in any large way,
before. If Marquis Ito, and his sympathetic, effective sup-
porters, at home and in the Residency- General, can be sus-
tained for five years, and can be succeeded for a generation by
those of like purpose and character, then the problem of the
relations of Japan and Korea will have been solved. The
present opportunity has cost both countries centuries of
trouble, strife, and loss. That all the difficulties should be
at once removed, and all the reforms at once efficiently be
carried out, it is not reasonable to expect. But now that
Japan has won this cherished opportunity, the civilized world
requires, and the civilized world may expect, that the oppor-
tunity will be on the whole well improved. Such will un-
doubtedly be the issue if His Imperial Majesty of Japan, the
Marquis Ito, and others of like mind, have their way.
/^The Korean problem has become a part of the larger
-problem namely, the realization by Japan of a worthy
- national ideal. We close, then, this narrative of personal
experiences, and its following presentation and discussion of
diplomatic proceedings and historical facts, with a quotation
THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM 463
that expresses our hopes and our beliefs, and that is taken
from a bronze tablet which is to stand in the campus of the
Government School of Commerce at Nagasaki, Japan:
By a happy union of modern education and the spirit of Bushido,
inherited from countless generations of ancestors, Japan has
triumphed in war. By ceaseless improvement of the one, com-
bined with enlargement and elevation of the other, she must win
in the future the no less noble and difficult victories of peace.
In Industry and Art, in Science, Morals, and Religion, may
Dai Nippon secure and maintain a well-merited place among the
foremost nations of the civilized world thus enjoying prosperity
at home and contributing her full share toward the blessing of
mankind.
APPENDIX A
PROTOCOL SIGNED FEBRUARY 23, 1904
ARTICLE I
For the purpose of maintaining a permanent and solid friend-
ship between Japan and Korea, and firmly establishing peace in
the Far East, the Imperial Government of Korea shall place
full confidence in the Imperial Government of Japan and adopt
the advice of the latter in regard to improvements in adminis-
tration.
ARTICLE II
The Imperial Government of Japan shall in a spirit of firm
friendship ensure the safety and repose of the Imperial House
of Korea.
ARTICLE III
The Imperial Government of Japan definitely guarantees the
independence and territorial integrity of the Korean Empire.
ARTICLE IV
In case the welfare of the Imperial House of Korea or the
territorial integrity of Korea is endangered by aggression of a
third Power or internal disturbances, the Imperial Government
of Japan shall immediately take such necessary measures as the
circumstances require; and in such cases the Imperial Government
of Korea shall give full facilities to promote the action of the
Imperial Japanese Government.
465
4 66 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
The Imperial Government of Japan may, for the attainment of
the above-mentioned object, occupy, when the circumstances
require it, such places as may be necessary from strategical points
of view.
ARTICLE V
The Governments of the two countries shall not in future,
without mutual consent, conclude with a third Power such an
arrangement as may be contrary to the principles of the present
Protocol.
ARTICLE VI
Details in connection with the present Protocol shall be ar-
ranged as the circumstances may require between the Representa-
tive of Japan and the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of
Korea.
APPENDIX B
PROTOCOL SIGNED AUGUST 22, 1904
ARTICLE I
The Korean Government shall engage as Financial Adviser
to the Korean Government, a Japanese subject recommended by
the Japanese Government, and all matters concerning finance
shall be dealt with after his counsel being taken.
ARTICLE II
The Korean Government shall engage as diplomatic adviser
to the Department of Foreign Affairs, a foreigner recommended
by the Japanese Government, and all important matters concern-
ing foreign relations shall be dealt with after .his counsel being
taken.
ARTICLE III
The Korean Government shall previously consult the Japanese
Government in concluding treaties and conventions with foreign
Powers, and in dealing with other important diplomatic affairs,
such as the grant of concessions to, or contracts with, foreigners.
467
APPENDIX C .
CONVENTION OF JULY 24, 1907
The Governments of Japan and Korea, with a view to the early
attainment of the prosperity and strength of Korea, and to the
speedy promotion of the welfare of the Korean people, have agreed
upon and concluded the following stipulations:
ARTICLE I. The Government of Korea shall follow the direc-
tion of the Resident-General in connection with the reform of
the administration.
ARTICLE II. The Government of Korea shall not enact any
law or ordinance, or carry out any important administrative
measure, except with the previous approval of the Resident-
General.
ARTICLE III. The judicial affairs of Korea shall be kept
distinct from the ordinary administrative affairs.
