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^,1 F il 



IHSCBIPTIONS OF ASOIi. 



PLATE XXXI. 




CORPU^NSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



<3^^l6^-en^ei/,^^ J'4i 



yvi^z^yS^ ^^ 




/«-/^ 'V-^ 



" In the scardty of authentic materials for the andent, and e*en tot the modem history of In(Ua, importance ft JaMly 
ted to ^ genuine monunicnts, and especiaJty to iiuciiptiODS on stone and metal."— Cslrfrooifcr'i Euajri, II, 113. 



CALCUTTA: 
OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING. 

1877. 



IHSCBIPTIONS OP ASOIA 



M 
9^ 



aA 



PLATE XXXI. 




C-l 



r J 



00 



oe 




p. 

el 
u 

o 

•9 





Q 

a 

G 

o 



'« 



CORPU^-INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 







Vol. I. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 



PREPARED BY 



^*ti 



ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, C.S.I., 

MAJOR-OBNBRAL, ROYAL BNOINSBRS, BBNOAL, RBTIRBD ; 

DIRBCTOR-OBNBRAL OP THB ARCH£OLOOICAL SURVBY OP INDIA; 

HONORARY MBMBBR OP THB BENGAL ASIATIC SOCIBTY J 

MBMBBR OP THB ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIBTY, THB ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTB, 

AND THB NUMISMATIC SOCIBTY OP LONDON; 
CORRESPONDING MBMBBR OP THB ORIENTAL SOCIBTY OP GBRMANYf 
TUB IMPERIAL ACADEMY OP SCIENCBS OP BERLIN^ 
AND THB ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY OP BERLIN, 






'A 



" In the scarcity of authentic materials for the andent, and even for the modem history of India, importance {s Jastly 
attached to all genuine monuments, and especially to inscriptions on stone and metal."— (7o/e5rooiiMr*< Essaifs, II, 213. 



CALCUTTA: 
OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING. 

1877. 



GALOVTTA : 
FBIVTID IT THI BWVKItnmtmmT OV OOTIBHimrT PlXKfflHe, 

8» HA8TI9CHI BUBfllT. 



CONTENTS. 



PlBFACX 

GonenJ Aooount of the InacriptionB 



f 
1 



l.-ROCK INSCRIPTIONS. 



1.- ShahbAzrgarlii Book, Great Ineonpti 


on of Aeoka 






» 




1 1 


S 


2.— EhAki Book „ ,, . 






■ 




13 


3.— GiraAr Book „ „ 










14 


4.— Dhanli Bock „ „ 










15 


5. — Jaugada Bock „ „ 










» 


17 


&— 7. — ^Two Separate Edicts on Dhauli and Jaogada Books 












20 


8.— SahasarAm Book, dated Edict 












20 


9.~Bapn&th Bock 


o , 












21 


10.— Bairftt Book „ 


■ • ■ 1 










■ 


22 


11.— Second BaMA Bock 


» • ■ 










4 


24 


12. — ^Ehandagiri Book 


• • ■ 












27 


13.— Deotek Slab 


« 

• • • 4 


) < 








• 


28 



1— 3.— Bar&bar Cavee 
4 — 6.— NAg&ijuni Cavefl 
7 — 16. — Khandagiri Caves 
16 — 17.— Bftmgarh Caves 



2.— CAVE INSCBIPTIONS. 



30 
31 
32 
33 



3.— PILLAB INSCBIPTIONS. 



1.— Delhi Pillar from Siwilik (Pimz Shah's Lftt) ' 
2.— Delhi Pillar from Mirat 
3.— Allahabad Pillar .... 
4. — ^Lanriya Ararl^ Pillar (Badhia) 
5. — Lanriya Navandgarh Pillar (Mathia) 
6— 7.— Two additional Edicts on the Delhi SiwAlik Pillar 
8.— The Queen s Edict on the AUahabad Pillar 
9.— The Eos&mbi Edict on 
10.— The Sftnchi Pillar . 



it 



n 



35 
37 
37 
39 
41 
38 



42 



Paet II.— language and ALPHABET. 



1. — ^Language of the Inscriptions 
2. — Alphabetical Characters 



43 

49 



u 



CONTENTS. 



Past III.— TEXTS. 



1.— ROCK mSCBIPTIONS. 



ft 



At ShabbAz-garbi, Kh&lsi, GirnlU', Dhaali and Jaugada 

First Separate Edict — Dhaali and Jangada 

Second Separate Edict „ 

SahaaarAm, dated Inscription 

Bapn&th 

Baii&t 

Second Bair&t Rock 

Khandagiri Bock 

Deotek Slab 



>f 



»i 



Paoi. 

65 

89 

92 

94 

95 

96 

97 

98 
102 



At Bar&bar and N&g&rjuni 

At Khandagiri 

At RAmgarh in Sirgijga . 



2.— CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. 



108 
104 
105 



3.— PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS. 



At Delhi, Allahabad, Lauriya Arardj, and Laurija Navandgarh 
Edict VII on Delhi Pillar .... 

Edict Vin on Delhi PUlar .... 

Allahabad Pillar Separate Edict 
S4nohi Pillar ...... 



106 
114 
115 
116 
116 



Paet IV.— translations. 



1.— BOCK INSCRIPTIONS. 



Shahb^z-garhi, Eh&lsi, Gim4r, Dhaali and Jaogada 
First Separate Edict, Dhaali and Jaugada 
Second Separate Edict „ „ 

Sahasaiim, dated Inscription 
Bapnftth „ 

Second BairILt Bock 
Khandagiri Bock 
Deotek Slab 



117 
127 
129 
130 
131 
131 
132 



2.— CAVE INSCBIPTIONS. 



Bar&bar and N&gftrjani 
Udayagiri , 

B&mgarh ta Sirgi^a (not translated) 



134 
135 



3.-PILLAB INSCBIPTIONS. 



Delhi, AUahabad, Laoriya Ararfij, and Lanriya Navandgarh 

Edict VII on Delhi Pillar .... 

Edict Vin on M M 

Allahabad Pilhur Separate Edict 

S&nchi Pillar . . ... 



137 
139 
139 
140 
141 



1 



CONTENTS. 



lU 



PLATES. 



No. 

I. — Shahbiz-gukhi Rock, Front or East Face InscriptioD. 
n.— „ „ Back or Weet „ „ 

III. — Ehalsi Rock, Front or East Face Inscription. 
IV. — „ „ Side or South „ „ 

v.— GiKKiJt Rook, Edicts 1 to 5. 
VI.— „ „ „ 6 to 11. 
Vn.— „ „ „ 12,13.14. 
Vin.— Dhauli Rock, First Separate Edict 
IX.— „ „ Edicts 1 to 6. 

X. — „ „ „ 7 to 10 and 14, and Second Separate Edict. 

XI.— JAUdADA Rock, Edicts 1 to 5. 
XIL— „ „ „ 6 to 10 and 14. 

XIII. — „ „ Two Separate Edicts. 

XIV.— Sahas ARAM, RuFKATH, and Baisat Inscriptions. 
XV. — Baibat, Raxoabh, and Dbotsk 
XVI. — ^Bababab and Naoabjttki, Cats 
XVIL^Ehandagibi Rock and Ehandagibi Cayb Inscriptions. 
XVIII. — DxLHi SiwALiK FiLLAB, Edicts 1 to 4. 
XIX.— „ „ „ „ 6 to 7. 

XX. — „ „ „ Inscriptions round the Pillar, S&nchi Pillar. 

XXI.— Delhi Mibat Pillab, Edicts 2, 8, 4, 6. 

XXII. — Allahabad Pillab, collected Edicts, Queen's Edict, and Eaa&mbi Edict. 
XXni. — ^LiUBiTA Ababaj Pillab, Edicts 1 to 4. 
XXIV. — „ „ „ „ 5 and 6. 

XXV.— Laubita Natahdoabh Pillab, Edicts 1 to 4. 
XXVI.— „ „ „ „ 5 and 6. 

XXVII.^Alphabbtb of the Ikscbiptioits, Ariano-Pali and Indo-Pali. 
XXVIII.— Obioin of the Indian Alphabet. 
XXIX. — ^Vibws of the Inscbibbd Rocks. 

XXX. — ^ASOKA PiLLABS. 

XXXI. — ^Map of India under Aboka, showing the sites of his Inscriptions. 



>i 



»9 



{ 



PREFACE. 






rriHE object of the present work is to bring together in a few handy and acces- 
sible volumes all the ancient inscriptions of India which now lie scattered about 
in the journals of our different Asiatic Societies. As some of these publications are 
very costly, and at the same time not easy to procure, the present publication wiU 
be the means of placing in the* hands of all scholars, who are interested in the 
history and antiquities of India, a complete collection of authentic copies of all 
those precious records on stone and copper which have been discovered up to the 
present time. 

As fresh discoveries are constantly being made, it would now be almost useless to 
draw up any details of the contents of future volumes. But as the accessions of old 
inscriptions are comparatively few, I think it not premature to announce that the 
first three volumes will contain three distinct series of inscriptions, named respec- 
tively after the persons or periods to which they belong. The names and contents 
of these volumes will be as follow : — 

Vol. I. — Inscriptions of Asoka on Bocks and Pillars. 

II. — Inscriptions of the Indo-Scythians^ and of the Satraps of Snrashtra. 
III^ — Inscriptions of the Guptas^ and of other contemporary dynasties of N. India. 

The present volume contains the Inscriptions of Asoka. The gathering together 
of revised and authentic copies of these important records in a single volume has 
long been wanted for the purpose of collation and of re-translation by competent 
scholars.^ This want will, I hope, be met by the collection which I now present to 
the public. No effort has been spared to render it complete, and at the same time 
to present the most perfect and authentic copy of each inscription that can now be 
made. To secure the latter important object, the whole of the inscribed rocks and 
pillars, as well as the caves, have been visited, either by myself or by my zealous 
assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar. I have myself visited all the pillars and most of the 
caves, as well as the rocks of Shfthb&z-garhi, Elidlsi, Bair&t, Bupn&th and Sahasar^, 
and Mr. Beglar has visited the Dhauli and Jaugada rocks and the Bdmgarh caves 
in Sirguja. 

The original impressions have been carefully reduced under my personal 
superintendence by my draughtsman, Babu Jamna Shankar Bhat, who has a very 
correct eye, and is now conversant with the true shapes of these ancient characters. 
Every doubtful letter was brought to notice and jointly scrutinised and compared 
with photographs and former transcripts. Every single letter of the reduced pen- 

^ ** These intereBting monuments which, in spite of the investigationfl of Prinsep, Wilson, Bornoof and others, 
still remain inoom]^etely translated." — ^BSdwin Norris, M. S. Note. 



U PBETACE. 

cilled copy wbs then examined by myself while transcribing the different texts into 
Soman characters ; and, lastly, the pencilled letters were all inked in by my own 
hand, so as to ensure the requisite accuracy in the shapes of the ancient characters. 
As the plates now published are mechanical copies by photozincography of my 
originals, any errors that exist must be solely due to my own oversight. That some 
remain I have no doubt ; but I can truly say that I have done my best to make the 
present copies sa perfect as possible. 

Of the Ehandagiri inscription I possess several large photographs taken from a 
plaster cast of the original made by Mr. H. H. Locke. 

Of the Oim&r inscription I have had the use of the Bengal Asiatic Society's 
impression taken by Sir Legrand Jacob in 1838 for James Frinsep, as well as a 
separate copy of the 13th Edict examined by the General himself. These have been 
carefully compared with Norris' excellent lithograph prepared by himself from an 
impression forwarded to the Eoyal Asiatic Society by Sir Legrand Jacob. I have 
detected a few small differences, of which the chief is the occurrence of the com- 
pound letter wy, which has been copied in the lithograph as mn, and read in the 
transcript as a simple m. The same compound is ranployed in the Jaugada text, 
where it is more clearly formed after the beautiful exemplars of the pillar inscrip- 
tion^. This compound is used in the 9th and 11th edicts in the word Samyapatvpati. 
I may mention also that the name of Ndristika does not occur in the 6th Edict. 
The first syllable belongs to the previous name Oandhdrdndm^ and the curtailed 
name is correctly Rdahtika^ which is one of the known appellations of Surashtra. 

The Shdhbaz-garhi version of the edicts is particularly valuable, fwHn being 
written in the Ariano-F&li character, which possesses all the three sibilants of 
Sanskrit, and also approaches nearer to Sanskrit in the use of the sub- joined r as in the 
name of Friyadarai. But it is of special value in giving certainty to many doubtful 
readings of the Indian FIdi texts, as in the case of similar Indian letters, such as p, 
A, and s, which are easily mistaken for one another in a mutilated inscription, but 
which in the Ariano-F&U alphabet are widely different in form. 

In Fabt I I have given a general account of the sites and dimensions and 
present condition of all the inscribed rocks, caves and pillars, which is illustrated 
by a map showing the exact position of each inscription. Then follows a detailed 
accoimt of the inscriptions which are naturally divided into three classes according 
to the positions which they occupy, whether on rocks, caves or pillars. I have here 
added a few notices of any peculiarities or marked differences of reading which I 
have observed during my examination of the texts. An attempt has also been 
made to fix the date of each separate inscription. 

F4JtT II deals with the language and alphabets of the edicts. With respect 
to the first I have confined myself to extracts from Frinsep and Wilson, to show in 
what degree it approaches the F&li of the Buddhist books of Burma and Ceylon. 
But the subject of the alphabetical characters is treated at much greater length. 
I have given a plate of the two alphabets side by side, containing three speci- 
mens of each, to show the changes that took place in some of the letters between 
the times of Asoka and TTaTiinhlrA. With regard to the Indian F&U alphabet, I have 
ventured to claim for it a local origin quite independent of all other alphabets. If 



PBEIfAClS. Ul 

my views be correct, the alphabetical characters of India must have passed through 
a pictorial stage of writing, similar to that of the early Egyptian hieroglyphs. It 
is true that no specimens of this kind of writing have yet been found in India, but 
it is quite possible that some may still exist, although they have hitherto escaped 
notice. I have myself published one early specimen of writing on a seal which was 
found in the Panjftb. The only difficulty about such a small and easily-transport* 
able article as a seal is the possibility that it may hare been imported from the west. 
But opposed to this objection is the strong fact that the cuneiform alphabets of the 
coimtries to the west of the Indus, which are now known to us, offer no affinities 
whatever with the characters of the seal. 

In Fabt III I have arranged the texts of all the inscriptions in Boman 
characters one under the other for ready reference and comparison. The readings are 
my own, made from my new copies of the inscriptions ; but aU the principal varia- 
tions from previous readings are given in the foot-notes of each page. 

Amongst the Bock Inscriptions, the greater portion of the Eli&lsi version and 
the whole of the Jaugada version are now published for the first time. But the 
most interesting addition is the newly-found dated edict in its three variant texts at 
Sahasar&m, Bupnftth and Bair&t. For the able readings and translations of these 
important records I am indebted to the friendly pen of Dr. G. Btthler. 

Of the C(we Inscriptions, only one is absolutely new ; but the whole of them 
have been made from fresh copies and impressions taken by Mr. Beglar and 
myself. 

SimHarly, the Pillar Inscriptions have all been made from fresh impressions 
taken by myself. There are no less than five different texts, all of which were 
known to Prinsep. There are comparatively few variations in the pillar readings, as 
the cbaract^s are all of the same size and very symmetrically formed, and, where 
not injured by the abrasion of the stone, are particularly distinct and legible. The 
only difference in my reading that is worthy of special notice is in the last paragraph 
of the long edict, engraved around the Delhi Pillar, in which I 'find the word Sila^ 
phalaidni, ^ stone tablets," instead of Prinsep's Siladharika. 

In Part IV I have collected together all the translations of Asoka's Inscrip- 
tions which were published by Prinsep, Wilson and Bumouf . Where there is 
more than one translation available, I have placed the two visions side by side for 
ready reference. 

As the Asoka inscriptions are exclusively Buddhistieal, I take this (^por- 
tunity to make a few obs^rations on the Buddhist era of the Nirv&na. According 
to the P&li books of Ceylon and Burma, Buddha's death took place in MA B. C, a 
modest amount of antiquity which would no doubt have met with g^ieral accept* 
ance had not the same chrDnicles assigned A. B. 162 for the aceession of Chandra 
Gupta Maurya, and A. B. 218 for the linauguration of his grandson Asoka.^ Now 
the dates of these two Princes can be fixed within very narrow limits, the first 
having been identified by Sir William Jones with Bandrokoptus, tiie ally of Seleukus 
Nikator, and the second having furnished his own date by the mention of no less 

> A* B. ft^n^B for Anno 3adf}}ui0, "^l fihe jwr of Bod^bft*" 



IV PEEFACB. 

than fire Greek Princes who were his contemporaries. The date of Chandra Gupta's 
accession, therefore, is now assigned to B. C. 316, and consequently Asoka's inaug- 
uration will thus fall in B. G. 260, and his accession, which took place four 
years earlier, in B. 0. 264. But if the Nirv&na occurred in B. C. 544, the date of 
Chandra Gupta's accession in A. B. 162 would be raised to 382 B. C, or 66 years 
too early, while the accession of Asoka would be placed in B. C. 330, just 66 years 
before Antiochus II succeeded to the throne of Syria, and 58 years before his con- 
temporary Alexander II succeeded to the throne of Epirus. It seems certain, there- 
fore, that there is an error of about 66 years in these two dates, and, as the succession 
of Buddhist teachers from the death of Buddha to the time of Asoka is natural 
and unbroken, while the succession of the Ceylonese Bajas in the same period is 
equally unobjectionable, the same correction must be applied to the date of the 
NirvAn itself, which will thus be brought down from B. C. 544 to B. C. 478. 

But here it may be urged that, if the accession of Vijaya to the throne of Ceylon 
be lowered by 66 years, the whole of the later Ceylonese chronology will be dis- 
turbed to the same amoimt. But in reply I am prepared to point to a fault or 
disruption in the later strata of Ceylonese chronology which requires about the 
same amount of correction to make it straight. This period embraces the reigns of 
Mutasiwa and his nine sons, that is, of two generations only, who are said to have 
ruled over Ceylon from A. B. 176 to A. B. 338, or for the incredible period of 162 
years. But as the longest period yet covered by two successive generations has very 
rarely exceeded onQ hundred years, while the average period of the six longest 
pairs known to me is only 96§ years, it is quite clear that there must be an error in 
the duration of these ten reigns of about 66 years.^ By applying this correction to 
the date of Mutasiwa, we get A. B. 176 — 478 = 302 B. C. for his accession, which 
would make his second son, Devenipiatissa, a contemporary of Asoka, in perfect agree- 
ment with the Ceylonese history itself. 

This later date for the Nirv&na of Buddha was first proposed by me in 1862,' 
as a result of the correction which was found to be necessary in the dates of Asoka 
and Chandra Gupta on the testimony of their Greek contemporaries. I have since 
added the almost equally strox^ evidence of the Ceylonese history itself, which, as 
I have shown above, requires an equal amount of correction in the very period con- 
temporary with Asoka. I will now give a third reason for the adoption of this later 
date, which bears directly on the age of Buddha himself. 

According to the Jains, the chief disciple of their Tirthankar, Mahdmra was 
named Oautama Swdmi,^ or Ootama IndrahhiH%^ whose identity with Gotama 
Buddha, the founder of the Buddhist religion, was suggested by both Dr. Hamilton 
and Major Delamaine, and was accepted as highly probable by the cautious and 

^ The longest pain of reigns, of father and son, known to me are the following : Henry III and Edward I 
reigned 91 years ; Loais XIII and Louis XTV reigned 106 years. Two Chalukya Rajas are said to have reigned 102 
years ; two Rajas of Bikaner 100 years ; two Rajas of TTimhTnir 86 years ; and two Rajas of Handnr 96 years. These 
six pairs give an average of nearly 97 years per pair, which, applied to the Ceylonese chronology, would show an error 
of 65 years. 

' See Bhilsa Topes, p. 74, and Bengal Asiatic Society Journal, 1864^ p. 704. 

* Ward's Hindus, n, 247, and Colebrooke's Essays, H— 279. 

^ Stevenson's Ealpa Sutza, p. 92. 



PBEFACE. V 

judicious Golebrooke. His clear statement of the case raises this probability ahnost 
to certainty.^ 

'' In the Ealpa Sutra and in other books of the Jainas^ the first of Mah&vira's disciples is men- 
tioned under the name of Indrabhiiti^ but in the inscription under that of Gttutama Sw&mi. The 
names of the other ten precisely agree ; whence it is to be concluded^ the Ghtutama^ first of one Ust^' 
is the same with Indrabhiiti^ first of the other. 

" It is certainly probable^ as remarked by Dr. Hamilton and Major Delamaine> that the Guutama 
of the Jainas and of the Buddhas is the same personage^ and this leads to the further surmise 
that both these sects are branches of one stock. According to the Jainas^ only one of Mahftvira's 
eleven disciples left spiritual successors^ that is^ the entire succession of Jaina priests is derived 
from one individual, Sudharma Swftmi. Two only out of eleven survived Mah&vira, viz., Indra- 
bhiitt and Sudharma : the first identified with Gautama Sw&mi has no spiritual successors in the 
Jaina sect. The proper inference seems to be that the followers of this surviving disciple are not 
of the sect of Jaina, rather than that there have been none. Gautama's followers constitute the 
sect of Buddha, with tenets in many respects analogous to those of the Jainas, or followers of 
Sudharma, but with a mythology or fabulous history of deified saints qtdte different. Both have 
adopted the Hindu Pantheon, or assemblagfe of subordinate deities ; both disclaim the authority of 
the Vedas j and both elevate their pre-eminent saints to divine supremacy .'' 

Now, if we admit the identity of Ootama Suodmi^ the chief disciple of Mah&yira, 
with Ootama Buddha^ the founder of the Buddhist religion, the date of the NirvAna 
of Buddha can be determined within one or two years with absolute certainty by 
the following facts : — 

(1) Mah&vira, the last Jaina Tirthankara, died in B. C. 527, according to the 
concurrent testimony of the Jains in all parts of India. 

(2) If Gotama Buddha was Mahd.yira's disciple, his term of pupilage must have 
been during the short period of his early monastic life before he began his long ab- 
straction under the Bodhi tree at Vruvilfjoa, or Bodh Gaya. 

(3) Prince Siddh&rtha was 29 years old when he left his father's house to become 
an ascetic, and 80 years of age when he died iq B. C. 478. He would, therefore, have 
joined MaWi,vira in B. C. 478 + 61 = 529 B. C; just 2 years before that teacher's 
death, B. C. 627. His stay with the Jaina teacher could not, therefore, have been 
more than 2 years complete. This would place his birth 31 complete years before 
B. C. 627, or in B. 0. 558, and his death 49 complete years after B. C. 527, or in 
B. C. 478- 

Now it will be remembered that I was fortunate enough to discover at Gaya 
a Sanskrit inscription dated in the year 1813 of the Nirv&na of Buddha, on Wednea- 
day^ the 1st of the waning moon of Kfljrttika.* Here the week day being given, 
we have a crucial test for determining whether the Northern Buddhists reckoned 
the date of the Nirvfina from B. C. 544, in accordance with the Ceylonese 
calendar, or' whether they had a separate and independent chronology of their own. 
According to the former reckoning, the date of the inscription would be 1813 less 
544 or A. D. 1269, in which year the 1st of Kdrttika badi fell on Sunday, the 27th 
October. But by adopting my proposed correction of 66 years, the date of the 

1 Colebrooke's Essays, Vol. II, p. 276. 

* ArchsBological Surrey of India, Vol. I, p. 1. I then read the date as 1819, and so it was read by learned men 
in Bengal, but the publication of the numerals preserved in the old manuscripts of Nepal shews that the unit figure is 
beyond all doubt a 3. 



Yl PBEFACE. 

inscription will fall on the 4th October 1335 A. D., which day waa Wednesday, as 
stated in the inscription. 

The date of Chandra Gupta's accession o£Fers another means of ascertaiaing 
within very narrow limits the true era of the Nirv&na. Dr. Biihler has already 
pointed out that '^ the two outside termini for the beginning of Chandra Gupta's 
reign are B. C. 321 on the one side, and B. C. 310 on the other." ^ As Chandra 
Gupta's accession is placed 162 complete years after the Nirv&na, the limiting 
dates for the death of Buddha will be 321 plus 162, or B. C. 483, and 310 plus 
162, or B. C. 472. Now, within these limits there are only three years, which, 
taken as a starting point, wUl give Wednesday for Kdrtik badi 1 in A. B. 1813. 
These three years are B. C. 319, 316, and 309.' The last is certainly too late, as it 
would place Asoka's accession in 257 B. C, his inauguration in 263, and his con- 
version to Buddhsim in 250. But his treaties with the Greek Kings, which 
followed his conversion, must have been made before the death of Alexander II of 
Epirus in,B. C. 254, even if we admit that they were drawn up in ignorance of the 
death of Magas in B. C. 258. In these inscriptions also we find mention of the 10th 
and 12th years of Asoka's reign, which, H we take the year 309 for the accession of 
Chandra Gupta, would fall in B. C. 242 and 240, which is quite impossible, as 
Antiochus Theos died early in B. C. 246. It is certain, therefore, that the 12th year 
of Asoka must be placed before B. C. 246. We have thus only two years left 
which will suit the respective requirements of Asoka's history and the week-day of 
the Gaya inscription. These two are 316 and 319 B. C. for the accession of Chandra 
Gupta, which will give the following dates for Asoka : — 

Accession ... ... ... B. C. 267 or 264. 

Inauguration ... ... ... ^^ 263 or 260 1st jear. 

Conversion ... ... ... „ 260 or 267. 

10th year ... ... ... „ 254 or 251. 

12th year ... ... ... „ 252 or 249. 

Each of these dates seems unexceptionable so far as Asoka's own history is 
concerned. But I feel a preference for the later date of B. C. 316 for the following 
reason: In another place I have suggested that the KomwdyandSy or Kcmwa 
dynasty of the Pur&nas, were most probably the Indo-Scythian Turushkas of Northern 
India, and that the period of their rule should be corrected from 345 or 45 years 
to 145 years.' Accepting this suggestion as not improbable, the period of the 
Eanwas rule must be backwards from 79 A. D,, which would place their accession 
in B. C. 67. By adding 112 years to this date we get B. C. 179 for the accession of 
the SungaSy and by adding 137 more years we get B. C. 316 for the accession of 
Chandra Gupta Maurya. 

B/Cgarding Asoka's own reign there is now no doubt that it extended to 41 
years altogether, the shorter period of 37 years as stated in the Mah&wanso being 

* Indian Antiquary, 1877, p. 154. 

' I have made the calculations myself for every year from A. D. 1329 to 1344, corresponding to Chandra Gupta's 
date from B.C. 321 to 306. 

* Ohjection has heen taken to the longer period of 345 years as heing impossible, but the objectors, who have 
all adopted the lesser period of 45 years, have feuled to see that their smaller number is equally impossible for 

four generationt. 



PEEPACB. 



%• 



VU 



the official reckoning from the date of his inauguration or abhiaheka. That this 
was the initial point of the years of his recognised reign is made quite certain by 
the statements of the Mahftwanso regarding Mahindo. Thus Mahindo is said to 
have been ordained a priest in the 6th year of Asoka, and to have prooeeded to 
Ceylon after he had been twelve years a priest, when 236 years had passed since the 
Nirvftna of Buddha, and in the 18th year of Asoka's reign. As the inauguration 
took place when 218 years had elapsed, this reckoning of 236 years a^ his 18th 
year shows that his recognised official reign was counted from his ahhisheka or corona- 
tion, which did not take place untQ four years after his actual accession. The fol- 
lowing table gives all the principal dates of Asoka's reign : — 



B.G. 




A.B. 


Bafma 








yean. 


478 


Nirvftna of Buddha S&kjs Mani 


1 


• • • 


816 


Chaitdba. Gupta, Maarya, 24 76an 


163 


• ■ • 


2d2 


BiiTDDnsAJU, 28 yean 


187 


■ ■ • 


277 


M Atoka, Governot of Ujain 


203 


• ■ a 


276 


„ birth of Mahindo* 


204 


• •• 


264 


AsoKA, straggle with brothers, 4 yean 


215 


• • • 


260 


„ inauguration 


219 


1 


267 


„ oonvenion to Buddhism 


222 


4 


256 


„ tnat^ with Antioohus 


223 


5 


266 


1, Mahindo ordained 


224 


6 


261 


„ earliest date of Bock edicts 


228 


10 


249 


y, second „ „ ... ... ... ... ... 


230 


12 


248 


„ Anakes rebels in Parthia 


231 


IS 


246 


„ Diodotus rebels in Bactria 


233 


15 


244 


„ Third Synod under Mogalipntra 


235 


17 


243 


„ Mahindo goes to Ceylon ... ... ... ... ' ... 

„ Barftbar Caye Inscriptions 


236 


19 


242 


237 


19 


234 


„ Pillar edicts issued 


245 


27 


231 


„ Queen Asandhimitta dies .., 


248 


30 


228 


„ Second Queen married 


251 


33 


226 


„ Her attempt to destroy the Bodhi tree 


253 


35 


225 


M Asoka becomes an Ascetic 


254 


36 


224 


„ issues Bupnath and Sahasaram edicts 


255 


87 


223 


If UlvB •*• ... ... ... ... .,. 


256 


38 


215 


Dasabatha's CaTe Inscriptions, Nagaijuni 


264 


• • « 



* This date is derlTsd from the stattmsnt of the MfthAwuso thst Mahindo was 20 yean of age at Us ordination. But the Barmese Life of 
Buddha makes him on^ 18 yean old, and oonsistently states that Asoka roled at UJiOn for 9 yean, which would place Mahlndo's birth Jnst two 
years later than giren aboTC, or in B. C. 174. 

In the foregoing argument I have confined myself to the chronology of the 
southern Buddhists of Oeylon. I will now attempt to show that the discrepancy 
which exists between their date of the NirvtUia and that of the northen Buddhists 
may be reconciled by adopting the correction of 66 years which I hare proposed 
for the Ceylonese date. 

In the Asoka Avaddna of the northern Buddhists a prediction is attributed 
to Buddha that 100 years after his Nirr&na there would be a king of Ffttaliputra 
named Asoka, who would distribute his relics.^ The same period of 100 years is 
also mentioned by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang.' But in another Buddhist 
work, the Avaddna Sataka, the date of Asoka's accession to the throne of F&taliputra 
is stated at 200 years after the Nirv&na of Buddha. This is not, of course, the exact 



^ Bnrnoaf, Introdaotioxi k 1* Histoire da Buddhism Indien, p. 370. 
* Jolien's Hwen Thsang, II., 170. 



VIU PEEFACE. 

period elapsed, but only the nearest round number, which is therefore in strict ac- 
cordance with the interval of 214 years assigned by the southern Buddhists. 

But a still nearer approach to perfect agreement may be obtained by adopting 
the extra ten years of the Tibetan and Mongolian reckonings which place Asoka 
110 years after the Nirv&na.* The corrected northern date for Asoka according 
to the Ayaddna Sataka will then be 210 years after Buddha's death, which is the 
nearest decimal round number to the southern period of 214 years. That the 
period of 200 years given by the Avad&na Sataka is the correct one may be shown 
from the northern chronology itself. Thus Hwen Thsang repeatedly mentions 
that Kanishka ascended the throne 400 years after the Nirvfina of Buddha.^ 
According to the Tibetan books this interval was " more than 400 years." ' Here 
then we see that the northern Buddhists, who had two different dates for Asoka, 
were mianimous in placing the Nirv&na of Buddha at 400 years or more before 
the time of Kanishka. Now the age of Kanishka can be fixed with some 
certainty by the dates of the Eoman silver coins that were extracted by General 
Court from a Stupa at Mftnikyala which was built during Kanishka's reign. The 
latest of these is one of Marcus Antonius the Triumvir, which cannot be older than 
B. 0. 43, when the famous triumvirate was formed. A period of upwards of 400 
years reckoned back from this time would agree very well with the corrected date 
of B. C. 478, which I have proposed as the probable era of the Nirvflna according 
to the northern Buddhists. 

If this date be accepted, some explanation is required regarding the two dis- 
crepant dates assigned to Asoka by the northern Buddhists. The only explanation 
that I can suggest is, that at some very early period a difference of 100 years in the 
age of Asoka had been established, which it was found impossible to reconcile. 
Afterwards when Buddha Ghosa, or his predecessors, arranged the southern 
chronology, the discrepancy was forcibly reconciled by accepting two Asokas, the 
first being placed exactly 100 years after the Nirv&na, and the other upwards of 
100 years later, or more than 200 years after the Nirv&na. 

Whether this explanation be true or not, it at least has the merit of getting 
rid of the second synod imder the fabulous Kalasoka, as well as of bringing the 
two conflicting chronologies of the northern and southern Buddhists into perfect 
harmony with each other. 

I am aware that Professor Kern has published a special essay on the era of the 
NirvAna of Buddha, which he refers to B. 0. 388.* This date he obtains by raising 
the year of Asoka's accession from B. C. 263 to 270, and by taking the interval 
between it and the death of Buddha as 100 years, according to one of the two 
reckonings of the northern Buddhists. He thus gets B. C. 380 (it should be 370) 
for the date of Nirv&na, and then remarks that this date approaches so near to 
388 B. C, the year in which Mah&vira ia said to have died, that " it is difficult to 



^ Sanang-Sets^n, as qnoted \n Fo^kwe-ki, p. 249, and Ceoma de-Eproa in Asiatic Researches, XX 297. 
3 Julien's Hwen Thsang, I., 95 ; II., 106, 107, 172. 
' Csoma de-Koros in Asiatic Beseiurches, X^., 297t 

^ See Dr. J. Muir's summaiy of Dr. Kern's dissertation " on the era of Buddha and the Asoka inscriptions," in the 
Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 79. 



PREFACE. IX 

think the coincidence can be accidental." He accordingly adds eight years more 
to the interval, by which he gets 118 years, the period elapsed between the 
death of Buddha and the accession of Asoka, which he takep to have been 
*' the oldest Geylonese tradition," instead of the 218 years as recorded in all their 
books. 

I need hardly say that I dissent from this conclusion altogether, as it ignores, 
not only the existence of my Gaya Inscription with its Nirr&na date of 1813, but 
also the northern reckoning of 200 years for the interral between Buddha and 
Asoka, as recorded in the Ayad&na Sataka. The first gives us an actual date in 
the reckoning of the northern Buddhists, and as it adds the week-day Wednesday, 
it offers a ready means of testing the accuracy of any proposed date. Now the 
year 478 B. C. which I have proposed has stood this test, and is moreover in perfect 
accordance with the date assigned to the era of the Nirv&na by one class of the 
northern Buddhists as well as by all the southern Buddhists. According to the 
detailed numbers of the latter, the interval between the death of Buddha and the 
accession of Asoka is 214 years. In the Avad&na Sataka of the northern Buddhists 
this interval is stated as 200 years, which is the nesprest round number to the 
reckoning of the southern Buddhists. I conclude accordingly that the early 
chronology of both the northern and the southern Buddhists was originally the 
same, and that the actual interval between the Nirv&na and the accession of Asoka 
was 214 years, as stated in the Geylonese chronicles. The true date of Buddha's 
death will, therefore, be B. G. 478, or just 66 years later than the date given in the 
Mah&vanso. 

The foregoing discussion regarding the date of Buddha's Nirv&n was written 
just before I had seen the fixst copy of the Sahasar&m inscription. The three 
symbols which form its figured date at once arrested my attention, and I suspected 
them to be cyphers, but the copy of the inscription was imperfect in this very part, 
and it was not until I visited Sahasar&m myself, and thus obtained several excellent 
copies of the edict, that I was satisfied that these three characters were real 
numerical symbols. The figure on the left hand I recognised at once as that to 
which I had already assigned the value of 200 in one of the Mathura inscriptions, 
while the value of the middle figure was conclusively determined as 50 by a second 
Mathura inscription, in which the date of Samvat 57 is expressed in words as well 
as in figures. The value of the unit I at first thought was 6, but on hearing that 
the late Dr. Bhau D&ji had found a somewhat similar figure as a variant form of 2, 
I adopted the latter as its probable value. I was the more ready to adopt this 
value, as it juBt brought the Sinhalese date of Asoka with respect to Buddha's 
Nirv&na into accordance with the date of the inscription. 

Erom the new inscriptions of Sahasar&m and Bupn&th, we now gain a complete 
confirmation that the full reign of Asoka extended to 41 years, as it agrees exactly 
with the difference between the two extreme dates of A. B. 215 and 256. The same 
length of reign may also be deduced from the statements of Asoka himself in these 
two inscriptions. Thus the two periods of upwards of 32 years, say 32^, during 
which he did not strenuously exert himself, and of more than one year, say 1^, 
during which he had exerted himself strenuously, amount to 34 years, which 



X PREFACE. 

being counted from the date of his conversion to Buddhism seven years after his 
accession, make up a total of 41 years. 

I may add here that the Sahasar&m inscription of Asoka was first brought to 
notice so long ago as 1839 by Mr. E. L. Bavenshaw, who had received a copy of it 
from Sh&h Kabtr-ud-din. It is described as being incised ^^ on a stone at the summit 
of a hill tiear Sahasar&m called Chandan Shahid. It is in the ancient character 
of the Allahabad and Bettiah pillars." It was then pronounced to be ^^ so imperfect 
and confused as to baffle Pandit Elamalakanta." ^ 



^ See Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, 1839, p. 354. 



ERRATA. 



Page 1, line 9, f^ 253 and 251, reed 251 and 249. 

» 3, „ 7, „ 251 „ 244, „ 249—242. 

» 3, „ 10, „ 218, read 215. 

„ 3, „ 37, „ 236, „ 234. 

„ 4, „29, „ 315 „ 316. 

„ 4, „ 30, „ 291 and 263, read 292 and 264. 

„ 4, „ 31, „ ** thirty-seven," read " forty-one." 

„ 4, „ 32, „ 226, read 223. 

>* 5, „ 8, „ 253 and 251, read 251 and 249. 

„ 17, „ 9, „ 272 „ 263, „ 275 „ 264. 

„ 17, „ 11, „ 271, read 274. 

„ 17, „ 12, „ 251, „ 255. 

,, 17, „ 14, „ 241 and 251, read 24A and 249. 

„ 17, „ 16, „ 251, read 249. 

„ 17, note t» » " Dipamanso," read " Dipawanso." 

„ 22, line 23, „ 56, fva^^ 256. 

» 

„ 22, „ 25, „ " omission," read " valne." 

„ 22, „ 26, „ '* not uncommon in Indian inscriptionB/' read " entirely doe to Dr. Biihler. 

„ 30, „ 19, „ 251, read 249. 

„ 30, „ 29, „ 251, „ 249. 

31, „ 31, „ 218, „ 215. 

31, „40, „ 218, „ 215. 

„ 39, „ 19, „ " the" read " this." 
„ 117, „ 8 of note, for " Pirate," read " PiratcB." 
„ 117, „ 10 of note, „ " in 13th," „ " in the ISth.** 



if 



If. B. — The nnmeroas alterations in fignres noted ahove are solely dne to the alteration in the date and duration of 
Aioka's reign made since the traxuilation of the SahasarAm and Rupnftth dated inscriptions. 




'Veuo 



SCRIPTIONS OP ISOKA. 



paet I,— general account op the inscriptions. 

The earliest Indian inscriptions that have yet been discovered are the Edicts of 
Asoka. These are of two distinct classes^ which are generally known as Rock 
Inscriptions, and Pillar Inscriptions^ to which may be added a few Cave Inscrip- 
tions in Bihftr and Orissa. 

The five Rock Inscrtptiona hitherto known present us with five difiEerent texts 
of the same series of edicts which were published by Asoka in the 10th and 12th 
years of his reign, or in 253 and 251 B. C. These five inscribed rocks have been 
found at far distant places, of which four are on the extreme eastern and western 
borders of India, thus showing the wide extent of Asoka's rule, as well as the 
great care which he took about the promulgation of his edicts in the most remote 
parts of his dominions. 

The five famous rocks on which these edicts are engraved are at the following 
places: — 

No. 1. — ^At Shdhbdzgarhi in the SUdam valley of the Tusufzai district, 4iO 
miles to the east-north-east of Pesh&war, and 25 miles to the north-west of Attak on 
the Indus. Its version of the text in the transliteration is indicated by the 
letter S. 

No. 2. — Near Khdlii on the west bank of the Jamna, just where it leaves 
the higher range of mountains to pass between the Dilna^ or valleys, of Ky&rda 
and Dehra. Its version of the text is indicated by the letter K. 

No. 3. — At Oirndr^ near Junagarh in Kathi&w&r, 40 miles to the north of 
Somn&th. Its version of the text is distinguished by the letter G. 

No. 4. — At Dhauli in Eatak, 20 miles to the south of the town of Eatak (Cut- 
tack), and the same distance to the north of the famous temple of Jagann^lth. 
Its version of the text is marked by the letter D. 

No. 5. — ^At Jaugada in the Ganjam district, 18 miles to the west-north-west 
of the town of Gkmjam, and about the same distance to the north-north-west of 
Berhampur. Its version of the text is indicated by the letter J. 

Nos. 6 and 7. — In addition to these five texts of Asoka's collected series of 
edicts, there are two separate edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada, which agree so closely 
with each other as to form two independent but slightly variant texts of the 
same edicts. As the two separate edicts at Dhauli are addressed to the rulers 
of Tosdli^ they may be named very appropriately the Toaali Edicts, while those 



2 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 

at Jaugada, being addressed to the rulers of Samdpd, may with equal fitness be 
named the Samdpd Edicts. 

Of the five inscriptions above noted, three only were known to Prinsep and 
Bumouf, the Khdlai and Jaugada versions having been discovered many years later. 

Within the last three years, also, three new inscriptions have been brought to 
light, which on examination I find to be only slightly variant texts of a single edict ; 
but it is a very important one, as all three texts are dated in an era which I take 
to be that of the Nirv&n of Buddha. These three inscribed rocks are at the Ibllow- 
ing places : — 

No, 8. — ^At Sakasardm, at the extreme north-east end of the Kaimur range 
of hiUs, 70 miles to the south-east of Benares, and 90 miles to the south-west of 
Patna. This inscription was foimd by Mr. Davis, and brought to notice by 
Mr. S. S. Jones, Assistant Magistrate of Sahasar&m. The date was discovered by 
myself. 

No. 9. — ^At Bdpndthf a famous place of pilgrimage, situated at the foot of the 
E!aimur hills, and near the extreme south-west end of the range, and thirty-five miles 
nearly due north from Jabalpur. This inscription was originally discovered by a ser- 
vant of Colonel Ellis, who furnished a very imperfect and quite unreadable copy, which 
I found in a box in the museum of the Bengal Asiatic Society. A meagre endorsement 
in Nd^gari letters merely stated that it was found at ^' BifiLpn&th, in Parganah Salima- 
bad." As there is a Salimabad Parganah between Gaya and Mongir, I expected to 
have found this inscription not fax from Bihdx ; but all search in that neighbourhood 
was in vain. I then directed the attention of my assistant, Mr. Beglar, to Sleeman- 
abad near Jabalpur, which is generally called Salimabad, and near that place he 
discovered the missing inscription. 

No. 10. — ^At Bairdt, at the foot of the Bhim-gupha hill, forty-one miles nearly 
due north of Jaypur, and twenty-five nules to the west of Alwar. Bair&t is a very 
old town, which was once famous for its copper mines, and is still widely known by 
its connection with the wanderings of the Pandus. The inscription was discovered 
by my assistant, Mr. Carlleyle. 

The three copies of this new edict are placed together in Plate XIV. 

No 11. — Also at Bairdt. — This is the well-known inscription which was dis- 
covered by Captain Burt, and which has had the good fortune to be translated and 
annotated by Bumouf and Wilson. As it is engraved on a det^hed block of granite, 
the inscription was presented to the Asiatic Society by the Raja of Jaypur, and it 
now graces their museum, in front of the bust of James Prinsep. 

No. 12. — Another rock inscription, of somewhat later date, exists on the 
Khandagiri hill, near Dhauli in Katak. Its probable date is about B. C. 200. It is 
a record of an unknown Baja of Kalinga, named Aira, or Vera, and is generally 
known as the Ehandagiri inscription. 

No. 13. — ^A still later inscription exists on a detached block of stone at Deotek, 
about fifty miles to the south-east of Nagpur. It has been dated, but the year is 
unfortunately lost, and only the names of the season, the fortnight, and the day 
now remain. I do not think that it can be earlier than the beginning of the first 
century B. C. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 3 

The Cave Inscriptions^ which now amount to seventeen, are found at four 
different places. Nos. 1, 2 and 3 are in the hill of Bardbar, and Nos. 4, 5, and 6, in 
the hill of NlLg&rjuni, both places being about fifteen miles to the north of Gbya in 
Bihar. Nos. 7 to 15 are in the hill of Khandagiri in Eatak, and Nos. 16 and 17 
are in Bdimgarh in Sirguja. 

The three inscriptions at Bardhar were discovered by Kittoe after Prinsep's 
death. They belong to the 12th and 19th years of Asoka, or to 251 and 244 B. 0., 
and have had the advantage of being translated and criticised by Burnouf. The 
three inscriptions at N&g&rjuni, which belong to the reign of Dasaratha, the grand- 
son of Asoka, were translated by Priasep himself. Their date is B. 0. 218. Of the 
nine Khandagiri inscriptions, all but the first, which was discovered by Mr. Beglar, 
were known to James Prinsep. They belong to the reign of Aira, or Vera, Raja of 
Orissa, and are of a somewhat later date than the Asoka inscriptions, or about B. 0. 
200. The two inscriptions from the E&mgarh hill in Sirguja were first made known 
by Colonel Ouseley, but the copies now given are taken from Mr. Beglar's photo- 
graphs and impressions. One of them has the peculiarity of using the palatal 
sibilant S in the name of the maker of the cave, a Sutnuka named Devad(m. The 
letter I also is used for r in the word lupadakhe for rupadakha = sculpsit. 

The Fillars erected by Asoka would appear to have been very numerous, but 
only a few of them are now known to exist, besides several fine capitals without 
their shafts. But only six of these pillars are inscribed, although the Chinese 
pilgrims make mention of many that bore records of Asoka. One complete pillar 
with a single lion capital stands at Bakhra in Tirhut, but there is no trace whatever 
of any ancient inscription upon it. A second pillar, nearly complete, with an eight- 
lion capital, stands at Latiya^ fourteen miles to the south of 6h&zipur, but it is also 
without any inscription. A broken pillar, which once stood at Bakror opposite Bodh- 
Gaya, and another in the ancient city of Taxila in the Panjdb, are likewise unin- 
scribed. There are also the capitals of six other large pillars still lying at Sankisa, 
Bhilsa, S&nchi and Udayagiri. All of these I have seen, but as no portions of their 
shafts could be found, it is impossible to say whether they were inscribed or not. 

The sites of the inscribed pillars, which occupy only a limited area in the very 
heart of Asoka's dominions extendiug from the Jumna to the Qandak, present a 
most marked contrast to the scattered positions of the rock inscriptions on the 
eastern and western frontiers of his kingdom. Six of these inscribed pillars have 
been found, of which five present, in a slightly variant form, the text of a series of 
six edicts that were promulgated by Asoka in the 27th year of his reign, or in B. 0. 
236. These five pillars are now standing at the following places, but it is known 
that the two Delhi pillars were brought to their present positions by Piroz Tughlak 
from Siw&lik and Mirat : — , 

No. 1. — ^At Delhi, now known as Piroz Shah's Mt. This pillar was brought 
from a place named Topur SUk, in the Siw&lik coimtry. I propose, therefore, to 
call it the Delhi- Sivodlik pillar for the sake of distinction, and to indicate its version 
of the text by the letters D. S. 