ARTICLE IV. No appointment or dismissal of Korean officials
of the higher grade shall be made without the consent of the
Resident- General.
ARTICLE V. The Government of Korea shall appoint to
official positions under it such Japanese as may be recommended
by the Resident-General.
ARTICLE VI. The Government of Korea shall not engage
any foreigner without the consent of the Resident-General.
ARTICLE VII. The first clause of the Agreement between
Japan and Korea, signed on the 22d day of the 8th month of the
37th year of Meiji, is herewith abrogated.
4 68
APPENDIX 469
In faith whereof, the undersigned, duly authorized by their
respective Governments, have signed this agreement and affixed
their seals thereto.
(L. S.) MARQUIS HIROBUMI ITO,
H. I. J. M y s. Resident-General.
The 24th day of the yth month of the 4oth year of Meiji.
(L. S.) Yi WAN-YONG,
H. L K. M's. Minister, President of State.
The 24th day of the yth month of the nth year of Kwang-mu.
[The clause in the Protocol of August, 1904, which is declared
abrogated by the seventh article of the new Convention, apparently
refers to the promise of the Korean Government to engage a
Japanese subject as their official Financial Adviser. It was, of
course, rendered unnecessary by the new Convention.]
APPENDIX D
SUMMARY OF THE MOST RECENT MEASURES FOR
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE KOREAN
GOVERNMENT
The revised Organic Regulations of the Korean Government,
published by an extra of the Official Gazette (December 23, 1907),
cover the five Administrative Departments for Home Affairs, Fi-
nance, Justice, Education, and Agriculture, Commerce and In-
dustry. As for the Cabinet and War Office, they had not as yet
reported any changes introduced in their Regulations. In addi-
tion to the particular Organic Regulations for each department
there are Regulations common to all the Departments, the War
Office not being excepted. The latter Regulations consist of 21
articles which outline the responsibility and duty of the Ministers,
Vice-Ministers, and other officials, and fix the date for the enforce-
ment of all the revised Regulations for January i, 1908. Regu-
lations for the organization of the different offices under the De-
partments of Home, Finance, and Justice were promulgated at the
same time, including the Provincial Governor's Office, Metro-
politan Police Office and Customs Office.
To give a brief epitome of the Regulations for each adminis-
trative department: The Home Office is to contain three bureaus
for local affairs Police, Engineering, and Hygienics, with a Di-
rector for each. The rest of the staff consists of 12 secretaries, 5
commissioners, 5 engineering experts, 3 translators, 62 clerks, 10
police sergeants, 5 assistant engineering experts and a number of
policemen. The Finance Department contains the three bureaus
of Revenue, Accounts, and Managing Finance, each with a Di-
470
APPENDIX 471
rector. Thirteen secretaries, 7 commissioners, 2 translators, and
100 clerks constitute the staff of this Department. The Depart-
ment of Justice will have bureaus for Civil and Criminal Affairs,
and each bureau is controlled by a Director. The regular staff
of this department comprises 9 secretaries, 4 commissioners, 3
translators, and 40 clerks. In the Department of Education there
are bureaus for School Affairs and for Edition and Compilation,
with a Director each. The regular staff includes 7 secretaries, 4
commissioners, 3 engineering experts, 28 clerks, and 6 assistant
engineering experts. The Department of Agriculture, Commerce
and Industry will be divided into five bureaus namely, Agricul-
ture, Commercial and Industrial, Forestry, Mining, and Marine
Products; and each bureau has a Director at its head. The
regular staff of this Department includes 8 secretaries, 5 com-
missioners, 15 technical experts, i translator, 49 clerks, and 60
assistant technical experts.
In addition, each Department has a Minister's Chamber, and a
private secretary will be appointed to each Minister of State.
The Regulations for the Financial Department provide for the
creation of a Temporary Bureau for investigation of the national
resources, with a staff consisting of a Director, a secretary, 3
commissioners, and 5 technical experts.
More detailed regulations for the different offices under these
departments are to be issued later.
The most recent advices from Korea report that the rioting,
arson, and murder, headed by the disbanded Korean soldiers, is
greatly diminished, and that the country is reverting to its normal
condition so far as deeds of disorder and violence are concerned.