No. 2. — ^At Delhi. — This pillar was brought from Mirat by Piroz Shah. I 
propose, therefore, to call it the Delhi^Mirat pillar, and to distinguish its version of 
the text by the letters D. M. 



4 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 

No. 3. — ^At Allahabad, inside the fort. Its version of the text is distinguished 
by the letter A. 

No. 4. — At Lauriyaj a small hamlet near the temple of Arar4j Mahadeva, 
between Kesariya and Bettia, and seventy-seven miles nearly due north from Patna. 
I have already named this as the LoMriya-Arardj pillar, and I propose now to 
distinguish its version of the text by the letters L. A. 

No. 5. — At Lauriyaj a large village, fifteen miles to the north-north-west of 
Settia, and ten miles to the east of the Gandak river. Close beside it there is a lofty 
ruined fort called Nonadgarh or Navandgarh. I therefore called this the Lauriya* 
Na/oandgarh pUlar, and its version of the text will be distinguished by the letters L. N. 

Nos. 6 aod 7. — ^The DelhUSiwdlik pillar has two additional edicts which are 
not found on any of the other pillars. No. 6 is placed on the east face below the 
original edicts, and No. 7 encircles the whole shaft. 

Nos. 8 and 9. — On the Allahabad pillar there are also two short additional 
edicts which are peculiar to itself. Of these No. 8 was known to James Prinsep ; 
and as it refers to some queen's gifts, it may be appropriately named the '^ Queen's 
edict." 

No. 9, which has just been discovered by myself, may be called the Eos&mbi 
edict, as it is addressed to the rulers of Eos&mbi, a famous ancient city, the ruins 
of which still exist on the Jumna, thirty miles above Allahabad. 

No. 10 — Pillar inscription is a short mutilated record on a fragment of a 
pillar lying beside the great S&nchi Stiipa near Bhilsa. I am afraid that its reading 
is generally too doubtful to be of any real value. 

The sites of all these inscribed rocks and pillars are shown in the accompanying 
map, with their names printed in red. 

Asoka, the generally acknowledged author of these inscriptions, was the third 
Prince of the Maurya dynasty, and the grandson of Chandra Gupta, who was 
happily identified by Sir William Jones with Sandrakoptos, the contemporary 
of Seleukos Nikatar. Chandra Gupta reigned twenty-four years from B. C. 316 
to 291. His son Bindus&ra reigned twenty-eight years down to B. C. 263, 
when he was succeeded by Asoka, who reigned thirty-seven years, and 
died in B. C. 226. I understand that Wilson to the last doubted the identity of 
Asoka Maurya with the Priyadarsi of these rock' and pillar edicts. But as he 
firmly believed in the identity of Chandra Gupta and Sandrokoptos, his doubts as 
to the identity of Asoka and Priyadarsi were a manifest inconsistency. For as both 
Brahmanical and Buddhist accounts agree in stating that Asoka Maurya, the grandson 
of Chandra Gupta Maurya, was King of Magadha for thirty-seven years, as noted 
above, it is certain that he was a contemporary of all the five Greek Princes mentioned 
in the edicts of Priyadarsi.^ And as Priyadarsi also ruled over Magadha, we thus 
have two difierent kings of Magadha at the same time. The simple solution of this 
difficulty is the fact, mentioned in the Singhalese Dipawanso, that Asoka was also 



1 
■%'. 



' These flye Prinoee 

AntiochnB II— Theos of Syria 
Ptolemy II— Philadelphos of Egypt 
AntigonuB Gonnatob of Macedonia 
Magasof Cyrene 
Alexander II. of Epiros 



B. C. 


268 


246 


M 


285 


246 


»* 


276 


243 




272 


2&8 
2&4 



INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA, 5 

called PriyadarH. The same feet is also stated in the Burmese life of Buddha, 
where Mah&kftsyapa is made to prophesy that " in after times a young man named 
JPifOdatha (Piyadasi) shall ascend the throne and become a great and renowned 
monarch imder the name of Asoka."* A strong argument in fevour of the 
identity of Priyadarsi DevS^nampriya with Asoka, is the subsequent use of one of the 
titles by his grandson Dev&nampriya Dasaratha in the N&g&rjuni cave inscriptions. 

As both the 10th and 12th years of Priydarsi are mentioned in the rock edicts, 
the dates of their promulgation will be B» C. 253 and 251. Now, as Alexander II 
of Epirus died in B. 0. 264, the mention of his name in the edicts of Priyadarsi 
which were promulgated just at that time is the most satisfactory proof of the 
accuracy of the date which has been assigned to Asoka, and most conclusively 
confirms Sir W. Jones's identification of Sandrakoptos with Ohandra Gupta. 

That the Antiochus mentioned by Priyadarsi is not Antiochus the Great, as 
suggested by Wilson, is most fully proved by the omission of the name of 
Euthydemus of Bactria^ the nearest Greek prince on the frontier of India. It is 
equally disproved by the reference to the governors {Sdmanta and Sdmmo) of 
Antiochus, which shows that the revolt of the Eastern princes under Diudotus, 
Ptotaleon and Antimachus had not then taken place. These edicts were therefore 
drawn up during the lifetime of Antiochus Theos, or certainly before B. 0. 246. 

The following is James Prinsep's summary* of the '^ contents of the edicts" : — 

^^ The firni edict prohibits the sacrifice of animals both for food and in religious assemblies^ and 
enjoins more attention to the practice of this first of Buddhistic virtues than seems to have been 
paid to it even by the Baja himself, at least prior to the sixteenth year of his reig^. 

'^ The Meeand edicj^provides a system of medical aid for men and animals throughout Piyadasi's 
dominions, and orders trees to be planted and wells to be dug along the sides of the principal 
public roads. 

'' The third edict enjoins a quinquennial humiliation, or if we read the word, by the alteration 
of jf to «, as anusasftnam, the re-pubhcation every five years of the great moral maxim inculcated in 
the Buddhist creed, viz.f ' Honour to father ; charity to kindred and neighbour and to the priest- 
hood (whether Brahmanical or Buddhistical) ; humanity to animals ; to keep the body in temperance, 
and the tongue '^ from evil speaking I " And these precepts are to be preached to the flock by their 
pastors with arguments and examples. This edict is dated after the twelfth year of Piyadasi's 
inauguration. 

*^ The fourth edict draws a comparison between the former state of things, perhaps lawless and 
uncivilised, and the state of regeneration of the country under the ordinances of the beloved king. 
The publication of the glad tidings seems to have been made with unexampled pomp and circum- 
stance, and posterity is invoked to uphold the system. This edict is also dated in the twelfth year 
of Piyadasi. 

'^ ThQ fifth edict, after an exordium not very intelligible, proceeds to record the appointments 
of ministers of religion, or more strictly missionaries ; and enumerates many of the countries to 
which they are to be deputed for the conversion of the young and the old, the rich and the poor, 
the native and the foreigner. Many highly curious points, especially as to geography, call for notice 
in this edict, wherein for the first time the name of the celebrated city of Pdtaliputra is made known 
to us in the ancient character. 

'^ The 9ixth edict appoints in like manner pathSdaias, informers, or perhaps more properly 
emtodei mommy who are to take cognizance of the conduct of the people in their meals, their 

^ BUhop Bigandet's Legend of the Burmese Buddha, 2nd edit., p. 846. 

The Burmese pronounce « as a soft English th ; hence tlfty say Paidatha and Athoka for Fyadasi and Asoka. 
* Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 220. 

B 



6 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

domestic life^ their families^ their conversatioiij their general deportment, and their decease. It also 
nominates magistrates or officers for punishment^ if the word antiydyika (S. antyayaia) may be so 
understood^ so that in this edict we have a glimpse of the excellent system of moral administration 
for which the Greek and Persian historians give credit to our monarchy and we find it actually not 
very different from that followed twenty centuries later by ourselves ; for we too have our judge, 
and our magistrates, and further, our missionaries are spread abroad among the people to drown 
them with the overflowing truths of our diarma, to release them from the fetters of sin and 
bring them unto the salvation which ' passeth understanding I ' 

'' The seventh edict expresses, not an order, but an earnest desire on the part of the king that 
all the diversities of religious opinion may be obliterated ; that every distinction in rank and in 
tastes may be harmonised into one system of bhdvasudhi, that peace of mind, or repose of conscience, 
which proceeds from knowledge, from faith and entire assent. 

'' The eighth edict contrasts the mere carnal amusements patronised by former Rajas with the 
more harmless and pious enjoyment prescribed by himself. The dhammayktd, or in Sanskrit dhar- 
mayfitrd, the festival of religion, is thus set in opposition to the vih&r^yfitra, the festival of amuse- 
ment; and it is stated to consist in the visits to holy people, in alms-giving, in respect to elders, 
and similar praiseworthy sources of rational gratification. This edict is dated in (or rather after) 
the tenth year of Piyadasi's reign. 

^' The ninth edict continues the thread of the same discourse by expatiating on the sources of 
true happiness, not such as the worlding seeks in marriage, in rearing children, in foreign travel, 
and such things j; but the dharma mangalam^ the happiness of virtue, which displays itself in 
benevolence to dependants, reverence to one's pastors, in peace with all men, abundant charity, and 
so forth, through which alone can the blessings of Heaven be propitiated. 

'' The tenth paragraph comments upon Taao vd Mti vd, the glory of renown, which attend 
merely the vain and transitory deeds of this world. The Baja is actuated by higher motives, and 
he looks beyond for the reward for which he strives with heroism (jpardiramena) the most jealous, 
yet respectful. 

" The eleventh edict is to be found at Dhauli, but it is well preserved at Girnar, and the 
meaning is clear throughout. As former paragraphs had vaunted the superiority of every act 
connected with dharma, so this upholds that the imparting of dharma itself is the chiefest of chari- 
table donations ; and then it points out as usual how the possession of this treasure becomes manifest 
in good works rewarded with temporary blessings in this world and endless moral merit (as the 
reward of it) in the next. 

" The twelfth edict is likewise wanting in the Eatak series. It is addressed to all unbelievers, 
whether domestic or ascetic, with entreaty and with more solid and more persuasive bounty, though 
direct disavowal that fame is the object. There is some little obscurity in the passages which follow 
regarding the mode of dealing with the two great divisions of the unbelievers who are distinguished 
Bs dptapdeanda {ihoee fit for conversion or actually converted), And parapdsanda, ultra heretics, 
or those upon whom no impression had been made ; but the concluding paragraph informs us of the 
appointment of three grades of ministers, dharmamahdmdtrde, stairyya-mahdrndtrds, and subordinates, 
in the congregational ceremonies, iarmiids, thus placing the religion upon a firmer basis, promoting 
conversion to it, and enhancing its attractiveness among the people. 

*' The fourteenth edict is one of the most interesting of the whole series. It is a kind of 
summing up of the foregoing, which we have seen are partly laconic and partly diffuse, but the 
whole is said to be complete itself; and if more were written it would be repetition. We learn 
from this edict that the whole was engraved at one time from an authentic copy, issued, doubtless,^ 
under the royal mandate, by a scribe and pandit of a name not very easily deciphered. It is 
somewhat curious to find the same words precisely on the rock in Eatak. The name of the writer 
is there erased, but the final letters of lipikdra, * scribe,' are quite distinct. 

"This may be properly regarded as the last of the peculiar series of edicts to which it 
alludes.'' 



INSCEIPTIONS OF ASOKA, 7 

This aocoimt of tlie general scope of Priyadarsi's edicts was subsequently criti- 
cised by Wilson, who objected that " with respect to the supposed main purport of 
the inscription, proselytism to the JBuddhiat religion — ^it may not unreasonably be 
doubted if they were made public with any such design, and whether they have any 
connection with Buddhism at all * * *" " The meaning of the language of the 
inscriptions is, to say the least, equivocal."^ But notwithstanding these inconclu- 
sive evidences of Buddhism, Wilson fully admitted that " Friyadarsi intended to 
enjoin equal reverence to Brahmans and to Buddhist teachers ;'' that No. 12 edict 
<' exhibits this intention most unequivocally, and that the prince enjoins in it no 
attempt at conversion, but universal respect for all forms of religious belief, his own 
as well as (that of) any other Pdshanda.** He then explains the true meaning of 
the term Pdshanda, as comprising '^ all who do not regard the authority of the 
Yedas as infallible and divine, and who draw from them doctrines which tend to 
set aside the necessity of mere formal ceremonies." ^^ This, in fact, appears to be 
the main object of all the edicts, whether on the rocks or on the pillars, the exalta- 
tion over all ceremonial practices, over a religion of rites, of the observance of 
moral obligations ; the enjoining, in preference to the sacrifice of animals, obedience 
to parents, affection for children, friends and dependants, reverence for elders, 
Sr&.mans and Brahmans, universal benevolence and unreserved toleration." Wilson 
concludes his arguments with the following words : *' The edicts may be taken as 
historical evidence that Buddhism was not yet fully established, and that Priyadasi 
was desirous of keeping peace between it and its predecessor by inculcating social 
duties and universal toleration in place of either ritual or dogma." 

The respect paid to Brahmans is satis&ctorily accounted for by Bumouf , who 
remarks that 

'^in the early Buddhist writings very little difference appears between the Buddhists and Brahmans, 
and Buddha is often described as followed by a crowd of Brahmans as well as Bhikhus and 
SrSmans/'^ 

1 Journal, Boyal Asiatic Society, Xn, 286. 

s Jounial, Boyal Asiatic Society, XU^ 242, quoted by Wilson. 



I. ROCK INSCRIPTIONS. 



l.-— ShIhbIz-gabhi Bock. 

The great inscription of Asoka at SMhb&z-garhi was first made known bj 
General Coiirt^ who described it as being situated quite close to Kapurdagarhi, and 
almost effaced by tinted But Kapurdagarhi is two miles distant, and the rock is 
actually within the boundary of the very much larger Tillage of Sh&hb&z-garbi, from 
which it is less than half a mile distant. Court's notice of the inscribed rock sti- 
mulated the zeal and curiosity of Masson, who, in October 1838, proceeded to Sh&h- 
bd.z-garhi/ when he succeeded in making a very fair copy of the inscription, which 
enabled Norris to identify it as another transcript of Asoka's well-known edicte, 
but engraved in Arian-Fali characters. 

Sh&hb&z-garhi is a modem name, derived from the aidrat or shrine of Shfth- 
b&z-kalandar, a rather notorious saint, who was described to me as a K&fir, and 
who is stigmatised by Baber as '^ an impious unbeliever, who in the course of the 
last thirty or forty years had perverted the faith of numbers of the Yusufzais and 
Dilaz&ks."' Baber thus continues : '* At the abrupt termination of the hill of Mak^ 
there is a small hillock that overlooks all the plain country ; it is extremely beauti- 
ful, commanding a prospect as far as the eye can reach, and is conspicuous from the 
lower grounds. Upon it stood the tomb of Sh&hb&z-kalandar. I visited it, and 
surveyed the whole place. It struck me as improper that so charming and de- 
lightful a spot should be occupied by the tomb of an unbeliever. I therefore gave 
orders that the tomb should be pulled down and levelled with the ground." As 
this was in A. D. 1519, the death of Sh&hb&z must have taken place about A. D. 
1490. The old name must, therefore, have been in use down to the time of Baber, 
but unfortunately he gives only the name of Mak&m, which is that of the stream 
of ShiLhb&z-gafhi at the present day. Baber also speaks of the hill above the 
shrine of Sh&hbd.z as the hill of Makdm ; but the name is not that of the town, but 
of the valley. I accept, therefore, the statement of the people, that the old name of 
the town was something like Satt&mi or Setrd;m, or Sitar&m, which I propose to 
identify with the city of the famous Buddhist Prince Sud&na.* 

1 Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, V, 481. 

* Boyal Asiatic Society's Journal, Vin, 296, where Mamon describes ShAhbAz-garhi as the Tillage nearest to the inscribed 
rock. 

* Memoirs by Leyden and Erskine^ p. 262, 
^ ArchsDological Survey of India, V, 9 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 9 

During my stay at Sh&hbltz-garlii I made a survey of the neighbourhood, and 
was surprised to find that the present village vras the site of a very old and exten- 
sive city, which, according to the people, was once the capital of the country. 
They pointed to several moimds of ruins as having been inside the city, and to two 
well-known spots named Khaprai and Khapardar^, as the sites of the northern and 
eastern gates of the^ city. The truth of their statements was confirmed by an exam- 
ination of the ground within the limits specified, which I found everywhere 
strewn with broken bricks and pieces of pottery. The old name of t^e place was 
not known, but some said it was Sattami, and others Setr&m and Sitar&mi, all of 
which I believe to be simple corruptions of the name of the famous Buddhist Prince 
SudS^na or Sudatta. 

In my account of the ruins at Sh&hbaz-garhi I have identified the site with the 
Po^usha of Hwen Thsang, and the Fo^ha-fu of Sungyim."' The two transcripts 
are evidently intended for the same name, which M. Julien renders by Varuaha. 
The position assigned to it by Hwen Thsang is about forty miles to the north-east of 
Peshawar, and twenty-seven miles to the north-west of TJtakhanda, or Ohind. These 
bearings and distances fix the site of the city somewhere in the valley of the Mak&m 
Bud, which the subsequent mention of the DantSrlok hill, and of a cave within a 
few miles of the city, limits to the neighbourhood of Shd;hbltz-garhi. That this 
was one of the chief cities of the country in ancient times we learn from the tradi- 
tions of the people, as well as from the extent of the existing ruins, and the pre- 
sence of the great rock inscription of Asoka. Prom all these concurring circum- 
stances I feel satisfied that the site of Sh&hbltz-garhi represents the ancient city of 
Po-h^aha, or Fo-sha, an identification which vnll be strongly corroborated by an 
examination of some of the details furnished by the Chinese pilgrims. As fu 
means ^^city" I have a suspicion that Fo-sha may be identified with Bazaria. In 
this case Hwen Thsang's Po4u^ha might be read as Fo*8ha4u by merely transposing 
the last two syllables. In support of this suggestion I may quote Arrian's descrip- 
tion of Sazaria, as situated upon an eminence and surroundad by a stout wall,* 
which agrees very closely with the actual position of Sh£i;hb&z-garhi, as well as with 
the accounts of Sudatta's city given by the Chinese pilgrims. 

The great inscription of Asoka is engraved on a large shapeless mass of trap 
rock, lying about 80 feet up the slope of the hill, with its western face looking 
downwards towards the village of Sh£dib^z-garhi. The greater portion of the in- 
scription is on the eastern face of the rock looking up the hill, but all the latter 
part, which contains the names of the five Greek kings, is on the western face. 
The mass of rock is 24 feet long and about 10 feet in height, with a general 
thickness of about 10 feet.^ When I first saw the inscription in January 1847 
there was a large piece of rock, which had fallen from above, resting against 
the upper or eastern face of the inscription. At my request this piece of 
rock had been removed in 1871 by a party of Sappers, and I was 
thus able to take a complete impression of this side of the inscription. I cleared 

1 Arcfaieological Suirey of India, Vol. V, p. 16. 

> Anabasis, IV, 27. 

* Two Tiewi of this zock are giTen in Plate XXEL The inscriptions will be found in Plates I and IL 



10 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

the ground both above and below the rock, and built level terraces in front of both 
inscriptions so as to be able to examine with tolerable ease any doubtful portions. 
The eastern face, though not smooth, presents a nearly even surface, the result of 
a natural fracture; but the western face is rough and uneven, and the letters, 
though not much worn, do not aflford a good impression. I therefore traced them 
out carefully with ink for the purpose of taking an eye-copy, but the ink was wash- 
ed out at night by a heavy fall of rain. The same thing happened a second time, 
but after a third tracing the weather became fair, and I was able to make a com- 
plete eye-copy as well as an impression of this important part of Asoka's inscrip- 
tion. Every doubtful letter was examined several times in different lights, and was 
copied by my native assistants as well as by myself, until by repeated comparisons 
the true form was generally obtained. Under these circumstances, I believe that 
I have secured as perfect and as accurate a copy of this famous inscription as it is 
now possible to make. As no photographs can be taken of either face of the in- 
scription on account of the slope of the hill, an eye-copy, thus checked by an 
impression, is, I believe, the best possible substitute. The Khalsi and Sh&hbd;Z- 
garhi texts are nearly perfect in the important 13th tablet which contains the 
names of the five Greek kings, and of several well-known districts of India. The 
words of the ShS,hbft.z-garhi inscription in this part are as follow, from near the 
begiiming of the 9th line : — 

Aktitoka nama Tona raja, parcm cha tena Antitokena chatura IIII raja/ni^ 
TuBAMAYE nama, Antikina nama, Maea nama, Alikasandabe nama, nicha Choda, 
Panda, Avam, Tambapannita, hevam mevam hevam mevam raja, vishamtini ? Tona 
KAMBOYESHU, Nabhaka-Nabhapantbshtj, Bhoja-Pitinikeshu, Andhba-Pulin- 
DESHU, savatam, &c. The name of Alexander is written Alikasandare, which agrees 
with the Alikyasadale of the Khalsi version. Then follow the names of several 
countries of which not one was recognised by either N orris or Wilson. Of these, 
Choda and Panda are the well-known Chola and Pandya of early history. If 
Avam be a proper name, it may be the coimtry of Ptolemy's Aii, an identification 
which is rendered still more probable by the subsequent mention of Tambapannipa or 
Ceylon. Of the last series of names the Tanas and Kambqfaa are well known. Of 
the Nahhakas and Nabhapantis I cannot offer even a conjecture, but the Bhojas 
are mentioned both in the MahabhS^rata and in the Pur&nas. They are the people 
of Vidarbha, or Bidar. The name of the Pitenikaa occurs also in the 6th 
edict, and is probably the same as the Padenekayika of the Bhilsa Tope inscrip- 
tions.^ The last people are the Andhras and PulindM, both well-known 
names. 

This mention is of the highest importance for the ancient history of India, as 
it proves that the generally accepted chronology which assigns the rise of the 
Andhras to so late a period as B. C. 21 is undoubtedly erroneous. I had already 
discovered this error from an examination of the Kdnhari and Ndsik inscriptions 
of Gk>tamiputra S&takami and his successor Pudumavi, which clearly belong to 
the same period as the well-known Oupta inscriptions. After much consideration 

> Cumingham's Bhilsa Tope, No. 140 inscriptioxL These PUwikiu may, perhaps, be identified with Ptolemy's SeUi^oL 



INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 11 

of the career of Gotamiputra S&takarni, I ventured to suggest that he might per- 
haps be ideatified with the famous SMiy&han, or S&tavli.ban, which would place him 
in A. D. 79 instead of A. D. 320| as generally adopted. That this conclusion 
as to date was well founded is now proved by the mention of Andhras in the edicts 
of Asoka, which carries back the foundation of the kingdom of Andhra from the 
latter part of the first century B. 0. to the earlier half of the third century B. 0, 
If we adopt the amount of correction which I had already made for Gotamiputra 
of A. D. 320—78=242 years, then the foundation of the Andhra kingdom will be 
placed in B. C. 21 + 242=B. G, 2685 or exactly contemporaneous with Asoka. 

In the copy of the Sh&hb&z-garhi inscription on the back of the rock prepared 
by Norris and Wilson, the uppermost line is omitted altogether, their first line 
being my second line. But there must have been at least two other lines above my 
first, of which some traces yet remain, as only the last four words of the 12th edict 
now remain at the beginning of the first line. The 13th edict then begins, and 
continues down to the end, the greater part being distinctly legible. 

This Ariano-Pali version of the edict is of special value in determining the true 
reading of many words in the Indian version, partly from its possession of the three 
sibilants, and partly from its use of the attached r. 

The value of the last is best seen in the important name of Andhra, which 
Wilson read as Andha,^ although he had observed that the Sh&hb&z-garhi text 
'* departs less from the Sanskrit than the other, retaining some compound consonants 
as pr in priya instead of piya,** to which he might have added br in Bramana, sr 
in Sramana, and other equally distinct examples. ^ The three sibilants are found 
together in the word msusha, which is written simply sustMa in all the Indian ver- 
sions excepting some parts of the Kh&lsi text, where the sh is used of nearly the 
same form as the Arian letter. The same letter is also found in the word vaaha 
year, which replaces vasa of the Indian texts, and in the plural fonns of Kamboyeshu 
and Pulindeshu, which take the place of Eabojeau and Fulindew of the other 
versions. 

But the most remarkable departure from the Indian texts is the use of the ver- 
nacular word haraya for twelfth instead of the Sanskrit dwddasa. This word occurs 
twice in the inscription, near the beginning of the 3rd and towards the end of the 
4th edict. Strange to say, it remained unrecognised by Wilson, who simply 
remarks, '^ in place of dwddaaa, twelve, and vaaa, year, the inscription has baraya 
vasha, but the first must be wrong." Of the second example, he says that " there 
is a blank instead of the number," although Norris's Arian text has the letters for 
vara + vasha quite distinct, while his English transliteration gives va rana vasha. 
By thus separating va from the following letters, it seems that Norris also failed to 
recognise the true vernacular baraya for " twelfth." 

I observe that the word chatura, " four," in tjie 13th edict, is followed by four 
upright strokes, thus, MM, in the Sh&hb&z-garhi text, and that the corresponding 
word chatura, "four," in the Kh&lsi text is followed by a nearly upright cross, thus 
+ , which must therefore be the old Indian cypher for 4. This form was afterwards 
modified to a St. Andrew's cross, or X , in which shape it was adopted by all the 

1 The suffixed r is very distinct on the rock, and was duly inserted by Norris from Masson's hand-copy. 



12 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 

people who used the Arian characters, as may be seen in the different inscriptions 
of the kings Kanishka, Huyishka, and Gondophares, and of the Satrap Liako- 
Kujulaka/ Previous to the adoption of this Indian symbol, the cyphers of the 
Western people would seem to have been limited to single strokes, as the words 
pancheahu pancheahu, "every five," are followed by five upright strokes which 
precede the word vaaheahu, " years.'* 



2, — KhAlsi Koce:. 

This inscribed rock is a huge boulder of quartz on the western bank of the 
Jumna, just above the junction of the Tons river, and about 15 miles' to the west 
of Masiiri, or Musooree, as it is spelt in our maps. The rook is situated close to the 
two little hamlets of 6yd.s and Haripur, but as the large and well-known village of 
Khdisi is not more than a mile and a haK to the south, I have ventured to call this 
inscription by its name. 

Between Kh^si and the Jumna the land on the western bank of the river is 
formed in two successive ledges or level terraces, each about 100 feet in height. 
Near the foot of the upper terrace stands the large quartz boulder which has pre- 
served the edicts of Asoka for upwards of 2,000 years. The block is 10 feet long 
and 10 feet high, and about 8 feet thick at bottom. The south-eastern face has 
been smoothed, but rather unevenly, as it follows the undulations of the original 
sur&ce. The main inscription is engraved on this smoothed surface, which 
measures 5 feet in height, with a breadth of 6^ feet at top, which increases towards 
the bottom to 7 feet 10^ inches.* The deeper hollows and cracks have been left 
unin scribed, and the lines of letters are imdulating and imeven. Towards the 
bottom, beginning with the 10th edict, the letters increase in. size until they become 
about thrice as large as those of the upper part. Owing either to this enlargement 
of the letters, or, perhaps, to the latter part of the inscription being of later date, the 
prepared surface was too small for the whole record, which was therefore completed 
on the left-hand side of the rock. 

On the right-hand side an elephant is traced in outline, with the word Oajatama 
inscribed between his legs in the same characters as those of the inscription. The 
exact meaning of this word I do not know ; but as the Junagiri rock inscription 
closes with a paragraph stating that the place is called Stoeta Saati, or * the white 
elephant,' I think it probable that Oajatama may be the name of the Kh&lsi rock 
itself. Amongst the people, however, the rock is known by the name of Chhatr 
Sila, or * the canopy stone,* which would seem to show that the inscribed block 
had formerly been covered over by some kind of canopy, or, perhaps, only by an 
umbrella, as the name imports. In the present year 1876, a Brahman explained 
that the true name is Chitra Sila^ that is, the ornamented or ^ inscribed rock.' 
There are many squared stones lying about close to the rock, as well as several 
fragments of octagonal piUars and half pillars or pilasters, which are hollowed out 
or fluted on the shorter faces, after the common fashion of the pillars of Buddhist 

' 1 See Archaological Suryey of India, Vol. Ill, Plates 18, 14, and 15; and VoL V, Plate 1^ Ko. 3. 
* See Plate XXIX for a view of this rock, and Plates in and IV for its inscriptions. 



INSCRIPTIONS OE ASOKA. 13 

railings. There is also a large carved stone, 7 feet long, 1^ feet broad, and 1 foot 
in height, which, from its upper mouldings, I judged to have formed the entrance 
step to some kind of open porch in front of the inscription stone. 

When first found by Mr. Porrest early in 1860, the letters of the inscription 
were hardly visible, the whole surface being encrusted with the dark moss of ages; 
but on removing this black film, the surface becomes nearly as white as marble. At 
first sight the inscription looks as if it was imperfect in many places, but this is 
owing to the engraver having purposely left all the cracked and rougher portions 
uninscribed. On comparing the different edicts with those of the Sh&hb&z-garhi, 
Oimar and Dhauli versions, I find the Eh&lsi text to be in a more perfect state 
than any of them, and it is more especially perfect in that part of the 13th edict 
which contains the names of the five Greek kings — Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonus, 
Magas and Alexander.^ The Kh^lsi text agrees with that of Dhauli in rejecting 
the use of the letter r, for which I is everywhere substituted. But the greatest 
variation is in the use of the palatal sibilant 8y which has not been found in any 
other inscription of this early date. This letter occurs in the word Pasanda, which 
curiously enough is spelt sometimes with one 8 and sometime with the other, even 
in the same edict. As the proper spelling of this word is Pashanda, it seems almost 
certain that the people of India proper did not possess the letter sh in the time 
of Asoka*. 

There are some peculiarities in the KhMsi alphabet which are not found in any 
of the pillar inscriptions, or in the rock inscriptions of Girn&r, Dhaiili and Jaugada^ 
except, perhaps, in the latter additional edicts. The most remarkable of these pecu- 
liarities is the shape of the letter kh, which has a large open circle at its foot, instead 
of the mere dot or knob which is common to all the other great inscriptions. In 
this, however, it agrees with the mass of the Bharhut inscriptions. The shape of 
the letter s is also modified, the left-hand member being placed below instead of to 
the side. In this respect, however, the Kh^i form agrees with that on the coins 
of Pantaleon and AgathokleSi and with the Nd^^rjuni cave inscriptions of ILaja 
Dasaratha. 

The only compound letters are ky, khy, and shm or sm. In the upper part of 
the inscription comprising the first nine edicts the letters are small but well-formed, 
and the words are generally separated ; but in the 12th edict at the bottom of the 
main face of the inscription the letters become mach larger, even twice the size of 
those at the top, while the words are no longer separated. It is in this edict that 
the palatal letter s appears so frequently in the word pdsanda. It is, however, once 
used in the earlier part of the inscription, close to the end of the 4th edict, in the 
name of Piyadasi. The smaller faults in the rock in this latter part, instead of 
being left blank as in the uppermost edicts, are marked by a straight upright stroke 
like the letter r. At first I thought that this letter had actually been used in the 
later edicts ; but as I examined the words carefuUyj I soon found that it was a mere 
conventional mark to denote a blank space. 



^ See Plate IV for tbis portion of the Eh&lai inflcription. 
* See Archoselogical Survey of India» Vol. I, pp. 246-247. 



14 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 



3. — QiBNiE Book. 

The first copy of the Girnfi^r edicts, so far as I am aware of, is that which was 
taken hy Dr. Wilson of Bomhay and forwarded to James Prinsep by Mr. Wathen. 
A better copy was soon afterwards made by Captains Lang and Postans, which fur- 
nished Prinsep with correct readings of some important passages. To Captain 
Postans also I am indebted for the main points in the following accounts of the 
inscribed rock. 

The Gim&r version of the edicts of Asoka is inscribed on a large rock on the 
Oim&r hill, half a mUe to the east of the city of Junagarh, and forty miles to the 
north of the famous Pattan Somn&th.^ Captain Postans describes it as ^' one of a 
group of several large granite blocks, and appears to have been chosen for its pecu- 
liar form, which approaches to that of a flattened cone. The inscriptions occupy three 
sides of the rock, that to the east being the most ancient, whilst those on the west 
and north faces are in a more modem character. The ancient characters recording 
the edicts of Asoka are deeply cut, and, except where a portion of the stone has 
been removed by violence, are very perfect." The letters are If inch in height, 
tmiform in size, and very clearly and deeply cut. On enquiry it was found that the 
missing portion of the inscription, including part of the 13th edict, which contains 
the names of the five Greek kings, had been blasted with gunpowder to furnish 
materials for a neighbouring causeway I By turning up the soil close by, Captain 
Postans recovered numerous fragments of the rock, amongst which were two pieces 
bearing Asoka letters, and a third piece with a portion of later date.' 

The inscription consists of two grand divisions, which are separated by a line 
drawn &om the top of the rock downwards. To the left are engraved the first five 
edicts, and to the right the next seven edicts from 6 to 12. The 13th edict is placed 
below, and on its right is the 14th edict. The edicts are separated from one another 
by horizontal lines drawn right across. Between all is a single imperfect line men- 
tioning that the place was called Stoeta Sasti, or " The White Elephant.'* 

The language of the Gimd.r edicts difiers from that of the other versions in 
using some peculiar forms, as the locative singular in mhi, in dhamamhi, silamhi, 
instead of m as in dhammcm, silaai, &c., and in the compoup.d samyapatipati,* in- 
stead of sampatipati of the Shd.hbd.z-garhi and Kh&lsi texts. In this instance, 
however, the Jaugada text of Ganjam agrees with that of Gimltr. 

There are also differences in the forms of some of the letters, and more especially 
in the r, which is a wavy or undulating line, instead of the rigidly straight up- 
right stroke of the KMlsi and other texts. In this wavy form of the r, however, 
it agrees with the coins of Pantaleon and Agathokles, and with the short inscrip- 
tions on the Buddhist railings of Bodh Gaya. The upper stroke of the p as well as 



1 See Plate XXIX for a view of the rock, and Plates V, VI, and VII for iU inscriptions, 
s Jonxnal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VH, 1871-72. 

t In both of the published copies of this edict this w(»d is written Sammapaiipati, which Bomoof took for an improper 
abbreviation of Stmaua, "* Le Lotus," p. 786. He suspected, however, that Samma might be a special orthography for 
Samjfok, " une bienveillance parf alte." 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 15 

of the s is also occasionally bent or waved in a similar manner. The vowels d and 
e are attached to the lower member of m, and the initial long a has the side stroke 
at the top instead of against the middle of the letter. 



4.— Dhatjli Rock. 

« 

The Dhauli rock inscription was discovered by Kittoe towards the dose of 
1837, at the very time when James Prinsep " had just groped his way through the 
GirnAr text," and was in want of a second text for comparison. To his " surprise 
and joy," he discovered that the Dhauli inscription was in substance a duplicate of 
the Gimdr edicts, although the language and alphabet of the two versions had 
" very notable and characteristic diflferences."^ 

The actual rock itself is named Astoastama, but, from its being situated close 
to the village of Dhauli, this version of the edicts has always been called the Dhauli 
inscription. It is thus described by Kittoe* : — 

''The Aswastama is situated on a rocky eminence forming one of a cluster of hills, three in 
number^ on the south bank of the Dyah river^ near to the village of Dhaulij and close to the north- 
west comer of the famous tank called Eonsala-gang^ said to have been excavated by Raja Oanges- 
wara Deva, King of Kalinga, in the 12th century. * * The hills before alluded to rise abruptly 
from the plains^ and occupy a space of about five furlongs by three. They have a singular ap- 
pearance from their isolated position, no other hills being nearer than eight or ten miles. They are 
apparently volcanic and composed of unheaved breccia with quartzose rock intermixed. The northern- 
most hill may be about 250 feet at its highest or eastern end^ on which is a ruined temple dedicated 
to Mahadeva. The other hills^ or rather rocks, are less elevated. 

'' The Aswastama is situated on the northern face of the southernmost rock near its summit; 
the rock has been hewn and polished for a space of 16 feet long by 1 in height, and the inscription 
deeply cut thereon being divided into four tablets, the first of which appears to have been executed 
at a different period from the rest; the letters are much larger and not so well cut. The fourth 
tablet is encircled by a deep line, and is cut with more care than either of the others. 

'' Immediately above the inscription is a terrace 16 feet by 14 (A), on the right side of which 
(as you face the inscription) is the fore-half of an elephant, 4 feet high, of superior workmanship ; 
the whole is hewn out of the solid rock. There is a groove 4 inches wide by 2 in depth round three 
sides of the terrace, with a space of S feet left (a doorway ?) immediately in front of the elephant ; 
there are also two grooves, one on either side of the elephant on the floor and in the perpendicular 
&ce : these must have been intended probably to fix a wooden canopy. 

''There are also many broken caves in the rocks adjoining the Aswastama, and the founda- 
tions of many buildings,— -one in particular, immediately above the inscription, which may have 
been one of the ehaityai or stilpas mentioned in the inscription. 

'' The elephant does not seem to be an object of worship, though I was informed that one day in 
every year is appointed, when the Brahmins of the temples in the vicinity attend and throw water 
on it, and besmear it with red lead in honour of Qanesha.'^' 

The Asoka inscriptions at Dhauli are arranged in three parallel columns, of 
which the first eleven of the collected edicts occupy the whole of the middle column 

' Joumaly Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 158. 

3 Jonrnal, Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 435, 486, 437. 

' Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 437. 



16 INSCRIPTIONS OE ASOKA. 

and one-half of the right column. Afterwards two local edicts were added, one 
completing the right-hand column and the other filling the whole of the left-hand 
column.' The latter has been taken by Prinsep as the first of these two separate 
edicts, although there can be no doubt that the former, from its position in contimba^ 
tion of the original edicts, was the first to be engraved, more especially as the 
duplicate version at Jaugada places it immediately above the other. The matter is not, 
perhaps, of much consequence, but it is right that it should be brought to notice in 
case of enquiry hereafter. 

The Dhauli edicts are chiefly remarkable for the complete want of the letter r, 
which is always replaced by Z, even in such a word as Raja^ for which we have 
Ldja. This peculiarity was overlooked by Prinsep when he proposed to identify 
the Toaali of the two separate edicts with the Tosali Metropolis of Ptolemy, which 
is placed far to the north of the Ganges, instead of with his Dosara on the Dosaron 
river, which occupies the very position required. This Tosali in Eatak agrees also 
with the position of the Desarena Regio of the Periplus, which lies between Masalia, 
or Masulipatam, and the mouths of the Ganges. These two Greek readings at once 
suggest the name of the Indian Dasdm^zs, who are several times mentioned in the 
geographical lists of the Mah&bh&rata.* Perhaps the old name still remains in 
Dosa on the Koil river, in latitude 23 *" and longitude S^"* 50'. 

The opening sentence of No. 1 edict at Dhauli is lost, and as it certainly 
differed from the Sh&hb&z-garhi, Kh&lsi and Gim&r versions, it is fortunate that the 
Jaugada text affords the means of restoring the missing words. 

Prinsep reads as follows : — 

(10 letters) ghi savata^ 

which may be compared with the opening of the Jaugada edicts — 

lytim dhammalipi Khepingalasi pavatasi. 

Here it will be found that there are exactly ten letters preceding the final 
syllable of Khepingalasi^ which Prinsep read as ghi, but which is no doubt 
si, as the two letters are easily mistaken in a mutilated inscription. So also 
are the two letters s and p, and for Prinsep's savata, plus one lost letter, I 
propose to read pavatasi, as in the Jaugada text. Then follow the words Devd- 
nampiyena Piyadasina Ldjina lekhapitd in both texts. I therefore read the whole 
as follows : " This rel^ious edict is promulgated by Raja Priyadarsi, the beloved 
of the gods, to the people of the Khepingala hills." No such name is now 
known ; but as it is common to both inscriptions, I conclude that it was the usual 
name for the mountain districts of Orissa. 

The two separate edicts are local ones addressed to the rulers of Tosali. In the 
second edict the opening words are — 

J)evdnampif/asa vachanena Tosaliyam Kvmdlecha vataviya, 

which Prinsep renders — 

*' By conmiand of Dev&nampiya I It shall be signified to the Prince and the great 

officers in the city of Tosali." 



> See Plate XXIX for a view of the rock, and Plates VIII, IX and X for its iascriptioiis. 
s See Wilson's Vishnu Parana^ pp. IS^ 187, 192. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 17 

Now, in the first edict there is mention of TJjeniya Kum^le, which Prinsep translates 
as the young " Prince of Ujain," and whom he rightly identified with Ujjenio^ 
the son of Asoka. But he erroneously supposed him to he a different person 
from Mahindo, whereas Ujjeniya was only another name for Mahindo, who was 
horn whilst Asoka was governor of Ujain. By this identification we get a limit 
to the date of these inscriptions, for Mahindo hecame a Buddhist priest at twenty 
years of age,* after which he could not have continued in the government of 
Tosali. Now, Asoka was governor of Ujain for nine years immediately pre- 
ceding his accession to the throne, from B. 0. 272 to 263,* and as his marriage with 
Chetiya Devi only took place on his journey to Ujain, the hirth of Mahindo cannot 
he fixed earlier than B. C. 271. He would, therefore, have heen twenty years of age in 
B. 0. 251 when he was ordained a priest, and thirty years of age when he hecame the 
head of a fraternity ten years later at the time of the assembly of the Third Bud- 
dhist Synod in B. 0. 241. But B. C. 251 was the 12th year of Asoka's reign, which 
is the latest date of some of the edicts in the collected series engraved on the rocks. 
I conclude, therefore, that Mahindo was governor of Tosali before B. 0. 251, and 
that the two separate edicts atDhauli and Jaugada must have been put forth 
towards the end of that year. They are thus only a little later in date than the 
great body of the rock edicts, but several years earlier than the pillar edicts. 

5. — Jaugada Rock. 

The Jaugada inscription is engraved on the face of a rock in a large old 
fort near the bank of the Rishikulya river, about eighteen miles to the west-north- 
west of the town of Ganjam. The name is pronounced Jaugada by the people of the 
country, and as Jau means " lac '* in the Uriya language, the place is usually 
known as the " lac-fort." But my assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar, who visited the 
place to make the present copies of the inscriptions, suggests that the original 
name was Jagata, which by both Bengalis and Uriyas would be pronounced Jagata^ 
and from which it would be an easy step to Jaugada^ or the lac-fort. 

When the name had become fixed, the next step was to find a legend to 
account for it, and so the following story came into being : The fort was made by 
Eaja Kesari, who built the. walls of "lac" instead of bricks, in order that an 
enemy's cannon balls might bury themselves harmlessly inside. Close by on the 
Bawalpilli hill (about three miles south-west) lived another Raja who quarrelled 
with Kesari and besieged him for a long time in vain. At last a milkwoman, whose 
milk had been forcibly taken by one of the besieger's soldiers, being unable to 
obtain redress, angrily exclaimed, "Tou fools I you have strength to plunder 
poor people, but have not the sense to see that the * lac-fort' can be taken with 
the greatest ease." On being questioned, she told the besiegers that the walls were 
composed of ^^lac," and that they had only to apply fire to them and to increase 
the flames with bellows, and the walls would come down at once. This wa« accord- 
ingly done and the " lac-fort " was taken. A somewhat diflferent version of the 

1 Mahawanso, p. 86, and Tnmoor in the Jonrnal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, 931, from the Dipawanso. 
3 Bigandet : " Legend of the Burmeee Buddha," p. 376. The Dipamanso, however, says that Mahindo was nine yean 
old at his father's accession to the throne. 



18 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 

legend is given by Mr. Harris. According to him, " the name of lac-fort gave 
rise to a local tradition that the lofty walls and place were formed by materials 
impregnable, until the secret was betrayed by a milkmaid, and allowed the besiegers 
by the (Application of water ^ taking advantage of floods or freshes down the Bishi- 
kulya, to effect an entrance."^ 

It is added that Baja Kesari cursed the woman whose babbling led to the loss 
of the fort. The curse took immediate effect, and the imprudent milkwoman was 
at once turned into stone, and to this day her statue is standing outside the walls 
of the fort. In Mr. Beglar's judgment, however, the petrified milkwoman is only 
an ordinary Sati-pillar, such as the aboriginal inhabitants of Chutia N&gpur even 
now set up over the ashes of the dead. Mr. Beglar is also of opinion that the 
fort is *' clearly of later date than the inscriptions," and is probably of the same 
age as the coins which are found in the milkwoman's mound. These coins, which 
are evident imitations of the Indo-Scythian copper money, but without any inscrip- 
tions, must therefore belong to the end of the first century A. D., a date which 
I had already assigned for them from their being found in company with leaden 
coins of the Andhra kings Ootamiputra and Y&dnya-SrL 

Mr. Beglar describes the groups of rocks inside the fort as picturesque, and 
such as would at once attract attention. The great inscription is engraved on a 
large high mass of rock which rises up vertically and faces the south-east, in the 
direction of people coming from the sea-coast. 

Some photographs of these inscriptions were taken in 1859 and forwarded to 
the Madras Government by Captain Harington, who described them as being 
*' engraved upon a rock near the village of Naug&m in the Pubakonda T&luk of 
the G^jam district, about three miles from the t&luk station of Pursotpur (or 
Purshottampur) near the Bishikulya river." He calls the place Joughar^ but as 
he describes the large square fortification which is plainly shown in the Indian 
Atlas Sheet of Ghmjam, it is certain that the true name is Jaugada^ or the 
Jau-fort. 

Mr. Harington's photographs were sent to the Boyal Asiatic Society, and 
from a memorandum by Mr. Norris I learn that copies of the inscriptions were 
taken in 1860 by the present Sir Walter Elliot, who was perfectly aware that they 
contained only another version of Asoka's edicts, which had already been 
found at Sh&hb&z-garhi, Girn&r and Dhauli. 

In 1871 an effort was made by the Madras Gk)vemment to obtain complete 
copies of these inscriptions both by impressions and by photography. The paper 
impressions taken by pressure only, without ink, though tolerably legible at first, 
afterwards almost entirely disappeared, owing to the extreme dampness of the 
climate. The photographs by Mr. Minchin I have not seen, but I have received 
from the Madras Government lithographic copies of some hand-tracings by Mr. 
Harris, which, taken altogether, are very good, but, like all such copies, they are here 
and there imperfect, and more particularly deficient in the two separate edicts, 
which it was more important to have minutely copied, as we possess only one other 
version of their text at Dhauli with which to compare them. 



' See Mr. Haxris's letter dated 2Gth Angort 1872, printed in the Proceedings of the Madru Gcremment 



INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA, 19 

The plates in the present rolume have been reduced from Mr. Beglar's paper 
impressions, one of which had all the fainter letters carefully pencilled over. After 
reduction they were compared with Mr. Beglar's photographs, which afforded 
several corrections in vowel marks. Every letter has been twice examined by 
myself,— firsts before inking in the pencilled reduction ; and second, while writing 
out its text in Boman letters for comparison with the Dhauli versions. I believe, 
therefore, that my plates present a very faithful copy of these inscriptions.^ I have 
done my best to make them so, but I do not expect that they will be found 
absolutely perfect, as it is quite possible that some errors may have escaped notice. 

The Jaugada inscriptions are written on three different tablets on the vertical 
toice of the rock. As at Dhauli, the letters are all of uniform size, and the lines 
are perfectly straight, and altogether these Orissa and Ganjam inscriptions are the 
most carefully and neatly engraved of all the rock edicts. 

The first tablet contained the first five edicts, but about one-half has been utterly 
lost by the peeling away of the rock. 

The second tablet comprised the next five edicts, — namely, 6 to 10, to which 
was added the 14th or closing edict of the other versions. About one-third of 
this tablet has been lost by the peeling away of the rock. ' 

The third tablet contained the two separate or additional edicts which are 
found at Dhauli. These are less carefully engraved than the other two tablets, 
and they show, besides, some differences in the shapes of the letters, which certainly 
indicate a later date, as they are also found in the additional or later edicts of the 
Delhi pillar. One of these differences is the use of the kh with a large open circle 
at the bottom, instead of the usual dot or knob. In the Jaugada additional edicts 
both of these forms are used. Another marked difference is the position of the two 
side strokes which form the medial vowel o. In the older edicts the upper stroke 
is on the right hand ; in the later edicts, both on the Delhi pillar and on the 
Jaugada rock, the upper stroke is on the left hand. There are differences, too, in 
the forms of I and h, but I cannot say that they are of later date than those of the 
earlier edicts. 

In this version the opening of the 1st edict, which is injured at Dhauli, 
is distinctly legible. The two additional words Khepingalasi pavataH, which 
are inserted after dhammalipi, have been already noticed in my account of the 
Dhauli rockt I presume that these two additional words give the general geogra- 
phical name of the province, as the ^* Khepingala SilU,*' in which the two cities of 
l\)sali and Samdpd were situated. These are the two names which are found in the 
additional edicts, the former in the Dhauli version, and the latter in the Jaugada 
version, the edicts themselves being addressed to the respective rulers of those 
places. 

I have just discovered another instance of a local edict on the Allahabad pillar, 
which was addressed by Asoka to the rulers of Kos&mbi, a very large and famous 
city on the Jumna,' only thirty miles above Allahabad, and which was no doubt the 
capital of the province in which Allahabad was situated. Of Samdpd I can find 



1 See Plates XI, XII, and XIII for these macriptions. 
* See Arduedogical Survey of India» 1, 801. 



20 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

no trace in Ptolemy's map, nor in the rambling lists of names preserved by Pliny, 
but I presume that it may have some reference to the situation of the district on 
the great Chilka Lake. 



6 AND 7. — Separate Edicts— Dhatjli and Jaugada Bocks. 

At Jaagada these two additional edicts are enclosed in a frame which separates 
them from the collected series of Asoka's edicts. At Dhauli only one of these 
edicts is thus enclosed, the other being engraved to the left hand of the main 
collection of edicts. I have not thought it worth while to disturb Prinsep's arrange- 
ment of these two separate edicts, but there can be no doubt that his No. 2, 
which is placed above his No. 1 at Jaugada, was the first to be engraved. This 
conclusion might also have been derived from the relative positions of the two 
edicts on the Dhauli rock, for there the main series of edicts occupies a column 
and a half of the whole mass of inscriptions, while the half column is completed 
by the addition of one of these separate edicts, while the other forms a complete 
column to the left hand of the main series of edicts. Prom their relative positions 
I conclude that the separate edict which follows the main series of edicts and com- 
pletes the second column was the first to be engraved, and that the other separate 
edict was then placed by itself on the left. This view is fully corroborated by the 
relative positions of these two edicts on the Jaugada rock. To prevent confusion, 
however, I think it best to adhere to Prinsep's numbering. 

At Jaugada the separation of these two edicts is more distinctly marked by the 
accompaniment of the Swastika symbol at each of the upper comers of the upper 
inscription, and of the letter m at the upper comers of the lower inscriptions. By 
reading the latter in combination with the upright line of the surrounding frame 
which passes through it, we have the mystic word Aum. I am, therefore, inclined 
to look upon the Swastika as a propitious invocation, as its meaning imports,^ 
while Avm is the well-known auspicious opening of all documents even at the 
present day. Both symbols are found upon many of the old Indian coins. 

The geographical names mentioned in these separate edicts have been fully 
examined in my account of the Dhauli and Jaugada rocks. 



8. — SahasabIm Bock. 

This new edict of Devdnampiya is inscribed on the face of the rock near the 
top of the Chandan Pir hill which forms the extreme northern end of the Kaimur 
range. The hill takes its name from the shrine of Pir Chandan Sh&hid, which is 
placed on the top. The inscription is found in an artificial cave a short distance 
below, which is generally known as the ChirftghdAn, or "lamp" of the saint. The 
roof of the cave is formed by a large projecting mass of rock that has most effectu- 
ally preserved the greater part of the inscription, which is in excellent order, except 
in three or four places where the rock has peeled off. The entrance, which is only 

' Swasiika is the name of the mystic croM, which is a monogram composed of the words m x oHi, "it is welL" 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 21 

4 feet bigh, is to the west between two built walls. By making an opening in one 
of these walls, my assistant, Mr. Beglar, obtained a good photograph of the inscrip- 
tion. This photograph compared with our paper impressions has furnished the copy 
published in the present volume.^ 

The inscription consists of eight lines of well-formed letters, generally about one 
inch in height. It opens rather curtly with the words 

Devdnampiye hevam d {hd) 
— " Devflnampriya thus declares," — ^following which just six letters have been lost. 
About the same number of letters has been lost in each of the next three lines, after 
which the inscription is complete to the end. At first sight it would appear as if 
the letter r was frequently used,^ but on examination it turns out that the single 
upright stroke, which occurs no less than thirteen times, is only a conventional 
mark covering a fault in the rock, and intended to point out that the spot was to be 
passed over in reading the inscription. It is certain that it cannot be the letter r, as 
I is used for r in the words alodhe and chilathitike, where the Riipn&th text uses 
arodhe and chirathitike ; besides which it is used in positions where it can have 
no meaning, as between the words Jambtidipasi and ammisamy where no letter is in- 
terposed in the two corresponding texts of R&pniLth and Bair&t. A similar device has 
already been noticed in my account of the latter half of the Khdisi inscription. 

But the most interesting part of this record is the figured date which occurs in 
the first half of the 7th line. There are three figures which I read as 256. The 
same date occurs in the Bdpndith version of this edict, but without the figure for 
hundreds. As the date of these inscriptions has been fuUy discussed in the Preface, 
it need not be examined again. It will be su£B.cient to state here that as these in- 
scriptions give only the title of Dev&nampiya, I am disposed to assign them to 
Dasaratha Dev&nampiya, the grandson of Asoka, rather than to Dev&nampiya 
Priyadarsi, or Asoka himself. 



9. — RupnAth Rock. 

The R{Lpn&th rock is a single flinty block of dark-red sandstone lying at the 
foot of the Kaimur range of hills, just below the fertile plateau of Bahuriband. 
Here a small stream breaks over the crest of the Kaimur range, and, after three 
low falls, forms a deep secluded pool at the foot of the scarp. Each of these pools 
is considered holy, the uppermost being named after R&ma, the next after Laksh- 
man, and the lowest after Slt&. The spot, however, is best known by the name of 
R{Lpn&th, from a lingam of Siva which is placed in a narrow cleft of the rocks on 
the right. There are similar falls and pools at R&m T&l, a few mUes to the south- 
west, where the Kair river pours over the crest of the Kaimur range from the 
plateau of Saleya. This spot is also esteemed holy. An annual fair was formerly 
held at RApn&th on the Sivardtri^ in honour of Siva, but this has been discontinued 
since 1867. The lowermost pool, however, or Sltfitkund, which never dries up, still 
attracts a few pilgrims. 



See Plate XIV. 

F 



22 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

The edict of Asoka is inscribed on the upper surface of the rock, which has 
been worn quite smooth by people sitting upon it for hundreds of years at the 
annual fairs. It is now of a very dark dirty-red colour, and the inscription might 
easily escape observation. The lines follow the undulations of the rock, and are 
neither straight nor parallel with each other.* The inscription is 4J feet long and 
1 foot broad, and consists of six lines, of which the last has only five letters. With 
the exception of a few letters which are now very faint, the record is complete. It 
opens with the words 

Devdnampiye hevam dhd 
— " DevAnampiya thus orders," omitting the name of the king, a curt style of 
announcement which is not found in any of the collected series of edicts. The same 
form, however, occurs in the later separate edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada, which may, 
perhaps, indicate that this Rdpn&th inscription belongs to a later date than that of 
the great collection of edicts. It uses the letter r, in common with most of the old 
inscriptions in Central and Western India, as at GimAr, S&nchi and Bharhut. 

Of the purport of the inscription I am not competent to offer an opinion, but 
I may point to the occurrence of the words Stimipdka Sangha^ or Sumikaka Sangha, 
which are found twice in the first line, as indicating that the edict was addressed to 
the Buddhist Sangha, or assembly of Stimipdka or Sumihdka. In the second line 
occurs the well-known name of Jambudipa ; and the fifth line opens with the words 
Sdla-thabhe, Sila-thabha, which seem to refer to " SM-pillars and stone-pillars," on 
which the edicts were to be inscribed. 

The date of 56 occurs at the end of the fifth line. The symbol for 50 is the 
same as that in the Sahasar^m inscription, but the opening is turned to the left. 
Both forms are used indifferently in the Hodgson MSS. from NepM.* The omission 
of the figure for hundreds is not uncommon in Indian inscriptions. 



10. — Bairat Rock. 

• 

This inscribed rock lies at the foot of the . Hinsagiri hill near Bair&t, where 
the P&ndus are said to have lived during the greater part of their twelve years' 
exile. It is, therefore, more commonly known as the hill of the F&ndus, and a 
cave is still shown as the BMm-guphd^ or *' Cave of Bhim." In November 1864 I 
examined all the rocks on the top of this hill very carefully in the hope of finding 
some inscriptions ; but my search was in vain, and I was assured by the people 
that no inscriptions existed on the hill. My assistant, Mr. Carlleyle, was, however, 
more fortunate, as he succeeded in discovering an inscription in Asoka characters 
on a huge isolated block standing at the foot of the hill. The following notice of 
his discovery is abridged from his own account, which I quote from his report 
now preparing for publication : — 

The Fundus hill is a bare, black-looking, pyramidal-shaped, jagged-edged, 
peaked hill, composed entirely of enormous blocks of porphyritic and basaltic 

» See Plate XIV. 

' See Joornal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, New Series, VIII, 51, Plate. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 



23 



rock and hornblende gneiss, as if it had been built up by giants, x x Some of 
the huge blocks of which the hill is composed have apparently at some very remote 
period rolled down on to the slope at the foot of the hill. One of these blocks 
stands immediately in &ont of the south side of the bill. In shape it is a great 
roughly-hewn cube, as big as a house, and some deep water- worn hollows on its 
perpendicular face, when seen at some distance, look like circular windows. Its 
actual dimensions are 24 feet in length from east to west, with a thickness of 15 
feet and a height of 17 feet. The inscription occupies the lower part of the south 
face of the rock. It consists of eight lines, and approaches to within one foot of the 
ground on its left side. The letters average about 2^ inches in height. But the 
surface of the rock is rough, and has suffered much from the weathering of 2,000 
years. A large portion of the middle part of the inscription has altogether gone, 
and the lesser part on the right is now separated by a blank space of 20 inches 
from the greater half on the left. This separation led Mr. Carlleyle to believe that 
there were two separate inscriptions, but a comparison with the more perfect texts 
at Sahasar&m and B^Lpn&th shows most conclusively that these two apparently 
distinct inscriptions are fragments of a single edict, of which the middle portion 
has been lost.^ 

At the end of the inscription there are the traces of some large charac- 
ters or symbols, .4J inches in height. Mr. Carlleyle read them doubtfully as 316, 
but I can trace only two definite shapes amongst the confused mass of lines which 
appear in my own fresh impressions as well as in Mr. Carlleyle's original impressions 
and hand-copies. At first these did not attract my attention, but, on referring to 
them lately, I was struck by the very strong resemblance in the forms of these two 
symbols with those of the two numerical figures in the Bdpn&th text. On com- 
paring all the impressions with Mr. Carlleyle's hand-copy, I am satisfied that these 
two broken and defaced characters are the same as those of the BtLpn&th inscrip- 
tion, and that they represent the date of 66, or, with the addition of the omitted 
hundreds, 266. 

Mr. Carlleyle made another curious discovery at Bair&t, which, though perhaps 
not connected with this inscription, has certainly some connection with the rock^ 
on which it is engraved. Immediately in front of the rock there were two large 
boulder stones, one of them being 2 feet 6 inches long and 1 foot 6 inches broad. 
On removing these a layer of smaller boulder stones was found laid upon the earth. 
Here a fragment of pottery was found, which induced Mr. Carlleyle to dig further, 
imtil, at a depth of nearly 3 feet below the surface of the ground, he found four 
earthen vessels placed in a line on the same level. Two of these vessels were large 
and wide mouthed, the third was middle sized with a narrow neck, and the fourth 
was very small and very narrow in the mouth. All of them contained human 
bonesc Mr. Carlleyle remarks that the boulder stones which were lying over these 
cinerary urns appeared to be in 8itu, and he is, therefore, inclined to believe that 
they *^ must have come into the position in which he found them, jammed against 
the rock, by the agency of same powerful flood, and consequently that the cinerary 
urns and bones may be of very great antiquity." 



^ See Plate XIY. 



24 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA 

My own opinion regarding these vessels is that they are most probably of later 
date than the inscription, as I conclude that the conspicuousness of the inscribed 
block may have led to the interment. 



11. — Second Baieat Rock. 

This inscription is engraved on a block of reddish grey granite, which was 
found by Captain Burt in 1837 on the top of a hill close to the ancient town of 
Bair^lt, forty-one miles nearly due north of Jaypur. Vair&t, the capital of Matsya, is 
celebrated in Hindu legends as the abode of Raja Virftta where the five F&ndus spent 
their exile of twelve years from Dilli or Indraprastha. •• The residence of Bhlm 
Pa,ndu is still shown on the top of a long, low, rocky hill about one mile to the 
north of the town. The hill is formed of enormous blocks of coarse gritty quartz, 
which are much weather-worn and rounded on all the exposed sides. Some of these 
blocks have a single straight face sloping inwards, the result of a natural split, of 
which advantage has been taken to form small dwellings by the addition of rough 
stone walls plastered with mud. Such is the Bhlm-gupha or * Bhlm's cave,' which 
is formed by rough walls added to the overhanging face of a huge rock about 60 
feet in diameter and 16 feet in height. Similar rooms, but of smaller size, are said 
to have been the dwellings of Bhlm's brothers. The place is still occupied by a 
few Brahmans, who profess to derive only a scanty substance from the offerings 
of pilgrims — a statement which is rather belied by their flourishing appearance. 
Just below Bhlm's cave a wall has been built across a small hollow to retain the 
rain water, and the fragments of rock have been removed from a fissure to form a 
tank about 15 feet long by 5 feet broad and 10 feet deep ; but at the time of my 
visit, on the 10th November, it was quite dry.'** 

The hill on which the inscription was found forms a conspicuous object about 
one mile to the south-west of the town. It is about 200 feet high, and is still 
known by the name of Bijak Pah&r, or " inscription hill," and the paved pass im- 
mediately beneath it, which leads towards Jaypur, is called Bijak Gh&t. The mass 
of the hill is composed of enormous blocks of grey granite intersected with thick 
veins and smaller blocks of reddish or salmon-coloured granite. The ruins on 
the top of the hill consists of two contiguous level platforms, each 160 feet square, 
which are thickly covered with broken bricks and the remains of brick walls. The 
bricks are of large size, 10^ inches broad and from 3^ to 4 inches thick. The 
western or upper platform is 30 feet higher than the eastern or lower one. In 
the centre of the upper platform there is a large mass of rocks which is said to 
have been dug into by the Mahfl,r&ja of Jaypur without any discovery being made. 
On examining this mass it appeared to me that it must have been the core around 
which a brick stiipa had been constructed, and that the relic chamber would have 
been formed in a crevice or excavation of the rock. 

The approach to this platform was on the south side, where I traced the 
remains of a large entrance with a flight of stone steps. On all four sides there 



1 See ArchiBological Surrey of India, II, 244, 245. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 25 

are ruins of brick walls which oace formed the chambers of the resident monks of 
this large monastery. 

'^ In the middle of the lower platform there is a square chamber which was laid open by the 
Mah&rftja's excavations. From its size I judged it to be the interior of a temple. Close beside it^ 
on the east^ there is a gigantic mass of rock, 73 feet in length, which is familiary known amongst 
the people by the name of Tdp, or ' The Cannon/ to which at a distance it bears some resemblance. 
This rock slopes gently backwards, as the upper end projects considerably beyond the base; its ap- 
pearance is not unlike that of the muzzle of a great gun, somewhat elevated and thrust forward 
beyond the wheels of its dUrriage. Under this part of the rock a small room has been formed by 
the addition of rough stone walls after the fashion of the chamber on the opposite hill called Bhim* 
gnpa, or ^ Bhtm's cave.' On all four sides of the platform there are the remains of brick walls 
which once formed the cells of the resident monks. 

''These ruins on the Bijak hill I take to be the remains of two of the eight Buddhist monasteries 
which were still in existence at the time of Hwen Thsang's visit in A. D. 634. Their Buddhist 
origin is undoubted, as the famous inscription which was found on the lower platform distinctly 
records the belief of the donor in the ancient Buddhist Triad of Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha.^ 
These two monasteries, therefore, most have been in existence at least as early as the time of 
Asoka in 250 B. C, when the inscription was engraved. As the proclamation is specially addressed 
to the Buddhist assembly of Magadha, we must suppose, .as Bumauf has suggested, that copies 
were sent to all the greater Buddhist fraternities for the purpose of recording the enduring firmness 
of the king's faith in the law of Buddha.'' 

This important inscription is the only one of all Asoka's edicts which mentions 
the name of Buddha ; once alone as Bhagavata Buddha^ or '^ the divine Buddha/' 
and in another place in conjunction with Dharma and Sangha. The bare mention of 
these names was sufficient to extort from Wilson the reluctant admission that 
" Priyadarsi, whoever he may have been, was a follower of Buddha." 

The text has had the good fortune to have been revised and translated by 
Burnouf as well as by Wilson,* Their texts were both derived from the same 
impressions which were made by the original discoverer, Captain Burt. The block 
of granite is now deposited in the museum of the Bengal Asiatic Society immedi- 
ately beneath James Frinsep's bust. Erom it I have made a fresh impression on 
which my own reading of the text is founded. The only dijQPerences requiring 
notice are pdsdde, " temples," for /?<w(!id^, *• favour;" chilathitike iox chilMatitike ; 
and bhikhu and bhikhuni for bhikha and bhikhani. The early transcribers did not 
recognise the vowel u, which is attached to the foot of the kh as a prolongation 
of the upright stroke. But the presence of the vowel is always indicated by a dot 
or knob which separates it from the stem of the consonant. In later times this 
vowel was formed by a horizontal stroke at the right foot of the letter. If the 
new reading of golane-cha pdsdde-cha be correct, the translation might be rendered 
as ^' circular railings and temples ; " but as I do not feel absolutely certain that the 
first long & of pasdde mAj not be an accidental mark, I do not wish to press its 
acceptance. 

Wilson has noticed the repetition of the word bhante, which occurs no less 
than six times in this short inscription, "Burnouf renders it throughout by 

* See Plate XXXI for the' map of India under Asoka in the position of Bair&t. The inscription itself is g^ven in 
Plate XV. 

• Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XVI, 867 i and Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 726. 

6 



26 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

seigneurs, ' Sirs/ considering it as the Prdikrit form of the Sanskrit bhavantah, the 
plural of the honorific pronoun bhavdn, * your honour, your reverence/ in which 
Wilson was at first disposed to concur, but . afterwards had reason to doubt its 
accuracy/' * But in this case Wilson's guess was only a random shot, while Bur- 
nouf s explanation was a well-directed aim which hit very near the mark. For the, 
true original of hhante is hhadantah, or " Reverend Sirs/' This title is said to have 
been instituted by Buddha himself in his last instructions to the Rahans as to the 
attention and regard they were to pay each other. 

'' Let those/' said the teacher^ *' who are more advanced in dignity and years of profession, call 
those that are their inferiors by their names, that of their family, or some other suitable appellation ; 
let the inferiors give to their superiors the title Bante'^ * 

Here we see that the term is one of respect addressed to the priesthood ; but 
its actual derivation I owe to Professor Childers/ who explains Bhante as 

'^ a contracted form of Bhadanie, It is used as a reverential term of address, ' Lord, Reverend Sir,' 
and is the proper address of Buddha, of Buddhist priests, of Rishis, T&pasas, &c. '^ 

We now learn from the Bair&t inscription that this form of address to the Buddhist 
priesthood was certainly as old as the reign of Asoka. 

At the end of the 6th line are the words Upatisa pasine echa Ldghulo vdde 
which Bumouf renders as — 

'' la speculation d' Upatisa et V instruction de RdAula/* 

conceiving the text to contain the names of Upatissa, one of S&kya's principal dis- 
ciples, and of RAhula his son. On this WUson remarks — 

'' The reading of the first is doubtful, the initial may be an «, but it is indistinct, and the third 
syllable is more like id than ti/* 

In reply to these doubts I can only say that, after having examined the inscrip- 
tion itself very carefully, I found the initial letter u was quite distinct, and that the 
character ti was one of the clearest in the wbole inscription. Wilson's remarks on 
the interpretation of the passage are more to the point : — 

" Pasine M. Bumouf would connect with pasya, ^ behold/ as if alluding to the views or doctrines 
of Upatissa; but, in that case, we should have Upatisasa, not Upatisa, and if we could suppose the 
insertion of an '«' after ^^ to be a blunder, it would give us upatdpasine ior upatapaswinaA, ' in" 
ferior or pretended ascetics/ For e cha Idghulova de M. Bumouf refers avdde to avavdda, ' instruc- 
tion,' but it would rather imply reproof; but, as M, Burnouf indicates there is a sitra of the Maha- 
wftnso, headed BdAulovdda, or as translated by Tumour, ' admonitory discourse ' eddressed by 
Buddha to B&hula, which is no doubt in favour of M. Burnoufs rendering. At the same time it 

» 

may be allowable to give it a different construction and signification, and to render it lapAu loha 
vdda, ' the light or censorious language of the world ' a sense which would agree with what follows 
if we explain musavdcAam as M# Burnouf proposes, ' doctrines fausses/ The next word, adAigicAyay 
may be an error for adiigacAya, the Pr&krit form of adAigaijfa, having gone over, or having over- 
come, or refuted, rejete. 

" The following passage is intelligible enough, and may be connected with the preceding : 
BAagavatd BudAena bAdtite etdni, bAante, dAamma paliyaydni icAAdmi, ' I affirm these things, said by 
the divine Buddha, and desire (them to be considered) as the precepts of the law/ " 



1 Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, XVI, 861. 

* Bishop Bigandef 8 Legend of the Burmese Buddha, 2nd edit., p. 816. 

' Plli Dictionary, t » voo§. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 27 

Wilson again refers to Bnmouf s readings of Upatisa and B&hula, towards the 
end of his paper in the following words : — 

'' Although^ therefore, unable to offer an entirely satisfactory version of this inscription^ and 
while hesitating to admit it as evidence, as M. Bamouf is disposed to regard it^ of the existence at 
the time of the principal Baddhist authorities^ the Yinaya Stf tras, GMlthas, and the writings of 
Upatissa and £&hula^ we cannot refuse to accept it as decisive of the encouragement of Buddhism by 
Priyadarsi ; the indications of which are sufficiently positive, setting aside the apocryphal allusions 
to Upatissa and Rfthula/' 

Long after the preceding notice was written I saw in Mr. Burgess's Indian 
Antiquary a new version of this important inscription by Professor Kern, in which 
I am glad to find that this learned scholar upholds the true readings of Upatisa 
and Laghulo. His transliteration and version of the edict will be found imme- 
diately following those of Wilson*and Bumouf. * 



» 



12. — Khandagiki Rock, 

The Khandagiri rock inscription was first published by Stirling, but it 
remained unread until a more perfect copy was made by Kit toe for James Prinsep. 
Kittoe thus describes the position of the rock and the places around it* : 

*^ The hillocks of Khandagiri and Udayagiri form part of a belt of sandstone rock, which, 
skirting the base of the granite hills of Orissa, extends from Autgur and Dekkondl (in a southerly 
direction) past Kurda and towards the Chilka Lake, occasionally protruding through the beds of 
laterite. 

" Khandagiri is four miles north-west of Bhubaneswar, and nineteen south-west of Katak. 
The two rocks are separated by a narrow glen about 100 yards in width. 

" Khandagiri has but few caves in the summit. There is a Jain temple of modern construction, 
it having been built during the Maharatta rule. There are traces of former buildings ,* I am 
inclined, therefore, to think that the present temple occupies the site of a Chaitya.'' 

By Stirling it is described as occupying " the overhanging brow of a large 
cavern."* 

The very coarse nature of the rock, a coarse sandstone grit, prevented Kittoe 
from taking an impression of this inscription, and he vras obliged to be content with 
a hand-copy, a work of great labour, which he performed with remarkable success. 
The present copy has been reduced from a large photograph of a plaster cast taken 
by Mr. Locke. Many of the letters are very clear, but there are numbers of others 
that are very indistinct from the abrasion of the rock. Every letter has been 
carefully compared with two copies of the photographs, as weU as vrith Kittoe's 
hand-copy, and I believe that the present copy is as perfect a facsimile as can 
now be made.* 

Regarding its alphabet, Prinsep remarks :*— 

'' One prominent distinction in the alphabetical character would lead to the supposition of its 
posteriority to that of the laU, but that the same is observable at 6im&r : I allude to the adoption 
of a separate symbol for the letter r instead of confounding it with l. Hence also it should be 
later than the Oaya inscription, which spells DasaratAa with an / (VasalatAenaJ, There are a few 



1 See The Indian Antiquary, V, 267, for September 1870. * BeBearches, Bengal Asiatic Societj» XV. 
s Journal, Bengal Aaiatlo Society, VI, 1079. ^ See Plate XVII for the copy of this inscription. 

^ Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, V, 1080. 



28 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

minor changes in the shape of the v, t^p and^; and in the mode of applying the yowel marks 
centrally on the letters^ as in the m of namo ; the letter gh is also used ; but in other respects the 
alphabet accords entirely with its prototype^ and is decidedly anterior to the Sainhadri cave 
inscription/' 

I fully agree with Prinsep that this record must be later than the Asoka 
edicts, and earlier than the inscriptions in the cares of Western India. I think 
that it may be placed as early as from B. C. 200 to 175, as there is no appearance 
of heads, or m&tras^ to any of the letters. I do not infer, as Prinsep does, that the 
• use of the letter r shows it to be of later date than Asoka, as I believe that the 
want of the letter was a peculiarity of the Magadha dialect, which was copied in 
the Dhauli and Jaugada versions from the original text supplied from the capital 
of P&taliputra. At the same time the use of tjie letter r throughout this great 
inscription of Aira Kaja, as well as in all the cave inscriptions of Khandagiri and 
Udayagiri, would seem to show that the dialect of Orissa differed from that of 
Magadha. 

All who take an interest in Indian antiquities will agree with James Prinsep 
as to the great value of this record, which he was disposed to think was " perhaps 
the most curious that has yet been disclosed to us."* He offers a graceful apology 
for his imperfect translation, but at the same time is satisfied that '* there can be 
little doubt of the main facts, that the caves were executed by a Buddhist Baja of 
Kalinga (named Aika P) who, at the age of twenty-four, after having pursued his 
studies regularly for nine years, wrested the Government from some usurper, distri- 
buted largesses bountifully, repaired the buildings, dug tanks, &c." ♦ ♦ « Each 
change of inclination is consistently followed by a description of corresponding con- 
duct, and we have throughout a most natural picture of a prince's life, wavering 
between pleasure and learning, between the Brahmanical and Buddhist faith, then 
doubtless the subject of constant contention. The history embraces his alliance 
with the daughter of a hill chieftain^ and perchance even his death, though this 
is very unlikely.*' 



13. — Deotek Slab. 

For the knowledge of this inscription I am indebted to Mr. R. Egerton of 
the Civil Service. The inscribed slab is a solitary block now lying in a field at 
Deotek, a small village about fifty miles to the south-east of N&gpur. The spot has 
been visited by my assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar, from whose pencilled impressions 
the accompanying copy of the inscription has been made. There are two distinct 
inscriptions on the slab, one of which is of a much later date than the other. This 
is also given in the plate, as it confirms the reading of a geographical name 
contained in the older record. This name in both inscriptions is Chikambari} 

The stone slab, which is 4 feet long by 2|^ feet broad, has been at some previous 
period converted into an argha or receptacle for a lingam. The hollow channel for 
carrying off the water pom*ed over the lingam has been cut right through the middle 
of the later inscription. 

- ■ ■ ■ ■ ll« ■ 1^ « ^. -■■■■■■a .1 ^ ■■^^■.^—W ■— ■— ■ M I — ^ ^— ^^— ^.^^M I ^_^^^^^^^^^ , , „ , , , , ■■■■■■■ 

1 Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 10S4-85. ' See Plate XV for both of these inscriptions. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA, 29 

The earlier inscription is dated, but the year is unfortunately lost ; and I can 
only fix its date approximately from the style of the characters as about B. C. 100. 

In the later inscription there is mention of a king named Rudra Sena, whom 
I take to be one of the Kailakila Yavanas of V&k&taka. The Seoni copper-plate 
inscription gives a genealogy of the early kings of Y&k&taka, of whom the 2nd 
and 4th bear the name of Budra Sena. There is a date, which I read as 200, or 
A. D. 278, and as this is said to be the eighteenth year of the reign of King Fravara 
Sena, son of Rudra Sena 2nd, the father's accession may be placed in A. D. 230, and 
that of the great-grandfather Rudra Sena 1st in 170 A. D. From the early forms 
of some of the characters, I prefer the reign of Rudra Sena 1st, or the latter end of 
the 2nd century A. D., for the date of the Deotek inscription. The interval between 
the dates of the two inscriptions will thus be upwards of 250 years, which certainly 
does not appear to be too great for the very wide differences in their alphabetical 
characters. 

If I am right in identifying the Rudra Sena of the second Deotek inscription 
with one of the Rudra Senas of Vdkdtaka, then Chikambari must have been in the 
Vdk&taka territory, and would have been either the ancient name of the district 
or that of its principal town. No such name is now known. The chief town in 
this part of the country at the present day is Fauni, which is an old fortified place 
with several ancient temples. 



CAVE INSCRIFnONS. 



CAVES or BARABAR and NAGABJTJNI in MAGADHA oe BIHAR. 

BabAbab Caves. 

The famous caves of Bar&bar and NS^g^ijuni are situated sixteen miles due north 
of Gaya, or nineteen miles by the road, in two separate groups of granite hills on the 
left or west bank of the Phalgu river. By the people these eaves are usually called 
Sdtghara, or " the seven houses," although this name is by some restricted to two 
of the caves in the Bar&bar group. But as there are four caves in the Bard.bar 
hills, and three caves in the NS,garjuni hills, or altogether " seven caves," I think 
that the name must belong to the whole number.* 

The Bar&bar caves are named as follows: — \^ Suddrnd-Oupha, or ''Sud&ma's 
cave," is a large room, 32f feet long by 19 feet wide. The roof is vaulted, and the 
whole of the interior is quite plain, but highly polished. At one end there is an 
inner room, nearly circular, with a hemispherical domed roof. The walls are 6f feet 
high to the springing of the vault, which has a rise of 5^ feet, making the total 
height 12J feet. The doorway, which is of Egyptian form, is sunk in a recess 
6^ feet square and 2 feet deep. On the east wall of this recess there is an 
inscription .of two lines,* which records the dedication of the Nigoha cave by Raja 
Piyadasi (or Asoka) in the twelfth year of his reign, or in B. 0. 251. An attempt 
has been made to obliterate the greater part of this inscription with a chisel, but, 
owing to the great depth of the letters, the work of destruction was not an easy 
one, and the deeply-cut lines of the original letters, with the exception, perhaps, 
of one at the end, are still distinctly traceable at the bottom of the holes made 
by the destroyer's chisel. 

2. The Vistoa-Jhopri, or " Viswa's hut," also consists of two rooms, an outer 
apartment 14 feet long by 8 feet 4 inches broad, which is polished throughout, 
and an inner room 11 feet in diameter, which is rough and unfinished. On the 
right-hand wall there is an inscription of four lines, which records the dedication 
of the cave by Raja Piyadasi in the twelfth year of his reign, or B. C. 251. The last 
five letters have been purposely mutilated, but are still quite legible.' 

3. The Kama Ghopdr, or " Kama's hut," is a single-vaulted room lOf feet high 
and 33 J feet long by 14 feet broad. The whole of the interior is quite plain, but 

> See my detailed acoonnt of all these caves in Archieological Survey of India, I, 45. See also Major Eittoe in the 
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, XVI, 405. 

» See Plate XVI, No. 1. » See Plate XVI, No. 2. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 31 

polished. On the west side of the entrance, in a slightly sonken tablet, there 
is an inscription of five lines, which records the dedication of the cave by Raja 
Piyadasi in the nineteenth year of his reign, or 244 B. 0, The inscription being 
fully exposed to the weather has been very much worn, so that it is very difficult 
to make out the letters satisfactorily.^ 

4, The Lomda Bishi Oupha^ or " Cave of Lom&s Rishi," is the fellow of the 
Sud&ma cave, both as to the size and arrangement of its two chambers. But the 
whole of the circular room has been left rough, and both the floor and the roof 
of the outer apartment are unfinished. The straight walls of this room are polished, 
but the outer wall of the circular room is only smoothed and not polished. 
The chisel-marks are still visible on the floor, as well as on the vaulted roof which 
has only been partially hewn. The work would appear to have been abandoned 
on reaching a deep fissure in the roof, which forms one of the natural cleavage 
lines of the rock. The entrance to this cave is sculptured, but the existing inscrip- 
tions are not older than the Gupta period, I infer, however, from the polished walls 
that the cave was actually excavated about the Asoka period. 



Nagaejuni Caves. 

6. The Vapiya cave is so named in its own inscription. It has a small porch, 
6 feet long by 5^ feet broad, from which a doorway, not quite 3 feet wide, leads 
to the principal room, which is 16f feet long by 11^ feet broad. The roof is 
vaulted and rises to lOJ feet. The whole of the walls are highly polished. On 
the left side of the porch there is an inscription of four lines, which records that 
the cave was given to the Bhadantas as a dwelling-place by Dasaratha, the beloved 
of the gods, in the beginning of his reign.* This prince was the grandson of 
Asoka, and as his father reigned only eight years, Dasaratha' s accession must have 
taken place in B. C. 218. The characters of this inscription, and of two others 
about to be described, retain the Asoka forms unchanged, but they are only about 
half the size of those of Asoka's Bar&bar cave inscriptions. 

6. The Oopika cave is so named in its own inscription, which is engraved 
on the outside just above the entrance. This is the largest of the Magadha caves, 
being 46 feet 5 inches long by 19 feet 2 inches broad, with a vaulted roof 10^ feet 
in height. Both of the ends are semicircular. The whole of the interior is highly 
polished, but quite plain. The inscription of this cave is word for word the same 
as the last, with the single exception of the name.' It therefore belongs to the 
same date of 218 B. C. 

7. The Vadathi cave is so named in its own inscription. It is situated in a 
cleft of the rock to the west of the Vapiya cave. The entrance to the cave, which 
lies in this gap, is a mere passage, only 2 feet 10 inches in width, and 6 feet li^ 
inches in height, with a mean length of 6^ feet. On the right side of the passacre 
there is an inscription of four lines, which, with the exception of the name, is word 



■ See Plate XVI, No. 3. * See Plate XVI. > See Plate XVI. 



. INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

the same as the two preceding inscriptiona of Raja Dasaratha 
re 218 B. C. 

vo of the Asoka inscriptions the cares are said to he situa 
or Khalanti hills " — Khalatika pavataai. Burnouf has most 
the name to the Sanskrit Skhalatika, "slippery," which i 
ascription of the " steep and slippery face " of the rock.* My o 
ills, which was noted on the spot in 1861, makes use of the san: 
principal eatranca to the valley lies over large rounded massea of granitej non 
' by the feet of nameroos pilgrime.* 

jriness, indeed, i^is so great that I found it convenient to t 
[ence Burnouf s derivation of the name of Khalatika from 
," is fully borne out by the character of the hills themselves.* 
nitial S the name might be connected with Khala, " low, vi 
re epithet, which the Brahmana were so fond of hestowi 
[ races, and from which the Bmrmese might have derived tht 
[eh they apply to all Indians with such contemptuous tones. 
le two groups of the Bar^har and N&g&iguni hills occupy a very i 
1 ancient Magadha, lying, as they do, on the high road £rom 
and in sight of the high road to N&landa, it seems possibli 
^ven their name to the people who occupied the country round ; 
se the people of the Khalatika and Khalanti hills might be identii 
Kalantii of Herodotus, and the KalatuB of Hekateeus. ' The L 
L an Indian nation, hut the former describes them as practising 
r eating their parents. In another place he speaks of the ^t 
I same "grain" (spermati) as the Kalantii. But as he has n 
)ut the kind of grain which the Kalaatii ate, various emenda 
been proposed, such as aimaii, &c. I think, however, that s6» 
id that the father of history was guilty of a grim joke in det 
as as eating the same " flesh" as the Ealantii. Beyond the Ka 
: to the eastward — lived the Padaei, who had the strange custoi 
J all the old and weakly persons. Perhat)s they may be identifie 
ggested, with the people living on the Padda river, or lower 
es, and if so, this identification would very much strengthen 
with the people of the Khalatika or Khalanti hills. 

Khandagiei Cates is Katak. 

inscriptions in these caves were first made known by Kittoe 
their position';— 

billockB of Khandagiri and Udayagiri form part of a belt of Bandston' 
I base of the granite hiUa of Orissa, extends from Antghar Dekkunal 1 

' See PUto XVI. 

* Journal of the Bengal AukHc Society, XVI, 406. 

* Archnolof^eal Snrve; of India, I, 42. 

* Le Lotnt de U Bonne L<d, Appendices, p. 779. 

* Ho'odotna, lU, 38 and 97. Hekktteoi qnoted bj Stephano* ByMntiuns, t» voet. 

* Jmuiul of the Bengal Aaiatde Sode^ VI, 1079. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 33 

direction past KfLrda, and towards the Chilka Lake. ^ * Khandagiri is foar miles north-west of 
Bhobaneswar^ and nineteen miles south-west of Katak. The two rocks are reparated by a narrow 
glen, about 100 yards in width. * * Khandagiri has but few caves on the summit. * * UdayapiH 
is entirely perforated with small caves on its southern brow. The natives have a tradition that 
there were formerly 75£, inclusive of those now called Lalitindra Kesari naur, A great many still 
remain perfect. None are of any size ; they are mostly small chambers, about 6 feet by 4 and from 
4 to 6 feet high, with verandahs in front and small doorways to them hewn out of the solid 
rock. Several are cut out of detached blocks in fiftntastic shapes, such as the ' Snake Cave^ and 
* Tiger Cave,' &c.'' 

The short inscriptions in these caves are of little interest, except Nos. 6 and 7, 
which certainly refer to Baja Aira and his family. Frinsep has read the opening of 
No. 6 as Yebasa Mahardjasa Kalingadi pati/nOy for which I propose to substitute 
AiBASA Maharajasa Kalingadi patino. The short inscription, No. 7, oyer a small 
door in the same cave is read by Frinsep as Kumdro Vattakaaa lonam^ but the correct 
reading seems to be Kumdro Vaddakaaa lenam — that is, "The cave of Prince 
Vaddaka,** or perhaps Vaduka. Here, then, we have most probably the name of 
one of the sons of Kaja Aira, who added another small room to his father's original 
cave. The age of these caves will, therefore, be about B. 0. 200. 

No. 8 is unfortunately incomplete, otherwise it would most probably have been 
interesting, as it also refers to the Baias of Kalinga. For my copy of the text I 
have had the advantage of a large photograph of a plaster cast taken by Mr. H. H. 
Locke. There are several important differences between Fxinsep's readings and 
mine. 



B/AMOAEH Caves in Sibguja. 

The two inscribed caves in the Ramgarh hiU in Sirguja were first made known 
by Colonel Ouseley.^ They have also been described by Colonel Dalton.* But the 
inscriptions themselves were first published by Mr. Ball of the Geological Survey.' 
The copies given in the present volume are taken from photographs and paper impres- 
sions made by Mr. Beglar in December 1876.^ I was especially anxious to obtain 
good copies of these inscriptions, as the copies made by Mr. Ball gave the name of 
the '* Thera Devadata,*' and I thought it very probable that these few lines might 
prove to be record?* of some followers of the heretical school of Devadata, the 
cousin and opponent of Buddha. This, however, is not the case, for the name is not 
Devadata, but Devadarsin. But these inscriptions are otherwise interesting from the 
use of the palatal sibilant s, which occurs no less than five times in the second 
inscription. This record was engraved by a sculptor named JDevadina for a Sruta^ 
nuka named Devadarsin. The letter 2 is used used for r in the last word of the 
inscription lupa, which I take to be the well-known riipa. A very full account of 
the caves is given by Colonel Dalton. 

* Joanu^of the Bengii Asiatic Society, XVII. p. 66« ' Indian Antiqoazy, September 1878, p. 248. 

* iofxnul oi the Beoigal ABiatic Society, XXXIV, Part II, p. 2^. < See Plate XI for these Inscriptions. 

I 



PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS. 



1 — Delhi Pillab from Sitcdlik. 

The inscribed pillars of Asoka have long been known to Europeans owing to 
the favourable positions which they occupy in the very heart of his empire. Of 
these the best known, and the earliest to be noticed by Europeans, is the Delhi Pillar, 
commonly known as Eiroz Shah's L&t. According to Sbams-i-Sirdj, a contemporary 
of Eiroz, this pillar was brought from a place " on the bank of the Jumna, in the 
district of Salora, not far from Khizr&bkd, which is at the foot of the mountains 
ninety kos from Delhi."* Owing to the lamentable uncertainty of the Persian 
character in the expression of proper names, the name of the place from whence the 
pillar was brought may be variously read as Tobra, Topar, Topera, Toparsuk, Tohera, 
Tamera, and Nahera.* 

The distance from Delhi and the position at the foot of the mountains point 
out the present Khizr&b&d on the Jumna, just below the spot where the river 
issues from the lower range of hills, as the place indicated by Shams-i-Sir&j. Salora 
is perhaps Sidhora, a large place only^a few miles to the west of Khizr&bad. Erom 
the village where it originally stood, the pillar was conveyed by land on a truck to 
Khizr&b&d, from whence it was floated down the Jumna to Eiroz&b&d, or new Delhi. 
Erom the above description of the original site of this pillar, I conclude that the 
village from whence it was brought was perhaps the present Pacta, on the western 
bank of the Juttna, and twelve miles in a direct line to the north-east of Khizr^bM. 
Now, in this immediate neighbourhood on the western bank of the Jimma, and at a 
distance of sixty-six miles from Thanesar, Hwen Thsang places the ancient capital of 
Srughna, which was even then (A. D. 630 — 640) in ruins, although the foundations 
were still in existence. The ChiDese pilgrim describes Srughna as possessing a large 
Yih&r and a grand Stiipa of Asoka's time, containing relics of Buddha, besides many 
other st^Lpas of S&riputra, Maudgalyayana, and other holy Buddhists. The village of 
Topar, which was the original site of Eiroz Shah's pillar, was certainly within the 
limits of the ancient kingdom of Srughna, and I think it probable that in the word 
Suk, which is appended to one of the various readings of the name of the village of 
Topar, we still have a fair approximation to Sughan, the popular form of the Sans- 
krit Srughna. 

> Jonnud of the Ardueological Society of DeUu, I, 74l Shams-i-Sirftj was twelve yean old when these pllan were set np 
by Firoz. 

* Journal of the Archfldological Society of Delhi, I, pp. 29 and 75. See alio H. M. Slliot'a Mohammadsa H]8toriaii% by 
Bowion, III, p. 860, where the name of the village is given as Tobra. 



t 



INSCaiPTIONS OF ASOKA. 35 

When the pillar was removed from its original site, a large square stone was 
found beneath it, which was also transported to Delhi.^ 

This stone was again placed beneath the pillar in its new situation on the top 
of a three-storied building called Eiroz Shah's Kotila, where it may now be seen, as 
a gallery has been pierced through the solid masonry immediately beneath the base 
of the pillar. According to Shams-i-Sir&j, the whole length of the shaft was 32 
gaz^ of which 8 gaz were sunk in the building. As the pillar at present stands, I 
found the total height to be 42 feet 7 inches, of which the sunken portion is only 
4 feet 1 inch. But the lower portion of the exposed shaft to a height of 6 feet is 
stiU rough, and I have little doubt, therefore, that the whole of the rough portion, 
9 feet in length, must haye been sunk in the ground on its original site. But 
according to Shams-i-Sirdj, even more than this, or one-fourth of its whole length, — 
that is, 10 feet 8 inches, — was sunk in the masonry of Piroz Shah's Kotila, This I 
believe was actually the case, for on the west side of the column there still remain 
in situ the stumps of two short octagonal granite pillars that would appear to have 
formed part of a cloister or open gallery around a fourth storey, which cannot have 
been less than 6| or 7 feet in height. I conclude, therefore, that the statement of 
Shams-i-Sir&j is quite correct. 

When the pillar was at last fixed, the '' top was ornamented with black and 
white stone work surmounted by a gilt pinnacle, from which no doubt it 
received its name of Mmdr Zarin, or * Golden Pillar.' This gilt pinnacle was still 
in its place in A. D. 1611, when William Finch entered Delhi, as he describes the 
* stone pillar of Simsa (or Bhim-sen), which, after passing through three several 
storeys, rising 24 feet above them all, having on the top a globe surmounted by a 
crescent.' * The 24 feet of this account are probably the same as the 24 gaz of 
the other, the gaz being only a fraction less than 16^ inches. 

The ** Oolden Pillar" is a single shaft of pale pinkish sandstone, 42 feet 7 
inches in length, of which the upper portion, 35 feet in length, has received a very 
high polish, while the remainder is left quite rough. Its upper diameter is 26*3 ' 
inches, and its lower diameter 38' 8 inches, the diminution being '39 inch per foot- 
Its weight is rather more than 17 tons. In its dimensions it is more like the 
Allahabad pillar than any other, but it tapers much more rapidly towards the top, 
and is therefore less graceful in its outline. 

There are two principal inscriptions on Piroz Shah's pillar, besides several minor 
records of pilgrims and travellers, from the first centuries of the Christian era down to 
the present time. The oldest inscriptions for which the pillar was originally erected 
comprise the well-known edicts of Asoka, which were promulgated in the middle of the 
third century B. 0. in the ancient P^li or spoken language of the day. The alphabetical 
characters, which are of the oldest form that has yet been found in India, are most 



A rimflar largo aqiuure stone was f onnd tmder the FtiiMpxa pillar when it was removed to the groundB of Qaeen'a 
College at BenAres. 

Kerr's Voyages and Trayels, JX, 423. 