The visit of the Crown Prince of Japan greatly gratified the pride
and appeased the fears of the Imperial family and Yang-bans of
Korea. Before leaving Seoul, Prince Ito laid the corner-stone of
the new building of the Young Men's Christian Association in that
city. The Crown Prince of Korea, the son of Lady Om, whose
guardianship Prince Ito has taken upon himself, accompanied by
Ito, arrived in Tokyo, where he is to be placed in the Peers School,
and was received with distinguished honors both by the Imperial
Family of Japan and by the populace. The reports also show
472 IN KOREA WITH MARQUIS ITO
that the trade relations have had a significant increase between
the two countries; but the most significant item is this: the ex-
ports of Korean products, which are for the most part rice and
beans, exceed the imports from Japan by some 3,000,000 yen.
The establishment of friendly relations between the two countries
appears, therefore, to be moving forward rapidly; and the polit-
ical and economical redemption of the peninsula appears to have
been successfully begun. The first and, of necessity, most doubt-
ful and difficult in the stages of the Passing of the Old Korea
may therefore be said to have been already accomplished.
INDEX
AGRICULTURE, state of, 92 /., 122 /.,
I2 7/-> 3 OI /> 33> 34/-; founding
Station and School of, I22/., 126,
302
Alexeieff, M. Kir, doings of, in Ko-
rea, 224/.
Allen, H. N. (Acting Minister), on
education in Korea, 327
An Chung-ho, 107
BELL, the Great, at Seoul, 26, 3i/.,
J 79/-
Bethell, Mr., Editor Korean Daily
News, 158
Bingham, Minister, IQ7/.
Bishop, Mrs., quoted, 390
Brinkley, quoted, 184, 192, 193
Brown, Mr. J. McLeavy, Director of
Customs, 224/., 360
Buddha, "The Great White," 1377.
Buddhism, condition of, in Korea,
i33/-> 137
Bunki, nature of, 342 /.
CHEMULPO, visit to, ii3/.; popula-
tion of, 114; appearance of, ii4/.;
harbor of, 115
China, influence of, on Korea, i8i/.,
190, 194, 202/., 253, 296; its
claims of suzerainty, 189 /., 191 /.,
194, i96/., 199, 203, 211 f., 2i6/.;
soldiers of, in Korea, 203 /., 205 /.,
214; war with, 2i4/.; present con-
dition of, 444/.
Cockburn, Mr., British Consul-Gen-
eral, i3i/-, i34/-
Confucianism, of Korea, character-
ized, i8i/., 296
Conventions (see also Treaties), with
China, 210 /.; Yamagata-Loban-
off, 224/.; of Nov., 1904, with
Korea, 252-279, 414; of July,
1907, 419, 43l/., 4335 disorder fol-
lowing, 434/.
Councillor, in Privy Council, new
office created, 82
Court, the Korean, corruptions of,
15 1/., 297, 452; cowardice of,
i82/.; "Purification" of, 297,
45 2/-
Crown Prince (now Emperor), 298
note
Curzon, Hon. George N., quoted,
402
Daily News, the Korean, 42, 52,
62/.; announces commission to
The Hague, 837.; attacks Dr.
Jones, 355
EDUCATION, condition of, in Korea,
3 2 5-339; earlier efforts at reform
of, 327/.; modern organization of,
33/> 335/-/ missionary work in,
33 2/.; attitude of Koreans toward,
334; interest of Japan in, 336
Ellis, Mr. Wm. T., 367
Emperor, of Korea (now ex-Emper-
or), audience with, 44/., I47/./
personal appearance of, 44/.;
message to, I48/.; character of,
i5i/., i 54 /., 158, i 75 /., 2357.,
282/., 286 f.; renounces suzerainty
of China, 2i6/.; flees to Russian
Legation, 220; subsequent be-
havior, 233/.; treachery of, 242,
244, 246, 298, 361, 415, 4287.; re-
ceives letter from Emperor of
Japan, 254; his part in Conven-
tion of 1904, 2$6f., 259/., 268 /.,
274/., 41 5/.; abdication of, 423,
428
Epworth League, fate of, in Korea,
3. 8
Eui Wha, Prince, 17, 75/.
FOULK, Ensign George C., report of,
to United States, 2oo/., 203, 204 /.;
quoted, 376
473
474
INDEX
Fusan, town of, I5/., I4O/., 142;
public park in, 15, 142; reception
at, i6/., I40/., 143; lectures at,
142; schools of, 142; revolt of
settlers in, 185
GALE, Dr., quoted, 378
General Sherman, the visit of the, to
Korea, 191
HAGUE, Peace Conference of, Ko-
rean Commissioners to, 83/., 298,
414, 416; Japanese press concern-
ing, 4i8/.; action of Tokyo Gov-
ernment, 419
Hai-tai, the, 28
Hall, of "Audience," 29; of "Con-
gratulations," 30
Hamilton, Angus, quoted, 377
Han, Korean Prime Minister ^1904,
263 /., 266 note, 267
Hanyang, town of, predecessor to
Seoul, 22, 32
Harris, Bishop M. C., quoted, 397
Hay, Secretary, efforts of, 23 6/.