36 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

clearly and beautifully cut, and there are only a few letters of the whole record lost 
by the peeling off of the surface of the stone. The inscription ends with ' a short 
sentence, in which King Asoka directs the setting up these monoliths in different 
parts of India as follows :* 

*'Let this religious edict be engraved on stone pillars (sila thambha) and stone tablets 
{aila phalaha) that it may endure for ever/' 

In this amended passage we have a distinct allusion to the rock inscriptions, 
as well as to the pillar insciptions. The record Consists of four distinct inscriptions 
on the four sides of the colunm facing the cardinal points, and of one long inscrip* 
tion immediately below, which goes completely round the pillar. I may mention 
that the word Ajakdndni, at the end of the seventh line south face, was not omitted 
" accidentally," as James Prinsep supposed, by the original engraver, but has been 
lost by the peeling away of the stone for about four inches. The vowel i of the final 
letter is still quite distinct. The penultimate word on the eastern face is not agnim, 
as doubtfully read by Prinsep, but abhyum, and, as he rightly conjectured, it is the 
same word that begins the ninth line. The last word in the eleventh line which 
puzzled Prinsep is not atikata, but atikcmtam, the same as occurs near the beginning 
of the fifteenth line. 

The la^t ten lines of the eastern face, as well as the whole of the continuous 
inscription round the shaft, are peculiar to this pillar. Their position alone declares 
them to be an after addition. But there is also a marked difference in the appear* 
ance of the letters of this part of the inscription which shows that it must have 
been engraved at a later date than the preceding edicts. The whole of the additional 
matter is executed in thinner and less carefully formed letters, many of which have 
a sloping or cursive form that is not to be found in any one of the five examples or 
the earlier inscriptions. The vowel marks also are generally sloping instead of being 
horizontal or perpendicular. Some of them are, besides, either differently formed or 
differently attached. G^ius the o, which in the older edicts is formed by two hori'* 
zontal side strokes, one at top to left, and one lower down to right, has now become 
either a single continuous stroke across the top of the consonant, or has the positions 
of the two separate strokes reversed, the upper one being to the right and the 
lower one to the left. So also the vowel u, which in the earlier edicts is a horizontal 
stroke at the right foot of the letters ch and dh, has now become a perpendicular stroke 
attached to the same point. The letter t is formed of only two strokes instead of 
three, the longer one sloping to the left and the shorter one to the right. I observe 
also that the vowel fi, in anu, has been shifted from the right end of the horizontal 
stroke of the i» to a point midway between the end and the junction of the perpen- 
dicular stroke. As all these differences in the forms of the letters begin in the 
middle of the inscription on the east face, it seems absolutely certain that this 
portion of the edicts, as well as the still lower portion round the shaft, must have 
been engraved at a later date than the upper half. 

^ See JamoB Prinsep in Bengal Asiatlo Society's Journal, 1097, p. 609. He reads nla iUhlafeini ins^d pi fhqlakM, 
which is quite distinct on the pillar. See Plates XVIII, XliL, and XX ot this volmne. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA, 37 

2. — Delhi Pillaji— /rom Mirat. 

The secocd of Asoka's Delhi pillars according to Shams-i-Sir&j was brought 
from Mirat by Firoz Shah, and set up near the Kushak Shik&r or *' Hunting 
Palace," which we know was situated on the ridge to the north-west of the modern 
city. According to the popular belief, this pillar was thrown down by an accidental 
explosion of a powder magazine in the reign of Parokhsir, 1713 to 1719 A. D. 
Padre Tieflfenthaler, who visited Delhi towards the middle of last century, saw this 
pillar lying in five pieces on the top of the ridge, beside a square pedestal of large 
stones. He also ascribes its destruction to gunpowder.^ There the five pieces 
remained undisturbed for upwards of a century, when the inscribed portion was sent 
down to Calcutta to the Museum of the Asiatic Society. Within the last few years 
this piece has been returned to Delhi, and the pillar has again been set up in its 
old position. 

The inscriptions on this pillar are very imperfect, partly owing to its mutilation, 
and partly to the worn surface of the existing pieces.* Impressions of the remain- 
iug portions of the edicts were furnished to Prinsep, who published copies of them 
and compared the text with that of the other pillars.' But the impressions must 
have been imperfect, as the published plates omit the right-hand portion of the north 
compartment and the bottom line of both. The omitted portions will be seen at 
once in the accompanying plate. The thin letters in the middle of the west com- 
partment I have added from the other texts so as to show exactly how much is 
missing in this part. Altogether nearly one-half of the inscription still remains. 



3. — Allahabad Pillab. 

The well-known Allahabad pillar is a single shaft of polished sandstone 36 feet 
in length, with a lower diameter of 2 feet 11 inches and an upper diameter of 2 feet 
2 inches, ^e capital of the column was no doubt of the usual bell-shape of Asoka's 
other pillars, but of this there is now no trace. The circular abacus, however, still 
remains with its graceful scroll of alternate lotus and honeysuckle, resting on a 
beaded astragalus of Greek origin. This was once surmounted by the statue of a 
lion ; but the lion must have disappeared many centuries ago, as when the pUlar 
was re-erected by Jah&ngir in A. D. 1606, it was crowned by a globe, surmounted 
by a cone, as described and sketched by Padre Tieff enthaler in the middle of the 
next century/ It then stood in the middle of the fort. 

The great inscription of Asoka, containing the same series of six edicts which 
are found on the other four pillars, is engraved in continuous lines around the 
column.* THbe letters are uniform in size, and are very neatly and deeply engraved. 

But a great portion of the third and fourth edicts, comprising seven lines, has been 

■ ■ I ■ - I ■ ■■■■■■ III . 

' Description de l'Inde» par Bernoulli, 1, 12S— " On a fait santer en Fair oe monoment aveo de la poadre." 

* See Plate XXI for the remuns of theae edicts. 

' Journal of tlie Bengal Anatic Society, VI, 794^ and Plate XLU. 

* Description de I'lnde, par Bernoulli, 1, 224, and Plate VI. 
» See Plate XXII. 

K 



88 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 

ruthlessly destroyed by the cutting of the vain-glorious inscription of Jah&ngir, record- 
ing the names of his ancestors. Two lines of the fifth edict are nearly intact, but 
nearly the whole of the remainder has been lost by the peeling oflf of the surface of 
the stone. The sixth edict is complete with the exception of about half a line. 

Immediately below the Asoka edicts comes the long and well-known inscription 
of Samudra Gupta. The upper portion of this inscription is confined between a 
crack in the stone on its left, and two short Asoka inscriptions on its right. The lower 
one of these, consisting of five lines, was translated by PriDsep, and as it refers to 
Asoka's queens, I propose to name it " the Queen's edict.'* But the upper inscrip- 
tion, consisting of four lines, was discovered by myself, and as it is addressed to the 
rulers of Kos&mbi, I propose to name it " the KosSmbi edict." All that remains 
of these Asoka edicts is given in Plate XXII of the Pillar Inscriptions. 

Of middle age inscriptions there is no trace, but the mass of short records in 
rudely cut modern N&gari covers quite as much space as the two inscriptions of 
Asoka and Samudra. Above the Asoka edicts there is a mass of this modern 
scribbling equal in size to the Samudra Gupta inscription. But besides this, 
the whole of the Asoka inscription is interlined with the same rubbish, which is 
continued below on all sides of the two shorter edicts, one of which has been half 
obliterated by the modem letters. 

Kegarding these minor inscriptions, James Prinsep remarks^ that 

'^ it is a singpilar fact that the periods at which the pillar has been OTerthrown can be thus deter- 
mined with nearly as much certainty from this desultory writing as can the epochs of its being 
re-erected from the more formal inscriptions recordiDg the latter event. Thus that it was over- 
thrown some time after its first erection by the great Asoka in the middle of the third century 
before Christ, is proved by the longitudinal or random insertion of several names in a character 
intermediate between No. 1 and No. 2, in which the m, b, &c., retain the old form.'' 

* Of one of these names he remarks, — 

" Now it would have been exceedingly difficulty if not impossible^ to have cut the name No. 10 up 
and down at right angles to the other writings while the pillar was erect, to say nothing of the 
place being out of reach^ unless a scaffold were erected on purpose^ which would hardly be the case, 
since the object of an ambitious visitor would be defeated by placing his name out of sight and in an 
unreadable position. The pillar was erected as Samudra Gupta's arm, and there it probably remained 
until overthrown again by the idol-breaking zeal of the Mnsalmftns ; for we find no writings on it of 
the P&la or S&m&th type (i. e., of the tenth century), but a quantity appears with plain legible dates 
from the Samvat year 1420, or A. D. 1868, down to 1660 odd, and it is remarkable that these occupy 
one side of the shaft, or that which was uppermost when the pillar was in a prostrate position. A few 
detached and ill-executed N&gari names with Samvat dates of 1800 odd show that ever since it was 
laid on the ground again by General Garstin,^ the passion for recording visits of piety or curiosity 
has been at work.'' 

I have gone through the mass of modern sorihhling in the hope of finding some- 
thing that might throw further light on the history of the pillar, and I have not 
been altogether disappointed. I have found seven dates ranging from Samvat 
1297 to 1398, or from A. D- 1240 to 1341 ; five ranging from Samvat 1464 to 1495, or 
A. D. 1407 to 1438 ; twelve ranging from Samvat 1501 to 1584, or A. D. 1444 to 

> Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 967. 

> According to my information it wa« General Eyd, whose name is still preserved in Eydgnnj at Allahabad who threw 
down the pillar. Kittoe also assigns its overthrow to Eyd. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 39 

1527 ; three ranging from Samvat 1632 to 1640, or A. D. 1576 to 1583; and three 
of Samvat 1864, or A. D. 1807. These dates, combined with the total absence of 
any mediseval N&gari inscriptions, are sufficient to show that the pillar was standing 
out of the reach of pilgrims' scribbling from the time of the Guptas until that of the 
early Musalm&n kings of Delhi. There are then twelve dated inscriptions coming 
down to near the death of Muhammad Tughlak. There is not a single record of the 
time of Firoz Tughlak which leads me to suspect that he may have re-erected this 
pillar with its globe and cone, like those of the Zarin-Minar, or Golden Pillar, at 
Delhi. But if he did set it up, it must have been thrown down again during the 
troubled times of his immediate successors, as the dates begin again in A. D. 1407 
and 1408. It was next set up by Jah&ngir in A. H. 1014, or A. D. 1605, to be pulled 
down by General Kyd in A. D. 1798. It was once more scribbled upon in 
A. D. 1807, and finaUy in 1838 it was set up as it stands at present. 

From the address of Asoka to the rulers of Kos&mbi, in the newly-discovered 
edict, it seems probable that this pillar may have been originally erected in that 
city, and afterwards removed to Pray&g or Allahabad. But if so, the removal was 
not made by Jah&ngir, as I have foimd amongst the modern N^ari records a short 
inscription of the famous Birbar, the companion and favourite of Akbar. The words 
of the short record are as follows : — 

1. — Samvat 1632, Sdke 1493, Mdrgahadi panohami. 

2. — Somwdr Otmgddds sut Maharaja Birba (r) Sri. 

S.—Tirth Bdj Praydg kejdtrd Saphal lekhitam. 

''In the Samvat year 1682^ S&ke^ 148S^ in Marga, the 5th of the waning moon, on Monday^ 
6angftd&s's son Maharaja Birba (r) made the auspicious pilgrimage to Tirth Rftj Pray&g. Saphal 
scripsit/' 

The Samvat date is equivalent to A. D. 1575, and as the building of the fort 
of Allahabad was finished in A. H. 982=A. D. 1572, it is probable that Birbar took 
advantage during one of his attendances on Akbar to pay a visit to the meeting of the 
waters of the Oang& and Yamuna under the holy tree of Pray&ga. But whatever 
may have been the occasion of Birbar's visit, its record is sufficient to prove that the 
pillar was then lying on the ground at Fray&ga. If, then, it was originally erected at 
KoslUnbi, it seems highly probable that it must have been brought to FrayS.ga by 
Piroz Tughlak, whose removal of the SiwMik and Mirat pillars to Delhi gives coun- 
tenance to this suggestion. The silence of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang is also 
in favour of my suggestion that the present Allahabad pillar was originally set up 
at Eosftmbi. 



4 — Laubita AbabIj Fillae. 

This pillar is situated close to the small hamlet of Lauriya, between Kesariya and 
Bettia, at a distance of twenty miles to the north-west of the Kesariya St^pa, and 

one mile to the south-west of the much-frequented Hindu temple of Arar4j-Mah&deo. 

■ 

> There IB an error of four years in this Sdke date of 1498, which should be 1632—185 » 1497 SAke. If this was doe to 
Birbar himself, and not to the scribe Saphal, it confirms the account of fiadaoni that he was of poor origin. His real name was 
Mahesh DAs. See Blochmann's Ain-i-Akbari, 



40 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA, 

The pillar itself is simply called Laur, — that is, **^ the phallus/' — and the neighbouring 
village, which lies not more than 100 yards to the westward, is caUed Lauriya. 
This is the pillar which, on the authority of Mr. Hodgson's Munshi, has been called 
the Radhia Pillar. Now, as the other pillar to the north of Bettia is also called Laur^ 
and the large village close to it Lauriya, while Mr. Hodgson has named it Mathiah, 
I presume that his Munshi intentionally suppressed the phallic name of Lauriya, 
and named the two pillars at random after some of the neighbouring villages. Thus 
Bahariya (Burheea of Indian Atlas Sheet No. 102), which is Mr. Hodgson's Badhia, 
lies two and a half miles to the west-north-west of the southern pillar, while Mathiah 
lies three miles due south from the northern pillar. In describing these pillars I have 
preserved the characteristic name of Lauriya, and for the sake of distinguishing the 
one from the other, I have added to each the name of the nearest village. Thus the 
village near the southern pillar I have called *^ Lauriya Arar&j," and that near the 
northern pillar " Lauriya Navandgarh." 

The Arar&j pillar is a single block of polished sandstone, 36^ feet in height, 
above the ground, with a base diameter of 41*8 inches, and a top diameter of 37*6 
inches. The weight of this portion only is very nearly 23 tons, but as there must be 
several feet of rough shaft sunk in the earth, the actual weight of the single block 
must be about 30 tons. This pillar has no capital, although there can be little, if 
any, doubt that it must once have been crowned with a statue of some animal. 
The people, however, know nothing of it, and not a fragment of any kind now 
exists to suggest what it may have been. The site of the village is a very secluded 
one, and there are no ruins or other remains to attract attention. It has accord- 
ingly escaped the notice of travellers and the disfigurement of their names ; the 
only record being that of " Reuben Burrow, 1792," besides a few flourished letters, 
or marks, of the kind which James Prinsep called " shell-shaped characters." 

The edicts of Asoka are most clearly and neatly engraved, and are divided into 
two distinct portions, that to the north containing eighteen lines, and that to the 
south twenty-three lines.^ I made a copy of the inscriptions by the eye, which I 
then compared with James Prinsep's text, and afterwards I re-examined every letter 
in which our copies differed. I also made an inked impression of the whole in- 
scription on paper. But though the variations from Prinsep's text are not many, 
yet, as no facsimile has yet been made public, it is important, for the sake of com- 
parison, to afford access to an authentic copy which has been carefully examined in 
every letter. 

The inscription of Asoka is engraved in two columns, one facing the south 
comprising the first four edicts, and the other facing the north containing edicts five 
and six of the Delhi pillar. The characters are neatly and deeply cut, and the words 
are generally separated. The forms of the letters are the same as those of the 
Delhi and Allahabad pillars, with the single exception of y, which has a decided 
knob or small circle attached to the middle stroke. There are six compound letters, 
kkhj ty^ dhy^ khy, sy, and sw, of which the first three do not occur on the Delhi 
pillar. 



> See Platee XXIII and XXIV. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 41 



5. — ^Latjriya Navanpgarh Pillak. 

The graceful lion pillar at Lauriya^ near the great ruined foit of Navandgarh, 
or Nonadgarh, is the only one of Asoka's columns which still retains its original 
capital/ The lion is seated on its haunches with the mouth wide open ; but the 
mouth is partly broken, and the shaft itself bears the round mark of a cannon shot 
just below the capital, which has been slightly displaced by the shock. One has 
not far to seek for the name of the probable author of this mischief. By the people 
the outrage is ascribed to the Musalm&ns, and on the pillar itself, in beautifully cut 
Persian characters, is inscribed the name of Mahiuddin Muhammad Aarangzib 
Fddshdh Alamgir Ohdzi^ Sanku 1071. This date corresponds with A. D. 1660-61, 
which was the fourth year of the reign of the bigoted Aurangzib, and the record 
was most probably inscribed by some zealous follower in Mir J^mla's army, which 
was then on its return from Bengal, after the death of the emperor's brother Shuj&. 

This pillar is much thinner and lighter in appearance than those of Arar&j and 
Bakhra. The height of the polished shaft is 32 feet 9$ inches, with a base diameter 
of 2 feet 11^ inches, and a neck diameter of 2 feet 2^ inches. The capital, which 
is bell-shaped, has a circular abacus, ornamented with a row of hansas (wild geese) 
pecking their food. The height of the capital, including the lion, is 6 feet 9 inches, 
which makes the total height of the pillar rather more than 39^ feet. 

The edicts of Asoka, which are arranged in two columns, one facing the north 
and the other the south, are engraved in the same clear and deeply-cut letters as on 
the Arar&j pillar.* The two inscriptions, with only a few trifling variations, corre- 
spond with each other, letter for letter, including the use of the six compound letters 
already noted. 

This pillar has been visited by numerous travellers, as it stands in the direct 
route from Bettia to Nepal. There are a few unimportant inscriptions in modern 
N&gari, the oldest being dated in Samvat 1666, Chait badi 10, equivalent to A. D. 
1509. Another inscription, without date, refers to some petty royal family, Nripa 
Ndrdyana Suta Nripa Amara Singha, — that is, '' King Amara Singha, the son of 
King N&r&yana/' The only English inscription is the name of Rn. Burrow, 1792. 

The pillar itself has now become an object of worship as a phallus or lingam. 
Whilst I was copying the inscription, a man with two women and a child set up a 
small flag before the pillar, and placed offerings of sweetmeats around it. They then 
all knelt before it, bowing down their heads to the ground with their hands behind 
their backs and repeating some prayer. The erection of the pillar is ascribed to 
Raja Bhim M&ri, one of the five P^dava brothers, to whom most of the pillars in 
India are now ascribed. I could not learn anything regarding the title of M&ri. 
There are two fine pipal trees close to the pillar, one to the north and the other to 
the south ; but there are no traces of buildings of any kind near it. 

Close to the pillar there are three rows of earthen mounds, of which one line 
runs from east to west, and the other lines from north to south. The loftiest of 

^ See Archseolog^cal Survey of India, Vol. I, PIktes XXII and XXV. 
* See Plates XXV and XXVI: 



42 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

these mounds reach the height of 50 to 55 feet. I believe them to be the tombs of 
the early inhabitants before the time of Asoka. Indeed, a human skeleton has been 
found in one of them, which, according to native report, was enclosed in an iron 
coffin. 



6, — Sanohi Pillae. 

The inscribed pillar at S&nchi near Bhilsa is only a fragment of a large polished 
shaft ; but near it there still lies a beautiful broken capital crowned by four lions, 
which, no doubt, once surmounted it.^ The inscription is unfortunately very much 
mutilated, as may be seen by the only two copies of it which have yet been 
published.* I have again lately visited Sfinchi, and the present copy has been 
prepared from my recent impressions. It seems scarcely possible that it can be 
satisfactorily deciphered, but it will still be valuable, as affording, by the characters 
in which it is written, a direct proof that the pillar was erected in the time of Asoka.' 
And as the pillar was subordinate to the stiipa, it affords also an indirect proof that 
the stiipa cannot be of a later date. 

* See Colonel Maisey's drawing in Fergnsson's Tree and Serpent Worship, Plate XXXIX, fig. 1. 

> PrioBep in Journal of Bengal Asiatic Society, VII, Plate 23, and Cunningham'B Bhilsa Topes, Plate XIX, No. 177. 

' See Plate XX for this inscription. 



IL LANGUAGE OF THE INSCRIPTMS. 



The inscriptions of Asoka are quite invaluable for the study of the vernacular 
languages of India, as they predent us with several undoubted and authentic texts 
of the common language of the people in the third century B. 0. As revealed in 
these engraved records, this spoken language was essentially the same throughout 
the wide and fertile regions lying between Himalaya and Vindhya from the banks 
of the Indus to the mouths of the Ganges. There are, however, some marked points 
of difference which show that there were at least three distinct varieties of P&li in 
the time of Asoka. These may be called, according to their geographical distribu- 
tion, the Fanjdbi or north-western dialect, the TIjjeni or middle dialect, and the 
Mdgadhi or eastern dialect. 

1. The Fanjdbif or dialect of North- Western India, is fully exhibited in the great 
inscription at Sh&hb&z-garhi in the Sudam valley, as well as on the coins of the 
Greek and Indo-Scythian princes of Ariana and India. Its chief characteristic is 
the retention of the subjoined r, in such words as Priyadaraif Srdmcma^ Andhra, and 
prati of the inscriptions, and in Mihratichsa, Strategasa, bhrdtasa^ and putrwa of the 
coins. It is also distinguishable by its nearer approach to pure Sanskrit forms, 
shown in the above-quoted prat% which becomes pati in all the other texts, as well 
as in the Pdli of Ceylon. Another characteristic is the possession of the three 
distinct sibilants of Sanskrit, which are all blended into one common form of the 
dental s in the other texts as well as in the F&li of Ceylon. The whole of the three 
sibilants occur in the word sufuaha^ which is written simply suausa in all the Indian 
versions, excepting only in a few passages of the Kh&lsi text, where the palatal f or 
sh is used of nearly the same form as the Arian letter of the Sh&hb&z-garhi inscrip* 
tion. The same letter is also found in the word vasa or vMha, " year " which replaces 
vasa of the Indian texts ; and in the plural forms of Kamboyeshu and Fulindeshu^ 
which take the place of Kahcjesu and FuUndeau of the other versions. 

But the most remarkable departure from the Indian texts is the use of the 
vernacular word baraya tor twelfth, instead of the Sanskrit divddasa. This word 
occurs twice in the inscription, near the beginning of the third and towards the end 
of the fourth edict. Strange to say, it remained unrecognised by Wilson, who simply 
remarks, •* in place of dwddaaa^ * twelve,' and vaaa^ * year,* the inscription has 
baraya vaaha, but the first must be wrong." " Of the second example, he says that 
/' there is a blank instead of the number/' although Norris's Arian text has the. 



I Joornal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XII, p. 171* 



44 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 

letters for vara -f vasha quite distinct, while his English transliteration gives va 
rana vasha. By thus separating va from the following letters, it seems that Norris 
also failed to recognise the true vernacular bar'aya for " twelfth." 

I observe that the word chatura, " four," in the thirteenth edict, is followed by 
four upright strokes, thus. III I, in the Sh^hb&z-garhi text, and that the corre* 
spending word chatura, "four," in the Kh&lsi text, is followed by an upright cross, 
thus + , which must, therefore, be the old Indian cypher for 4. This form was after- 
wards modified to a St. Andrews' cross, or x , in which shape it wa& adopted' by all 
the people who used the Arian characters, as may be seen in the diflFerent inscrip- 
tions of the Kings Kanishka, Huvishka, and Gondophares, and of the Satrap 
liako-Kujulaka. Previous to the adoption of this Indian symbol, the cyphers 
of the Western people would seem to have been limited to single strokes, as the 
words pancheahu'pancheshuy "every five," are followed by five upright strokes^ 
which precede the word vaaheshuy " years." ^ 

2. The UJjeni, or middle Indian dialect, is exhibited in the Gimar version of 
Asoka's edicts, in the rock edict of Bifipn&th, and in all the numerous donative 
records of the great st4pas of Bhilsa and Bharhut. Its chief characteristics are 
the occasional use of the palatal sibilant «, as in pd^anda^ and its possession of r 
as well as I, as shown in the use of Jlaja instead of Zaja, guru instead of gulu^ 
oro for oto, &c. 

The few coins that we possess with legends in Asoka characters also use the 
r in its proper place, as in Purushadatta, Bdrdniya ; and as none of them have 
been found to the east of Benares, I conclude that the power of pronouncing the 
letter r was confined to Northern and Central India,, and to the people of Orissa 
and Kalinga. 

3. The Mdgadhi or eastern dialect is broadly marked by the entire want of 
the letter r, for which I is uniformly substituted. Thus we have Laja for Bdja^ 
lopapita for ropapUa, antalam for antaram, chalana for charana, Daaalatha for 
Dasaratha, &c., — ^a peculiarity which would seem to connect the people of Eastern 
India with the Indo-Chinese, who also want the r.* There is a curious account in 
the Lalita-Vistara regarding the teaching of the young Prince S&kya Sinha in 
the lipisdla, or " Writing School.'' There the alphabet which he was taught waa 
the conmion Sanskrit alphabet with the omission of the letters /, ri and ri.^ But as 
no inscriptions with this peculmrity have yet been found, I cannot help suspecting 
that the author of the Lalita-Vistara has made a mistake, and that the letter 
actually omitted was r, as we find to have been the case in numerous inscriptions, 
including those of the Lauriya pillars, which stand within 126 miles of Kapila- 
vastu, where Buddha was born. 

The affinities of the language of Asoka's inscriptions with Pfili and Sanskrit 
have been briefly discussed by the competent pen of Professor H. H. Wilson^ 
whose opinion was formed after a very careful and searching examination of the 



1 Aicbeological Snirey of India, VoL V, p. 22, by Oanningham. 

' It IB true that the Burmese have actually got the letter r, which they borrowed from India along wiit^ their alphabetic 
but they have not got the pronunciatioD, as they say Yangoon for Rangoon, Yahoo for Rahu, &c* 
* History of andent Sanskrit literature by Professor Maz-Miiller, p.. 619» 



INSCEIPTIONS OE ASOKA. 45 

complete texts of four different versions of the rock edicts. I quote his words 
as they stand, with the single exception of the substitution of the name of Sh&hb&z- 
garhi for that of Kapurdagiri, as the great inscription of Asoka is actually within 
the lands of the former place, and more than two miles distant from the smaller 
village of Kapurdagiri * : — 

" The language itself is a kind of P&li, offering for the greater portion of the words forms 
analogous to those which are modelled by the rules of the PsQi grammar stUl in use. There are^ 
however^ many differences, some of which arise from a closer adherence to Sanskrit^ others from 
possible local peculiarities^ indicating a yet unsettled state of the language. It is observed by 
Mr. Frinsep^ when speaking of the L&t inscriptions : ' The language differs from every existing 
written idiom, and is, as it were, intermediate between the Sanskrit and P&li. The nouns and parti- 
cles in general follow the Pali structure ; the verbs are more frequently nearer to the Sanskrit 
forms j but in neither, any more than in grammatical Pftli, is there any great dissimilarity from 
Sanskrit. It is curious that the Sh&hb&z-garhi inscription departs less from the Sanskrit than the 
others, retaining some compound consonants, 2^pr in priya instead of piya; and having the repre- 
sentatives of the three sibilants of the Devanftgari alphabet, while the others^ as in P&li, have 
but one sibilant. On the other hand, the Sh&hb&z-garhi inscription omits the vowels to a much 
greater extent, and rarely distinguishes between the long and short vowels — ^peculiarities perhaps not 
unconnected with the Semitic character of its alphabet. 

" The exact determination of the differences and agreements of the inscriptions with P&Ii on 
the one hand and Sanskrit on the other would require a laborious analysis of the whole, and would 
be scarcely worth the pains, as the differences from either would, no doubt, prove to be comparatively 
few and unimportant, and we may be content to consider the language as P&li, not yet perfected in 
its grammatical structure, and deviating in no important respect from Sanskrit. P&li is the 
language of the writings of the Buddhists of Ava, Siam and Ceylon ; therefore it is concluded 
it was the language of the Buddhists, of Upper India when the inscriptions were engraved, and 
consequently they are of Buddhist origin. This, however, admits of question ; for, although the 
Buddhist authorities assert that Sftkya Sinha and his successors taught in P&li, and that a P&li 
grammar was compiled in his day, yet, on the other hand, they affirm that the doctrines of Buddha 
were long taught orally only, and were not committed to writing for four centuries after his death, 
or until B. C. 158 — a date, no doubt, subsequent to that of the inscriptions. In fact, the principal 
authorities of the Singalese Buddhists appear to have existed in Singalese, and to have been trans- 
lated into P&li only in the fifth century after Christ. 

'' According to M. Burnouf and Mr. Hodgson, the earliest Buddhist writings were not P&li, but 
Sanskrit^ and they were translated by the Northern Buddhists into their own languages— Mongol and 
llbetan. It does not appear that they have any P&li books. The Chinese have obtained their 
3fmtings from both quarters, and they probably have P&li works brought from Ava or Ceylon. They 
have also, according to M. Burnouf, translations of the same Sanskrit works that are known in the 
north. It is by no means established, therefore, that P&li was the sacred language of the Buddhists 
at the period of the inscriptions, and its use constitutes no conclusive proof of their Buddhist origin. 
It seems more likely that it was adopted as being the spoken language of that part of India where 
Piyadasi resided, and was selected for his edicts, that they might be intelligible to the people. 
Hence, also, the employment of different alphabets, that of Sh&hb&z-garhi being the alphabet cur- 
rent in Afghanistan and Bactria, as we know from the GrsDco-Bactrian coins. The use of the pro- 
vincial or local alphabet was evidently designed for the convenience of those to whom it was familiar, 
while the ancient form of Devan&gari was that employed in Hindustan as being there in general 
use. The popular currency of the language, admitting that it might have been the spoken dialect 
of the north-west of India, would be more likely to prevent, than to recommend, its use as a ' sacred ' 

^ Jonxnal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XII, 236-238. 



46 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 

language^ and its being applied to snch a purpose hj the Southern Buddhists was in some degree 
probably owing to their being as a people ignorant of it^ and it would then assume in their eyes a 
sanctity which as a spoken dialect it was not likely to possess. At the same time we can scarcely 
suppose that the language of the inscriptions was understood in all the countries where they have 
been discovered^ — beyond the Indus^ at Delhi^ in Bihar^ in Orissa^ and Gujarat^ where we know that 
very different dialects^ however largely borrowing from a common source^ at present prevail. 
Neither is it likely that edicts intended to regulate the moral conduct of the people at large should 
have been intelligible only to Buddhist priests^ or should have been perpetuated on pillars and rocks 
solely for their edification. We may therefore recognise it as an actually existent form of speech in 
some part of India^ and might admit the testimony of its origin given by Buddhists themselves^ by 
whom it is always identified with the language of Magadha or Bihar^ the scene of Sakya Sinha's 
first teaching ; but that there are several differences between it and the M&gadhi^ as laid down in 
Prftkrit grammars^ and as it occurs in Jain writings. It is^ as Messrs. Burnouf and Lassen remark, 
still nearer to Sanskrit, and may have prevailed more to the north than Bihar, or in the upper part 
of the Doab, and in the Punj&b, being more analogous to the Sauraseni dialect, the language of Mar 
thura and Delhi, although not differing from the dialect of Bihar to such an extent as not to be 
intelligible^ to those to whom Sftkya and his successors addressed themselves. The language of the 
inscriptions, then, although necessarily that of their date, and probably that in which the first pro- 
pagators of Buddhism expounded their doctrines, seems to have been rather the spoken lan- 
guage of the people in Upper India than a form of speech peculiar to a class of religionists, or a 
sacred language, and its use in the edicts of Fiyadasi, although not incompatible with their Bud- 
dhist origin, cannot be accepted as a conclusive proof that they originated from any peculiar form of 
religious belief.'' 

James Prinsep had already noticed the ^' marked difiPerenoe" betvreen the dia- 
lects of the Girnar and Dhauli versions of the edicts.^ ** In the formeri he says : — 

" We find bhavatiy asti = ' is' ; anusati = ' command,' * ^ following doeely upon the Sanskrit 
etymology ; whereas in the latter we have Aoiiy aihi, anusatAi, as in the modem F&li. 

" The dialect of Girnar, then, is intermediate between Sanskrit and P&li, or rather the pillar 
idiom i for P&li, so called, agrees in some respects better with one, in some with other, and in ortho- 
graphy decidedly with neither 1 Thus the word idAa, used at Girnar for iia, 'here,' is correctly the 
F&li term, as may be seen in the long quotation about the erection of a st&pa in Ceylon inserted in 
last month's Journal. 

" The corresponding word in the eastern dialect is curiously modified to Aida — a fact I only ascer* 
tained by the collation of the two texts, and one which at once opens an important discovery to aid 
our studies. In several of the Dhauli inscriptions the expressions hidalokika^ paralokikaj hidaloka, 
paraloka, occur ; at Girnar (ISth tablet) we have also ilokikd^paralokikd eha: all these are evi- 
dently iialokikd, piralokikdeio'^^ of this world and of the next world.' Now, the opening of the 
pillar inscription which so much perplexed us has the same elements hidatapilata — ihapara or ihatO' 
p&ratah, ' here and hereafter ' a sense which at once renders the passage intelligible. The same may 
be said of hidatakaye pdlatakaye in the n^rth compartment. 

'' The eastern dialect is remarkable for this species of oockneyism^ which^ as far as I know, has 
no parallel in any of the grammatical Pr&krits : thus the h is inserted before evam (hevamj, idam and 
some other words beginning with vowels. 

'' On the other hand (but this is also a cockneyiBm) the semivowel jr is cut off in many words, 
such as alkd, add, ata, am, which are correctly spelt at Girnar, — yatAd,yadd, fatd, (S. yatra) and yam. 
In these instances the pillar language is remotest from the Sanskrit. There is a singular exception, 
however^ in the feminine pronoun iyam, which is preserved throughout at Dhauli and on the pillars ; 

* Jouznal of the BengBl ABUttic Society, VII, 277, 28L 



INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 

whereas at Oimar, ajfom ia made both masoaline and feminine, as in modem (or i 
PAIi. 

" There cannot be a better test of the gradoal change of language than the word 
in Sanskrit extensively osedj implying relation, direction, or retom. In the P&li of 
merely altered to paii, by omission of the r. In the language of the pillars the same 
always writt«Q pafi, with the cerebral /. The orthography varies in the written P&li o: 
in Ceylonese jxi^i, in Barmeee^a'*; while in Prftkrit, Vm mles of which generally cb 
to soft consonants, t to rf, f to ^, the word is vin^apadiuapadihiutati (or pratiiiyStj 
perhaps we may recognise a final change into par in the modem Hindi,— for instance, 
prativeta, Ticinity, and other words. 

" Substantives suSer modifications not so great in extent, but equally remarkabl 
cant of gradual cormption, 

"The word man may serve as an example : — Sans. manutAjfat ; at Gimar ««AttJ 
and on the pillars miinite; Pftii manutto; Frftkrit — (?Bh£ka,} mduut. Again, the San 
is made at Girnar ^mio (?) ; at Dbanli, pulite; Vi!i\,puTi»o or poio ; Prdkrit puriti 
dialects it is only used as a Sanskrit word. 

" Of the changes undergone by the verbs, a good example may be selected in t 
verbs, ihu, biavati, ' be ;' which is found unimpaired in several instances at Gimar, 
so on the pillars; ioH, the P&li form, sometimes takes its place in the Girnar tablets,-— 
pillars. The Pr&krit changes this to kodt, whence it is further softened to Aai and kce : 
dialects. 

" Aiti and Haiti (Sanskrit aiti and nattt) are also retained in the original form 
Dhauli they became athi and natki ; whereas in P&li they are converted into auAi an< 
future passive participle terminates as the Sanskrit in tavya at Giroar, and tao^a at ] 
F&H makes it tabba, Prftkrit d<Uiba ; and the form is altogether lost in the modem h 
gradual transition is well marked in the verb kri; 'do': — Sans, karttavgam ; Qin 
Katak kaiaviyam ; P£li katamam ; Pr&k. kadabham. 

" In writing many Sanskrit words in which the ttk or ft dental, or cerebral, 
a curious rule is adopted at Oimar of representing them by a cerebral f with the i 
UtfeyS tox tititej/Sl "may remain" aaiMiif* for aniuatti, adiitfdna tot adiutian, Ii 
lowermost consonant is pronounced first. 

" Another similar anomaly is remarked in the mode of writing vy in vjrdptd { 
katavyam, karttavyam, &c., the v being placed below the y, whereas on the pillars (whe 
consonant is employed at all] it is correctly written vy. The word B&mhana, Srakmai 
with the i below j it may, therefore, on the above principle, be read with the A first, iaJkn 
to the Sanskrit. At Dhauli this word is invariably written hibkana. In modem FftU 
brikmano with the dental n. 

"In the inflexion of the seventh ease we have at Gimar often mki (hmi) ; at Dhai 
Thew ooirespond, of course, with Sanskrit tmin in aimiit, &o., and all forms are allowet 
grammar of the written Pftli, along with the r^^ular locative in «. It is impo 
recognise the Hindi postposition nun in the Gimar form of the locative case. 

" The conjunctive va seems to be used for ' and ' as frequently as vS for ' or.' It i 
conjunction, and is nsed in written Hindi, though seldom in the spoken tongue ; ai 
pointed out in one place written &to, but I doubt the reading. 

" A great many other instances might be cited to prove that the language of 
precisely either pare Sanskrit or the pure Pili of books; but as the Buddhist volumes 
acknowledged to be posterior by 450 years to the death of Sftkya, his tenets having beei 
to writing in Ceylon, about ninety years before Christ, some change may be allowed ( 
place in the meantime, and we may presume that the Gimar inscriptions represen 
vnlgar) tongue, as it was in the time of Asoka en the west of India, as the pillars shov 



48 INSOaiPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

was pronounced on the east^ or in Mag&dha proper. Now^ it is curious enough that some of the 
distinguishing traits of the pillar dialect are just such as are pointed out by the grammarians of a 
later day as constituting the differences between Mftgadhi and Pfili — ^names^ it must be remembered 
which are indifferently employed in Ceylon^ Ava^ Siam^ and even China^ to express the sacred 
language of the Suddhists. Thus^ quoting from M.M. Lassen and BurnouFs Essai sur le P&li^ 
p. 166^ — ' Xa devient la en MAgadhi; poulise, Vsli pouriio. Ce changement a quelque fois lieu en 
Pr&krit jamais en P&li' — ^and again in the next paragraph^—' en Mftgadhi le nominatif singulier est en 
e (which takes the place of vuarga) tandis qu'en Pftli il est termini en 0/ The use of in lieu of e 
for the masculine nominative is general^ but not universal in the text before us. The conclusion to 
which the same savans were led at that early period of their studies may now require a slight 
modification. 

'' Une comparaison attentive du Prakrit et du P&li nous a conduit i cette conclusion : — 

'' 1. Qu il existe^ entre oes deux dialectes^ une ressemblance telle qu'an pent avancer qu'ils sent 
presque identiques i 

'^ 2. Que le Pr&krit alt^re plus le Sanskrit que ne le fait le P&li, et qu'il offre en quelque sorte^ 
le second d^grd d'alteration^ comme le P&li en est le premier et le plus imm^at, E98ai 9ur le 
Fdli, 16. 

'' The second position is quite true^ and it has been fully developed in a recent work (Institu- 
tiones Pr&kriticas) by Professor Lassen^ which should be in the hands of every Indian philologist. 

" The i>osition assumed by M. Lassen^ that the P&li of Ceylon was immediately derived from 
the shores of Ealinga^ independently of its being matter of history^ is supported by the evidence of 
the records now discovered in the country. Yet it must be confessed that in some respects there is 
a nearer connection with the dialect of Gujar&t^ and it is not unnatural to suppose that a maritime 
intercourse also prevailed at a very early period between the western emporia of Surashtra and 
Tambapanni^ the island so fruitful in aromatics^ which would lead to an intercommunion of those 
professing the same Mth in the two countries. 

'' The vernacular language of India at that period^ then^ varied in different provinces it approached 
more to the Sanskrit in the north-west ; diverged from it in Mag&dha and Ealinga ; but it was in both 
places essentially what is now called P&li^ a word supposed to be derived from palli, a village ; as 
we should now-a-days distinguish gaonwdri, villager, boorish, from 'd^M, the language of the Court. 
There is no trace of genuine Pr&krit in either of the dialects, and we may, therefore, agree with Pro- 
fessor Lassen that the patoii of the dramas was not used until three or four centuries later. The 
grammarians who subsequently framed the rules of this corrupted idiom cease to mention P&li at all— 
a proof that it had already been banished the country along with the Buddhist religion ; while the 
Ma&gadhi, by them set down as nearly the lowest of jargons, is evidently quite different from the 
inferior language of the pillars and the Katak inscriptions.'' 



K 



HI. ALPHABETICAL CHARACTERS. 



The inscriptions of Asoka are engraved in two distinct characters, — one reading 
from right to left, which is confined to the Sh&hb&z-garhi version, and also found on 
the coins of the Greek and Indo- Scythian Princes of Ariana ; and the other reading 
from left to right, which is confined to the coins of Pantaleon and Agathokles, who 
reigned beyond the Indus, but which is the common character of all the other texts 
of the inscriptions, as well as of all the donative inscriptions of the S&nchi and 
Bharhut StApas. The former has been called Ariano-Pali, and the latter Indo^Fdli, 
from the countries in which they were principally used. 

The ArianO'Pdli alphabet, as seen in the Sh&hb&z-garhi inscription as well as 
on the coins, comprises all the letters of the Indo-Pfili alphabet. But that this was 
not the case originally is clear from the fact that, while the hard aspirates kh, chh, 
thy and ph are distinct characters, independent of the forms of the non-aspirated 
letters k, ch, t, and />, the soft aspirates gh, dh^ and bh are simply the letters g^ d, 
and ft, with the aspirate letter h attached to the right. The very same peculiarity 
is noticeable in the Tibetan alphabet, which was also originally wanting in the 
aspirated tenues. The Tibetan language did not require them, and accordingly, when 
the N&gari alphabet of India was adopted by the Tibetans, the soft aspirates were 
omitted. But afterwards when it was found necessary to express numbers of 
Sanskrit words and Indian names in which these letters occur, new compound 
forms were invented by simply adding the aspirate to each of the unaspirated letters. 
Similarly, the series of cerebral letters, which was also wanting originally in 
Tibetan, was afterwards supplied by the invention of new letters, which are simply 
the five dental letters reversed. This is not exactly the case with the cerebral letters 
of the Ariano-Pldi alphabet, but their forms differ so slightly from those of the 
dentals, that it seems highly probable they must have been a late addition to the 
original alphabetical scheme. 

In Indian-Pdli such compound forms as sp, sw, st^ and sr were altered either 
by the suppression of one of the two consonants, or by their separation into two 
syllables. We thus have aaa for aswa, ndthi for ndsti^ and airi for sri. But in 
Arian^Fdli^ which abounds with such names as Hystaspes, Zariaspes, Haustanes, 
Spitamenes, &c., compound letters were invented to represent the sp and st and ^, 
and thus we find the words aspa and mU and aramana in their regular forms. The 
r was attached to the right foot of each letter, as in priya, which occurs so often in 
the Asoka edicts. But as the same stroke is attached to the right foot of dh in 






60 INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 

dharma, and to the right foot of din. dani, it seems probable that in the Sh&hb&z- 
garhi text, at least, the compound letters may have possessed the double sounds of 
dhra and dhar, dra and dar ; otherwise we must read dhrama and dnm. 

At what time this alphabet was invented, or whence it was derived, nothing 
certain is known. The subject has been discussed by Mr. Thomas, who concludes 
that it has no claim whatever to an indigenous origin, " based, as it manifestly is, 
upon an alphabet cognate with the PhoBnician." * 

Some of the more prominent letters are common to both alphabets. And the 
differences in others may, he thinks, have been developed by " the insertion of medial 
vowels in the body of the covering consonant'* — a scheme which he justly believes 
to have been adopted from the PfiJi alphabet of India, as it is quite unknown to 
Western caligraphy. 

But the Ariano-Pftli vowel scheme differs from that of India in having only one 
set of vowels, as no distinction has yet been discovered between the short and long 
vowels, unless perhaps a dot or short return at the left foot may be taken for the 
long a. The initial vowels are formed exactly in the same manner as the medial 
vowels, the same straight strokes being added to the primitive stem, or short o, to 
form the vowels i, «/, e, and o. The letter r and the vowel n are also attached to the 
vowels after the same manner as to the consonants. 

The use of this peculiar alphabet would appear to have been originally confined 
to Ariana, or the countries lying to the west of the Indus between India and Persia. 
The earliest known specimens of the writing are the edicts of Asoka at Shfibhb&z- . 
garhi and the rare coin of Agathokles, of which only three specimens are known to 
me. The former cannot be older than the 12th year of Asoka, or B. C. 251, and the 
latter must be of nearly the same date, or about B. C. 240. But as the alphabet is 
here seen in its full development with all the soft aspirates and cerebral letters com- 
plete, it must have been in use for some considerable time previously. The date of 
this development I would assign to the end of the 4th century B. 0., when the 
provinces to the west of the Indus were ceded to Chandra Gupta by Seleukos Nikator, 
and thus came directly under the influence of Indian learning, which necessitated 
the adoption of some additional letters to express new Indian sounds. This alphabet 
continued in use during the whole period of Greek supremacy, and under the Indo- 
Scythian princes it was carried to the eastward of the Sutlej, an inscription of 
£anishka in this character having been found in a Buddhist Stiipa near Bahft- 
walpur. About the end of the first century A, D. it would appear to have fallen into 
disuse, as all the gold coins which may be assigned to the second century bear Indian 
letters only. The latest dated record yet made known is my inscription from 
Panjtfix, which bears the Samvat year 122.* If this be the so-called Yikram&ditya 
Samvat, as I believe it is, it will refer to the year A. D. 66 ; but if it be the Saka era, 
the date will be exactly A. D. 200. 

Three different specimens of the Ariano-P41i alphabet are given in the accom- 
panying plate : ' lat^ from Asoka's edicts at Sh&hb&z-s^arhi, which date as early as 
B. C. 262 ; 2nd^ from the coins of the Greek princes of Ariana and India, which range 

' Nnminnatic Chronicle, New Series, III, 229. ' See ArchflBological Snryej of India» Vol. V, p. 61. 

* See Plate XXVI. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 51 

from B. C. 240 to 120 ; and 3rrf, from the coins and inscriptions of the Indo-Scythian 
princes, the Sacse and Tochari, which range from B. 0. 120 down to A, D. 79. 

The Indo^Pdli alphabet diflfers from that of Ariana in two very important par- 
ticulars, — \st^ in being read from left to right ; and 2«rf, in being formed exclusively 
either of rigid straight lines or of portions of circles. Owing to the latter peculiarity, 
it has never been found in a cursive form, into which indeed it was hardly possible 
to force its inflexible elements. 

Three specimens of this alphabet are given in the accompanying plate ; * lat^ 
from the edicts of Asoka and Dasaratha on rocks and pillars, which range from 
B. ۥ 252 to 218, and from the few native Hindu coins which belong to the same 
period; 2»rf, from the coins of the native princes contemporary with the later 
Greeks and earlier Indo-Scythians, which may range from B. C. 150 to 57 ; and 
3rd, from the Mathura inscriptions of the Indo-Scythian princes, Kanishka, Huvishka 
Vasu-deva, and others, which range from B, 0. 57 to A. D. 79, 

The letters of the Indo-P&li alphabet have become pretty well known through 
James Prinsep's w;ritings. The whole of the consonants were discovered by him, with 
the exception of the guttural nasal ng^ which has not yet been found, and the two 
sibilants a and sh. One of these I have since discovered in the Kh&lsi version of 
the edicts, where it is several times correctly used, in the word pdshanda, instead 
of the dental sibilant 8. Its form is not unlike that of the Ariano-P&li sh, from which 
it may have been derived, although it seems to me equally probable that the Indian 
letter was the original form. 