Hayashi, Minister in Korea, 260,
263, 269; special Ambassador to
Korea, 4197., 421 /.
Hershey, quoted, 2i9/., 223/.
Hideyoshi, the invasion of, i5/., 25,
9o/., i83/., iS;/.; war with
Prince Mori, 145
Hiro-Mura, trip to, 6/.
Hulbert, Mr. Homer B., leaves Seoul,
837.; on Korean history, 182;
quoted, 183, 236, 289, 290, 291,
293 295, 336; charges of, ex-
amined, 375
ICHIHARA, Mr., President of "Econ-
omies Club," 55/.
II Chin-hoi (Society) , memorial of, to
Ministers, 76/.; to Residency-
General, 43O/.
Independence Arch, 43, 132
Independence Hall, 43; lecture at,
5 2
Industrial Training School, founded
at Seoul, 1 28/.
Inouye, Count, negotiates treaty with
Korea, io7/.; later visit of, as
ambassador, 205 /.; administra-
tion in Korea, 218 /.; views on
Commission to The Hague, 4i7/.
Ito, Prince Hirobumi, invitation of,
3/., 8/., 14, fc7/., 4 o/., 56; atti-
tude of, toward Korea, 8/., 55/., 64,
139, 157, i64/., 1697., 226, k 395/.;
work of, in Korea, 86/., i68/.,'
I73/, 253/., 2 8 7 /., 298, 3 oi/.,
330/., 34i/., 355/> 412; nego-
tiates treaty with' "China, I94/.,
2io/.; speech of (1898), 226/.;
visits Peking, 23 1 ; jand St. Peters-
burg, 232; negotiates Conven-
tions with Korea, 25 2/., 256, 26o/.;
in Convention of 1907, 421, 424,
43 2/.; enlarged plans of, 441;
visits Tokyo, Aug., 1907, 442
lyeyasu, treatment of Korea by,
i8 9 /.
JAPANESE, characteristics of, i/., 55,
i2i/., 183, 43i/., 454, 457; in-
vasion by, i5/., 25, 183 /.; settle-
ments of, in Korea, i5/., 19, 114,
I43/., 45o/.; as an audience, 55,
97; relations of, to Koreans, 55/.,
59/., 91, io 9 /., n 9 /., i 5 o/.,
i7i/., 202/., 3 68/., 393/., 458;
ladies in Seoul, 577.
Japan Times, quoted, 4i8/.
Jones, Dr. G. Heber, quoted, 22, 23,
27, 89, i68/., 179, 425; assistance
by, in work, 48, 49, 52/., 59, ii3/.;
interview of, with Marquis Ito,
63/.; attack upon, 355 note
Justice, the Public, previous condi-
tion of, 340/., 343, 345, 3477.,
369; use of torture, 34Q/., 375/;
attempts at reform of, 34i/.,
343/., 349/-/ police system, 345/-/
courts of, 347 /.
KABAYAMA, Admiral, visits Korea,
205 /
Kang, chief Eunuch, 154
Kenochi, Mr., Resident at Chemul-
po, 117
Kikuchi, Mr., Resident at Pyeng-
yang, 100
Kimmei, Korean envoy to, 186
Kim Ok-kiun, 31; murder of, 213
Kim Tuk-nyung, Korean general,
183
Korea, country of, i9/., 92/., H3/.,
301; hunting tigers in, I2O/.; his-
torical relations of, to Japan, 179-
INDEX
475
251; reasons for its degradation,
i8o/.; treaty of 1876 with, 182;
trade relations with Japan, i85/.,
356; control of, by Japan, 242 /.,
45 2/.; resources of, 3007, 3037.,
3io/., 322/.; reforestation of,
3o6/., 3087.; mines of, 3097.,
36i/.; customs of, 3137., 3 2 4/;
finances of, 3157., 3i8f., 3 20 />
356/.; debt of, 324; foreign trade
of, 3567
Koreans, the condition of, 87, 60,
1587, 1607, 1807.; characteris-
tics of, 867) I0 5/-> I20 > I2 9, 1 6-27 >
1807, 2897, 2957, 4287,' inde-
pendence of, 87, 169, 1747?