The vowels also were discovered by Prinsep, excepting only the initial o, which 
he took to be a long u, and for which he proposed a new form derived from the 
later Gupta alphabet. It is strange that the true value of the letter did not strike 
him, as it is the only initial whicji remains absolutely unchanged as a medial. It has 
two distinct forms, of which the later is only the earlier one reversed, both as an 
initial and as a medial. The earlier form consists of a perpendicular stroke with a 
horizontal stroke on each side, one at the top and one at the foot. In the earlier 
form the upper stroke is on the left hand and the lower stroke on the right. This 
was the letter which James Prinsep took for the initial long u. The latter form is 
found in the additional edicts of Dhauli and Jaugada, and in the later edicts on the 
Allahabad pillar. The initial long & is of frequent occurrence, but no other initial 
long vowel has yet been found in Asoka's inscriptions. The initial diphthong at occurs 
in Aira Baja's inscriptions, unless the name is to be read as Vera. The medial long 
vowels a, i, 5, are common ; but no examples of medial a or au are at present known. 
The anuawdra is frequently used, either for the duplication of m, as in dhammay or as 
a substitute for the guttural nasal ng^ as in modem Hindi. The question of the 
probable origin of this Indian alphabet has been very ably discussed by Mr. Thomas, 
who concludes that it is '* an independently devised and locally matured scheme 
of writing." He adds that the Indian F&li alphabet possesses 

'< in an eminent degree the merit of simplicity combined with extended distinctive capabilities and 
remarkable facility of lection, and that its construction exhibits not only a definite purpose 

> See Plata XXVI. 




52 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

throaghont^ but indicates^ moreover, a high order of intellectual culture on the part of its desigpners, who 
discriminated by appropriate letters gradations of sound, often inappreciable to European ears, and 
seldom susceptible of correct utterance by European organs of speech/' ^ 

Mr. Thomas adverts more pointedly to the independent origin of the Indo-F&li 
alphabet, because, as he explains, 

" a tendency exists in many cultivated minds to depreciate the originality and antiquity of Indian 
'' civilisation/' 

And he quotes the facts that Professor Max-Muller 

'' will not admit that the Indians acquired the art of writing till a comparatively late period ;'^ 

that Dr. J. Wilson of Bombay 

'' asserts that Asoka's Buddhists derived their letters from Greek and Phoenician models,^' 

while Dr. Weber affirms that they 

" are emanations from a Phoenician stock/' 

Upwards of twenty years have now passed since I came to the same conclusion 
which Mr. Thomas has thus boldly advanced, — ^namely, that the Indian- P41i alphabet 
was a perfectly independent invention of the people of India. My opinion was 
formed after a careful comparison of all the characters with the pictorial representa- 
tions of simple objects of which many of the letters represent either the whole name 
or the first syllable of the name. 

The first attempts of mankind at graphic representation must have been con- 
fined to pictures, or direct imitations of actual objects. This was the case with the 
Mexican paintings, which depicted only such material objects as could be seen by 
the eye. An improvement on direct pictorial representation was made by the 
ancient Egyptians in the substitution of a part for the whole, as of a human head for 
a man, a bird's head for a bird, &c. This system was still further extended by- 
giving to certain pictures indirect values or powers, symbolical of the objects repre- 
sented. Thus a jackal was made the type of cunning, and an ape the type of rage. 
By a still farther application of this abbreviated symbolism a pair of human arms 
with spear and shield denoted fighting, a pair of human legs meant walking, while a 
hoe was the type of digging, an eye of seeing, &c. But even with this poetical 
addition the means of expressing thoughts and ideas by pictorial representations was 
still very limited. For, as each picture could convey only one idea, the number of 
separate pictures requisite to form an intelligible story must have been very great. 
The difficulty also of remembering the precise application of so many different sym- 
bols and of discriminating an actual vulture or other animal fix)m a symbolical one 
must have been felt very early, as the oldest specimens that we possess of Egyptian 
writing on the monuments of Sephuris and Soris, of the third and fourth dynasties, 
are not pictorial, but phonetic. It seems certain, therefore, that at a very early date 
the practice of pure picture writing must have been found so complicated and inconve- 
nient that the necessity for a simpler mode of expressing their ideas was forced 
upon the Egyptian priesthood. The plan which they invented was highly ingenious^ 
though somewhat cumbrous ; and as it seems probable that the Indians might have 
gone through a similar process, a brief account of it will not be out of place. 

> Nmniniuitic Chronicle, new serio^ — ^ On the Bactrian alphabet*'* 



INSCRIPTIONS OP ASOKA. 53 

To the greater number of their pictorial symbols the Egyptians assigned the 
phonetic values of the particular sounds or names, of which each symbol previously 
had been only a simple picture. Thus to a mouth, rw, they assigned the value of r, 
and to a hand, tut, the value of t. But as each of the symbols still possessed an in- 
herent vowel sound, the system was one of complete syllables, or a syllabary, and not 
one of simple letters, or an alphabet. Occasionally the vowels were separated from 
the consonants, as when mu, a hole, was represented by a " boatstand," m followed 
by an outstretched arm, or u. Had this plan of separating the vowels been gener- 
ally adopted, it must soon have led to a complete alphabetical system, but, like the 
first possessor of the Koh^-nilr, the Egyptian had a treasure within his grasp, 
without knowing its value. 

A similar process would appear to have taken place in India, as I will presently 
attempt to show by a separate examination of the alphabetical letters of Asoka's 
age with the pictures of various objects from which I believe them to have been 
directly descended. T have neither time nor space at present to attempt to complete, 
nor even to continue, this curious investigation. But, perhaps, a few of the more 
prominent examples which I will presently bring forward will be sufficient to 
arrest the attention, even if they do not lead to the conviction, of many of my 
readers. My own conclusion is that the Indian alphabet is of purely Indian origin, 
just as much as the Egyptian hieroglyphics were the purely local invention of the 
people of Egypt. The only alternative that I can see to this conclusion is that the 
Indians must first have borrowed the plan of their system from the Egyptians, 
and afterwards have concealed the loan by adapting the different symbols to their 
own native words. But as this would have entailied a complete change in the values 
of all the symbols, I must confess that such an alternative seems to me to be very 
improbable. I admit that several of the letters have almost exactly the same forms 
as those which are found amongst the Egyptian hieroglyphics for the same things, but 
their values are quite different, as they form different syllables in the two languages. 
Thus a pair of legs separated as in walking was the Egyptian symbol for walking or 
motion, and the same form, like the two sides of a pair of compasses, is the Indian 
letter ^, which as ga is the commonest of all the Sanskrit roots for walking, or motion 
of any kind. But the value of the Egyptian symbol is 8 ; and I contend that if the 
symbol had been borrowed by the Indians, it would have retained its original value. 
This, indeed, is the very thing that happened with the Accadian Cuneiform symbols 
when they were adopted by the Assyrians. The original symbols retained their 
power as syllables, but lost their value as pictorial representations of things on 
being transferred to a different language. 

The present arrangement of the Indian alphabet is the only one known to the 
grammarians. It was certainly in use before the Christian era, as the Lalita 
Vistara, in recording that the youthful Buddha was taught the Indian alphabet, 
arranges the letters in their present order. But this artificial division of the letters 
into classes of gutturals, palatals, &c., must have been preceded by some much 
simpler grouping of the letters. Perhaps the simplest arrangement that could be 
made would have been according to similarity of form. For, if I am right as to the 
local development of the alphabet from original pictorial representations of things. 



54 



INSCRIPTIONS OE ASOKA. 



it would follow as a matter of course that objects of somewhat similar shape 
would be represented by symbols more or less alike. And if any attempt had been 
made to classify the different symbols, I think that the most obvious and natural 
arrangement would have been that of similitude of shape. As any arrangement 
is better than none at all, I have adopted this grouping of the letters in the accom- 
panying plate. I have also ventured to name each group after that member of 
the human body which seems to me to have suggested the original picture or 
ideograph. At first the figures would have been more or less rude representations 
of the different members. But these would gradually have given way to simpler 
forms, until each symbol acquired a separate phonetic value, and thus became a 
distinct syllable. At this point the Chinese have stopped; but in India the 
syllables must have given way very early to the more convenient system of 
alphabetic letters that is now in use. 



Group 1. — Khy G. — Abms and Legs. 

This group comprises only two lettters, kh and ff, of which the former would 
seem to represent the action of the human arms, and the latter the action of the 
legs. Both have concave or hollow forms in the Asoka alphabet, which, as they 
represented different kinds of action, would necessarily be distinguished by some 
slight difference of shape. Thus the g is either a half circle, or a parabola, or 
an angle formed by the two sides of an isosceles triangle, while the kh has the left 
limb about one-half the length of the right one. 

Kh. — The form of this letter appears to me to have been derived from that 
of the common Indian hoe or mattock, which has been used by the people from 
time immemorial for digging their fields. Now, the radical word for this operation 
is khan^ " to dig ;" and as the original mattock was made of a natural knee-joint of 
Khayar or Khadir wood, it would seem that this tree ( Mimosa catechu ) may have 
been so named from the purpose to which it was applied as the " digging- wood. " 
In some parts where the Khayar is easily procurable, the mattock is still made 
in the ancient fashion of wood alone, but in most places the instrument now in 
use is an angle joint of Khayar , or other strong wood, shod with a small 
iron blade. One of these is represented in the accompanying plate.* The 
letter is therefore a symbol of the arm's action in the characteristic form of 
digging. 

Now, the Indian letter is only a simplified form of the picture of the mattock, 
a variety of which is known amongst Egyptologists as the " hand-plough. ** But as 
the hieroglyphic value of the symbol is m, I infer that the Indian letter kh must 
have been an independent local invention of the Indian people. 

There are other objects whose forms seem to point to a close connection with 
the old shape of the kh. These are, kha, vacuity, or the sky, that is, the hollow 
vault of heaven, the Greek koiloa and the Latin calum ; kharga, the rhinoceros. 



I See Fl&te XXVIIL 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 65 

tram the caiT«d tip of his horn, and also a scymitar with a similar curved point; 
khuri, a hoop} to which may be added khola, open, and khokhra or khokhla, 
hollow.' 

O. — The form of this letter would seem to have been derived from a pair of 
human le^ separated as in the action of walking, or simple motion, as distinguished 
from the oumerous forms of action displayed by the arms. Now, the radical word 
for motion is gam, to go. Hence Gangd, which designates a river in general, means 
simply *' go-go" or the " goer ;" similarly, gagan, " the sky," which appears to turn 
roimd both day and night, has precisely the same meaning. Hence, most probably, 
sprang the legend of the descent of the Eiver Ganga from the sky. 

Now, the Indian letter G of Asoka's alphabet is a simpler form of the Egyptian 
" pair of legs" with feet attached, which, according to Birch, had the value of t, 
and meant " walking or running." A second hieroglyphic, with a flat top and two 
straight sides, is used to represent the " sky or heavens." But this is only a variety 
of the other form, and serves all the more forcibly to prove the correctness of the 
origin which I have suggested for the form of the Indian letter. 

Several other names seem to have a direct reference to the shape of this letter ; 
but a single illostration will, perhaps, be sufficient. Thus the words guka and gupha 
both signify "a cave," which the Egyptians represented by three sides of a square, 
open at the bottom. But this hieroglyph had the power of b, from beh, a "cave." 
Here, again, we have another illustration of the independent origin of the Indian 
symbols, as the same forms have different values, although they represent the same 
things. 



Group 2. — Y, J, Ch, Chh — Mows Vbnbeis, or Vulva. 

In this group the letters Y and J have the same forms, the latter being simply 
turned sideways. The character in the Asoka alphabet is clearly intended for a 
representation of the mons veneris, in proof of which I may cite the similar form 
of the Egyptian hieroglyph for the same member, as well as its common Indian 
names goni anijaghan. 

T, J. — The Asoka forms of these letters are both open, but there seems reason 
to suspect that the original symbol may have been a pictorial representation of a 
grain of barley, yo or gava, which is divided into two parts by a perpendicular line. 
But as the two parts form one whole, this symbol was used to denote union, as in 
the radicals ga, union, and ga, " mons veneris," from which sprang guga, a "yoke or 
pair," the Jj&tinjugtm, and Hindi jora. The peciiliar small circle or dot in the 
middle of the Asoka J seems to be directly referred to in the term netra-yoni, one of 
the epithets of the moon. This means simply the " eye of the yoni," which reaJly 
is in the symbol, and is supposed to refer to the shape of the spots on the moon, to 
account for which was invented the legend of Soma attempting to debauch the wife 
of the sage Gautama. The name of Juno, the goddess of the moon, must be con- 

' I have pnipoaelj inclnded wreral Hindi words, m tlia!r oae in India is at least ai old m that of Sanikiit. 



INSCEIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

I with tlie Indian ^'un, and with ^unAaijra, the "moon or moonlight,** as well 
li the laAmjubdr. I presume also that the Sanskrit terms yoaha and Josha 
ffoman" were derived from the root ya or yoni, aa the symbol of the female 
The Tibetan cho-mo or cho, a " woman," is perhaps connected with the same 

'h, Chh. — As the two letters F and J" signified the union ot junction of the two 
of the symbol, so the letters Ch and Chh would seem to bare referred to the 
» or separation of the two parts, as the words ckir and ckked are the roots 
lit, split, divide, &x." From the first of these were derived the terms cbird' 
id cAirdJion/i, a *' maiden ;" and from the other several terms connected with 
nale sex. Such words as chamaa or chamcha a " spoon or ladle," chhurika, 
nostrils," cAAaira, an "umbrella or mushroom," cAoppu, a "paddle or cm," 
■dk, the " potter's wheel," all point to the forms of the Asoka letters ch and 
as striking pictorial representations of their particular forms. The 
blance to the ladle and oar is specially striking in India, where the 
r is often made of a half gourd or cocoanut with a stick fastened across 
lie the latter is formed of a round flat piece of wood with the bambu handle 
ed down the middle of it. 



Gkotjp 3.— y, Th, 2%— DA— Etb. 

!%. — The most obvious representation of the eye would be a circle, either 
<T without a dot in the centre. The former is the cerebral th, the latter the 
. th, of the Asoka alphabet. The symbol, therefore, would represent round- 
1 general, and accordingly the cerebral tha, or simple circle, is a radical name 
) disc of the sun, as well as for a circle, while the dental tha with a dot in 
tddle is one of the names for the eye. The similarity between the himian 
nd the sun in heaven is so striking, that it has been made use of by the 
from the time of the Vedas down to Lord Byron,* In the Egyptian hiero- 
3 a circle with a dot in the middle represented the sun, according to Clemens 
jxandria. 

'here is a direct connection between the Asoka forms of the cerebral and 
. th, and the round flat iron thdwd, or cooking " girdle," and the ihdli, or 
circular wall," which is built around a young tree. Here the dot in the 
a represents the tree, and the pictorial symbol is perfect. I prestmie that 
tur, a god, was derived from tha, the " sun." 

'^, Dh. — The cerebral f in the Asoka alphabet is an open semi-circle, and 
intal dk a semi-circle closed by the diameter. These I take to be pictorial 
entations of a tokra, or " basket," and of a dhanu, or " bow." In the 
,ian hieroglyphs the basket is represented by the latter symbol with the 
of n from neb, a basket. Here, again, the pictorial symbol of the object 
same in India as in Egypt, but as the phonetic value is different, the Indian 
must have been arrived at by an independent process. 

M([-Ved«,VoL rV, p. 188 j WilBon'i tatiuUtioii, "the eyorf riL" Compare B;roa'«"eje ol the miiTerM"in 



INSCEIPTIONS OF A80KA* 57 

D. — As the probable origin of the letter d was the pictorial representation 
of a tooth, danta, this might have been at first a mere half circle like the dh, 
which was aftersvards altered to the Asoka form by pointing the curved line and 
breaking the diameter or straight line into two short lines attached to the ends of 
the curve. But this is a mere suggestion which I put forward with much diffidence* 

Another illustration of the pictorial form of the Asoka letter dh may be seen in 
the female breast, dharcma, from the root dhri, to " support, hold,'* &c. From the 
same root come the terms dhrd^ dharani, and dhdtri for the ^ earth;" and as these 
also signify "mother," they may be compared with the Demeter or " mother earth" 
of the Greeks, 

Group 4, — P, 5— Hand and Foot. 

The characteristic form of this group is a square, the F having the shape of 
three sides of a square open at the top, while the B is a complete square. 

P. — The radical words connected with this letter are pdni the hand, and pad^ 
the foot, with which are naturally connected the number " five " or pancha. The 
original pictorial representation was no doubt a " hand," with the five fingers 
pointed upwards. In course of time the three middle bars would have been 
omitted, leaving the symbol in the exact form of the Asoka letter. In its original 
shape it perhaps also represented the " ribs, " parau, which are pictured by a similar 
symbol in the Egyptian hieroglyphs, but with the totally different value of sh 
In the latter form, with the middle bars omitted, the Asoka letter has a fair 
pictorial representation of a " pair of wings," paksha^ as well as of a " flower," 
puskpa^ and more especially of the act of " worship or adoration, " pujd^ in holding 
up the outstretched arms towards heaven. This very form was in fact used by 
the Egyptians as their hieroglyph for " adoration ," with the hands raised in wor- 
ship. But the value of the Egyptian symbol was K^ so that the Indian form could 
not have been borrowed from Egypt, but must have been reached by an indepen- 
dent local process. 

B. — ^The verbal roots connected with this letter are hda^ a " house," bdri, a 
" window," b&ri^ a " garden " or courtyard, and herra^ a " boat," all of which are 
of a square or oblong shape. The last is a Panj&bi term for a flat-bottomed boat) 
with square prow and square stem. In the Egyptian hieroglyphs, the square or 
oblong represents a water tank, with the power of ah ; or, with a small opening 
like a door, it represents a house with the power of e^ both values being totally 
distinct from that of the Indian letter. 



Group 5. — M — Mouth. 

The characteristic of this letter is a curved oblong form representing the mouth, 
which is found in exactly the same shape in the Egyptian hieroglyphs. But in 
Egypt the symbol had the value of r, from the term ru^ a mouth. Perhaps the 
original Indian form may have had two short diverging lines attached on the top 
to represent moustaches, so that the symbol would then have been but slightly 



58 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

different from the Asoka shape of the letter. With this addition the suggested 
old Indian form would have been a very good pictorial representation of a " fish ;** 
matsya, of an oblong bead ; mankd^ of a mangus or ichneumon, of a makara, or 
crocodile, as well as of a miUa, or mouse. Amongst the Egyptian hieroglyphs 
there is a similar form, — namely, an oblong with a fan-shaped top, but this is a 
picture of the eye with its upper lid or eyebrow. 



Group 6.— r, r, N, E, B— Nosb. 

The grouping together of so many apparently different letters may, pejjrhaps, 
be thought rather arbitrary. But they appear to me to have the common tie of 
general similitude, as each character consists of an upright straight line, with a 
swell or extension at bottom, somewhat similar to the expansion of the human 
nostrils from the upright ridge of the nose. Perhaps the original form of some, 
if not of all, of these characters was a wedge or acutely-pointed triangle expand- 
ing at the base. 

T. — The characteristic root of this letter is the word tan^ to ** spread,'* or 
" stretch,** which is preserved in the Greek teind^ tanumi, and in the Latin tendo and 
tenuis, which last is the same as the Sanskrit tanu, ^* thin. '* Regarding the origin 
of the symbol, I can only suggest that it may have been derived from the hand 
with *^ outstretched ** fingers, representing a " span ** or tdlah, or from the " spread- 
ing " foliage of the tdla or " fan-palm. ** To this three-pointed form I would also 
refer the word tdra, a " star,** > tarang a " wave,'* and tri, " three.*' 

V. — The shape of this Asoka letter is an upright stroke with a small circle, 
at the bottom of which the most characteristic pictorial example is the vind, or 
Indian " lute. " This instrument was also one of the Egyptian hieroglyphs, but 
its phonetic value was n from the Egyptian nofre, a " guitar." Perhaps the Indian 
symbol included all straight lines with a single knob at the end. If so, it would 
be connected with va and vahu, an ** arm," vena and vanaa, a " bambu," vindee, 
a drop of water, and vdn, an " arrow." , 

N. — In the Asoka alphabet this letter is an upright stroke with a short 
straight stroke at bottom, of which I take the human nose to have been the ori- 
ginal picture. The root na means the " nose " as well as the longer words nak^ 
nakaty ndsa, &c., and the Latin naso. The common nemi, or wooden frame for the 
well-rope, seems to refer to the shape of the Asoka letter, as it usually consists 
of an upright timber let into a horizontal one below. Perhaps also ndku, a white- 
ant hill, derived its name from its *^ nosey " or pyramidal appearance. 

K. — ^This letter in the alphabet of Asoka has no pictorial connection with the 
other gutturals kh and g, but seems rather to belong to the group of which I am 
now treating. Its form is an upright cross with even arms. But the pictorial forms 
which seem to be best suited to this shape are the " dagger,*' ka and kattdr, the 
" straight sword," katti, or the " cutter," kuta, a " peak," and Hla, a spike, all of 
which would seem to require the cross stroke nearer to the bottom of the letter. 
Perhaps kila, flame, or lambent flame^ refers to the narrow pyramidal shape of the 
original letter. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA, 59 

B. — In the Asoka alphabets this letter is either a simple upright straight stroke, 
or a slightly undulating upright line. But as the radical ra means "fire," it seems 
probable that the original form may have been a very thin wedge. This conjecture 
seems to be borne out by the word rasmh a " sunbeam or ray of light." Other words, 
however, would seem to refer to a perfectly straight line, such as rdji and rekhd^ a 
*'line, row, ridge;" reyjUy a " cord or rope;" rana, a " fiddlestick ;" and rat ha, a 
"cane or ratan." But, perhaps, the Greek m, a " nose," is in favour of the sugges- 
tion that the original symbol may have been a simple wedge. 

Gkoup 7. — L, JT. — LiNGA or Phallus. 

I have placed these two letters together on account of their exact similitude in 
the Asoka inscriptions. It is true that they face different ways, but they have 
precisely the same shape, and were most probably connected with each other in 
their original conception. The former I take to be a simplified pictorial representa- 
tion of the linga, or male member, and the latter of the elephant's trunk. But the 
exact shape of both the Asoka letters I and h is that of a sickle, with the handle 
placed horizontally, and th e point of the curved blade upwards. Now, it is a curi- 
ous corroboration of the suggested original connection between these two letters 
that the common names for a sickle begin with / and h. These are lavdka, lavanaka, 
and lavUra from the Sanskrit /fi, '' to cut»" and the Hindi hansiya and hansUa, which 
were probably so named from their resemblance to the form of a hansa, or goose. 

Z. — ^This letter monopolises most of the names in common use for the phallus 
or male member, such as lar, Idr, laur, lul, land, Idngal, and li/nga. The names of 
other objects suggested by the shape of the letter are langar, an "anchor," 
and Idngal, a " plough." These words recal the old Sicilian Danklan or Zanklon, a 
^* sickle," which gave its name to the island of Zankle. And as all these names 
represent some bent object, it seems probable that the Indian term ankus for an 
" elephant goad" may have been originally lankus, as descriptive of its hooked form. 
Perhaps also the Greek ankdn, ankulS and ankura, and the Latin angulus, may each 
have lost an initial I or other letter. 

H. — The " hand," hasta, in the shape of the elephant's trunk, or hasti, is the 
characteristic form of this letter. The striking handiness of the animal's trunk 
suggested to Lucretius the well-known epithet of anguimcmus.^ I have already 
noticed that the letters Z and S famish separate names for the '^ sickle ;" and I 
may now add for the " plough" also, as the Sanskrit hala, a plough, is the exact 
equivalent of the Hindi IdngaL The sickle is also one of the Egyptian hieroglyphs. 



Gkotjp S.^S, Sh.—The Eab. 

The representatives of this class are the three sibilants, the palatal «, the cere- 
bral 8h, and the dental s. Now, the only member of man's body that has not been 
included in the previous summary is the ear. This has several names in Sanskrit, all 

* De Bonun Natcora, 11, 63& AngnimanAB elephantot. 



60 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 

beginning with the palatal s as arava, fruti, and frotra, firom the root fru, to '* hear." 
But what is heard is ** soond/' or sahda^ and the element that makes the most 
noise is " water/' or sAr. Hence we hare 8aras^ a ** lake," and " sarit^^ a river, as 
well as sarsardna^ to '^ ripple." I take the palatal s of Asoka's time to be a simple 
form of the original pictorial representation of the human ear. Its shape is that 
of a parabola with a vertical line, or a dot in the middle, the latter representing the 
meatus auditorius. As the cerebral sh is only the last letter reversed, and is not 
found in any of Asoka's inscriptions, it seems probable that it was the invention of 
a later date. As such its shape need not be discussed here. 

The dental sibilant is formed of two undulations, one up and one down, with a 
short stroke attached at the top of the rise. The whole represents pictorially both 
a serpent with a single coil and a complete wave, with its hollow and its crest. 
Now, the radical word of this letter is sa or sarpa^ a " serpent," which was probably 
the original picture of the symbol. 

In my comparison of the characters of the ancient Indian alphabet with the 
pictorial forms of different objects, I have not thought it worth while to make any 
examination of the vowels for two reasons : firsts because their shapes do not sug- 
gest any pictorial representatives ; and second, because I believe them to be of a 
comparatively late date, that is, somewhat posterior to the formation of separate 
syllablic characters in which the vowel formed part of the complete syllable, and, 
therefore, of exactly the same age as the first alphabetic^characters. 

In devising the vowel marks I think it probable that an arbitrary system of 
simple strokes was adopted. At first these would seem to have been independent 
marks not attached to the consonants, as in the two examples on the black stone 
seal from Harapa which I have read as a and V At the foot of the accompanying 
plate I have given all these conjectural forms of the archaic vowels side by side 
with the Asoka vowels for the sake of easy comparison. Some of these forms 
appear to me to be almost certain, while the remainder are at least highly probable, 
if a similar system was followed in their formation. 

In this brief examination of the letters of the old Indian alphabet, I have 
compared their forms at the time of Asoka, or B. C. 250, with the pictures of 
various objects and of the different members of the human frame ; and the result 
of my examination is the conviction that many of the characters still preserved, 
even in their simpler alphabetical forms, very strong and marked traces of their 
pictorial origin. My comparison of the symbols with the Egyptian hieroglyphs 
shows that many of them are almost identical representations of the same objects. 
But as the Indian symbols have totally different values from those of Egypt, it 
seems almost certain that the Indians must have worked out their system quite 
independently, although they followed the same process. They did not, therefore, 
borrow their alphabet from the Egyptians. It is, of course, quite possible that the 
hint may have been taken from Egypt ; but considering the distance and the diffi- 
culty of communication between the two countries in those early times, this does 



1 This wiU «hortly be described and examined. See Plate XXVIU. 



INSCBIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 61 

not seem very probable. Indeed, there is one very strong argument against it, 
which I think is almost, if not quite conclusive, — ^namely, that the Indians do not 
seem to have possessed any extended scheme of numerical notation before the time of 
Asoka, which they certainly would have had if they had borrowed their alphabet 
from Egypt, as I contend that they would have taken the Egyptian system of 
numerals at the same time. 

Now, if the Indians did not borrow their alphabet from the Egyptians, it must 
have been the local invention of the people themselves, for the simple reason that 
there was no other people from whom they could have obtained it. Their nearest 
neighbours were the peoples of Ariana and Persia, of whom the former used a 
Semitic character of Phoenician origin reading from right to left, and the latter a 
cuneiform character formed of separate detached strokes, which has nothing what- 
ever in common with the compact forms of the Indian alphabet. 

But if the Indian alphabet was thus locally elaborated by the people them- 
selves, it may be urged that some traces of its previous existence would ere this 
have been discovered, if not of its earlier stages of pictures and hieroglyplis, at 
least of its later stages of syllables and archaic letters. This would be a formid- 
able objection if all our ancient sites had been already thoroughly explored. But 
as yet, except in a few places, we have but skimmed the surface, and gathered 
whatever was to be found above ground, while the older remains still lie buried 
beneath the soil. It is possible, also, that some specimens even of the earlier writ- 
ings may have been found previously, and have been passed by as rude sculptures 
of little or no value. I have, however, come across one monument which I believe 
to be a specimen of the archaic alphabetical writing. Its age is, of course, quite 
uncertain, but I do not think its date can be later than 600 or 400 B. C. This 
monument is a seal of smooth black stone, which was found by Major Clark in 
the ruins of Harap& in the Panj^b.^ On it is engraved very deeply the figure of a 
bull without hump, looking to the right, with a symbol on its shoulder and a 
second symbol and a star under its neck. Above the bull there is an inscription of 
six unknown characters, which on first seeing I thought could not be Indian, but 
which I now think may be archaic Indian letters of as early an age as Buddha 
himself. Taking the characters from the left, the first may be an ancient form of 
the letter I, as it approaches very close to the shape of the Asoka character. The 
third seems to be an old form of chh, and the fourth a true archaic m in the shape 
of a fish, matsya. The fifth must be another vowel, perhaps t, and the sixth may' 
be an old form of y. The whole would thus read Laohhmiya. 

The chief difficulty about this reading is the detached position of the two sets 
of symbols read as vowels. Bat there does not seem to be any good reason why 
the vowels should not have been detached letters originally. The two short 
strokes which I have read as i are precisely the two strokes of the long attached i 
in the Asoka inscriptions, and the two long strokes read as a may easily have been 
the archaic form of the initial d of Asoka's inscriptions. This reading is, of course, 

merely tentative, and I only put it forward in the hope that others who are more com- 

. — — . .1 . ■ ■ II , I I ....i- — -— ^ — ___^ • 

■ %m ArduBologicia Sonrej of India, VoL V, p. 10^ and Fkto XXX, fig. 1. See also Flate XXVIII of the prenmt Tolnme. 



62 INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA, 

petent may be induced to take up the subject, and carry it through to some conclu- 
siye results which may be generally accepted. 

In the meantime, I wish to bring to notice the £act that the well*known con- 
yentional signs for the five planets may be formed by merely adding a star to the 
radical letter of each of the five classes of the alphabetical letters of Asoka, while 
the sun and moon are the actual radical letters of the other two classes of the 
Indian alphabet without any change or other addition. I find it difficult to believe 
that this can be an accidental coincidence, but as I am not prepared to offer a com- 
plete explanation, all that I can do is to add a few notes pointing out the formation 
of each sign. ^ 

1. The Sim. — ^This is represented by the Asoka dental aspirate tha^ which 
is a circle with a dot in the middle. Tha is one of the Sanskrit names of 
the sun. 

2. iPhe Moon. — ^This is represented by the Asoka palatal letter y, which has the 
form of the lunar crescent with a small circle inside. This is called netra yoni or 
the " eye of the yoni," and is one of the Sanskrit names of the moon, — Jun is also 
a name of the moon. 

3. Mars. — ^The sign of this planet is the Asoka semi-vowel r, compounded 
with a star or upright cross. Ba is the radical for fire^ which is the element pre« 
sided over by the regent of the planet. 

4. Mercury. — The sign of this planet is the Asoka labial letter m with a star or 
cross attached below. Marka and Marut are Sanskrit names for the tomd^ the 
element presided over by the regent of the planet Mercury, whose Latin name 
seems to be connected with the Sanskrit word marka. 

5. Jupiter. — ^The sign of this planet is the Asoka letter kh with a star added 
to the right foot — kha is the Sanskrit radical for ^* ether or sky,^* the element presided 
over by the regent of the planet Jupiter, the god of the firmament* 

6. Venus. — ^The sign of this planet is the Asoka cerebral letter ^, with a 
star attached below. 2%a means the *' cherisher or nourisher," and is an epithet of 
the Earthy who, as the general nourisher of all, may be identified with Alma Venus 
as well as with Demeter. 

7. Saturn. — ^The sign of this planet is the Asoka palatal sibilant S^ with a 
star added to the left top. Sani is the god of the watery element, of which the 
characteristic is ^' sound," in Sanskrit sa and sabda. 

To those who may wish to pursue this subject further I may add that each of the 
planets had its appropriate colour, as well as its own particular metal and wood, of 
which alone the figure of the regent of the planet ought to be made, thus : — 

Firstly. — The colour of the Sun was yellow ; its appropriate metal gold^ and its 
precious stone the yellow diamond. 

Secondly. — The colour of the Moon was white^ its appropriate metal silver^ and 
its precious stone rock crystal. 

Thirdly. — ^The colour of Mars was green, its appropriate metal iron (or cutting 
bronze) and its precious stones the emerald and the hlood^stone. 

iSee Plate XXVIII, where the t^ymbolg are given along with the A«oka characters with which they correspond. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOB 

Fourthly. — The colour of Mercury was black, its 
silver, and its precious stones the eparMmam, or " touc 
both of which are black.* It was the diflBculty of pri 
currency to the saying, Non ex guovi« lignofiet Mercut 

Fifthly. — ^The colour of Jupiter was grey, its apprt 
precious stones were the opal and the chalcedony or mi] 

Sixthly. — ^The colour of Vemta was red, its approf 
its precious stones were the red cornelian and the amet 

Seventhly. — The colour of Saturn was blue, its apj 
its precious stone the aa^hire, which was generally know 
favourite," — and nilamani, " the blue gem." 

' Sparia means the wind, and the " wind-itoiie" was, of course, dedicated 1 
Panu. 



TEXTS. 



ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA 



SH&HBAZOABHI, KHALSI, GIRNAE, OHAULI, AND JAUGAD 











EDICT I. 






s 


Ay«i 




[ 


omilUi ] 




K 


lyam 


dbammalipi 


[ 


do. ] 







Iy«a 


dhammalipi 


[ 


do. ] 




I> 


• • 


dha • • 


• « 


• 'ri pavabuu 


DeT&nampijB • 


J 


Ijwn 




Ehepingalari pavataai 




8 


Baayo 


likhapi . 


Hidam lo ke • 


iTa. 


• • • 


K 


* • 


lelchapi . 


Hid* no kichhi 


i«. 


Uabbitn 


6 


Ea»y4 




Idha na kinchi 


Iram 


ftrabhidfl 


D 


I«jo 


• • • 


• 


• • • • 


• Tarn 


Uabbita 


J 


logiiift 


likUpit& . 


Hida no kichhi 


Ivam. 


Uabbiti 


8 


» • • 


eha pi 


• 


um^ • 


• • 


■ « tt 


K 


Litavije 


*no pi 


ohft 


Mmi^e. katavije 


bahakam 


O 


hitaTjun 


♦na 


cha 


sam&je. kafaTjo 




D 


• • • 


« • « 


• 


• ■ • t» 


• « 


bahokam 


J 


Htarije 


•no pi 


oha 


•ainaje. kafavija 


bahukam 


S 


• • • 


• ■ • 




» • • » • * 


• • « 


tt ■ • 


K- 


dm& 


tamejaa&. 






Pijadasi 


Uik 


G 


doum 


"aamtjamhi. 




paaati Devanampijo 


FijadaM 


Bi^k 


D 


• • « 


• • • 




* « • •nam* 


• • • 


« • • 


J 


doum 


lanMQUa. 




dakbati Def&naca{Hje 


Pijadaai 


Ui& 


8 


•*ti pi* 


• • iatij« 




samajaM 


aamato 


Pert 


K 


BthiplcU 


ekatija 




aamija 


jSdhamaU 


Devft 


G 


"wtipita 


«kaoh& 




■amSja 


i&dbamata 


'Devi 


» 


« • • 


ekaebA 




BamAjuft 


BidliiimHta 


Do»l 


J 


Ktbi pielm 


ekatifl 




B«m&ji 


aAdhamalA 


■Devi 


8 






para matianasaM 


Dev&namprijaaa 


E 


Piyadawai 


L^jine 








G 


Piysdaaino 


Banjo 




pura mabinaaaphi 


•DevioHnpiya«. 


D 


»Piy»dMiii 


I4jine 




* * mah& * * 


• "n 


am * * 


J 


>Pijad»me 


Ujine 








S 


Banjo 




bahnni pam. 


taba* 


asani 


K 


I^ime 


anudivasam 


bahuni 




G 


Banyo 




■bahfini pftna 




D 


• 


■ • 




babuDi* pftna' 




4 


I^ioe 




babflni p&na 





66 



TEXTS. 



s 
e: 
a 

D 

J 



BQpatlid.ja 
sdpfithaja 
sasapath&je 
susftpath&ye 



se imftni 



10 



sa eg a 
^86 aja 
^se aja 



jad& 
jad& 
ad& 
(•)ad& 



ijam 
ayam 
ijam 
ijam 



^dhannalipi 
dhammalipi 
dhammalipi 
dhammalipi 
dhammalipi 



Hkhita 

lekhita 

likhitftti 

likhitft 

likhiUk 



S 

e: 

G 
D 

J 



tada 



anatam 
taniye 

tinni 
tinniye 



yo Ya 

▼i 

eva 

• • • 

Yam 



pranam 
paD&ni 

p^a 

• • • 

plln4ni 



ganeti 
4lJkhhiyanti 
irahhire 
•labhiya 
ilabhiyanti 



• • • 

Bupath&ya 

• • • 

• • # 



jata kate 

'deva majafi 

dwamera 
• • • 

davema 



S 

K 

G 

D 

J 



eti 

eke 

eko 
• • 

eke 



mage 

mige 

mago 
• • • 

mige 



na 



80 

se 

so 

• • • 

se 



piye 

pi 

• • 

picha 



mage 
mige 

mago 

• • • 

mige 



na 
no 

na 

# 

no 



• • 



dhava 

dhave 

dhavo 
# • • 

dhayam 



S 
K 
Q 
D 
J 



esa 

es^ni 

ete 

• • • 

et&ni 



pe 

pi 
pati 



• • 



picha 



tini 



panam 
p&n&ni 



trayi 



tinni 
tinni 



pftnani 
p4n&ni 



pacha 

pachh& 

panchh& 

pachh& 



no 
na 
nA 
no 



arabhisanti. 

ftlabhiyisanti. 

^rabhisante. 

Uabhiyisanti. 

ftlabhiyisanti. 



EDICT II. 



S Savatam 
K Savata 

G Savata 

D ^ Savata 

J Sayatam 



yijite 
yijitamsi 

yijitamhi 

yijitamsL 

yijitasi 



Dey&nampriyasa 
Dey&nampiya8& 

Dev&nampiyasa 

Dey&nampiyasa 

Dey&nampiyasa 



Priyadasisa 
Piyadasisa 

Piyadasino 

Piyadasine 

Piyadasine 



Banyo 
L&jine 

Banyo 

lift • • 

Llijine 



• • • • 
yecha ant& 

* yamapip&chantesu 
• • • • 

ey4pi ant& 



8 

e: 

G 
D 
J 



yi • 

matha 

yathft 
• • • 

athft 



• • • 

Chod4 

Chod4 

• • • 

Ghod& 



* Pandiya 
Pandiyft 

Pftnd4 
• • • 

Fdndiya 



Satiyapntra 

S&tiyaputo 

Satiyapato 
• • • 

Satiyapnt^ 



cha 



Eletalapntra 
Kefhalapato 
Eetalapnto 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



a 



Tambapani 

Tambapanni 

^ambapan^ 



ANTIYOKENE 
« ANTIYOGE 
ANTIYAKO 
ANTIYOKB 
ANTIYOKE 



n4ma 

n4ma 
n4ma 



Yona 
Yona 
Yona 
Yona 
'Yona 



Bajaye 
L&j&ne 
Bajaye 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



cha 
cha 
y&' pi 
<>vft pi 
y&pi 



aranya 

alanne 
• • • 



tasa 
tasa 
tasa 
tasa 
tasa 



ANTIYOKASA 
ANTIYOGASA 
ANTIYAKASi 
ASTIYOEIASA 
ANTIYOKASA 



samanta 

B4mant& 

sftminam 

sftmantft 

8&manta 



Banyaye 
L&jftne 
«BI^4no 
Lijftne 
I^jl^e 



8 
K 
G 

J 



saryato 

sayata 

sayata 

savata 

savata 



Deyftnampriyasa 

Dev&nampiyas4 

Devftnampiyasa 

Deylknampiyasa 

Dev&nampiyena 



Priyadasisa 

PiyadasisA 

Piyadasino 

^Piyadasino 

PiyadasinA 



Banyo 
limine 

BAnyo 

• • • 



duye 
dwe 



• • 



kabha 

ehikislchhi 

chlklchha 
• • • 




TEXTS. 



67 



8 


« • • 


• • • 


• • • 




« ft t 


• « • 


■ 


K 


katft 


mannaa 


AJkiA 


cha 


para 


chikiaft 


ch 





kaU 


'manoaa 


ohikichH cha 


pasn 


chiMchha 


ch 


D 


• • • 


* M 


chikirt 


cha 


pam 


chikiiA 


ch 


J 






diikuft 


cba 


'paan 


ohiki.^ 


ch 


8 


• tt • • 


• « 


•«e»a(P) 


j>„a«.p.^m 


cha 




Chft 


K 


oaadhftui — 









oha 




cha 





oradb&ni (a) ch> 


yftni 




cha 


•paaopagftoi 


oha 


D 


(OM) dll4lli '— 


— ~ 


wmi 


mnDiaopag&Qi 




paann op^jbi 


cha 


J 


oradbftnl — 





Aiu 






paiim opag&ni 


chA 


S 


jato y«faa 


nasti 




tavatra 


harapiti 


cha 




E 


ftta tt 


D&thi 




fisavalA 


h&Iftpit& 


ch& 







jata yato 


s&ati 




savaU 


h&rftpitAoi 


eha 




» 


atata 


oathi 




uTat& 


hUapiU 


cha 





lopipitt cha 

Topapil&ni oha 
lopapiU chk 



[ omitted ] 
malAoi 

mal&Di 



phal&oi 
phal&ni 



kayaU 
yata 



n&thi 

nftati 



matean 
* pathcBO 



[ omitted 

iavata h&lopi 

saTsta hbipi 

vata hUopi 

mTata hUApi 

kkh& 
kflp4 
vdapbiftDi 

udnpAoftni 



ita 


cha 


Mpitt 


piUni 


cha 




piti 


cha 


Mopftpiti 


pit4 


cha 


lopapit* 




khanapita 






m&hith&iu 


ndap&o&ni 




kh&n&pitft 


vaohhA 





kh&Q&pit&ni 


lakh&ni 





khaoApitAiu 


lokh&ni 



■ pratibhogaye 

khAnftpit&ni patibhog&ye 

rop&pit& patdbhog&ya 

kpaplUm pe(ibhogftyo 



EDICT III. 



8 


DerMiamprije 


Prijadaai 


Banya 




H. 


DeT&iuunpifs 


Pijadaai 


i4i» 


hevain 


a 




Piyadan 


Biji 


erim 


u 


Devinanipiya 


Piyadaai 


LUJi 


hevam 


J 




Piyadari 


lAi* 


havam 



^ DnT&da^ 
Dw&daaa 
DnT&dasa 
I>DTftdaM 



(■]. Tbe flnt lattn of tUi wnd b th* luftitl a I 



68 



s 

E 

a 

D 

J 

s 

E 
G 
D 
J 



bliisite 
bhuitens 
bbuitena 
bbiflite 



yota 
yut4 
yut4 
yuta 



same 
majA 



name 



ijam 
idam 
ijam 
ijam 



cba 



rajaki 
lajaki 
rlynke 
Ujuke 



TEXTS. 



cha 

cba 
cba 



ftnapajite 
anjapitam 
Anatam 
A • • 



savatft 
Bavata 

# • 



padefi Ta 
pAdeflike — • 

padeiike eba 

• • eike cba 

pAdesike cha 



Tijite 

• • • > • 

Yijitasi 

yijite 

T^ite 

pancbasa 
pancbasa 
panchaaa 
"^ paasbasa 
panchasQ 



inn.fTif| 



8&me 



pancbasa 
pancbasQ 
pancbasa 
pancbasa 
pancbasa 



S 
E 
G 
D 
J 



mil 



vasbesbn (a) 

vasesa 

vAsesa 

▼asesa 

Tasesa 



anosayanam 
anusAjAnam 
anosajAnam 
anosayAnam 
anosayAoam 



nikbamata 

nikbamAtu 

niyAta 

nikbamAva 

nikbamAva 



eti 

etAyevA 

etAyevA 



sato 
atbAye 
atbAya 
athA 
athA 



kavayo 



annayepi 
anAyepi 



8 
E 
G 
D 
J 



(omitted) 



kammane 
kammane 



bevam 



musa 
imAya 
imaya 
imAye 



dbannana sanstiye 
dbammannsatbiyA 
dbammanosasiiya 
dhammAnaaatbiya 



• • • 



yathA 
yatbA 



anaye 

annaya 

anyaya 



pi 
pi 



S 
E 
G 
D 

J 



kramaye 

kammAne 

kammAya 



sadba 
sAdbu 
sAdba 
sAdba 



mata 
'mAta 
mAtari 
mAtA 



cba 



pitoflba 
pitasa 
pitaii 
pitA 



cba 



sn^nsba 


mitara 


sosobA 


mita 


sostLsA 
sososa 


mitA 



mitA 



S 
E 
G 
D 
J 



aantata 

santbnta 

santata 



Ban 



• • 



santbate 



• ta • 
nAtikyanam 
nyAtinam 
" nAtisu 
'* aa nAtifla 



cba 



cba 
cba 



Bambbana 
BAbma^a 
Bambbana 
Bambbana 



BamanAnam 
samanAnam 
samanebi 
samanebi 



cba 



sAdbu 
BAdba 
sAdba 
sAdba 



8 
E 
G 
D 
J 



dAne 
dAnam 
dAne 
dAne 



pAnAna 
pA^dnam 
jivesu 
jiveBa 



flAdba 



Analambbo 
anArambbo 
anAlambbe 
anAlambbe 



BAdba 

sAdba 
sAdba 



7 apayayata 

apaviyAti 

apavyayatA 

apaviyati 
• • • 



apabbidata 

apabbindata 

apabbindatA 

apabbandatA 

• • • 



S 
E 
G 
D 
J 



sadba 
sAdba 
sAdba 
sAdba 



panBapa 
palisApi 
parisApi 
palisApi 



yutra 

yntA 

yato 

cba 

• 



ti • • nadanatiP 



• a • 



anyapayisati 

a * tiyatani 
• • • 



anapisanti 
anapeyisanti 
gananAyam 
Anapeyisita 
• • yi 



beta 

beta 

beta 

(be)ta 

"beta 



S 
E 
G 
D 

J 



•tba 
YatA 
to 
te 
te 



cba 
cbA 
cba 
cba 
cba 



Tanyana to 

yiyanjana te 

yyanjana to 

Tlyam • • • 

yiyanjana te 



cba. 
cba. 

cba. 

• 

cha. 



(a) The fire upright strokes following immediately after the Wit^ panokam fonoham are oertainlj inVmded tat the figure 6, being onlj a 
repetition of the number in words. 