2167, 2967, 336 note; intrigues
of, 8, 107, 66, 687, 8S/-, i5
1717, 2017, 2187, 3717.; appear-
ance of, 1 8, 477, 2 9 2 , 2 945 super-
stitions of, 237, 131, 2937, 391;
burial places of, 237, i32/; as
an audience, 47/, 5i/; women,
577, 867, 2 945 murder Japanese,
202, 206 7, 399, 4 2 5; as workmen,
2927," emigration of, 3647.,* re-
ligious condition of, 3907., 39 2 /-
Korean Review, quoted, 315, 327,
Kublai Khan, Embassy of, 187
Kuroda, General" makes treaty with
Korea, 182, 1977
Kuruda, Mr., villa of, 1417
Kwon, Minister of War, attempted
assassination of, 667, 7// ad-
dress of, at Suwon, 127
LADY OM, address at school of, 547,
155
Lawrence, Prof., on Convention of
Feb., 1904, 2477
Laws, absence of code of, 341 f.; af-
fecting real estate, 3427; and
mines, 3627
Li Hung Chang, 13; negotiates
treaty with Japan, 209
MANCHURIAN Question, the, 229-
233, 236
Megata, Mr., appointed "Financial
Adviser," 2467, 315; work of,
2467, 301, 308, 3157, 3187,
3207, 355
Min, the Family, 200, 2017, 2037.
Min Hyung-sik, Vice-Minister of
Education, 51, 72, 74
Min Yung-whong, commits suicide,
2787
Ministry, the Korean, change in
personnel, j6f.; and character of
office, 807, 246, 252; position of,
in Russian Legation, 222f.; be-
havior of, in 1907, 420, 421
Missions, success of, in Korea, 61,
937, 4047, 4087, 441; founding
of, 116, 401, 403, 4047.; schools of,
3327.; differing views as to, 3887,
400; need of civil support, 3947,
412; work of woman in, 400 >f.;
persecution of, by Koreans, 401,
402; the Roman Catholic, 4037.;
the Protestant, 4047.; "Great Re-
vival" among the, 4087, 4io7-
Missionaries, attitude of, 587, 60,
1667, 3967> 398; complaints of,
627, 368; educational work of,
3327.; difficulties of, 3927.; 4017.;
martyrs among, 4017
Mollendorff, M. von, action of, in
Korea, 2077
Mongols, invasions of, 1847
Moore, Digest of International Law,
quoted, 2117
NAGASAKI, visit to, 127
Nam-san, view from, 23, 40; wild-
cats on, 397
Noble, Dr., 93, 102, 106, no
Norman, Henry, quoted, 377
PAGODA, the Marble, 327; the "Pa-
goda Incident," 384
Pak, Acting Prime Minister, at-
tempted assassination of, 66; re-
signs, 77; action as Minister of
Foreign Affairs, 264, 2687.
Pak Yong-hio, conduct of, 4287
Pak Yong-hwa, assassination of,
68
Palaces, the "Special South," 27;
the "Mulberry," 277, 287; the
"Palace of Beautiful Blessing,"
287,' East Palace, 307,' the pres-
ent residence, described, 447,
I53/-
Pavloff, M., Minister to Korea,
2277, 2377
"Peony Point," visit to, 1007
476
INDEX
Po-an, Secret Society, suppressed,
244
Prince, the "little" (Son of Lady
Om), appearance of, 44/.; made
Crown Prince, 441
Protectorate, the Japanese, effect of,
on business, ii8/., 352/.; Proto-
cols establishing, 245/., 248, 253,
433; Prof. Lawrence on, 2477.; as
arranged in Nov., 1904, 2537.,
2647., 27 2/.; false reports con-
cerning, 253 note /., 378/.; as af-
fecting foreign relations, 352/.,
354/.; extended to home affairs,
433/v prospects of, 4467.
Protocols, with Russia (1896), 224;
Nishi-Rosen (1898), 225; with
Korea (Feb., 1904), 2457., 255,
273; and (Aug., 1904), 2457., 248,
2 55> 2 73
Puk Han, as mountain fortress, 22,
133; excursion to, 13 i/.; walls of,
I33> *35f->' flora of .> T 34
Pyeng-yang, invitation to, 43 /;
history of, 9o/., ioo/.; Japanese
in, 91, 97/., 383 /.; visit to, go/.,
no; missions in, 63/., io7/., no;
audiences in, 93/., 96/., 107; im-
provements in, 98/., 101; theolog-
ical students of, IO2/., 104, 107 /.;
Governor of, 1037.; stud-farm at,
QUEEN, the late, her assassination,
30, 2i9/.; character of,
RAILWAYS, Fusan-Seoul, i6/., i39/.;
Seoul-Pyeng-yang, 92; Seoul-
Electric, 23O/.; the Sanyo, 246;
construction of, in Korea, 373/.,
379/-
Resident-General (see also Ito),
interests of, 8/., I22/., 1297.,
i69/., i75/., social influence of,
86/.; creation of office of, 270 /;
scope of present power of, 452/.