TEXTS. 
EOOK EDICT IV. 



s 


Atikatam 


antai'am 


bahnni 




Tashafat&Di 


VBdbitova 




K 


a AtikaUm 


antoUm 


bahftni 




TaaaaatAni 


Tadhitevft 




G 


Atik&tam 


antanuu 


b^nm 




TbaMttni 


Tadhito era 


p&n&ranibbo 


D 


'* AtikuiUm autftbrn 


bahftni 




TaaaaaUni 






J 


AtikuUm 


antalam 


bahftni 




Taaaaatini 


Ta4iiiteTB 


p&nAIambbe 


S 


Tihiu 


oha 


bhut&nam 


njatinn 




K 


TihinxA 


cba 


bhuttLoam 


U&tiD& 






G 


vihinBft 


eha 


bhut&uam 


nj&tlsu 


asampatipatl BihniB^ 




D 
J 


TilmuA 


aba 

• • 


bhaUoam 

• • 


n&tiBn 

• 


Bsampafipati Samana 


BfLbbaneaa 

• • 


S 


Mp.tipftti 


ta<ua 


Devftoam 


priya • 


• tt • • 


• tt • 


K 




DeT&nam 


P 


ja^ 


Piyadastao 


Lftjane 


6 


astuupatipati U aja 


Pevanam 


P 


ywB 


PiyadasiDO 


Bafijo 


D 


aaompaf ipato " w aja 


Devinvn 


P 


yaaa 


Fiyadasine 


lAJine 


J 


• • • 


• .e<^a 


Dertnam 


P 


yan 


Piyadaaine 


I^iM 


S 




dbannagosha 


TimaneoB 


dafanena 


K 




dhammaghoBe 


vim&na 


dAsanam 


G 




araneua bherighow aho 


dbammaghoso 


vim&ua 


daaan& 


D 






Tim&na 


dasanam 


J 




« • * 


• 


* • • 


• • 


tt • ■ 


8 






ne 






d 


anyami 


E 





"hathim 






BgikoDdAm 




annfaii 


G 


oha 


buti 


da«s]]& 


oha 


*Bgikhand4ni cha 


anyini 


D 

J 


• • 
« • 


hatblni 

• • 


• • 

• • 


• • 

• • 


Bgakhand&ni * * 
• • tt • • • 


ann&iu 

• tt 


S 


cha 


divani 


rnpani 


doMvitn janan 


TBdiMim 


babD 


E 


cb& 


dlvjini 


Inpini 


dawfitn 


janasa 


Uisam 


babii 


G 


cha 


divjftni 


mpini 


dasayi 


piyanam 


7&me 


baha 


D 


cha 


diyiyini 


"Inpinam 


daujitn 


mnnia&DBin 


ftdiM 


bahn 


J 


• • 


dirijini 


hpini 


doaajita 




&di«e 


baha 


S 


lii 


TTRaha sat«hi 


UB 


bhata 


pnrre 


tadife 


E 


hi 


Tan aatehi 


D& 


hata 


pduve 


tftdiae 


G 


hi 


vaaa latehi 


»na 


bhftta 


puv« 


tirUe 


D 


hi 


vua aatehi 


no 


hftta 


pnloTe 


(AdiM 


J 


hi 


Tan Mte 


• 


• • 


• * 


• • ■ 


S 


^j. 


radiate 


DevinMopriy 


BM 




Banyo 




E 


aja - 


Ts^to 




Fiyadasiuo 


Ujine 


dhammanoaathiye 


G 


aja 


Tadlyite 




Pijadaaino 


Banyo 


dhamm&auBBitiyB 


D 


^a 


™dhi(te) 




Piyadaaiae 


Lf^jine 




J 


« • 


« • 


• • 


• 


• • * 


tt • 




8 


tnaram • 


• nanam 


BTiLiu 


hhntBiiB njitaaa 


• • 


tt • tt tt 


E 


aoilambhe 




BTihinB& 


bhnt&nam n&tiaam 




G 




pftDtaam 


aTiIuiia& 


hhat&nam ny&tJnam 




D 


° analambhe 


ptntoam 


BTihiniA 


bhftUnam D&tian 


■ampa^pati Sainana 


J 


anjOambhe 




tTihiun 


bhat&iuHii nitiaonam ■ * 


• • • • 



70 



TEXTS. 



S ' SnmuHkanam 

K Saman&n^ 

G Sama^&aam 

D B&bluuiesa 

J • • 



sampatipati 
sampatipati 
Bampatipati 
sampa^pati 



znata 
m&ta 
xn&tarl 
mata 



pitashn 
pitiBu 
pitari 
pitu 



in ara su^nBlia esaxn inja 

8TiBa8& kh&8& cha anne 

^ 8i3sfiB& thairi susiisjk esa anye 

soB^ls&m Ta BTiBii8& eaa anne 



• u 



eaa anne 



S cha bahavadham 

K oha bahdvidhe 

G cha bahuvidhe 

D cha bahnvidhe 

J bha bah^yidhe 



dharmaoharanam 
dhammachalaoe 
dhammacharaijLe 
V dhammachahine 
dhammachalane 



vadhitam 

vadhite 

radhite 

vadhite 

▼adhite 



vadhifati 

vadhijisati 

Tadhajisati 

yadhayisati 

▼adhayi 



ohayo 
chevft 
cheva 
cheTa 



DeY&nampriyasa 
Dey&nampiye 
Deyftnampiyo 
DeYAnAmpiye 



8 
£ 
G 
D 
J 



Friyadarsifla 
Fiyadasi 
spiyadasi 
Piya • • 



Banyo 
L&ja 

]4ia 



' dharmaoharanam ime 
imam dhammachalanam 
dhammacharanam idam 

• • • • • 



patra pi cha knnataTodia 

pat4 cha kanatlda dii 

pnt4 cha potft cha 

putapi cha nati * 

• • • • • 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



pranatika 
pan&tikya 
papotft 
pa 



cha 
cha 
cha 
cha 
cha 



Devanampriyasa 
Deyanampiyasft 
Dev&nampiyasa 
Pey&nampiyasa 



Privadarsisa 
Piyadasine 
Piyadasino 
Piyadasine 
^^ Piyadasine 



Raaya 

Lijine 
H&nyo 
I^jine 
ligine 



Tadhlsanti * 

^ yadh&yisanti yeva 

' vadhayisanti idam 

^"^ payadhayisanti yeva 

payadhayisanti yeva 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



dhammachalanam 
dhammacharanam 
dhammachalanam 
dhammachal ^ 



icha 
ima 
&ya 
imam 



pavata 
Aya 
sayata (a) 



knpa 
knpam 
kap& 
akepam 



dharmaQila 
dhammasi 
dhammamhi 
dhammasi 



silasi y4 

stLimhi 

stlasicha 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



tlmato 

lith&to 
tistanto 

yithitu 

• 



dhanna 
dhammam 



annfafisanti 
anos&Bisanti 
anosAsisanti 
annsftsisanti 



eva 
ese 



10 

esa 



hi sothe 
hise ste 
hise 



kamme 
kamme 



me 



ynta 



y4 
y* 



8 * nnsasanam 

K dhammAnns&sana m 

G dhamm&nos&sanam 

D dhammftnos&sanam 

J • • • 



dharmaoharanam 
dhammachalana 
dhammacharai^e 
dhammachaJana 



pi cha 
pi oh& 
pina 
pi cha 
piohn 



nabhoti 
no hoti 
bhayati 
u no hoti 
no ho ^ 



a^ilasa se imasa 

asilasA se imisa 

astla saya imamhi 

asOasase imasa 
• • • 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



athasa 

athamhi 

athasa 



yadhi 
yadhi 

yadibd 



ahini 
ahini 
ahini 

ahtni 

• 



cha sadha 

cha sftdha 

cha sftdha 

cha nMhn 

• • # 



etaye 
etaye 
et&ya 

etftye 

• • • 



athaye 
ath&ye 
athdya 
athaye 



ima 



una 
ida 



lyam 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



lipitham 

Hkhite 

lekhdpitam 

likhite 

# • 



imisa 

19 imasa 

imasa 

imasa 



athasa 
athasa 
athasa 
athasa 



yadhiya nyanta hini 

yadhiyn janta hini 

yadhiya janta htni 

yadhiya janta htni 

• • • • Tiinj 



mahiga 

cha m& alochayisa 
cha ^* lochetiyya 
cha m& alochayisii 
cha m& alochayi 



(a) Frinsep's first reading of this word was pavata, and the totally different form of tiie Ariano Pali p in the Bhahbazgarhi text 
showi that the first reading of pavata may be correoti although the first letter is dearly t in the Qii nar text. 



TEXTS. 



bantft Tushabbuitena 

dnTAdaaft TR^&bhUitene 

dwUoM TM&bhiaitmiA 

** durUMk TuiKubhuitua 



Dfli&iiampi 
I>8T&tuuupi 
Derftnunpi 



iyewi 






. kkUt 
KUiit 



ROOK EDIOT V. 



8 






eram 


Bhatine 


kayana 


dekara 


E 


DaTAoampiya Fijadui Lq» 




(omitted) 


&bi 


kayine 


dokale 


a 


DoYtnompijo Piy»d« S^ft 




eram 


&h& 


kaUna 


dokanm; 


D 






heram 


ftU 


kayine 


dokale 


J 




■ 


• • 


• • 


• * 


• 


8 


nUpMhU 


10 dafaram 


karoti 


i 


maya 


bahn 


K 


eadikalc 


kar&na 


b( dnkfllam 


kaleti 


ee 


mayi 


babu 







kaUiie 


Mua dukaram 


karoti 


»ta 


mayi 


bahn 


J 


ka;ftn& 


UM dokalam 


kaleti 


H 




bahtil 


8 


karau 


Uta 






maha 


pntra 


cha 


natarocha 


K 


kajine 


Mo 


• « 




mama 


puU 


oha 


nitacba 


G 


kali^ua 


kota 


ta 




mama 


puli 


oka 


pot&oba 


D 


kaytoo 


kafo 


taut 




ye me 


pnt& 


Ta 


« nUa cba (i 


J 
















"nantioba 


s 


pann 


cha 


tanaya 


me 


apaeham 


amnuuiti 


Bva 




E 


"palan 


cba 


tanlya 


apatine me 




&n 




a 


pann 


oha 


teoaya 


me 


apftoham 




&Ta 


MmTant 


D 


paUn 


cha 


Unaye 


apatije me 




kn 





J 


P^ 


cha 


te • • 


— 











8 


kapwi 


tatba yo anuv*^ f anti 


te 


sakita 


kouti 


yooba 


E 


]»p«n 


atU anQTatuanti 


■e 


aokatam 


kaebUnti 


tbaern 


G 


kap& 




■0 


■nkatam 


kbati 


jotu 


D 
J 


kapui 


• • 


• 


■nkatam 


kadtbati 


• ebe 

• • 


S 


»ti(c) 


da,am 




^ 


j1ftVata.Tii 


knebanti 


papambi 


E 


heti 


deoam 


pibftpayuati 


•0 


dokatam 


kftehbati 


plp4bi 





eta 


dewm 


pib&p«Mti 




K> 


dukatam 


k&Hti 


• • 




U 


d«a. 


pMpayiMti 


ao 


dnkatam 


k&ohbati 


p»p.U 


8 


Mbue 




Atikalam 


uitaram 


na 


bhata 


pn™ 


E 


lAuMwa 


padUayew 


Atikatam 


antalam 


no 


bnU 


piIiH 


G 


Snkanmhi p&pam 


Atdk&tam 


antaram 


*mi 


bbnta 


puTwn 


D 
J 




Atikantam 


utalam 


ao 


hfitA 


putort 



(a). Tbe two letten p and M mob to ban bsaa ttaaipoe*! b Uiii iroid, whloh ihonld be nad Uii^tam. 
(t>. Ai the two letlCTi f tnittra atnly muUkra, tUi woid Bhonld no doubt b« •«(« ai in Iht two nwtharn teili, and a 
r. BegWa ImprsBlon gina Htd, uid w doM hU ^otogn^ 
(c). Iba initial lettaimlgbtpeibqia be linitBadtf^aetbtea two cbaraotec* in Aiiano Fall ennrj mad alike. 



72 



TEXTS. 



s 


dharmamaliamatam nama 




•a 




£ 


dhannnamahAm&tA lArak 




80 




G 


dhammamah&m&tA D&ma 




ta: 


Diaj& 


D 
J 

S 


dhaininamah&m&t4 n&ma 




fle 




^ deja dhannamahamatra 


kita 






K 


dhanimamahim&t& 








G 


dhammamahllniftta 


kai& 






D 


dhammamah&m&t& n&ma 


kat& 






J 











ti 



te 

te 
te 



to 

te 



• • varshabliisitena • 
da6aTa8&bhiBiteii& mameva 
dasavas&bhisi (tena) 
dasavaslbbhisitena me 



saye 
sava 
Baya 
aava 



pasbandesbu 



p&sandesu 



8 

K yiyapaji 
G Yjapatft 

D ^ viyapatba 

J 



dbarmadhrithayo 
^^ dhammadbitan&je 
dhammadhist&nftja 
dbamm&dhitb&Dtje 



cha 



dharmayadhiya 
dhammayadbiye 



dhammayadhiye 



hita 
hita 

bita 



Bukbaya 
sukhAye 

8ukbd>ye 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



dbarma yutbaaa 
yi dbamm&yutaso 
dbammayiitasa 
oba dbamxnayata 



tarn 
cba 



To (a) 
Yonam, 
Yonam, 
Tona, 



Kanibayo 
ITambojam, 
£dmbo[cham), 
Kambocha, 



Oandharanam, 
Oandhdldnam, 
Ghindkdrdnam, (h) 
GandhdUsu, 



JRcutikanam 



Itdstika 
Laikika, 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



Pitinikanam, ta 
.i—— e 

Petenikdfiam ye 
J^itenikesu e 



S Bramanibbesbu 

SI Bambbanitbisa 

G 

D >«B&bbani 

J 



yapi 

y&pi 
y&pi 



bbis&BU 



anne 
anna 
anne 



anatbesbu 
annatbesu 

anatbesu 



Aparanta 
Apalantd 
Apardid 
Apalantd 



bbatamayesba 
bbafamayesu 
bbatamayesa 
bbati 



yaibasbu 
yatbesa 








xnabalokesa 


cba 



bita 
bida 



6 



hita 



ya 



sukbaye 
snkb^ye 
8akb4ye 
Bokbftye 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



dbarmayntasa 
dbammaynt&ye 
dbammayut&uam 
dbammayut&ye 



aparlgodbra 
apalibodb&ye 
apar&godb&ya 
apalibodb4ya 



yapata te '' bandbanam badbasa 

yiyapat4 : 8e bandbanam badbasa 

yy&pat&; tebandbana badbasa 

yiyapat^* ae bandbanam badbasa 



pa^iyidbanaye 
patiyidban4ya 
patiyidb&Q&ya 



patiyi 



• • 



y» 



s 
e: 

G 
D 

J 

8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



aparibodbaye 
apalibodbaye 



mocbayanayaye 
mokb&ye cba 



apalibodbaye mokbftye cba 

■ ^ mokb&ye 



bbikati ya 

bbikaleti y& 

bbikaresu yft 

bbikaleti ya 



eyam 



anabandba 



** iyam 



anabandba 



mabalaka 
mab&l&keti 
tbairesa 
mabftlaketi 



ya yiyapata 
yft yiyapat& 
y& yy&patft 
v& yiy&pat& : 



pajati 
pajftyatiyi 

paj&ti 



ti eba •^— 

tebidH 

te Pd^alipute cba 

se bida oba 



kita 
^kalA 
kaU^ 
kat& 



babiresbn 
blJiilesQ 
b&biresa 
b&bilesn 



(a) The letter « is here omitted in the Shahhazgarhi text. 

(&). Prinsep here read Oandharot Sarigtika, hut the true reading is that given in the text. Similarly in the Dhaoli text the mi 
of his Sulathika belongs to the previous name Chmdkaletu^ldKnsxg Lathika as the oorresponding equivalent of J^attika in the 
Shahbasgarhi and Gimar texts. 



7S 



nagareslia 



lUTMho. 

Mfesu 



orodluuiesba 

bolodhanees 



bhrntnna 
bhfttAoa 



mefawmu cha yevapi tnye njatikk uTatam vijftpatft ya ajun 

bhoginija evipi uina n&tikja uvati vijap&ti e ^^^— ijun 

— * Ds v&pi me aoje njatika UTi>t4 vyapatA te yo ajant 

bhagiDtnam ta " annean t» natita aavat* Tijapafft cha : iyam 



dharma oistiiiU tiTua dlianna4'i"WiB ^^ danauyatm 

dliamma iiiut«tiT& d&uaMyate tivi sBv&t& majat* 

dhamma niatito Uva — ■■- 

dlumuna nUitativun i1b M X)l" ft^^' ' *■!' t "", fiva 



•sti atiati mata dhannayntaaa vaoa 
■ dhamnmyutAU 



viyapala 

TiylpatUe 



dhannamaliftinatra etayo 
flhi^BiniaTn wh liTB4t4 etAye 



athaya ayo dhannalipi lip! * 

atb&ye '^ iyam dhammalifa liklitt& 

athfcya ayim dhammalipi likbitA 

athfcye ^ iyam dhammalipi likhitam 



* * thiti ra tinika bhota papja annTatantu. 
chilatMtiky& hotn tatU cite me p^a anaratantn. 



>* Deranuapriyi) Friyadarfi 
Dev&oampiye E^yadau 



D Devftiiampiye KyatUn 
J ■ DevftiutmiHye Fiyadasi 



EDICT VI. 



Bay* 

Uja 
I4ii 



atikatam antalam 

atik&tsm antanm 

atikantam ajitalam 

atikantem a-ntaj^ m 



bbata 
h&ta 
bh&ta 
bata 
bota 






pnlflve 



atba 
atha 



S palimadhra fa 

ived&nA t& sa 

ivedauA t& ta 

vase 

vaae 



pative 
patiTedani 



mayi 
mayi 
mayi 



km 

kate 



kafe 
kafe 



(a) Thte word MTera) b h«ra nptaUd in the DhaoU text. 
(») Omitted In ongiual teiL 



u 



TEXTS, 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 

8 
E 
G 
D 
J 

8 
K 
G 
D 
J 

8 
K 
G 
D 
J 

8 
K 
G 
D 
J 

8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



kalam 
k&lam 
kdle 

k&lain 



ya 
va 



8(ita 



cha 



esimana 
adamllna 
bhungam&na 
• • na 



same 



yinitasi 

yinitasi 

yint&mlii 

yinttasi 

yinitasi 

atha 

atha 

athemfi 

janasa 

janasa 

janasa 



olia 
cha 
clia 

anapayami 
ftnapayftmi 
ftnapay^^ 
ftnapaydmi 
ftnapayftmi 



janasa 
janasa 
janasa 



sakam 
Bwayam 



same 
same 
same 



cha 



janasa 



janasa 
afham 
atham 

atha 

atham 

athe 

atham 
t 



pika 

dipakam 

d&pakam 

dApakam 

dApakam 



dhayaka pi nama tadhana achayika 

pnn4 mahamatdhi '^ ach4yika 

puna ■ mahftthatesa Achayika 

— ^-— mah&md.tehi atiy&yike 

mahftmAtahi atiy&yike 



■•ante 
ante 

nyanasi 

nyanftsi 

ny&nesn 

ny&nasi 

ny&nasi 

prativedaka 
• ^yedeta 
pativedetha 
pativeda yantn 
pafiyedayantu 

karomi 
kachh&mi 
karom6 
kal&mi 



ya 
y& 
y& 
yA 
yA 



orodhanasi gabhagarasi 

^ holodhanasi (a) gabhftgUasi 

orodhanamhi gabhag&ramhi 

olodhanasi gabhikgdiasi 

olodhanasi gabhligUasi 



oha 
cha 
cha 

me 
me 



sayatra 

sayata 

sayata 

sayata 

sayata 



me 



iti 
ti 



ya pirokika 
ha peyam pi ch4 
ya cha 
^ ha ampi oha 
am pi cha 



kinchi 

kinchhi 

kinchhi 



sayak&m 
s&y&pakam 
s&vlijcam 
s&yakam 



nya * nasa bhoti 



aropitam 

alopite 

alopite 



bhayati 

hoti 

hoti 



yft 
yA 
y4 
y& 

traya 

taya 

Uya 

tasi 

tasi 



yachasi 

yachasi 

yachamhi 

yachasi 

yachasi 

prafiyedaka 

pafiyedakft 

pat^^edakA 

pafiyedakft 

pafiyedakA 

sayatra 

sayata 

sayata 

sayata 

sayata 

malrha^H 

mukhata 
mnkhat& 
mokhate 
mnkhate- 

eya 

yeyi 



eyi 
ey4 

athaye 

at^ye- 

ath4ya 

athasi 

at^tasz 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 

8 
K 
G 
D 
J 

8 

e: 

G 

D 
J 



yiyo pa na 
yiyido ni 
yiyado ni 
yiv&deya ni 
yiy&deya 



yiye 

yiye 
▼iy^ 



kiti 
kiti 
ktti 



me 
me 
me 
me 
me 



karomi atrayntisa (c) 
&napanite mamay& 
may& anapitam 

ma annsathe 

me annsatha 



ti 
ti 



yasantam 

yasanto 

y&santam 



nathi 
nftsti 
nathl 
nathi 



sayatra 

sayat& 

sayat& 

sayata 

sayata 



ram 
paris&yam 
palisayA 
lisaya 



cha (») 

sayam 

saye 

sayam 

sayam 



■ doka 

hi me dose 
he me to so 
pi me to se 
pi me to se 



nantariyena 
anantaliyen& 
Anantaram 
■' anantaliyam 
anantaliyam 



kAlam 
kUe 
kalam 
kftlam 

anapi che 

nthAnasi 

utth&namhi 

nthAnasi 

nthAnasi 



potiyedetasa 

patiyedetayam 

pafiyadeta 

patiyedeta 

.* janasa 
heyam 
eyam 
heyam 
heyam 

atha 
atha 
at^ 
atha 



JV. B.^-'The fowrfoUowng lines are found only in the Sk&hh&zgarki text. 



( ) As the vowel o in the first syllable of this word is attached to the aspirate, the yalae of the initial letter in the other text is 
determined to be o also, although this was already sufficiently clear from the initial o of the Sbahbazgarhi text. 
Kb) Norris reads a^n^ntofco, 
(o) Omitted in original text. 



TEXTS. 

dipakft T» ffOTaka va jftU puis mahamsta 

achajiti me lava bhota taja athaya vividesa 

ra patiahaje anantariya na patiri detaro me 

Bavam kalam aram anyapitam maja * * sti hi me tatacja 

■satiranaja' 
BantiUn&je 
HUitiTan&ya 
■apQlaiAya 
San Ulan ^Mtt 



kateTB 


manatraM 


ma 


tara 


loka 


kataviya 


matehi 




^D6 


BBTa 


loka 


katayya 


matehi 




me 


BBT* 


bke 


kataviya 


matehi 




me 


■ara 


loka 


' - ■" - 






me 


aava 


loka 




mnlam 


etra 




a^nam 


atha 


pana 


en 


nmle 




utUne 


"atha 


puna 


csa 


m&le 




mtioa cha 


atba 


pnna 


iyam 


mAle 




nthftne 




pana 


iyam 


mde 




nth&ne oha 


atha 



Mfa loka htti ti + yam 
sava loka hitayam yam 



G 


cba idUt 


a hi 


kammatarsm aava loka 


hitattaya 




eba ki 


D 


cha nathi hi 




ra loka 


hitena am 




cha ki 


J 


cha nathi Li 




hiteneam 




eha k 


8 






kits 


tanam 


enAnideaa 


Ta cha yam 


iha 


E 


palakamhmi 


hakam 


kit! 


bhnUnam 


aunaniyam 


yeha- 


hida 


cha 1 


G 




abam 


kiati 


bhutAoam 


ananaam 




eha I 


D 




hakam 


kinti 


bhut&nam 




ye hanti hida 


cha 1 


J 




hakam 






■ 'iiiyani 


ye hand" hida 


eha 


S 


[nkhayami 


paratam 


eha 


■aga 






. etayaathaje 


E 


•ukhiyfcni 


palatam 


cha 


Bwagam 


Uidhayaota aa 


etAjBthAye 





enkhipayftmi 


paralA 


cha 


■wagam 




otAyaathAya 


D 


iukhajflmi 


palatam 


eha 


awagam 


U&dhayaoto ti 


otAye athajo 


J 


nikhsykm 


palata 


oba 


■wagam 


&Udhayanta ti 


«tAy 


eattAyo 


8 


dharmalipi 


tha 






bhota 


tatha 


oha 


K 


dbammalipi 


likbitA 




- ohilat^itikjA 


hota 


tathA 


cha 


G 




lekUpiti 


kinti 


I obirantisteja 


iti 


UtbA 


eha 


D 


dkamma^pi 


likhita 




— ebUathidka 


hota 


tatbA 


cba 


J 


dhammalipt 


tikhita 




— ohilanttiiUkA 


kotn 







S 


me 










parakrama 




toeau 


E 


me 


pntadale 












■avaloka 


G 


me 


pnta pot« eha 




papota 








aavaloka 


D 




puta 




papota 


me 


palakamfttn 




aavaloka 


J 




pota^ 






me 




UTaloka 


B 


hiatbaya 


ma bhate ta 


yaaa 


amaya 


anyaU 


■g* 






E 


bitA 


*" dakale aha 


iyam 


annate 


agenA 






a 


hltAya 


dDkaianta- 


— 


itUm 


annata 


agena 






D 


hitAye 


dnkale ohn 




iyam 


annata 


agena 




paldiame 


J 


hiUye 


dnkalecha 




iyam 


annata 


Bgena 







{a) FronttWEnat^nilaiityotdMtWoletUniiandltitluf era {renaaaOs miiUken. Tha tiDB nadinf i: 
imbab^Uni. 



76 



TEXTS. 



EDICT VII. 



s 

K 
G 
D 
J 



' Derftnampriyo 
Dev&nampije 

1 Dcv&nampiyo 
Devftnampiye 



Priyasi (a) 

Piyadasi 

Piyadasi 

Piyadasi 

Piyadasi 



L&J& 
Baj& 

L&J4 



lawatra 
• vatA 
sayata 
Bavata 
savata 



ichhati 
icbhati 
icbhati 
icbhati 
ichhati 



saTYam 

sava 

save 

sava 

sava 



p&shaa 
p&8and& 



p&Band&(&) 
p&san^A 



S vaseyu 

K vase va 

G vaseyu 

D yasevii • 

J vase • 



save ite 
save hite 
save te 
ti save 
• save 



sayaman 
sayaman 
sayaman cha 
hota sayaman 
hite saya am 



bhavafodhi 
bhAvasndhi 
' bb&vasudbin 
bb&vasTidht 
bh^vasadht 



cha ichbanti ' 

cha ichbanti 

oba ichhati 

cha ichbanti 

cha ichbanti 



jano 
mane 
jano tn 
mnnisA 
mnnisft 



S 
K 
G 
D 



cha 
va 

cha 
cha 



ncbavacha 
iich4vacb& 
nch&vacba 
' nch&vacha 
ncb&vachft 



cbhando 
cbbandA 
cbhando 
chhandA 
obbandft 



ncbavacba 
ncb&vacha 
ncb&vacba 
ncb&vacha 
ncbavacba 



rago 
l&ga 
iftgo 



\^k 



te 
te 
te 
te 
te» 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



eavam 
savam 
savam 
savam 



v& 



va 
va 



(6) 

k&santi 



ekade^aam va ^ pi 
ekadesam pi 
tfkadesam va 
ekadesa * 
ekadesam va 



k&sbanti 
kacbhanti 
k4santi 
kachhati 
kacbhanti 



vipnle 
vipole 

5 vipole 
vipal4 
vipole 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



pi oba 
pi cha 
to pi 
pi cha 
pi cha 



d&ne 
dane 
d4ae 
d4ne 
dlkne 



yasa 
tas& 
yasa 
asa 



nftsti 
nathi 
nasti 
nathi 



sayaman 
sayame 
sayame 
sayame 



' bb&vafndbi — 

bb&vasodhi — — 

bh4va8oddhit& va 

bh&vasadbi cha 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



ki^anyata 

kifan&to 

katamnyat& 



va 



S ^'' Atikatam antaram 

K Atikantam antalam 

G Atik&tam antaram 

D s • • kantam antalam 

J ^® t*kantam antalam 



dridb&bbatita ((Q 

d&dhibhatit& 

dadhabhatitft 



11a 



cb& 
va 



niche 
nicha 
nicb4 
niche 
niche 



EDICT VIII. 



p&dbam. 
p&dbam. 
b&dbam. 

• 

bd4bam. 
b&dham. 



ne Raya 
Dev&nampiy& 
B&jano 
L4j&no 



vibarayatam name 
• • • dbiya • • • 
vih&ray&t&m nyay&sn 
v&balay&tam n&ma 



nikbamisbam 

nikhamisobidA 

eta 

* khamisii 



gamagaye 
migaviy& 
magavyA 
viya 



• • 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



anyane 
any&ni 
any&ni 
ann&ni 
ann&ni 



cha 
cha 
cha 
cha 
cha 



edisani 
bedis&ni (e) 
et&riB&ni 
edis&ni 
e 



atasamana abbavasu so 

abbila m&ni bonsam •— 

' abbira mak&ni abomsa so 

abbil& m&ni povam tinam se 

a * ila m&ni povam tinam se 



Devanampriyo 

Dev&nampiye 

Dev&nampiyo 

Dev&nampiye 

Dev&nampiye 



(a) Friyeui in origiDal, the d having been omitted by the engraver. 

(6) Ednanda is read by Wilson, and it is so lithographed; bat as pAw might easily be mistaken for Adsa, the word has certainly 
been misread. 

(o) Omitted in original texts. 

(i) This reading of the Shahbasgarhi text confirms Westergaard's emendation of drirha hhaktiia in the Gimar text 

(«). This is another instance of the cockney aspirate in the Khilsi text. 



TEXTS. 



FriTBd&ni 


BAnya 




santa 


niLamiaare 


Fijadaoi 


I4jft 


duaTaa&bhisito 


Banta 


nikhamitb 


Fijadasi 


E^« 


doaaYW&bbiaita 


sauto 


ayiyMftm 


Piy«darf 


Ui<. 






niVho-miiuJ 


FiTadaai 


lAja 


dMa 







dlutmiajatra etaja ijam 

dhamm&jfltft etAyam 

dhammajUA etayam 

dhaiiuiiaj&t& toaa 



Samana Bfunbhan&nam 



Saouuui S&bhan&Dam 



Tidh&nam daaane 

thair&nsm daaaae 

Tadhfaiam daaane 

Tajh&nam daaaoe 



dharma pari jiavacha 

dhamma pali p<iohh& 

dhamma pari piichh& 
• • , • •chh& 



tadopajam 

tatApayo 

tadopajft 

tAd&paf& 




Dev&uamprijBM FnjaAaifiM Banye bhago 

DeT&nampijasa Kjadaaiu I^juis bhAga 

Devftoampijasa Pijsdatino Banjo bh&jfa 

Dev&nampijaaa Fijadasine L&jina bhaga 

Der&nampijaM " PiTadaama ' L^ine b&hga 



EDICT IX. 





Priyadaril 


Eaya 


eTam 




Piyadasi 


lAja 






Piyadaii 


B4i4 


8Ta 




Pijadaai 


Uj. 


hevam 


DeTflaampije 


PiyadMi 


I4i» 




jani ndum 




abadhasa 


jano oohATaoham 


nangalam ka • 


* AbAdben 




naugalam karota 


JLbAdhesD 




naDgaUm kaloti 


ab&dheaa 






pajapatndi 




TivUteat 




pajapadiye 




viTfcera 


Tfc 


putaUbbeau 


vi 


t1 • • • 




• jopadftye 








paJTipadftye 





79 



TEXTS. 



s 

E 
G 
D 
J 



ataja 

efcamhi 

etftye 



cha 
cha» 



anyaje 
annaye 
anyamld 
anoaye 



Ta 

cha 

dba 



hadcfi 

ediaftye 

oha 

hediiftye 

hediiaye 



• • nadata 

jane bahn 

jano nch&Yaoliam 
jine bahokam 
jane bahukam 



mangakm 
mangalam 
manffalaxn 
manffalaxn 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



karoti 
kftloti 
karofte 
ka 



aU 

beta 

eta 



ta 



ta 



sferiyaka 

ftbakcrjanibka 

mali&^yo 



baka cba 

bahn cba 

bahokam cha 



bahavidham 
bahnvidham 
baynyidham 
ifhibidham 



S 
K 
G 
D 
J 



cha 
cha 

cha 
cha 



patika 
khnd&Ti 
ohhadam 
pnti * 



eha 

Ta 

oha 



nirastiyain 
nilathiyam 
niraiham 
nilathiyam 



oha 

cha 
cha 



mangala 

mangalam 

mangalam 

mangalam 

manindam 



karoti 

kaloti 

kaiote 

kaloti 

kaloti 



S5 



ta 



8 kataviya 

K katavi chera 

G katayyameva 

D ka^iviye 

J katiyiye 



kho 

ta 

le (dhe) no 

oherakho 



mangala 
mangale 
mangalam 
* mangale 
mangale 



apaphalam 
apaphale 
apaphalam 
apapale 
V apaphale 



tokho 

(ohn) kho (a) 

tokho 

ohakho 

ehakho 



etadi 

• sftiyam 

etarisam 
eaahediaam 
eaaha ^ 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



matakho 

chokho 

mangalam 



ayam 
^ayam 



to 



mahaphalam 
mah&phale 
mah^phale 
mahAphalo 



yema 



8 
K 
Q 
D 
J 



mangala 
mangale 



»ti 
ye 
ya 

e 



aaamia 

dhammamangale 
dhammamangale 
dhammamangale 



• • • 

tateta 
tatesa 



daaa 
dllsa 
dllsa 
dllsa 



bhatakasa 

bhatakad 
bhafakaai 



8 samapa^pati 

K samapatipati 

G samyapatipati 

D samm&patipati 

J aamyftpatipati 



va garanam 
golonam 
gojonam 
'golonam 
golonam 



apa * ti 
ap&ohiti 
apaehiti 
apachi * 
apaehiti 



• • 



paaadho 
— pAn 
aAdhopAi^esa 

p&neaa 



aayama 

aayamme 

aayame 



oAdho 



aayame 



8 Srama^a 

K S&mana 

G Bahmafa 

D Samana 

J ^ Samana 



Brama^a 
BambhanAnam 
Saman&nam 
B&bhanftnam 
BambhanA * 



aftdho 



dane 
dAne 
d&nam 
dAne 



eta 



eta 



cha 



anya 
anne 
anne 
anne 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



cha 
ch& 
cha 
cha 



hejiflatam 
etarisam 



dharmaaa 
dhamma 



mangale 
mangalam 
gala (5) 



nftm4 
n4ma 
n4ma 



aavo 



ta 
ta 



Tataviye 

▼atavyam 

▼ataviye 



(a) Perhaps intended for Ch^ka, or e^en tnkhtu 

(6) The Mof wuMgata if omitted on the rock by a miitake of the engntTer or writer. 



TEXTS. 



s 


p>U>» 


sant pnteiu 


N bhat* • 


• • i 


K 


pitmA 


pi pateitt 


pi bhUiD& pi 




G 


pit* 


vft potenft 


n but* va 


BW&mikena 


D 


pitina 


pi pntona 


l4 bhatina pi 


"0 BUTAinike 


J 


•tba 


pi patana 


pi bh&tina pi 




S 


mU» 


taatatena an 


pTatJTRtifeua imaw 


alatba 


K 


into 


BSitthateiut ara 


patiTeaijenapt ijam 


Bidba 


a 


{ 


<mitf«d 


) idam 


aUbu 


D 


{ 


ih. 


) • • 


• • 


J 


( 


do. 


) iyam 


a&dbn 


S 


nagti 


mugdem ya 


tan atasaoba 


Unra 


K 


kBlaviya 


maiigale kn 


tad athau 


nidhatiya 





kfctavya 


mMgaTani iya 


tat& atbasft 


nJBtanaya 


D 


• • • 


• • lorn an 


tan atbaaa 


nidhatija 


J 


lutaTiTS 




• f • • 


• * « • 



At tbis point of Edict IX tbs text of tite two northern venions differs from that of Girm 
Jai^ada. Tbe nnuind«r <d tiie Ediot ia tberefora friren in two uparate parts. 

Ooniinuatum ^ tie 8HAHBAZGABHI and KHALSI twntmt. 

S *' ima knaaye era take ""^"g*^"^ Mn«^ 

E iyam knai * Ta cbala mugale ransayi 

B aiyato tatba nWakayali sayapanena iha 

E eayavatam atl^am nivateyi «&jftpanenA hida 



8 
K 


lobhft cha 




ava 
iyaI^janfc 


dharma annna • • • 


8 
K 


pit«n 


atkam 


dbanna 
noniteti 


anatun 
hida 


atbam 
atbam 


na din 
palata anai 


1 8 
E 




« • 

paraaati 






8 
E 


thani 
atbam 


tatbati 
niTatati 


hida 


abbi 

Ut& 


aoaladbam 
nbbijetam 


bhoti 


S 
K 


arti pabbata dbata 


panyaptaa ka 


pha 


diu 
paaivati 


8 
K 


mangale • • • 
tena dhannapaga. 

















D 
3 


arti cka 
atbi 

• • 


p4*atam 

• • 


•UhD 

Tate 

• « 


d&oa 
dine 

« • 


iti na 
aatbitt 
• « 


ta ef 

b. 


e 

D 

J 


aati d&na 
<atU d&ne) 
• Be dine 


™ 1 


anagAho 
anogahe 
anngahe 


adi 


yiriaam 
"adira 


dbammadine 



80 



TEXTS. 



G dhammanngalLO t& 

D dhammanTiga (he) 

J dhammftnugalie cha 



ta 



Be 



takho 



chnkho 



mitena 



rnitena 



va 



suhadayena 



G 
D 
J 



va 



" njatikeiia 
— tikena 



▼a 



8ahayena 
sap&yena 



va 
tivi 



OTAditayyam 
yoyadita 



G 
D 
J 



tamhi 
taBi 



tamhi 



pakarane 
pakalanaai 



idam 



kacha 



idam 



yam 



G 
D 
J 



sftdha 



Badha 



ili 



immi 
"imena 
imena 



saka 



ka 



sakiye 



Bwagam 



Bwage 



driidhetn iti 

al&dhayitave 

aladhayitaye 



G klk)ha 
D 



kinhi 



• • • imiTi^ 



imena 



katavyataram 
kataviyatala 



yata 
tasa 



Bwag&radhi. 
alabhi. 



EDICT X. 



s 


" Devanampriyo Priyadar^i 




Raya 


yaso 


va 




kirt 


I va 


K 


Dey&nampiye Fiyadasi 




L4ja 


yaBo 


v& 




kiti 


vA 


G 


Dev&nampiyo Fiyadasi 




I^]& 


yaso' 


va 




kiti 


va 


D 


1* 


- piye Fiyadasi 




I^ja 


yaso 


v& 




kiti 


vA 


AJ 




J 








.,.„„.,. " 


irap/i 


VA. 




kiti 


vA 
yo 


CI 

S 


na 


mahatha va 




ha 


manyati 


vn 


anyata 


G 




mah4th4 t& 
mah&thA ya 




hA 


manati 
. manyate 




anatA 
anyata 




yam 


na 










D 


na 






TIfl. 


TnAnn&iin 




▼akitivA 






J 

S 


( 

pi 






Jitt 

omitUA 
imati 












yaso sriti 


va 


tena 


tasa 




"■■> 
ayaiiya cha 


K 


pi 


yasa va kiti 


va 


ichhati 


tadatwaye 




ayatiye cha 


G 
D 










^ 4'A^A^n'o**A 




dighaya cha 
annati 








ichhati 


ta 


datwaye 




J 








ichhati 


tA datw&ye 




anyatiye cha 


S 


tada 


dharmasufOBha 




BUfosha 






a 




metii 


K 


jane 


dhammaflnsuBft 




enBOsA 






ta 




mati 


G 


me jan& dhammaBa8unB& 


BnBUBa 






tam 






D 


jane 


^^ dhammasnBnRA 




snanBa 






tam 




me 


J 


jane 


dhammaBnsAflam 


BTunsa 






tam 




me 


S 


dhaimavatam cha 




annvidhayatam. 










K 


dhammavatam v& 




• nnyidhiy&tati. 










G 


dhammavatam cha 




annvidhiyatam. 










D 


dhamma • • • 


• 


• • • • 










J 


• 


• • • 


• 


• • • • 










S 


eta 


kaye 


Deyftnampriya 


Friyadar^i 




iUyi 


El 


yaso 


K 


eta 


kaye 


Deyftnampiye 


Fiyadasi 




'•LfiflA 


r 


yaso 


G 
D 
J 


eta 
eta 


kftya 
k&ye 


DevlUiampiyo 


Fiyadasi 




Bl^a 


yaeo 


^^^^ 






,.. 




^^ 


yaso 



TEXT6 

ichl 



pBTaknm&te Dev&namprijo I^Tadufi 

labamati (a) DeT&aompije HjadaaL 

par&kamate Der&nam (b) Fijadaai 

pal&kammad DevJlnampije * * 

' DeT&DBmpiye ■ 



pikTatikaje 


raiati 


aakaU 


apariaai 


pJLlatikj&je 


vakinti 


ankale 


apapallU 


paratiUys 


Ta kinti 


aakale 


apaparisi 


p&ktik&TS 


va " kinti 


■Bkal« 


apapa]A« 


pfthdlaye 


v&kiiiti 


ukale 


apapalit 


dakaraU kLo 


Mhe 


Ta dakeua 


va 


dubale olmblio 


ew 




dukaranti kho 


et&m 




• • bje 




va 


— 



tava * gena paTakameua 

anata ^eoa pa]akaineii& 

anyata agena par&kamena 

(annA) ta agena • • • na 



chnkho 

takho 

khtt 


dikena 


latMate • 


dakena 


T& naathena 


kLu 


dnkena 


v& osatena 



V. S.— In tbe Dhinli and Jaugada boti ot Aaoki't Bariat of Bool 
bni both teita dow with ■ oopy of the 14th edict. 



S ** DeT&namprijo Priyadarf i Baya eram ahati 

E DeTAuampiys I^ywUui L^a keTam (d) 

Q DeT&nampiyo Fiyadara B^a eram Aba i 

S dliarmadanam dltarmaanatavo dharmasam 

K dbammadftne (omitM) ~— dhammaau 

Q dhammadAaam dliauunaraDBtavo v& dhammasai 



(a) The letter piiomittail in the oricinal text 
(t) pfye ii omttt«d in the originaL 

(c) Bomoof (Le Lotnj, p. 669) hia given hia nading of the tat i 
PrloHp and WiUon. 

(d) The initial letter i ol lU i* omitted in the original toit. 



TEXTS. 

datam bhstokaoun lamapa^pati mftta^tDsha ^^^— 

d&ia bhatakssi umy&patipad mUapititQ — ^— 

dAsa bhatakamhi umapatipati mttari pitari Aiha 



mitaKHtnta Dyatakanam 
mitaiatbnti nAtihj&oain 
mitasRstnto njJltJkAnam 



anfaan^o ttdba 



Tatavo pitreua 

Tatavije pitiita 
vatavjam pit& 



pntrena 
pntena 



bhatena 
bbUin& 
bh&t& 



mita 



patiTefijena 
pativemyeoA 

pativesijehi 



udhD 
BJLdhii 
B&dba 



■o taOia 

to tath& 

*M tath& 



karatam 
kalanta 



iM 



loka cha aradheli 

lokikje dhikam aladhe 
lokwibam ftrftdha 



anantam pnnjam krasaTa (a) 

anantam pmi& pa^aTate 

onantam punyam ^~— 



t«na dhanaadanena. 

teaa dlummadanenjk 

tena dhaiaiiiad&neiia- 



EDICT XII. 



Fijadara " lAji aavft pkongl&ni parajitAni 

Fiyadaa B^ja Bava pAstmd&m cha paTajilAiu 



hBth&ui T& 

■riat&m oha 



pajati d&nena 

pajayata dftnena 



viTidheya aha 

oka Tividbftya cha 



PUJi 
piije 



Aampiye maoati athd kintd fUi, Ta^hifiy&ti tava 

aampiyo maoyate yatb& kiti attra va^kt aaa eava 



fti^ va^hinft baLaridhA t»|a ' — - 

B&ra Ta4klta bahuvidbA taaa taaa 



IS two lett«n k and pnuir tatOy be mutiksn ; Init al Uw dantal dUlant of SUkbaagMhi diflsn from tlw 
it ii poMtUs that the woidt may be dlSersiit. 



TEXTS. 



E mnle ava cliatnti kinti * ta ata p&f&ndA 

G rnttlam ;■ ta vigntd kinti fttta paftn^A 



E galaha nani tana apa faka kate Taro nof aj& 

garahA t» no bbave 



E ' apakalana; i lahak& t& 



E pDJeta vija cha — - palapftfandi 

piyjeta ji ta eva par&pAaan^ 



E hevam kalata atapa^andfl badha vadhijeti 

G eTBm katam ittapisao^ oha vadLa^ati 



npakaloti tad& anatlia kaloti atapA^anda cha 

npakaroti tadantetha karoti &ttap&»an^am oba 



apakaloti ye hi kaoha 

apakaiola yo M kichi 



E " palapftaauda (a) tA galahatt uve atapftean^ 

G par&pAMn^am va gaiahati aara &ttap&saDi 



E atopftsau^ dipaye 
ftttap&BBii^aiii dipa;fe 



E _—— bfcdhatale apfthanti atap&sanda pi n 

AttaptMii^ain bA4'>>'i''*>'ii apalum&U taw ma 



E mannamaDnaft dhaipmaTn mneyn ohft bqidbAtu 

G inaiijBinaiiyasa dhaminaiii aanjija cha gQaanieit 



K DevJltiampiTaaa ichbA kinti ** aaTapftBaiida baha 

a Derftnampiyata icbh& kinti uTapftaandi bahn 



E kal&Dftgft oba U ve yati eva tatA tat& 

Q kalftDjftgama oha atn ye cha tata teta 



(«). Benpdtauia ii ipelt with ths daitil > iutaad of tha piJaUl J, u Id oUmt piM 
(ft). Haiaitia^fficQlttoHi7wbgthsithe«i)gtat«rb»ichaDgedth«letl««]iani^ 
ptOa and Mria ban tha mom meanhig. 



84 



TEXTS. 



s 

E 


Devftnampije no 


tath4 


d&nam 


v& 


PDJA 


T& 


mannate 


athA 


G 

S 
K 


Dev&nampiyo no 


tath& 




va 


P^JA 


▼a 


manyate 


yathft 


kinti 


8&lft 


Tadhi 


9iyft saya 


pAsandatt 


bahak& 


cha 


eiAyft 


G 

8 
E 


kinti 


8&ra 


v&41^ 


asa sava 


p&sand&nam 


bahnkA 


va 


et&ya 


thkje 


Yiy&pat& 






iihidhiya 


kha 


mah&m&t& 


▼acha 


G 

8 
E 


athft 


yy&patft 


dhammamah&m&t& 


oha 


itthijha 


kha 




oha Yacha 


bhumik7& 


— ane 


Tlly& 


nik&ye 


M iyam 


oha 


etasA 


phaleyam 


atapAsandA 


G 


bhtLmikft 


cka anya clia 


nikftye 


ayan 


cha 


etasa 


phabya 


AttapAsanda 


8 


— .1 








* dipana (a) — 


— chha vepa 


pitasa. 






E 


vadhi 


cha 


hoti dhammasa 


cha dipan& ath4 vep&bhi 


pitasA. 


G 


vadhi 


cha 


hoti dhammasa 


cha 


dtpanA — 













EDICT XIII. 



8 DevAnampriyasa 
E DevAnampiyasa 
G 



Priyardasisa Baye 
Piyadasine I^jine 



kaU • 
kalikhyam 



vi • ta 
vijitA 



diyAdha 



8 
E 
G 



ma 
mA 



apana 
apAna 



9ata 
satA 



asra fata 



• • • aha 
saha^eye tuphA ahA 



▼nd^i 
▼ndhena 



8 patesa 
E patesa 
G patasa 



pasamAtam 
pasamAtam 



etahatam 

tatahate 

etAhatam 



bahn 
bahu 
bahn 



ti • 
tiyate 
tt^atA 



ka • 
kevA mite 
kammata 



8 ^ tari nata cha santa hidheshn 

E tatA tha yA sAdhnna ladhesu 
G tatA paohhA adhihiA ladhesu 



Eali (ngeshu) 

Ealingesn 

Ealingesu 



ti 
ti 



ve 
ve 



dhar 

dhammavaye 

dhammaYAyo 



8 mamata dhamanosathi oha 

E ^ dhammakammatA dhammAnnsathi ohA 
{^ • • • • • • ... 



DoYAnam piyasA je athi annsaye 



8 DeYAnampriyasa YijitaYiya kayi (P) 
E DevAnampiyasA YijitaYi kalikhyAni 
G 



* aYijitamhiti jina 
aYijitamhi' jine 



mano 
mane 



yota 

eta 



8 
K 
G 



ta 
tA 



Tata 

Yadha 

Yadho 



ti 

yA 

va 



maranam sta 

maline yA 

maranyam yb 



apada 
apavAho 



ai 



yA 
Ya 



(a). Here begins the legible portum of the inscription on the back of the ShAhbAigarhi rock. 



TEXTS. 



86 



8 
E 
G 

8 
E 
G 



janasa 
janaaft 
janaaata 



ohe 



garamata cba 

galamate (5) ba 
gannamata Va 



ye taram radlii lipa 



ma 

Ta 

Ta 



badbam 

bftdbi 

b&dbam 



sbana 

Yedana 

▼ddana 



Deranam priyasa * * ta cba 
Dev&nam pijasa iyampicba tato 
De 



deya 
ya 



mata 
mate (a) 
mata 



sacha 
gala 



8 
E 
6 



aaoha 
mata 



matora 
t&le 



Devanampriyasa savata ba 
Dev&nampiyasa ^ BavatA 



^▼aaasti 
yasati 



Brama^a 
BambbanA 



8 
E 
G 



Srama^a — .— «. 

va 8ama (c) vft anavft 



p&sbanda 
pA^anda 



gatetbi 
gibitbft 



▼ayesa 
Tayefu 



batba 
vibit& 



jasba 
* tbaaa 



8 
E 
G 



etam 
agine 



bboti 



an^asba 
Bturasft 



mata 
m&ta 



pitri 

pita 

pitari 



snfxisba 
8UBas& 

BttSQn8& 



Bboaori 

gdu 

gura 



tana 



8 
E 
G 



BUBnsba 
Biisa (c) 

BOBUnBi 



mitasantala 

mitasantbata 

mitaaanBtata 



Babaya 
Bah&ya 
sab&ya 



' nyatike 
n&tike 
ny4tike 



Bbnnaaa 

BUBU^a 

mmmft 



bbotikanam sa * * 
bbatikA 8ag& ma 



E 
G 



pratipapati 
pafipati 



tanam sbaratam 
dandl^aliti tAle 



Bantet& 



bboti 
boti 



apragatbo va 
pasagb&te v& 



yadbam 
vadbe 



8 
E 
G 



va 
v& 



yadbo cba anya natarika manampasbaram pi Bati bitanam 

abbiULt&nam Tikbini kbamane *" yeeamvA pi vavi bitanam 



Bava 
Bine 



8 
E 
G 



ayipra 
pe ayipa 



adi 
bine 



atrasba 
etHnam 



tara 
mita 



Bastata 
9antbat& 



aa 



aya ny4ti 

p& natikye 

ya nyfttika 



8 bbaTasada 
E Yiy&Banam 
G TyaBanam 



^ pirapnnati 
p&pnn&ta 
papmioti 



tatam 

tat& 

vata 



tam 

BO 
BO 



pitesba vo 

pitan&me t& 
pi teBa •— 



npagbato 
ap4gbftt& 
npagb&to 



8 bboti panti bbagam 
E pati pati bbAgam 

G patipafi bbago 



cba atam Bante maneyanam gatamanam cba 
cba eBa Bava manayanam gok vate m4 

V&B& Bava ' ^— 



DevAnampriyaaa 
Dev&nampiya8& 
— — yato 



S 

E n&tbi cba Bejana padey4 1& 
G 



nasti cba 
nfttbi — ■ 



ekatarebi 
imenikaya 



pasandebi 
AnatAyenesa 
n&Bti yn ftimaft ri ft "^ ftlrftt ftf%ypb i pAsandamM 



( 

'^ Bambbane 
( 



S ( omitted. ) 

E ob& Bamane obA natbi obA kn v&pi janapadasi yatba natbi manisAnam eka tala bA pi pasaniBino 
G ( omitted 



(a) These two woidB may be read u muH and gttlawnU0> 

(5) The na of eamcuia ie omitted in the originaL 

(0) The second ta of this word is omitted in the originaL 



86 



TEXTS. 



s 

K 
G 



BA nama 
n&ma 
zia nftma 



prasade 
pas^e 



sayame 
86 aTata 
yavata 



tre 

ke 

ko 



jatnna 

jane 

janapada 



taxaka 
tada 



S nalagebaia oha 

K KaUngesn pinete elia 

G — ^^nayaeaka • tb 



metam 

mafa 

xxdtaneya 



cha 
cha 
Tapi 



apara 

papavndha 

atavijo 



a 



cha 
ba 



S 
K 
G 



acba 



taraia 
tat& 



''sata 
pato 



BliagaTa 
BhAgava 



sabasra 
BahaB& 



Bhagava 
BhAgavA 



8 
K 
G 



^agatra 
ajagalu 



matra 
mateva 



rava 



DeTftnampijasa 
Deyftnampijaii^ 



yo pibho 



8 aprflScati yati ebba 

K — 

G — 



miiratiya matera 



DerAnampriyasa 
Dey&nampiyasi 



8 yam sako cbba manayaya pibi atb&bi DevanampriyaBa a * * tarn bboti rati anadeti 
K 

G s&pijitesati ■ ■ _— . ■ ■ 



8 anat^a piti anatrape pricba 

K 

G 



pabbatre * DeTaoam 



8 
K 
G 



pnya 
(a) 



Bava 
aava 
Bava 



bbntftnam 

• • • 

bbnt&nam 



ftcbbati 



aobbatim 



cba 



sayamam 
* yama 
sayamam 



cba 



8 
K 
G 



samam 
samam 
samam 



▼aiiya rabbaai aye 

Taliya madavati iya 
(5 letters) cbei4m 



oba 
cba 



mail masajaya Devanampriyasa 

ma * * * * DevAnampiyasA 



8 
K 
G 



yo 



dbamma 



▼ijayo 
vijaye 



sanam 
se cha 



punaladbe 



Deyanam priyaaa i a 
Dev&nam pi • • 



S 
K 
G 



cba 
cba 



save shu 
*save 



cbbam 
sacha 



anteshu ' asbAsu 
ateeu 



piyojaaa eacho 

picbb&jane . * * 



sbasantam 
satesaate 



8 ANTITOEE nAma 
K ANTITOGE n&ma 
G • • • • 



Tona 
Tona 
Tona 



B&ja 
B&ja 



paran 
palan 
paran 



cba 
oba 
cha 



tena 
tenA 
tena 



8 ANTITOKENA chatora 
K ' ANTIYOGBNA obatoH 
G obatoro 



nil 



ngane 
lijane 
ri^Ano 



TURAMATB 
TULAMAYB 
TURAMATO 



nama, 
nAma, 
cba. 



(a) The Kbalai text hoe bfigint again with the 2nd line on the 8 &oe of the rock. 



TEXTS. 



87 



ASTIKINI nniBk 
AKTZKINA »to* 


MAKA 
MAKA 
MAGA 

Pa«da 


n&ma, ALIKASANDAEE 
ni uu; ALIKTASADALB 


n&ma 
n&ma 


niche 
Hicham 




aram 
aTun 


IbMiopam^ hoTMD 


meva 


hera 


meva 


hena 


raja 








"* SioJa-PitiniJeethu, Aitdira-PuliiidMlui saTatam : 

Bhoja-Fitmikyuu, * Andio'PalandMit, (i) laratA: 

■ « * * * ' dka-Pirinditu, aanU; 



DevAoampriyaita 
DeT&nampiyaat 



insathi 
lOiastiin 



aniiTataiitiT&tft 
anavataraTata 



pidnti 
pidftti 



Deviiiampiijan 
* Devftoampijrasft 



detanaTatn cbantiti ^fnta 
nejantito pimta 



DeTftDamprijasB dhamavntam tiTena 

DeT&nam pintiiya (e) lamavatam vadhanam 



Ah aman niarti 
1° dhamm&Diuatid 



ilhftTtimft uknTidhiTaaia 



aniiTadhi;e»am * «lia «• * Indba 
annTidhijuam aebkjo ee * ladbe 



s 


savatam 




viJajB 




Tijaye" 


pifi tua Mlodha bhoti 


E 


aaraU 


Tij.ye W 


t& piHl 


ue 


gadh&a&hoti 


piti 


hoti 


G 


■avatha 


puna 


Tjjayo piti 


rau> 


ladh&ta 


piti 


hold 


S 


priti 


dhanav^Bja 




prili 


panntika 


mevam 


E 






am "silahakA 


lekho 


■Apiti 


pilantikya 


mCTB 




S 




meojttti 












mahayiU 




etati cha 


athaye 


ayo 


E 

G 

8 


mah&phfl'B 




Devinampiyo 


« etAje ohA 


athAye 


iyam 


dhamalipi 


likhita 


kiti 


pntM 


pi^wtra 




ohanam 


E 
G 

B 




likhita 


Uti 


PTlt* 


papota 


mo aDUD 


"Mvaa 


Tijaja 


ma 


T^auTam 


amanyg 


sLakLuda 


yo 


tya.^jati 


K 


vijayam 


ma 




mauiim 


B&yakaai 


no 


Tijtyuikhanti 


G 


Tijajam 


ma 


Tijetavyam 


mam 


nyaaaraaake 


eva 


vij&ywhhAti 


8 


ehalan 


daD^a 


te h» 


Rmche 


tntamraoa 


rya 


manyanye 


K 
Q 


•oh&Li-ra 


«d«.4» 


tA H 


loohe 


tDUmera ohn T^ajam 


manaUje 

















(«) This word li not my ole*r : — it may ba fa4a or pamda. 

(i) Tlia tgxt ■• hm my iodirtbot 

(s) Pw wwd »tf^|f« la imntidunmall Uttow abof* tb« Hnt, haTing b«en originally omiltod by tin wgrtwr. 



88 



TEXTS. 



s 

K 
Q 



^ dhamanjaja 
dhammaTijayese 



pida 



lokikja 



paralokike 
pala ^ lokiye 



saya 
sayft 



cha 
cha 



8 titati bhota ya nxuna tata sai 
K kaoilatiho * nga mala ti skpi 
G 



hiddokika paranlokika, 

hid&lokika palalokikyA. 

* i * k>kik4 oha paralokikA 



cha. 



EDIOT XIV. 



S 
E 
G 
D 
J 



»Aya 
" lyam 
Ayam 
^^ lyam 



dhamalipl 
dhazmnalipi 
dliammalipi 
dhammalipt 



Derftnampriyena 
Dev&iiampiyen& 
Devinampiyena 
Deyiaampiyena 



Pifina (a) 
Fiyada8in& 
Piyadasino 
Piyadasina 



Banyina 
L&jiD& 
Bany& 
Lljina 



likhapita 
likhftpiiA 
lekhApit& 
Hkhi** 



athiyerA 
asti evft 



K ^ sakhitena 
G sankliiteiia 
D sankHiiena 

J !■ 



asti 
athi 
asti 
athi 



tesam nyitona asti yo 

majhimenA athi 

majhamena asti 

majhamena — 

** * jhimena athi 



vistiteiia 

▼ithatenft 

yistafena 

▼ithafena 



hi 



no hi 
nacha 
n&pi 
n&pi 



savatam sa 
savatft 
sayam (b) 
save 
save 



sayve 

save 

pavata 

savata 

savata 



8 ganiite 

EI ghantite 

G ghafitam 

D ghantife 

J ghafite 



maoUke 
mah&Like 
mahAlake 
1' mahantehi 
mahantehi 



hi 
hi 



vijite 
'® v\jite 
pivijitam 
vijaye 
yyaye 



:l)aha 
:bahn 
:bahii 
:baha 



cha 
va 
cha 
ke cha 



likhite 
likbite 
likhitam 
likhite 



likhipafa 
lekhapefft 
likbapayisam 
likhiyisa 



8 
K 
G 
D 
J 



mi cheva 
mi cheva 
chema 



amichaatra 
nikyam athi mi het& 
asti cha etakam 
athi pa cha 



pmiapane pa^ahaoata tasatasa 

punapnoa ^ ladhita tasa tasft 

pnnapuna vutam tasa tasa 



athas^ 
athasa 



«• • 



sa 



8 
E 
G 
D 
J 



madhnliy&ye 
mftdhuritaya 
taya 
m^dhuliyftye 



yena 
kiti 
>9 kintioha 
kinticha 



jane: 
jano: 
jane: 
jane 



i4ta • 
tath& 
tath& 
tathft 
tathA 



pratip^jayati 

patipajey4se 

pafipajetha 

patipajey&ti 

patipajeyftti 



sosiyaya atam kiche 
sftyft ata kichhi 
*tata ekad& 
epi cha hetam 
epi cha hetam 



8 asamatam 

E ^ asamati 
G asam&tam 
D asamati 

J 



likhitam 
Ukbite 
likhitam 
likhitesam 



desam va 

dis& v& 

asadesam va 

• • • y^p H ai— 



sankhaye 
sankhaye 
sachh&ya 



kAlanam 
k&ra^am 



va 
v& 
va 



(a). Sic in original. 

(5). It is clear from the agreement of the other four texts tliat the initial p of this word should be «. A sinc'le stroke 
omitted by the engraver on the left hand of the letter has left the anfinished • a simple p. 



TEXTS. 



sloohknti Upikm 

alocbijita lipikaU 

B alovetU Lpikuft 

• • ti lipikala 




2^ Oimar text originallj/ eoneluded mtk a mglt itolaled time ef mkiek oitUf ik» latter 
It read* a* folhwt . — 



No. 6. 
Fint aeparaie Edict at Lhauli and Jaugada. 
See FrinMp, Jonmal Bengal Aiiktio Society, Til, Ul, vid Bnmon:^ Le Lotna de la Bonne Loi, p] 



D 
J 


> DeT&nunpijBBa vaohaueuft ToBBliyua ' i 
1 DevlLnaiiipije tveram ftU Sam&p&yam i 


D 
J 


vataTijuD. 
vaUriyi. 


Am 
Am 


kiibbi 
kiibU 


diUtmi 


D 
J 


luiu. 


e « 




• diirtl.1. 
' davUftte 


D 

J 


me 


moUiTMnats 


dnTftle: 
> dnHIl: 


etMi 


D 

J 


oaiuattii 


ta phe bi 
pli.(i) hi 


bBh(Ua 
Uhui 



mBh&mUa 



Tiyoj 



taphe 



Bxre ' maniH p^j& inamfc atha F^^B 
BAva mniuH ' pqja atha P^iijB 



Litaaokhenam 
hita Bukheuam 



Iiida lokika 
kidali^ika 



D ynjerA ti (he me hasa) (c) sfipi iohtt&m] 
J ^^^ be meva me iya aava muniaa 



no eha pAphnnitha 

ta he • • •notha 



*iy8m 



keoha 



pnlue 
polase 



(a) Piluup raadi tiiUidui omittiiig theteoond ijUabla yo, nhioh ii diitjaot In batk tsit*. Boraouf nade thi 
Bi vjfgpdloid. Tlie Uttei y !■ indittiDrt in the ChinU text, bnt Ihe Towel a ii ^oits clMr. 

(i) Tha aylUbla t« u hecs omitted in Om origiDil tut. 

(o) Tba fom ijlkblM within biaokal* an takeo ttvm Prineop. The apaos now blank ii nSdenttbribont dght 
whole ma; not hate been ascnTid \ and tba liltan giTtn bj PriiueF ware oapled b; EUttoa, ilthoiigh they bate ail 



90 TEXTS. 

D etam sepi desam no nTam dekliatehi tnphe etam * sa yibitft 

J * tam sepi deBam nosavam dekhathahi olxamepi an Tit& 

D pi niti jam eka puliae athaya bandhaxun va 

J pi l>ahiika athiyaeti eka mnnifle ■ bandhanam 

D palikOesam t& p&pan&ti tata hota ^ akasmA tena 

J paliH • • — — papan&ti • • • ta • s # gmagft tena 

D bandhanAiA ka: anne cha * * baha janodaviye dakbtyaii: tata 

J bandba oba yuve daya cba yata babiike — yedayanti : tata 

D iobbitaviye tnpbe bi: _— ... kinti majbam pafipAdaye m&ti 

J ■ tapbe bi: * * taye kinti majba pa^ipAtaye ma * 

D Imebi cba * jatebi no sampafi pajati : isAya, Asulopena, 

J Imebi I I jatebt no eampafipajati : isA * asolopena, 

D " nitbaliyena, tdlanAya, anAvtltiya, Alasiyena, kAlammatbena, ee iobbitaviye 

J nitboliyena, 'toliye, anAviitiyey * ^yena, kalamatbanam, bevam icbbitayiye 



D 


kinti 




ete 


'^jatAniba 


J 


kinti 


me 


eteni 


jatAm yeya 


D 
J 


chasayasa 
savasa cba 




milde 
mala 


anAsalope 
anasolope 


iyam 



mamAti: eta ea 

mobyeyiiti : ■ — 



— -^atolana cba niti cbbam 

cba • ta • • cba ni • • 



D ekilante siyA ^ nate aga oba samcbalita yiyenta ya bitayiya ..^.^mm^ 

J iyam nijat ^ samcbalita atbAya * * tayyatA ya t^tayiya pi 

D etayiye yA beyam meyam edam * * tapbA katena yataviye ^* aganam ne dekbata 

J etayiye pinitiyam eka deyeni annAne n^ba maaayiye — — — — 

D beyam cba beyam cba DeyAnampiyasa anoeatbi se mabA * * sa tasa 

J beyam ■ DeyAnampi •••sa^ • ••• 8 f^jj^ 

D sampatipAda ^' mabA apAye asampafipati ya pafipAdayamt nebi etannantbi 

J ma pbalebati -~— - ....• asampa^ipati -~— - mabApAye boti yi pafipatAyam tanno 



D swagasa (a) AlAdbino l^'a ladbi ^^ doAbalebi ima sakam meya 

J swaga AladbAno li^a dbi daAbale etasa masa 



D makate manam : atileke sampa^i pijamino cba etam ■ swagam — 

J samo * *ya* * * * ^ oba ananeyam esatba swagam cba 



(a) Here Bnraovf witb bis tuaal sagacity suggested the true reading of noagatOf ** da del" See Le lotos, p. 681, 



D " lIUhajiMthlti tarn ftpaoinijun eliathft. lyam clu Upi 

J &1& (dha) jawtU " lywn elia lip! 



Tin Nakhftteua Bot&vijam ■* ■ntal&pi eh« tin * * ti» Bikhaaftm 
TiMun Mt&rijua aUpi va iw Mta (jla e 



sotaviya^: berain ch« kUsntam tnplie " obA glutlui HtnpfttipUajitaTa etAye 



D atUlye ijsa lipi UkhitAhida eu 

J Kthftje iyam Tata lipt ena 



I Munayun yqJBTft tugaU: janm (fi) itumi pali badlia *«*■ 



ki (bie rano sijiti. Et&ye clia otUye hakam ^hammf) te (e) panebaan 



e akha kbiM a ohan^a aa kh 

laahtofttjiTn a ohan^a pbela 




D pioha kontUe ei&y»Tam atbiye nifchama^aatj bediaainineTi 

J ^— kumUe ri • taaa ta .^__^— ^— - 



no eha atikimayiuld tinlTaa&iu be roeva Takbaiilate pi (e) ad& am * * *^ te 
' - ■■ — ■ ~- ■ Ta chanika a 



D mkhamiaanti amuayAnam, tada ab&payiU atane kammam 

J annaftyanam nikha mi aanti; ■ atina kammitm 



D i&aisanli " tarn pititU kalanti atbi l^ine aniuatbtti. 



(a) Thil lattn i« donUhl, it ma; be ri. 

(ti) Bamoof nada juo^a-bua, inalAid of nagala jamua, aAer which he tllowa a ipua far Stb Mteia. 

{a) Bare both Prinavp and Burmmf read aut^ but the leit doea not repeat au aftn Humwta. . 

\£) UJtitifa ia the raadbig of both Prinaep and BarDoaf, bat the letter U ia qnita dear both in the phototn 
BeaWe impreated Dopj. Prinaep IdentiSei UJtnta with Ujn^/a, a yoangsr Iirother of Uahindo (Bengd Aiiat. Boc • 
bat BoTumt hai rightly pointed ont tbit Djnijra wu oal; i Utle of Prinee Hahindo, who wM bom at Ujeia ese:— 1« 1 

M Here Bnmonf reada rtoH, mppaaing that the leR limb of the letter t had been omitted by Kitloe ; bat the let 
tindly pj and not tL 



92 



TEXTS. 



No. 7. 

Second Separate Edict at Dkauli and Jangada. 



D DeTftnamplyasa vaehanena : 'Tosiutajc kum&U swh&mlktA oha Tataviya : am 

J Devlnampiye heram iiii, : SiJCAPATAJC mSh&m&ta LSja ra oha nika TatariyA, am 



D 


kichhi 


dakhliini (a) 


hakam 


tarn 








J 


kichhl 




hakam 


tarn 


iohh&mi 




BktipA^yeha 


D 


'duvlLlate 


cha 


Alabheham ; 


esa 


cha 


me mokhyamata 


duy&UL 


J 


duvftUte 


cha 


Uabheham ; 


eoa 


oha 


me mokhijamate 


dnvila. 



D Etasi athasi am taphe (5) hi anusathi tuphe hi hahiisa pdoa sahasesu &yata jana me gachha oha 
J Etasa athasa am tuphe * anUBathi (c) (omitted) 



P 8amani£i4nam ; eave Bomunise 
J (omitted) sava mani8& 



paja mama ' atha (c) pajAje iohhimi hakam niti, 



me paja 



atha 



pajd^e iohhAmi kinti me 



D sayena hita 
J sayene hita 



Bukhena hidalokika p&lalokik&ye yiijeyiiti heyam 

Bukhena 7n(je) yiiti hidalogika p&lalokike na heyam 



meyam me 



8iy& ant&nam ay^it&nam kichham yasa Ll^a 



D * 

J ichhe Baya maniB& bu Bay& anta kuth& yijitftnam kinchham deBU Ll^a aphe Buti eta k&y& 



D meya ichh&mi 
J me ichha 



ma 



anteflu pdiptmeyate: iti Dey&nampiye y&gftna 

anteeu p&poneyu : — L&ja ichhati ame yigina 



D _— . mam&ye • huye vftti, Aawafleyn oha — 
J heya * mamiyaye — — . Aflwasepa cha me 



Bukhameya 
Bukhameya 



laheya 
laBeya 



mama 
mama 



teno 
teno 



D 
J 



dukha 



heyam 
heyam 



* naya iti khami tine : 
hi B&ha ne ynkhamisa tie : 



Deyiaampiya 



ahft: k4ti 



echa 
^echha 



D kiye 
J kiye 



: khamitaye 
:khamitaye 



mama 
mama 



nimitam cha dhammam oha 

nimetam oha dhamma cha 



leyd 
lenya 



D 
J 



ti 



• hidaloka — 
hidalogam cha 



pahdokam cha 

palalogam oha 



ftl&dhayeyii Etaei 
Uadhayeyam etl^e 



>cha 



P athasi hakam annsAslkmi tuphe anena ((2) 

J ath&ye hakam tuphe yi anuBlksftmi anena 



etakena hakam ■ anus&Bitam 

etakena hakam tuphe ni anua^situ 



D chhandam cha 
J chhandam cha 



▼editam (4hay4mi) (e) pa^inyo 
Bu & mama chiti pl^t^i^ 



cha 
cha 



mama 



7 ajal&84 heyam 
^ achalasa heyam 



(a). Bornonf nads ddkhami'hwm followed by a gap ae far as duwilecha : bat both the Jangada and Dhaoli texts support Prinsep's 
reading. (Bee Le Lotus, p. 602). 

(6). After ii»pk$ Buriioaf omits all down to athape^d^; but Prinsep*s reading is supported by the Jaugada text as far as it ex- 
tends. This portion has peeled oiF since Kittoe's time, with the exoeptioa of the last two letters mama, 

(o). Inthe Jaugada text the words from a<Aap<(;(^0 down to ^«!^t» are repeated, and the words following anusathi down to 
iosasKMAM are altogether omitted* 

(<D. From this word down to q;a2a«a Bumonf supplied the gap left by Prinsep, and his reading is generally confirmed by that of 
toe Jaugada text, as well as by Mr. Beglar's photographs of the Dhauli inscription itself. 

(«). I bad already supplied dkaydmi from Bumouf s reading, which is now fully confirmed by Hr. Beglar's photographs. 



D ks^nlaun me dulitavije aswa • • i eha tini ena— pftpnnerft iti. 
J katu^am nw ohttlitaviyo Mwasa kiji oha ta ena t« pftpona — . i 



a (a) henm DeT&nami 



D ■- • atU oha p%)4 hev»m maye 

J bevam anHsampnti att& ' F^i^ hevam maje 



D hafcam unuft-ita ohhandam cha — ■ pb&ka— • 

J hnlrum aaoBbita ohhandam th& Teda toka ptu 



D Tntdke hoe&mi EUye atUje pafibaUlki ((} tuphe 
J ayutike lioa&mi Etasi atbasi ' tuphe 



* hidalokika p&Ialokikftja 

hitalogika pfiUlokik&ja 



D kalantam tnphe \ ivagam U&dajisatba . (e) n 

J kalantam swaga aladbajuatam n 



D EUje clia ath&ye iyam Up! UkhitA: liida ena 
JxEt&je cba atUl;e ijam lipi likhitt: hida eiia 



^ ynjUanti Asftian&fe dhamma ohalan&je 

yaJMam AK&aon&ye ' * dhamma chaletia ' 



D iyam cha lipi anaoh&tan («) masam Haeiu 

J ijam cha Kpi (ana) ohUuD iiiiaaiiuotati7& 



D kftmam oba khano khamui antal&pi tiBena ekeoa ' > ■otaTij& : 
J cha MtarijA ' * khanesantam ekena si * * vij 



D chaghatha sampatl p&dajitare 

J tau|{hatha aamp^i p&tajit&ve. 



(a) Thia word was omitted b; the ori^nal oigraver, and afterwards inierted all 

(b) In the Jangada text the word imeediue IwpjU woold appaar to have contais 
It preceded by an anDiwATa, Qua making the final sjUable aUt. The word Menu 
and Banund read Di^laii, which is eerbdnlj incorrect. 

(c) tola it here LDierted b; Frinwp; bat there ii no apace tar the letters, 
(({) Sic in origjnaL 

(>) Here Btmonf dinned tlie troe nedin^ of amtekHmK m&sam, which agrees i 



94 



TEXTS. 



No. 8. 



ROCK INSCRIPTION AT SAHASARAM. 

Transcript by Db. G. Buhler. 

1 DeY^n^ih piye bevam & [h& s&tilekAni adhit]i y&ni samyaclihal&iii am upaaake 
snmi, na cha bftdham palakamte 

2 SaYuhchbale 8&dhike am [snmi b&dham palakam] te. Etena cha amtalena Jambudtpasi 
ammisam deY& [hu] sam ta. 

3 munis& misaib deva kat& pa la[kama8i hi] iyam phale [n]o [cha i]jam mahatatft 
vachakiye p&vataye. Khndakena hi pak — 



4 EamamiQen& yipule 8aag[e sa]k]ye &Ia[dhayita]ye. Se etftye athaye iyam s&v&oe : 
khudak& cha ud&Uk cha pa — 

6 lakamamtu, aiht& pi cham jd,namta, chilathittke cha palakame hotn. Iyam cha 
aihe vadhiBati, yipDlam pi vadhisati 



6 diyAdhiyam avaladhiyen& diyadhiyam yadhisati iyam 
8apamn41&ti 



cha savane viyuthena; duve 



7 satA Yiyuth& ti, [pt & phra] 256 Ima cha atham. payateeu likh&pay& thAya; 

[yata] v&; 



8 thi hete ail&thambh& tata pi likh&paya thayL 

KoTsa Bt Db. BiTBiiBB. — Materials uaed : PI. xiv of General Camiingham's Corp, Inter, Ind., Vol. I ; and a photograph 
supplied by General Gonningham. 

Lime 1, — ^The facsimile and photograph show that seven or eight syllables have been lost. The restoration of the 
first six is absolutely certain on account of the identical readings of M. and B, — [adhif\iydni is less certain. I take 
it for a representative of adhiiUdm, caused by the change of « to A, and its subsequent loss, just as in FanjAbi Hk, thirty, 
and ikatH, thirty-one. 

Line 2, — Read sam'oaehhaU, B. Six or seven letters have been lost — R, and B, have two sentences corresponding 
to this lacunc^ oontidning sixteen letters. S, can have had one sentence only. The sense requires the sentence given 
above. Bead amitam according to R. Read devd'husam, as B. has deod-Auiu, and a verb is required. The vertical stroke 
in the facsimile is the left hand part of the letter A. This emendation I owe to Pandit Bhagv&nUl Indraji. Bead ie 
for to, according to B. 

Lime S^—TLeiBd devd. The jMi2a before the lacuna is probable from the photograph. The restoration is certain on 
account of the corresponding passage in R., which here, as everywhere, substitutes the root pakam for palakame. The 
second and third lacunas have been filled in according to R. 

Line 4, — ^Bestorattons according to R. and B, — Bead sdoaue. 

Line 6, — Bead chajanamtu. 

Line 6. — Bead ednane ; the facsimile has dute, but according to the photograph dute, which the sense requires, is at 
least probable, if not certain. 

Line 7. — ^Bestoration suggested by the fact that two syllables have been lost, and a relative pronoun is desirable, 
though not absolutely necessary. 



ROCK INSCRII 

Tratueript 

1 DeTfcn&iB piye heram UA : 
ftikA » [vft] ki DO ohft bM" 

ja fomi haka samgha-pS 

2 H4id chapakate. Yi 
dcT^-hmo, te d&oi maai 
no cha eel i]iabataUp&-potaTe : 

3 pi pannnainiiienft laliTe jupnle 
cha sirane kafe : khodaU oha 
jftaamtu; Ijani pak&re ■ 

1 kiti ? chiiathitike ayA. Ija 

cha va^biaiti, apaladbijenj 

athe pavatua lekhftpeta vUata 

5 silaUiabhe lil&thambhaii l&kh&p« 
7&vatakatn paka abUe, 

kafe [ad fi phn] 266 am— 

6 ta^nvU ta. 

Noiia vt Db. Btthibb. — Materiali used : Two rabbin 

Lint 1.— Bead riliUtAmi, the letter » looki 

flint mark between la and ki which may be va i — « 

ble reading, aa the letten appear to be haU effaced. 

Liiu 3, — Under the vd of dmi-Jtuta there ia a 

the absorption of die initial a of oAsw, and if 

have stood between iH«dai«itd hi and h9. But I r 

lAntS.—&aApaktmaminruAi tipmUi MiA 



96 TEXTS. 



No. 10. 

ROCK INSCRIPTION AT BAIRAT. 

Transcript by De. G. Buhlee. 

1 Dey&naih piye &h& : s&ti [lek&ni * * * i e sa 

2 vasftnam ya haka upftsake n[ocha] bftdham 

3 • • • am mamayft samghe papayite [b&]dham cha * 

4 Jambudipasi amis&-. nam devahi * * vi • • • [pa la] kamasi esa [pha] le 

5 [ii]o hi esa mahatane vachakaye • • *[pala] ramamineD& ya • • # pa 

6 vipule pi 9vamge [sajkye &lMhetaye * * [khuda] kft oha ad41& ch4 palakamatu tt 

7 amte pi janamtu ti obilatkiti P^e] * * [vi]pulaib pi vadhisatL 

8 diyadhiyam vadhisati [n phu] 66 

Notes by Db. Buhleb. — Materiala used : Cunningham, Corp, Inter,, Vol. I, PL xiv— and a cloth copy made by Pandit 
BhagviLnl&l Indraji. 

Line 1. — Cloth copy : devdndm. The remnants of three letters towards the end of the line are also from the latter. 

Line 2,^ Corp, Imcr.—paka, Qoth copy shows lower part of fi[o] — Corp, Inter, — bddhi, doth copy has rem- 
nants of these letters towards the end of the Hne. 

Line 3. — CL—payaye ate and hadhi. In the doth copy the top of dhA is wanting. 

Line 4. — Cloth copy : amisd-na deoe pi and omits vi. I conjecture amisdnam devanilsu ie da] ni. Portions of the 
letters laka appear on the cloth copy. — CJ„~^man, 

Xane 5, — CI, begins the line ha hi : the cloth copy shows o clearly.— CX mapAtane, I think mahaiana should be 
read, as the word forms a compound with vaehakaye, Kead [pala"] kamamimend. The cloth copy omits ya , , . , pa, 
which are not easily explained. 

Line 6, — CLoth copy : vipule him evage takye — CI, — vipule pi evamge kiye. The above reading is conjectural, but 

supported by the analogy of 8, and J2. Possibly eakiye may be the right form. Towards the end C.I, reads [^khnda] kd 
ehe, which ia incorrect. 

Line 7, — Cloth copy omits <Hii![te'], shows half a ta instead of ft in ehilathiH[ke'}, and omits pm in [rt] pulam. 

Line 8, — Cloth copy : diyadhiya vadhaeai, and omits £he numeral signs. I must confess that I douht the correct- 
ness of the latter, on account of their position. 

Note bt Gbitebal Cxjvkes&ram., — These numeral signs were brought to my notice by my Assistant, Mr. Carlleyle, the dis- 
coverer of the inscription. I have since had fresh impressions made of the whole inscription, from which the dotted 
numerals given in the plate were taken. Mr. Carlleyle thought that he could trace three numeral figures. That there 
are marks on the rock at the end of the inscription is quite certain, but as 1 have not examined the rock myself, I am 
unable to affirm posij^vely that tiiey are numerals, — A. C. 



SECOND BAIRiT ROCK. 



WU Pijadaii 
jl. C. Pijadue 



m&gadhe 
mftg&dhe 
Higadhe 



SftDgham 



sbhiv&dem&Dam 
abhiT&demtknam 

abbiT&dem&iuun 



fthft ap&bidlw 



B»r cbft pbbnTibftlalAm cha * TiditoT&, bbaate, ^vBtake 

WU eha pisn TibU&tAm cba viditeTo, bhute, ftvatAke 

A.C. cba pbisu TibUatank oha viditeve, bboato, Avatake 



JBwr dhammaai 



MDghulti 
WU dbammasi ianghadti 

A. C. Dhammasi Bangbasiti 

Bur * bbagavatA bndbsoa 
Wil BhagaTatft Bndbeiia 

A. C. BbBgaTat& Budbena 



Smt bbant«, 
Wil bbante. 
A. O. bbante. 



galavencbAm 
golave cbam (P) 
golave cha 

bb&site »ve 

bbflsite save 

bb&site save 



bft n>& 


bndhad 


ha m& 


bQdhaiu 


ha m& 


Bndha. 


lia ekecbi, 


bhanto. 


tia ekecbi. 


bhante. 


la ekecbi. 


bhante, 


»ubbl8itova 


echokbo, 


eubhyite v4 


eehakbo. 


nibhaaite y& 


ecbnkho. 



pamijaye diaija hevam widbamme * chilaeaUti ks 

p&nuy&Te diiejA haTam aadhamme chila (va) tl ke 

p&mijftje diae; ft bevam tadharnme chilatbili ke 



alah&mi 
alabimi 



£ur vinajau 
WU vinajasa 
A. C. TinajBsa 



bft(ki) 



tftTa 

tavft 



taY& im&ni, bhante, dhammapayftj 

t&ve imftni, bhante, (dham) mapali 

tare imAni, bhante, dhammapaliji 



makase * alijayosftni anftgata bbajftni 

makase aliyavBs&ni anftgata bhay&ni 

muksM (h) aliyavai&ni anftgate bbay&ni 



mnnig&thft moneja 

mani gftthA mannej 

muni g&tbft moneys 



Svr npalJEapasina 

WU (n) patAaa patine 

A. C. Upatisa pasine 

Bur bbf^Tat4 

WU bbagavat& 

A. C. Bhagavata 

Bur iebhfti 

WU icbhk: 

A. C. ichbii 



bndhena 
bodhena 
Bndhena 



tighulo ' 

l&ghnlo 

Ughnio 

bbisite 
bb&«ito 
bhfteite 



mog&v&dain 
muaivi (cha) m 
maa&T&dain («) 



adbc^chja 
adbigaahja 

adhigichja 



efAni 
etftoi 

etftat 



' kitibihnke bhikhapft jeobft 

kiti babuke bhikbapft jecha 

kinti bahoke hhikha([Q p& yeohft 



bhante dbammapalijAjftni 

bhante dhamma pali jfty&n 

bbante dbamma palijftj&t 

bbikbftni yeohft abbikhi 

bhikhani jecba abbikhi 

bhikhani jecha abhikhi 



B*r Bunayaebft upadb&lejrajfl t& 'heTani mevft npftsaUt 

WU sunafDchft Dpadbftlejeyn cha hevam meva np&sakft 

A- C. enDajnobft upadhftleyejA cb4 hevam inev& npAsakft 



npfiuki 

npfteik 
upAsik 



eteni bhnste 

et&ni bbnnto 

eteni bhnnte 



am likhftpajftmi 

a (m) likhft (pa) y&mi 

am likb&pa;ftmi 



abhimati me ch& nmtltj 

abhi heti maja (nan) ll 

ahhi peti mejftnuittti. 



(a) The omiMion of the ijlUbU U i« no donbt the printei'a taolt^ aa Bornoof gtvei the word in full' in the la«l 
le of the 6th line. . 

(b) I read muiate, and lo did Chiptiun Bart. 

(c) Certainly dant, the cnrre ii on the wroog tide for elam as propOMd b; Wilson. 

(if) The manner of attaching the vowel « at the foot of the fal wai perhapa unknown to Bnrnonf and Wilson. 



98 



TEXTS. 



1 J. p. Namo 
A. C. Namo 



No. 12. 
KHANDAGIRI ROCK. 

See Prinsep in Journal of the Bengal Anatio Soeiety, VI, 1080, (a) 

sava — 



Arahantftnam 
Arahant&nam 



namo 
namo 



Sidh&nam 
Sidh&nam 



Airena 
Airena 



mahftrftjena 
mah&rajena 



J. P. mahAmeghay&hanena chetak&jate * chhadanena 

A. C. mah&meghayyianena chetaiftmjava sa^am dhanena 



pasathasukela*— 
pasathaaokela 



khanena 
khanena 



J. P. chatorantalatlia 
A. 0. chaturamkalatha 



ganena 
gunena 



-*— kalingftdhipatiriUii 
* tena kalingftdhipatichA 



sikhira 



avalonam 
uyalena. 



2 J. P. pandarasa 
A. C. pandarasa 



▼as&ni 
vas&ni 



siri-kadara— 

m 

siri-kad&ra 



Bariravatft, 
sarirayatA 



kidita-kmn&rakidika, 
M^itA-knm&rakidikft, 



tato 
tato 



J. P. lekhardpa-gana-n&ya — yap&ra 

A. C. lekh&rftpA-ga^a-n&va — vep&ra 



vidhifvis&ra-dana 
vidhi-visftra dena 



sava-v^&vadatena nayavas&ni, 

sava-yijavadatenam nayayaa&m. 



J. P. hota 
A. C. liota 



r&ia 
vAja 



tiyase, 
pans&siyasa, 



puna 
puna 



chayayisati-yaBe dinaya 

chatnyinBati-yaflesa dftnaya 



dhamena 
dhamena 



J. P. BesayayenA 
A. C. 8( 



bhiyijayo iatiye. 

bhiyijapo {b) tatiye. 



3 J. P. kalinga-r&ja 
A. C. kalinga-r^ja 



yanBa-pon 
yansa-pori 



sanynge, 
wunynge, 



mah&r4jabhi86chanam 
mahftriljabhiBeHshanam 



p&pnn&fi 
p&pnn&ti 



J. P. Abhisita 
A. C. Abhisita 



mata 
mato 



yapa dhamayaae 
champadhamayase 



yatayibatato 
ylktayibatato 



pora-p&h^ 
pnra-pftkAra 



niyesam 
niyesanam 



J. P. pafiBankbarayati. 
A. C. patisankh&rayati. 



Kalinga-nagari 
Kalinga-nagari 



khidbira 
kbimbtra 



sitala 
isit&la 



tadAga 
ta4iya 



panyo 
pA^iyo 



cba 
cba 



J. P. bathupayaai saya 

A. C. tb&p&(P) payati saya 



y&nipati 
yftnampati 



santbapa (nam) cba. 
sanihapanam oba. 



4 J. P. k&rayati ; 
A. C. k&rayati; 



panatisiiAsihi {e) 
pannftftsidbi 



satasabasebi 
satasabasebi 



pakatiyo 
pak&tiye 



ranjayati 
ijayata 



datiya 
datiye 



J. P. oba 
A. C. cba 



yasoj 
y&se, 



ftcbitayit& 
acbitayita 



sotek&re 
sotak&ai 



pacbbim& 
pacbbima 



disam, 
disam 



baya 



J. P. gajft i^ft» 

A. C ycjjam nara 



radba 
radba 



bafanla dartn 

bababdanam te 



patbApayati 
patbapanati 



kansaban&gat&ya 
sab&nfigat&ya 



J. P. dasan&ya 
A. C. disenoya 



pnnayase 
ponayase 



y&tlknam sakanagara y&sino 

y&t&nanta sakanagara nay4ye 

(a) Tbe diflerenoes between Eittoe^s text^ wbicb Prinsep used, and the text of the photograph of the plaster cast^ are so 
nomerons, that I haye thought it better to giye my own reading from the new text^ than to note the many yariations. 

(&) Beading of hist syUable doabtful. 

{e) The Ust two letters of this word would appear to have been accidentally repeated by Slttoe. This is a yeiy tsommon 
occurrence with hand-made transcripts. 



TEXTS. 

S J. p. guidhavt vedft-bndho-dampuift Utthsta t1 

A. C. guidhbva TedB-bitdh& dampana t»gi If) U vi 

J. P. umaja kAripuUii olw kidapajatd iA( 

A. C. aanuja k&rtpan&bi cha k&^apajranti naj 

J. P. TijadharUhiTlM a (ra) hata puba KaUof 

A. C, TijadhaiidluTaaam a (no letter) hata pnra Kaling 

J. P. ^— (gap) vaU dliania (not rendered) 

A. C. (about 10 letto^) Tata dhama tiuptta (F) ^ati (P 

€ J. P. (a) bhig&iebi taratana a&pateua Bavarathika 

A. C. bhigaiebi taratanam «tpata^ aavarathika 

J. P. Pachaobad&aiTase Kaxda Raja tivaa 

A, C Panchapaaohadiniyage Nabda Rqa tim 



J. P. 


v^a 


panadi nagara 


paMW 




A.C. 


T^a 


panAdi nagan 


pavesa 


•™o(abc 


J. P. 
A.C. 


oba 




vakara 


Tane. 


J. P. 


anngaha 


anekani mta-aali 


lasaDi 


visajati 


A.C. 


anngalia 


anokAiu iata-iabaa4ui 


Tiaejati (•) 


J. P- 


paaisato 




satam 


gharini 


A. C. 


paaaaato 






gharini 



J. p. oarapa — ^— (gap) thame tbm 

A. C narapa ketana (aboat 18 letters) ye thame <dia 7aae 



8 J. P. gfaitipaytU r^& gabbam apapldapajati : 

A.C. gh&tApayita raja gambha(&) npapidapaynti: 



J. P. 
A. C. 



A. C uaTam ranft ba [about 24 letters) mora dad&ti ;a (e) 

9 J. P. kapam ukha haya gaja (InlapaP) mhk\ 

A. C. kaparo ukha haya gaja (2 letters) wh&i 

J. P. anatika-gaQa nir&BaMhanaDcba kar&jitnn, 

A. C. anatika^TBp yamiT&gahaaaiicha kftTa;itDin, 

J. P. paradad&ti, 

A. C a&ra dadftti arapato (abont 40 letters). 

(a) Ihe initia] letter may perhaps be ap, but as I can see no Dptnrn to tli 

(£) The reading of this word b donbtfoL 

(cj Thia letter g it placed above die lin^ and was evidently inserted aften 



leo 



TEXTS. 



10 J. R • • • 

A. €. yenati 



manati 
manati 



ri(ja 
raja 



pandaraaa mahavijaja 

pandarasa mahav\jaja 



am kftrayaii 

kftrayati 



J. P, ■ 

A. C. atha hita 



dnaavaaahasehi 



daa&me 



chatiue * datibhisara (4 lettenX 



J. P. 

A. C. karaibaTasa 



pa * na maha Java (7 letters) rft ohk bt yati (9 letters) 



A. C. thayi lana (3 letters) ja * aaniji (3 letters) yatana soti yo ra * ni apa lebhAta 



11 J. P. — pnve r&ja niresfttam 

A. C. (10 letters) pnve r&ja nives&tam 



pkba 
pithu 



dSiga dambka nagare 

daga dambba nagalo (P) 



J. P. nak&sayatta 
A. C. nak&Bamyata 



janapade, 
janapuda 



bhAyana 
bb&vana 



ob& 
cbe 



terasa 
terasu 



yase 
yase 



satake 
satlbka 



J. P. • • • amaradebasa 
A. C. bbidasitdmaradebasa 



bftrasa 
b&rasa 



madaya (21 ktters) be dia 



J. P. 



siri pitbir&j&ne. 



A. 0. (4 letters) pbabi yitisiyat& utara patbar&j&no. 



12 J. P. 



A. C. (11 letters) ma db&nam cba yipola (ya) bbayam janeto hatbasam gang&ya p^ya 



A. C. yati * * ma oba r&j&nam baba sati sitapft deva dapam * yati Nakdjl 



J. P. 



A.C. 

J. P. 
A.C. 


r&j&ni 


ta yftmaga 


jinasa 


(10 letters) ma arta (5 letters) rota na 


sadiba 


mariga 


MAaADHA 


Vasasa yam ri (5 letters). 




13 J. P. 


« « • 


ta 


j&lo 


ralakbila Basakabi 


birananiyenayati 


A.C. 

J, P. 
A.C. 


(11 letters) 


ta 


jiya 


ralakbilaye Babanaji 


biran&ni cba iyati 

• 


sata 


yasadaDa tbari b&renam 


asita masftriya cbe 




J. P. 
A.C. 












pariba 


• • ya 


(4 letters) 


na * piva maba ri 


rajine nibbayoka 



J. p. dato 
A.C. • 



mam 
tavana* 



ratan&ni 
ratan&ni 



abar&payati. 
abarftpayati 



idba 



sante 



ribba. 



14 J. P. • • •si novasikariti 
A. C. • * • • • noyasikariti 



terasamaya 
terasamaya 



yasesu 
yasesu 



pancbata (a) 
payata 



yijaya 
vijaya 



(a) In Kittoe's copy tbis word may be read as pabiOa, thus agreeing with my reading of pavata. 




TEXTS. 



J. P. chana knm&Ti 

A. C. ohuuun kumirt 



p»Tate (n) 






pniuTMata pi kami 

puDavasBti hi (ft) kajj 



J. P. udinaya j&pnrBvake 

A. G. aidinaya jftpigake 



hii& * ladatiui 



J. P. 




A.a 


Bjani ! 