Reynolds. Rev. Mr., skill as linguist,
4 8/.
Rockhill, Minister, on China's suzer-
ainty over Korea, igSf.; on the
Manchurian Question, 236
Root, Secretary, recognizes Japanese
Protectorate, 249
Russia, Treaty of, with Japan, gf.;
domination of, in Korea, 221 /.,
227/., 230/., 236/.; negotiations
with, 239/.
SAGA Party, the, i93/.
Saionji, Marquis, Ambassador to
Korea, 216
Schools, in Korea, i7/., 142, 325,
33, 332, 335
Scran ton, Dr. W. B., 63, 404
Seoul, arrived at, i9/.; aspects of,
2Q/., 23, 34/., 130; meaning of
word, 22; walls of, 24/.; gates of,
25/.; palaces of, 27/.; lectures at,
43/-> 54/; foreigners in, 8s/.; in-
fluence as capital city, 88/.; de-
parture from, i39/.
Seoul Press, the, quoted, 66/., yo/.,
99/., I22/., i6o/., 3oi/., 415
Shimonoseki, Treaty of,. 13
Sill, American Minister, report of,
2I4/.
Son-o-gong, 26
Sontag, Miss, 20
Speyer, M. de, policy of, 225
Stevens, Hon. D. W., 140, 205 /.;
on Korean complaints, 17 if.; his
account of Count Inouye's Em-
bassy, 205-209; on outbreak of
war, 243; appointed "Adviser" on
Foreign Affairs, 246; quoted, 269,
3*5> 342, 353, 37, 37 6
Suwon, Agricultural Station and
School at, 122 f., 126 /.; excursion
to, I26/.
TABLET, the Tortoise, 33
Tai Won Kun, the quarrels of, with
Queen, 26, 2oi/., 218, 2i9/., 284;
builds palace, 28, 306; character
of, 282/., 401, 402; persecutes
. Christians, 400, 401 /.
Takezoye, Minister at Korea, 405 /.
Tokugawa, Prince, his visit to Korea,
75/, 88
Tokugawas, the, their treatment of
Korea, iSg/.
Tong Hak, rebellion of, 2i3/., 2i6/.
Townsend, Mr. W. D., 116, n8/.
Treaties (see also Conventions), with
Japan, in 1876, 182, i97/-; the
Shufeldt, 192; Japan and China>
2IO/.
INDEX
477
Tsushima, relations of, to Korea, 15,
185
UNITED STATES, relations of, to Ko-
rea, IQI/., ipy/-, 199, 211 f., 216,
236, 249; Foreign Relations (Re-
ports), quoted, 216, 249; recog-
nizes Japanese Protectorate, 2497.
WAEBER, M., Russian Minister in
Korea, 223
Wakayama, visit to, 8/.
Walls, of Seoul, 2 4 /.; of Puk Han,
133, 135
Whigham, quoted, 245, 296, 445 note
Wilkinson, The Government of Ko-
rea, quoted, 2i2/.
YAGI, Capt., i/.
Yang-ban, the Korean, 39, 74, 156;
baleful influence of, ii2/., I56/.,
2&jf.; character of certain, de-
scribed, 288 /., 291
Yi, Korean admiral, 183, 189
Yi Hy-eung (see Emperor, now ex-
Emperor)
Yi Wan-yong, appointed Prime Min-
ister, 77/.; action of, in Nov.,
1004, 2647. ; signs Convention of
.1007, 432
Yi Yong-ik, Emperor's favorite, 235,
243, 286
Yi Ypng-tai, 70, 73, 74
Yomiuri, Japanese paper, extract
from, i6jf.
Young Men's Christian Association,
invitation from, 387., 42; assist-
ance of, 42/., 53, 407; lectures at,
43 f-, 47 / 54/-; Korean helpers
of, 5o/., 83/.; subsidy to, 396;
success of, 407
Yuan Shi Kai, doings in Korea, 31,
2IO/., 212
Yun Chi-ho, Mr., 39
ZUMOTO, Mr., 13, 92, 113
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