J. p. 

A.C. 




(U lette») 


J. p. 




A.C. 


tanipe 


J, P. 


sabhare 


A C. 


nibhire 



TihiULnaticlia 
Tiikiteaam cha 






dAaina 






jojani 



dbai 



A.G 


(10 letten) 


J. P. 


pajati 


A.C. 


pajati 


J. P. 




A.C. 


ohaoho 



cb«teghari;a 
elietegharija 



gabbe 



tliaiitblie 

tbabhe 



^iMti katarijam 

■g«aati katariyam 



itapidacbbati agama r^a 
Daptdajatj agama r&ja 



J. P. rj^a, aauraae (na) r^ja, * ma riga, peuta saghate ■ ran&ni 

A. C. tija aambbiP * * * ja nJuna r^a, pasata aanauto aanbhiTato + T4n&tii 



A. C. (11 tetten) ni(a pano ebhise (P) kuulo 



pasanda 
pathabhi {£) 



pujai 
puja 



J. P. (17 lettoM — 

A. C. (7 lettew) ta • 



kbaktra* 

makiraka * * 



patihata 

padahaU 



Ukivahani 

cbakuvUani 



J. F. dhagata chana 

A. C. dharaenta — cbako 



pavata chako T&j&aanka laTiDaraTabi 

pivata — chako r^aiiavam lakula vini gato 



J. P. r&ja kbiravela 

A. C- T^i kbaravela 



{a) This word is qaite clear. ' 

(b) FerbapB parimaeiuamta. 

(c) This word is qaile clear. 

f,d) Ths letten of this word are indittinct. I have given what the; appear to be to m; dwd eye ; bat Pri 
ma; be right. 



102 



TEXTS. 



No. 18. 



DEOTEK SLAB. 

Left tttteription. 



1 

var. 


S&mi 




anyapajeti 


Chikambari 






pa * 


2 
var. 


hanam 


to 




badham to 


7A • ta 






saradam * * n&tha 
sakadam kurft * ra 


3 

var. 


ame 
ama 


cha 
ch& 




nala 


• • • « 






nam * na 


4 
var. 


dato 
dato 




30. 
le 


4. 3. 

• • 


He. Pa. I. 


Di. 


14. 


BudheP 



Riffkt Inscription. 



1 


Cbikkambari 


• sa ♦ ♦ 


var. 




sa dji pa 


2 


Ba ja tra P -— 




var. 


pa 




3 


PAnirava P 


• ♦ • chi 


var. 


da. ma 




4 


vanfa (pa) 


tiasya 


var. 




tagya 


6 


Sena R^'uya 


• • 


var. 







barya ya 
baoyya ya 

• B4dra. 



dbarmma 

* mina sy atta 



Pi;kdui 
Nigoha li 



ditA 



1 I«. 


Piyi 


2 — Mti 


w«41 




iym 


4 anmpiye 


£hk] 


6 Okie) 





Tapiyake babbft 


Dmo 


ftnantidijun 


abhii 


BbMlantehi 


T&MI 


ktuudunk 


.filiy 



1 


GoinUlnibU 


DusJ 


3 


-yeni 


&Dnnt 


3 


-Tik«mhi 


Bhai 


4 


niiitU 


ftobtui 



(a) The lut six letter! of tUi uucriptio 
No. 6,) bot the; u« qoite Itfr^ble, io «pite of a < 
corr»cted KiUocfB reading of Sigofa to iVi,;oAa 
" Le Lotos," Appcndice, 7S0. 

(&) H; readlDg of this inBcnption agreea I 

(f) Id the first line Eittoe read tJcime 

indiataDct, and ia w imperfectl; given by Kittoi 

to restore with certainty is the name of the Kh 



104, 



TEXTS. 



1 Yadathika kabh4 

2 — piyenA 

3 — diTikemhi 

4 nisithA 



No. 6. 

Vadaihika Cave. 

Dasalathena Devftnam— 

^nantalijam abhi8it«D& k — 

v&sanisidiyAiye 



Bhadantehi 
AohaQdama 



Bi&liyam. 



These three itucriptiong, which were first published by Prinsep, have had the advantage of Bumouf s critical correction. 
Prinsep's texts and versions will be found in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. VI, 676; and BumouFs revised texts 
and translations in Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, 776-776. Dasaratha was the grandson of Asoka, and succeeded to the throne 
in B. C. 218^ in which year these inscriptions are dated. 



P&da-muiikasa 



Chulakammasa 



Kamase 
Kayacho 



J. P. Ugara 
A. C. Ugara 



J. P. M&p&mad4ti 
A. C. M&pftmad&sa 



J. P. Chulakumasa 
A. C. Chula krammasa 



KHANDAGIRL 

No. L 
Nameless Cave. 
kasumasa lenam. 

No. 2. 



Snaie Cave, 



kotha jay& 



cha. 



No. 3. 
Snake Cave. 



ra * • * khi 



No. 4. 

Tiger Cave. 



avedasa 


sasuvino 


akhadasa 


sabhiitino 




No. 6. 




Nameless Cave. 


b&k4ya 


yan&kiyasa 


b4uiyaya 


n&kiyasa 




No. 6. 




Patoan Cave. 


paseta 


kothaja (ya). 


pas&to 


koth&ja. 



lonam 
lenam. 



lonam 
lenam. 



No. 7. 
Jlanikpura Cave. 



J. P. 


Verasa 


mah&r^jasa 


Kalingadhi patano 


A-C. 


Airasa 


mah&r^asa 


Kalingadhipatino 


J. P. 


* kadepa 


sirino 


lonam 


A. C. 


• depa 


sirino 


lenam 



ma 



• • • • • 



ma (hamegha) v&ba (na) 



TEXTS. 













No. 8. 












Maniipura Cave. 


J. P. 


klUD&ro 








TattakoM lonam 


A. C. 


Inun&ni 








Taddftkisa lenam. 

No. 9. 
Vaiiunta Cave. 


J. P. 


Anhuita 








Kiliiigi • yd • n&Dun 


A.O. 


Anhuta 










J. P. 


raiinolMK 


• • 




2 


hetbiuhaaun panotwaja 


A.C. 


BqinoUUkaM 


• 


2 




J. P. 


KiOing. 




• • • 


. 


• • veUw 3 Bgamahi 


A.C. 


Eftlings 




eha • 


• • • • Yela» 3 tganMhi 



line 1 Adipayanti 
eha Ufun 

„ 2 dolB 

kndutetom 



No. 13. 
RAMOABH CAVES IN SIRGUJA. 

I.—SUd B&njird Cave. 
hadayam lada va garaka 



afcT&nil 



Il.—Jogi Mdrd Cave. 



Deva 

kamayifha 



balanafaje 
lapadakhe 



S, S.— The text* of tiiete one iMoriptiant have been taken from Mr. BegUr's paper in 
ban had the advantage of conialtang the photograph* of Hr. H. H. Lockc^i plaiter-of-Parii ci 



PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS. 

EUICT I. 



ilhtl,i, yorth.) 










Der&ukmpije Fijadui 


Hii 


hsvsm 
heTum 










Deranampiye KjadMi 


i*i' 


hevuro 


&har 


SB4davtBati TilB&bliiBitename 


DoTMiaApije Piyadasi 


Hi. 


hsFum 


&lu; 




i;^ 




]ikUp»l 
liliUpiU 






i,«n 






doaampatipftd&je ' Annats 


ijam 




■ ]iliblpil> 


bidatap41ate 




ijm,' 


dhammalipi 


UhApit. 






■Bij' 




«lj. 


p.lftUj», 


^4ya ausntiji, ageni 


md;. 




WSj. 


P.I11.J., 


ag&ja 8i«flB4jft, aften. 


■S»J« 


cLh&TnTiiakiLmftt&yft 


.g»J. 


piJlkbl;* 


' tgija BuafiMja, ageua 


^j. 




■8»J« 


pdlkhT^ 


(Lftfty* iMUMija, agena 


I>h.,.», 


•igena 


utheni. 


™ 


p.h n Irhnm aTn * ft^iimthiy^ ^ dhftHimft p6kJl&, 



bhajena, 
bhajena. 



ohukhomama anoaatliiyft ' dtiamtoapekhi, 

chukhomama aniuathija dlammipekhv 
ohukhomama * annmUiiya dhammftpekha. 



dhamma kjkmat& 

dhanimak&matA 
* dhAmmakftmati 
dbammakftmatA 



TsdhitA vadhiMti 

TadliitJl vad^uati 

rad^ta Tadbiiati 



ohev& 
chert 



pQliaApi 
paliB&pi 
pnliiftin 



ukai& 
nka84 



gevayi 
gevajfk 



m^iiimA cha 
mBJIiim& cha 
majhim& oh ft 



anQTidUfaoti 
annndhlyalLtd 
annvidhtyaiiti 



' lampatipftdajaSti chJL alafiobapalafi umftdapajitATe 



Bampatiptdayantj oha 
* sMnpa^ p&daytditi cha 
sampafip&dayafiti dia 



* alanobapalan Mm&dapajitaTe faemeH 

alafiohapalau HamUapayitave hemeva 

ala&ahapaia& aamAdapayitaTe ' hemeva 



(a) Tbe word cha U omitted in tbeae three texle. 



D.S. 


oSU * mabtoU&pi 


euhi vidhi 


yi. 


jtA dhaflmena 


P* 


D. M. 


afiU mahflm&t&pi 















A. 




eaUii Tidhi 


yi 




P< 


L.A. 




eiUii ridhi 


yft 


yam dhammena 


V 


L. N. 


afita ronhftTyfttApi 


wild yidhi 


ji 


lyam dtiammeiia 


V 


D.S. 


dhammena 


Tidlina, 




«iikl.ijaii4. 


dhammena goflti 




D.M. 


ihsmmena 


ridhtos 


«>dliammeiia 


an 










A. 




vidlitae. 




mkhljaoA, 


dhammena gottti 




L.A. 




Tidbftoe, 


dhammeiw 


ankhiyana. 


dhammena gotlti 




L. N. 




ridUiie, 


dliammena 


ankUyana, 


7 dhammena. gotiti 










EDICT II. 








{Dtlki, JTortA.) 












D.S. 


Dertnd&piye 


Piyadan 


Uja " henm 


iu 


Dhammei&dliA, 


kij, 


D.M. 




Piyadari 


Ui* he- 


— 


Dhammea&dhik, 


kiyi 


A. 




Piyadarf 


LAji hevam 


Ah& 


Dhammn&dhu, 


kiya 


L. A. 




Piyadaai 


Uik hevifi 


ftha 


Dhammesftdhn, 


kiy< 


L.N. 




PiyadMi 


UJB hevaA 


Ua 




kiy, 


D.S. 


dlumaieti 




bahukajine 


» dayidAna 


aaohe aoohaya 




D.M. 


dhuometi 




bahokayiiii 


dayUAna 


aaohe Boohaye 




A. 


dhammeti 


apJUinave 


bahukaj&ne 


day&d&ue 


■aohe aochaye 




L. A. 


dbammeti 


apfUinaTo 


bahakajAne 




■aohe ' Mwheyrti 


L.N. 


dhaiuiieti 


apftuaaTe 


bahukaj&ne 


■dayadAoa 


aaohe sooheyeti 



D. S. pime bahnridhe diftoe, dnpada " ahatnpadeaii, pakhi 

D. M. pima " bahnvidhe difine, dapAda ohatopadean, pakhi 

A. pime * bahnTidhe dinne dnpada chatnpadeaa, pakhi 

' L. A. pimn babnTidhe dine, dnpada ohatapadeao, pakhi 

lu K- pime bahnridhe dine, dnpada obatepadeaa, pakhi 



D. S. ^Tidhe me anugahe 

D. M. " gahe kafe 

A. rividhe me anugahe kafe : 

L. A. vividha me anngahe kafe 

L. N. Tividhe me anugahe kafe 



apAna " dAkbinAye 

aptbe dAkhan&yo 

apAna dakhinaye 

* apftoB dakhinaye 

apftna dakhinAye 



annAaipioha 
afininipioba 
annktipitdia 




etiye 
eUye 

etAye 

etAye 



atbAye iyam 

ath&ye iyam 

ath&ye iyam 

athAye iyam 

ath&ye iya£ 



D. S. likhipitA. Heram anapatipqatLtn ■* chilanthiti k&oha hotfltiti : 

D. M. ' — ^^^ " anDpatipiO*i^^ chilAthiti k&cha hot 

A. likhtjntA. Heram annpaip^an^ cbilathiU k&oha botAtJ 

L. A. likb^ata. . Hevam "* annpatipajafita chilanthiti k&eba hotfiti 

L. N. likhipita. Hevam anQpatipqafita cbilaDtbitt kAoha hotftti 

(a) Tbe Towtl a b pBrhapa only a Saw in tiie itone. 



108 



TEXTS. 



D. S. hevBm 

D,M. 

A. heyam 

L. A. hevam 



sampati 

Bampafi 
sampa^i 
saropati 



piglsati 
pigisati 
pajisati 
piyiaati 
pajiMti 



■e snkatam 
■e sakatha 
•e sakatam 
86 Bukatam 
■e sakafam 



kabhkatfti. 
kachhatiti, 
kackkatitL 
kachhatiti. 
kaohkati. 



EDICT III. 





(Delhi, North.) 














D.S. 


^^ DevlUiani^ije 


Piyadasi 


liya 


keyam 


ah4: kay&nam meya 


dekkati 


D.M. 


" Dey&nampije 


Piyadasi 


lAl'a 


keyam 


&h&: kay4nam meya 


dekkati 


A. 


* Devanampije 


Piyadaai 


Uik 


keyam 


iihk: kay&nam meva 


dekkati 


L.A. 


» Deyanampiye 


Piyadasi 


I4]a 


keyam 


Aka : kay4nam meya 


dekbanti 


L.N. 


^ Dev&nampije 


Fiyadasi 


L^a 


keyam 


AkA : kayAnam meya 


dekkants 


D.S. 


iyan 


me " 


kay&ne 


kafeti^ 


Nomina 


pApam 


dekkati iyam 


me 


D.M. 


iyam 


me 


kay&ne 


ka^ti: 


Komina 


pApam 


dekkati iyam 


me 


A. 


iyam 


me 


kay&ne 


kateti : 


Komina 




dekkati iyam 


me 


L. A. 


iyam 


me 


kay4ne 


kateti: 


Nomina 


pApam 


dekbanti iyam 


me 


L.N. 


iyam 


me 


kay&ne 


kateti: 


Nomina 


pApam '^ 


dekkanti iyam 


me 


D.S. 


p&pe 


kateti; 


iyam 


y& 


Asinaye 


^^ D&mAti, 


dnpatiyekke 


ckukba 


D.M. 


p&pe 


kafeti; 


iyam 


ya 


* ftsinaye 


ii4m&ti» 


dupatiyekke 


ckakko 


A. 


pftpake 


kateti; 


iyam 


v& ' 


Asinaye 


n4m4ti. 


• • •(a) 


• * 


L.A. 


p&pe 


ka(etd; 


^iytm 


va 


isinaye 


n&mAti, 


dapati yekke 


cknkko 


L.N. 


p&pe 


kateti; 


iyam 


va 


Asinay^ 


n&m&ti, 


dnpati yekke 


ckakko 


D.S- 


etft 


kevam 


obokko 


esa 


dekkiyev 


I meni 


^ isinaya gftmtni nAma ; 


D.M. 


esft 


kevam 


ekiikko 


esa 


dekkiye. ^ I m4iii 


Asinaya gAmininAma; 


A. 


• 


« • 


• « 


• 


• • 


• • 


« • • 


• 


L.A. 


eaa 


keyam 


ekukko 


esa 


dekkiye. 


I mini 


Asinaya gAmki nAmAti ; 


L.N. 


esa 


kevam 


ckttkko 


esa 


dekkiye. " Im&ni 


asinaya gAmini nAmAti ;. 


D.S. 


aika 


ckandiy( 


» nitkdliye 


kodkemftne 


isy&: 


n kAlane nayakakam mA 


D.M. 

A. 

L.A« 


atha 


okandiyi 

• • 


> nitkiiliye 


kodbe ' mane 


isya: 


kAUne nayAkakam 


I mA 

• 


IP 

atka 


ckan^iy 


9 » nitkiUiye 


kodbe m&ne 


• isya: 


kAlanenayakakarii 


mA 


L.N. 


atka 


ckaa4iy< 


B nitkMye 


kodke mine 


isya: 


kAlanenayakakam 


i*mA 


D.S. 


palibkasayiaam: 


eaabftdbii 


i dekkiye iyam 


me 


" kidatikAye 


iyam 


D.M. 


palibkaBayisam : 


esabAdi^ 


k * dekkiye iyam 


me 
me 


kidatikAye 


iyam 


A. 
L.A. 


palibkasayisanti : 


eea bikdbam dekkiye iyam 


kidatikaye 


iyam 


L.N. 


palibkaaayisanti : 


esa bAdkam dekkiye iyam 


m* 


kicbtikaye 


iyam 


D.S, 


mana 


me 


pMatikaye. 










D.M. 


(h) 
mana 


m» 
me 


pAlatdkaye. 




• 






A. 
L.A. 


pAlatikayeti. 




L.N. 


man* 


me 


p&ktikayeti. 






■ 





(a) Here tke Asoka insoription is cnt away k^ Jabsngir's Barbarons recoitf of kis 
(i) Omitted in tke ociginal text* 



L. A. 

I.N. 



(Delhi, yorti.) 
* DevAnubpije 



" Devftuuhpije 
« Derlnuitpije 



Piyadari 



Fijadasi 
Pijadara 



EDICT IV. 

l^a hevui) 






SaddftvlBsti 

Bad^avtsati 



vuiLbhisitei 
voalbluBitei 



D. S. 
D. M. 



L. A. 

L.N. 



iyam dhammalipi likh&pita. 

ijam dhammalipi Ukhftpita. 



Lajnk&me 
Lajuk&me 



babflsa pkia 



D. S. 
D.M. 



L.A. 

L.N. 



Ayata 
ftjata 



tet&m 



abhihAleva 

EibhibJLleva 



* dandeva atapstiye me 



dandevB 

dahdeva 



atapatije 
atapatije 



L. A. 
L.N. 






t^fthA aiwatha abbitft 

lajQka aiwatba abbito 

lajUka aswatba " abhlta 



parataye 
pavataje 



vflti: 
vflti: 



D. a 

D.M. 



L. A. 
L.M. 



D. S. 
D.M. 



janap&dasa 
dnkhijaDam 



" bitasokhaiii 
bitaaukhani 



npadaberA 



anQgahmsTU 
anogahmeTn 



aukbijaoa- 
BokbljaBa- 



L.A. 

1. N. 



dnkbtjaoaiii jftoMauti : 

dukhljanam 



Dhamma jateD a 

Dhammayatona 



Tiyo 



-vadisanti. 
vadiaanti. 



D.H. 



Jftnapadam 
jftnapadaOL 



kiatihi 



aha " p&latam aba 



Al&dhayaTa 
UidhajeTAU 



D.S. 
DM. 



L. A. 

L. N. 



pilabanti; (a) paticluIitaTe 



pilaghanti 
pilagbanti 



patichalitave 
" patiohalitare 



pa^cbaliiaati, tepi 

paficlialiraiiti, "' tepi 



polia&uipt me ohhaMafinftni pafichaliaanti, tepi 

poliB&Dipi me chhandaSnAni patichaliaanld. t«pi 



D.S. 
D.M. 



LA. 

L.N. 






Tadieanti 
vadUanti 



"I^Aka 
lajAka 



u ohagfaaDta 
obaghsntl 



chaghahti 
ohaghaati 



ftladbejat 
Uidbayiti 



(a) The two Laoiija RUan nad pUaffianti, with the rough gnttonl ai[diate gk. 



no 



TEXTS. 



D. S. Ath4 ]ii pajam viyatAje dh&tije 

D.M. — — 

A. 

L. A. Ath& H- 
L.N. «AthA 



hi pajam 
]ii pajam 



yiyftnlAye 
vijkikje 



dh&tiye 
dhAtije 



nuijita 
niiajM 

Dial jita 

■ • •• i 

nui jita 



^^aswathe 
aswatha 



aswathe 
aswathe 



hoti; 
hoti; 

hoti 
hoti 



▼iyata 
" riyata 

Tiyata 
Tiyata 



D. S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



dh&ti 



dh&ti 
dh&ti 



ohaghanti 



chaghanti 
ohaghanti 



me pajam ; 



snkham 



me pajam ; 
me pajam ; 



sukham 
sukham 



hali 
U 

hali 
hali 



hatane 
hantave 

hataveti : 
hataved : 



'^hevam 
hevam 

** heyaih 
^heTam 



mam& 
mama 



D. S. lajdk& 

D.M. ''kjaklk 

A. 

L. A. lajiikft 

L. N. lajiika 



kat& 



j&napadasa 



kate j&napadasa 

ka(e j&napadasa 



hitasnkhAye 
ye 

hitasakhaye 
hitasukhaye 



yena 
yena 

yena 
yena 



ete 
ete 

ete 

ete 



ahhit& 
ahhit& 



abhitft 
ahhha 



"aawatha 
M aswatha 



a8wath4 
aswathe 



D. S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



santam 
ean 

santam 
Bantam 



aviman^ 



kamm&ni 



avimana 
ayimana 



kamm&ni 
kammftni 



payataye 

vataye 

payataye 
payataye 



y^ti. 
y^ti 

y^ti. 
y^ti. 



Etena 
Etena 

Etena 
M Etena 



me 
me 

me 
me 



lajukftnam 
i^lijokAnam 

(a)nam 

h^dk&nam 
li^dk&nam 



18 



D.S. i«ahhih&leya 

D.M. 

A. abhihaleya 

L. A. abhih&leya 

L. N. abhihmeya 



dandey& 

dandeya 

^ dandeya 

dandeya 



atapatiye 
atapatiye 
atapatiye 
atapatiye 
antapatiye 



kafe. Ichhitayiyehi 

kafe. ^* Ichhitayiye 

kato ^ Ichhitayiyehi 

kafe lohhitayiye 

kate. Ichhitayiye 



084 



kinti; 

hinti 

kinti; 

kinti; 



D. 8. « yiyohAla 

D. M. ^hAla 

A. *' yiyoh&k 

L. A. yiyohdla 

L. N. yiyoh41a 



aamatft 
8amat& 
aamatft 
aamatft 
aamatft 



oha 
cha 
oha 
cha 
cha 



aiya 
siyA 
8iy4 
siya 
aiya 



dan^ 

^ dan^ 

dan^a 

danda 



8amat& 
samata 
8amat& 
8amat& 
aamatft 



oha; 

oha 

oha; 

oha; 



aya 

kvtk 
Ayft 



ite 

ite 
ite 
ite 



D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



pichame 
— me 
pichame 
pichame 
pichame 



ayuti. 

ftynti. 

Ayuti. 

&yuti. 

&yati. 



u Bandhana 
Bandhana 
Bandhana 
Bandhana 
Bandhane 



badhftnam 
badh&nam 
badhAnam 
b&dh&nam 
bandh&nam 



mnnis&nam 
umonis&nam 

mnnisftnam 
^ mnniflftnam 

muniflftnam 



tmta 

tiHta 
tiUta 
tiHta 



dan^&nam; 






D.S. 

D.M. 

A. 

L.A. 

L.N. 



pata 

pata 
pata 
pata 



yadh&nam 
yadh&nam 
Tadhftnam 
yadb&nam 
yadh&nam 



tinni 
tinni 
tinni 
tinni 
tinni 



diyaaftni 
diyas&ni 
diyas&ni 
diyasAni 
diyas&ni 



me *' yote 
me " yote 
(6) yote 
me yote 
me yote 



dinne 
dinne 
dinne 
dinne 
dinne 



n&ti 
• • 

"nati 
n&ti 
n&ti 



k&yakAni 

kanak&ni 
k&yakftni 
k4yak&ni 



D. S. nijhapayisanti ; 
D. M. jhapayisanti ; 
A. nijhapayiBanti ; 

L. A. nijhapayisanti ; 
L.N. ** nijhapayisanti; 



jiyitaye 
jiyit&ye 
jlyit&ye 
jiyitaye 
jiyit&ye 



t&nam 

t&nam 
t&nam 
t&nam 



w nasantam 

nasantam 
nAsantam 



y4 
y& 

y& 
y4 



nyhapayitA 
ni I 

nyhapayitA 
nijhapayitaye 
nvjhapayitaye 



d&nam 
d&nam 



(a) Here the Allahabad text becomes legibly the lower halyes of the letters of the 16th line being visible under the 
flowered border of Jahangir's inscription. 
(5) Omitted in the original text. 



D.S. 
D.H. 



pUfttikaib 



dAhanti jAlatikam 

dUiuitd pAUtikam 



D. 8, nSnilliuipi 
D. M. nilndluuipi 
A. ailadluwipi 

L. A. nilndhasiia 
L. H. *' Dflndhuipi 



TXpmkum 


Tl 


kaehbinti 


» lohhihime 


*>DpaT&win 


T« 


U 


• « « « 


DpaTftMun 


Tft 


luchhanti 


■* LKbfchime 




T» 


kBchhanti 


lohhihim 


npavAaaiii 


T» 




lohbUiimc 


P&UtUD 


•UdUjfl 


Tflti 


juiMoha 


"pAktun 


Al&dhaye 


— 




p&Utun 


Uidhaje 


vA- 


JBiiaracha 


pUftUm 


U&dhaye 


vfiti 


"juasacha 


[AUtam 


U&dha;e 


T4li 


janaaaelut 



S. 8. Tividhe 

D. JH. viridhe 

A. viTidhe 

L. A. vividhe dhsmi 

L. K. vividhe 






iDetki. &mth.) 
' Der&nainjnye Fijadau 



D.a 

D.H. 

A. ** Dev&uaminje Fiyadul 

L. A. ' D«Tfciiainpija Piyadati 

Ii. N. ' DeT&nampije Kjadaai 



EDICT V. 



IAj& heram 

L^a beTam 

Uja hevain 



D.U. 



LA. 

L.N. 



— bhuitemme (a) im&iii j&tAni 

— bhiritwame (6) un&nipi ' jitAni 



D. S. ■ tuka, aUiU. 

D.M. 

A. sake, dUlkft, 

alike, lUika, 

■ake, aUika, 



L.A. 
L.N. 






ohakavilke, 
□hakaTftke, 
obakaTdbe, 



" nandimnklie 
naudimnkbe 



D.S. 
D.1I. 



L.A. jat^ka, 
L. N. iatAka, 



ambAkipiUkft, 
> ambAkBpllika, 
amb&kapilika, 



D. 8. * gang^npn^ke, 

D.M. 

A. gangApupntake, 

L. A. gangftpnpntake, 

Ih N. * gangApnpntake, 



da4t> aoatlii kamacbbs, 

dnbhi, (e) anaUki kamachke, 

da^, anatbi kamachhe, 

dn^ (e) aOi 



aankDJanuuibhe, 
umkigaiiiBobbe, 
aaukqiamaohhe. 



kaphata • • ka, 

kaphata seyake, 

kapbata aeyake. 



Tedav 



(a) So in botb of the I«nrifa texta. 

(i) Hie ■ddiUon of jit at the end of Uw vrord tmlni ii pecoliar to thu text. 

(d) The differanoai of reading in thia name are onrion*. Ferhapt M waa inteoded in all wlucb bj thi 
tingle imall itroke would hare beeome a eeidtial ^ 



112 

D.S. 
D. M. 
A. 

L.A. 
L. N. 



TEXTS. 



* sandake, 



sandake, 
sandake, 
sandake, 



okapin^e, (a) 

okapinde, 
okapin^o, 



palasate, 
* palasate. 



setaka-pote, 

' takapote, 
setaka-pote, 
setakappote, 



gftmaka-pote, 

gfimakapote, 
gftmaka-pote, 
g&maka-potey 



D.S. 
D. M. 
A. 

L.A. 
L.N. 



' save 

save 
save 
save 



chatupade, 

chatupade 
chatupade 
chatupade 



ye pafibhogam no eti. 



ye pa(ibhogam 
• ye pati • • 
ye patibbogam 



no 



no eti, 
no eti, 



na 

na 
na 



chakhftdiyati, 

chakhAdiyati, 
chakh&diyati. 



1. 

lyakanini 

• •nft 
^jakftn&ni, 
* ajakftn&ni 



D. S. » edaklU;bft, 
D. M. • edakftcha, 
A. • • • 

L. A. edak&-cha, 
L. N. edak&cha, 



sdkalich&, 

• • • 

s^kall-cha, 
s^altcha, 



gabbiniva 

* gabhin + va 
• • • 

gabhintva 
gambhiniva 



payamin&va : 
payamenava : 
pAyami • 
p&yamtn4va ; 
p&yamiuftva ; 



avadhaya p&take 

avadhaya p&take 
• • • • • 

' avadhya potake 
avadhya potake 



]}. S. » pichak&ni 
D. M. pichakftni 

A. • • • 

L. A. ohak&Di 

L. N. chakani 



lUanm&sike 

*° &8anm&sike 
• • • 

AsanmAsike 
7 Asanm&sike 



vadhikukn^ {b) 

vadhikukute 
• • • • 

vadhikukute 
vadhikukute 



no 
no 

no 
no 



ka|aviye: 

kafaviye : 
• • • 

kafaviye : 
kataviye : 



tase 

tase 

• • 

tase 
tase 



sajtve 
sajive 
sajtve 
sajive 
sajtve 



D. S. '*no jhapetaviye ;. 

D. M. " no jhapetaviye 
A. nojh&pe • • 

L. A. no jh&payitaviye 
L. N. no jh&payitaviye 



d4ve 
d&ve 

dikve 
dAve 



anath&yevA 
aDath&yev4 

7 anath&yova 
anatli&yeva 



vihis&yev& 
vihis&yev& 

vihisayeva 
* vihisayeva 



no jhApetaviye 
no " jhapetaviye 

nojbftpayitaviye 
no jh&payitaviye* 



D. S. ^^ jiveniyive no 

D. M. jtveniytve no 

A. — 

L. A. jtvenajtve no 

L. N. jtvenajtve no 



pusitaviye ttsu 

pusitaviye ttsu 

pusitaviye ttsu 

pusitaviye ttsu 



ch&tun 
cb&tun 

ch&tun 
ch&tun 



m&stsu 
m&stsu 

mAstsu 
m&stsu 



TisAyam 
"Tisftyam 



Tisayam 
Tisiyam 



punnamAsiyam 
punnamAsiyam 

* punnamAsiyam 

* punnamAsiyam 



P.S. "tinni 
D. M. tinni 
A. • • 

L. A. tinni 
L. N. tinni 



divasAni, 

divasAni, 
• • • 

divasAniy 
divasAni, 



ohAvudasam, 
chAvudasam, 
M chAvudasam, 
chAvudasam, 
chAvudasam, 



panna^asam, 

panna^asam, 

panchadasam, 

pannadasam, 

pannadasam. 



pafipadAye 
'^ pafipadAye 

pafipadam, 
pafipadam. 



dhuvAya chA 
dhavAyecha 

dhuvAyecha 
dhuvAyecha 



D. S. " anuposatha 
D. M.- anuposatham 

A. 

L. A. anuposatham 
L. N. anuposatham 



machhe 
machhe 

machhe 
machhe 



avadhiye 
avadhiye 

avadhye 
avadbye 



nopiviketaviye etAni 

no pi ^ viketaviye etAni 



yevA 



no pi ' viketaviye etAni 
^® no piviketaviye etAni 



yeva 
yeva 



divasAni 
divasAni 

divasAni 
divasAni 



D.S. 



14 



vanasip 



D. M. nAgavanasi, 

A. 

L. A. nAgavanasi, 

L. N. nAgavanasi, 



kevafabhogasi 



kevafabhc^asi, 
rasi. 



yAni 
M yAni 



yAni 
yAni 



annAni 
annAni 

annAni 
annAni 



pi 

pi 
pi 



jtvanikAyAni 
jivanikAyAni 

JtvanikAyAni 
'^ jtvanikAyAni 



(a) I have changed Prinsep's %kka to olca^ as the vowel is the initial o in all the texts. 
(6) Frinsep reads Jcaka, bat all the texts agree as above in giving k%U. 



D. S. ** DohaDtAviy&nl 
D. M. nohuitaTij&ru. 



h. A. " DohaiitATij&Di- 
L. N. nofa&utavij&oi. 



1> Athami 



pftkh&yB, 
pakh&jre. 



ch&Tudaaftye, 



panna^Bi&ye, 
panDodtBaje, 



panna4as&3re, 
pumaduAje, 



D. S. " pan&TMune, 
D. M. ^ pnnftTBBnae, 

A. 

L.A. 
L.N. 



pnn&vBanne, 
paaftTMoite, 




ladiTBatje, 

" BOdiTUkJB, 

"endivasftje, 
audi7a8&fe, 



gone 



nonllkkhi' 
" no niUkhi 
^ne Donilaklii 

gone no ntUkhi 

gone no ntlakhi 



D. S. " ^ftks, ednke, afikale, ev&pi 

D. H. ^ake, e^ake, aflk&le, evftpi 

A. Bj&ke, mU — 

L. A. ^ake, edake, g&kale, ev&pi 

Ii. N. ftjoke, edftke, B^kkftle, eT&pL 



ntl&khiyiti 
nllokhiyUi 



nSlakhiy&ti 
" niUkhiyBti 



Dtl&khil 
nilakhil 



nilakhit 

ntlakite' 



D.8. ' 
D.M. 



pan&Tasaue, 

punftTunne, 



cb&tnnm&siye, 
" chAtaiimasiye, 



ohAtanm&iip&khjlye, 

oh&tiuun4upftkhaye. 



" tu4ye, 
tisAye, 



pon&VMiuie, 



chiLtnnm&sipiikhRye, unuK, 

ch&tonm&aipakhaye, mwbsa, 



D. S. "kkhnoe 

D. If. lakboue 

A. » Ukbune 

Ii. A. lakhaae 

L. H. "lakbaae 



nokbataviye : 
" Qokhataviya : 

□okataTiye, 

nokafftTiye : 



y4T» 

yiva 
"yftvi 



aaiJdftvtsfttiTflBa ftbhuitenBme 
»Bd4avt«atiTMa abbisitenune 
BB^dATtiatirutibhi ■ ■' 
uddaviaati ra«&bhuitename 
M^^AvtaattvM&bhisiteiume 



P. S. >*antalik&ye 
D.M. "Mtalik&7« 



L. A. aotalik^e 
L. N. MttlikAje 



bandhana 
bandbana 



bandhaua 
" bandbana 



mokh&ni 
mokh&ni 



mokb&ni 
nokh&ni 



{Selii, Ea*t.) 

D. 8. ' DeT&Dampiye I^yadati 

A. " Derfauunpiye Piyadui 

L. A. " Devtoarapiye Piyadad 

L. N. " DeT&nampiye Piyadati 



EDICT VI. 



L«a 
I4Ja 



Davftdau 
Dnvftdaaa 



L.A. 

L.N. 



Taa&bhUitemune 
Yu&bhiutename 



dluumnalipi 
dbamnialipi 



likb&pita 
Ukh&pita 



D. S. * hitasnkb&ye ; 



L. A. >* hitaaokh&ye ; 
L. N. bitaaokb&ye ; 



•etam apahfcta, tumtnip 

m tbe Ddbi-Miiat KUar enda ber^ the nat bdng Ic 





p>i 


dhammandbi 


p* 




p>i 




p>i 



114 



TEXTS. 



D.8. 


^hevam 


loka8& 


hitasnkheti 


pafivekh&mi. 




Atha iyam 


*n&tiso 


A. 


hevam 


lokasA * 


* hitasokheti 


pativekhftmi. 




Atha • • 


• • 


L.A. 


hevam 


lokas& 


hitasnkheti 


pativekh&mi. 


^ Athft iyam 


n&tiso 


L.N. 


hevam 


lokasa » 


' hitasnkheti 


pativekh&mL 




Ath& iyam 


n&tiso 


D.S. 


hevam 


patiy&sanneBTi, hevam 




esa 


^.kimank&ni 


sokham 


A. 


• • 


patiyasannesti, hevam 


apakathesa 


kimank&ni 


so* 


L.A. 


hevam 


paty&sanneso, hevam 


apakatheeu 


kimank&ni 


sakham 


L-N.- 


hevam 


patyfteannesQ, hevam 


apakatLiesa 


"kimank&ni 


sokham 


D.S. 


avah&miti 


tatha 


cha 


vidahUmi ; 




hemeva 7 1 


»vanik&yesa 


A, 


• • • 


• • 


• 


idahftmi 




hevam meva eava * k&yesa 


L.A. 


ftvah&mtti 


tatha 


cha 


vidah&mi 




V hemeva i 


savanikAyeso 


L.N. 


ftvahlkmiti 


tathft 


cha 


vidah&mi 




hemeva i 


Bavanik&yeso 


D.S. 


pa^vekhimi 


; eava 


p&sandft 


pime 


pujitA ' vividh&ya 


pAJM 


A. 


pativekh&mi 


Wgava 


p&BandA 


pi me 


p^ita vividhaya 


•j&y& 


L. A. 


pativekhdjni ; 


; eava 


p&8and4 


pime 


pajita vividhAya 


puj&ya 


L.N. 


pativekhAmi: 


f **8ava 


pftsanda 


pime 


pajita viviShlkya 


poj&ya 


D.S. 


echu 


iyam 


atan& pach^lpagamane 


9 


seme mokhyamate 


A. 


ecl^a 


iyam 


atan& pachupagamaae 




seme mokhyamate 


L.A. 


echu 


iyam 


atana pachClpagamane 


18 


seme mokhyamate 


L.N. 


echu 


iyam 


atana pachnpagamane 


SI 


seme mokhyamote 


D.S. 


saddaviflativasa abhisitename ^® iyam 


dhammalipi 




likb&pitA. 




A. 


sa • • 


• • • < 


i • • 


• Hpi 




likb&piiAtL 




L.A. 


saddavisativasftbhisitename 


iyam 


dhammalipi 




likb&pita. 




L.N. 


saddavisativas&bhisitename 


iyam 


dhammalipi 




likh&pita. 





(Delhi, East) 
11 Dev&nampiye 



12 antalam 



,ne 



Piyadasi 



hosa 



EDICT VII. 



hevam 



&hA: 



ye 



hevam iohhiso, katbam jane 



atikantam 



13 dhammavadhiyft vadhey& nochojane anolop&yft dhammavadhiyft 



14 vadhith& etam. Dev&nampiye Piyadasi l&j& hevam 



&hA: 



esame 



16 hoth& atlkkantam-cha antalam hevam iohhiso l&j&ne katham jane 

16 anolop&y& dhammavadhiy& va^hey&ti nochajane anolop&yft 

17 dhammavadhiyA vadhith&: se kina snjane anopa^ipfgeyft 

18 kina sojane anolop&y& dhammavadhiy& vadheyftti; kina sok&ni 

19 abhynm nftmayeham dhammavadhiy&ti etam. Devftnampiya Piyadasi U^l^ hevam 

20 fth&: esame hoth& dhammas&van&ni s&v&p&yftmi dhammannsathini 

21 anosis&mi; etam jane soto annpattpajisati abbynm namisati 



TEXTS. 



EDICT VIII. . 

[Delhi, around Oe Pillar.) 

1 Shamnu 7a41>lj& Qha b&4^un vadluMti aUja me ftth&fe dh& 
■JLTftiatiiii dluuniD&iiiuathiDi TiyidUni Aiu^itAni (j4tliati7i) p&pibKhane 
ete palijo vadiaantipi paTitiuliuntipi lajokftpi bahnkeaa pftaa 
&jst& topime ftnapiUi heTBm cha hevftm cha palijo rad&tliA 

2 jsmun dhammtiTaUm. Derftoampife Fiyadaai (a) Iievam UA eta 
amiTakhainftiie l^hftmlnft thaTabh&oi k&^&ni, dbammaniah&mlLtA kfl 
(kha— )kate DeT&aampije I^Tadaai 1^& heram. UA : magNa pi 
lop& pitlmi ohULyopag&oi hwanti paBDmiiQU&nam ambAvadikj& loptpitA 
pi me adapAD&ni 

3 Ui&n&pApit&ni ninii dijflcha k&l&pitjk ftp&n&ni me bahak&ni tata ti 
paflbht^E^e piaiuiiDiiit&oaiD (la * * ) esa pattbhogen&ma TiridUyahi 
pnli me hi^ (6) l^thi mamaj&aha Bakliaf ite loke : imamoka dl 
pajautala etadathA me 

4 eia kafe: DevAuampije Pijadau (6) heram fthft: dhammamal&miU 
bahn bidhem athmu anngaliikeBii viy&pa^ se pavajtt&nam tiut 
cha sava (pAeanj^eaa pioha Tijipafa eh ganghathan pirae 
fiyf^tft hohautid bemera. B&bhanMn ^tnke«a pime kafe. 

iJklAi, around tie Pillar.) 
6 ime Tij^iat& hobantiti; nigantheea pime kafe, ime viy&pat& h 
pbandeau pima kife ime rij^patt bobantiti: patJTuitbam patlvin 
te tB mahJLmatA dbammamah&m&ti cbn me etesn obeva vij&pafA, uvea 
piaan^WQ. Dev&aampija Fijadaai Ukjft beyam lAA: 

6 eta cba anne cha bahnkft mukbi d&navuagaai Tijipafjl «e 
derinaai cba, iavaai eba me olodhanasi (e) te baho ridhena 
ttni t&ni tat^ 7ataii(&)iii patl(t» * * *) hida cbeva du&sn cba 
oba me kafe ann&uam cha deTikmnftl&iiBm imed&naTisagean Tiyif 

7 dhammftpadAna ttjiay e dhammftDapB^ipatije : eaabi dhamm&pad&ne dbamu 
jk ijam day&d&ae aaehe bo chave madare a&darecba lokaaa hevam 
DeTaiiamp(i;e pi;ada}Bi Ujft hsvam UA j&nibik&niabi mamifa aUhi 
tam loke anApattpanne tam oba anaTidbijanti tena va^hiU el 



8 Ta^biaanti cha m&t&pttiiii anaos&jjl goloau BiuatftjA vajo 
Bftbhona Samaneiu, kapanavaUkeaa, ftTsdAsa bhatakeaa Bampattpatij&, 
(Piyajdasi l^jft hevam UA : mnniaiLQam cba 7a iT^m dhauumK 
dovelu jeva &kUebi dbammanijameoa cbn nijbatija aha 

9 tata ohn labnie dhamma niyame nijhatiyiTa bbnje dhammanij 
eea yeme ijam kate: imfuiicha imini jftt&oi avadhijftoi 1 
bahnk(^^) dbamm&aijam&ai jkai me katftni : nijhatijra va 
mDDiB&nam dhammaTadhi vadhiti avibins&ye bhnt&oam 

10 BoUambhAja p&o&nam h etiye atb&je ijam kafe pnfa p^ 
maanliyike botnti tathA cha aDupaftpajautati hevam bi aaa; 
bijata(pUa)te Aladbe boti gataTiaatiTaa&bhiBiteaaine iyam dbammalibi likb& 
Dertoampije UA : ijam 

11 dbammalibi ata athi ■il&Uuunbh&iuT& si]apbaUk&DiT& (d) tata katarijA 
ohiktithike n;A. 

(a) Hie word ZAja U omitted in both of these place) after Pijadaii; bnt it ii pretent to all the ■ 
inieriptioD whraerer the king*! name ii mentioiied. 

(t) Omitted bj Friniep. 

(0) Piinaep leada nhKUaann, bnt the word b^giui with the initial 0. 

(d) PrinM^i la«t reading of this word wu dAarila (see Journal of the Aiiatic Socie^ of Bengal 
the true reading it phalMmi, ac " tableta," as given in the test. 



116 TEXTS. 

ALLAHABAD PILLAR. 

Sepauatb Edicts. 

No. 1. 
Queen's EdkL 

1 Dev&iiampi7a8& vachanena savata mahamat& 

2 vataviyft: eheta datiy&ye Devije d4ne 

3 Amb&¥adik& v& &lame¥a d&aam eheva(P)6ta8i(P) aDDe(?) 

4 Eichhigantja tit&ye Deviye senlLni pi Yath&(P) 
6 dutiy&ye Deviyeti tt valam&tu k&lav&kiye. 

No. 2. 

4 

Kosambi Edict. 

1 Devftnampiye &napayati Koflambiyamahftmata 

2 ■ ^— — mari • • sanghasi nila hiyo 

3 I ti bhiti • bhanti nita chi 

4 b a pinam dhapayita a * tasa * am vasayi. 



SANCHI PILLAR. 



1 J. P. 



• ••••••• magsk * * 

A.C. •yal2d456 maga • • 



2 J.P. ^ 



A. C. * eeni * bhi * * nam oh&ti petaviya 

3 J. P. 

A. C. * vika Chandagiriye keye sangham 

4 J. P. bhakhati bhikbnn&bbi khamavase d&t& 
A. C. bhakhati Bhikhu oha Bhikhani yi kha d&t& 

6 J. P. 

A. C. nidosapi savam • payita ana • 

6 J. P. Sasijala petaviye ichhahime (idi) 

A C. Basi visa petaviye ichhani me san 



7 J. P. — si : sampeaimate chilathitike aiy&ti 

A. C. — ti aanghaaamage chilathititke siy&ti. 



TRANSL 

ROCK INSC: 

EDIC 

Priniep. 

" The followiD^ edict of religion b promulgated 
by the heaven-beloved king Pi^adati : 

" ' In this place the putting to death of anything 
whatever that hath life, either for the benefit of 
the paja, or in convivial meetings^ shall not be done. 
Much cruelty of this nature occors in such assem- 
blies. The heaven-beloved king Ph/adatt is (as it 
were) a father (to his people). Unitonnity of 
worship is wise and proper for the congregation 
of the heaven-beloved Piyadasi Raja. 

" ' Formerly, in the great refectory and temple 
of the heaven-beloved king Piyadati, daily were 
many hundred thonsand aniinftln aacrificed for the 
sake of meat food. So even at this day while 
this religions edict is nnder promulgation^ from 
the sacrifice of animals for the sake of food, some 
two are killed, or one is killed; but now the 
joyful chorus resounds again and again— that 
henceforward not a single animal shall be put to 
death.' " 



EDia 

Primep. 
" Everywhere within the conquered province of 
Baja Piyadati, the beloved of the gods, as well as 
in the parts occupied by the faithful, such as 
Ciola, Pida* Satiyaputra, and Ketalaputra, even 
as &r as Tamiapanni (Ceylon) ; uid, moreover, 
within the domiiiions of AsriooHca, the Oreek 

* The tnie le&diDgi of time importeot namea of the ei 
Cbode, Ptudi^ Satijapntn, Ketalapatra, uid Tambapuii. 1 
aztreme jonthem proriDcee of lodui, while Tamiapa»i it the L 
n the distnct of Kerala, on the weetern cost between the E 
hw jet been proposed except b; Laueo, who coiuidered it ae the 
Menu to me Ui»t thii name U capelile of tile Mme exact iden- 
of Sadimi, ft people on the cout to the west of Saitkdma, or Pa 
the name of the Jitdri Firatt ii a]*o fonnd in the eftme plu 
different tMBm—flrtl, as Sisnri, or Sidanaiaiu or Bifakarnii, 
powerful nation in the time of Aaoba, 1 have alreadj eetabllBhei 
and EhUei teita. The name of Saiatami it written Sidat 
Ptolemj*! fonn would be obtuned hy tlie eliiion of the it in 
Periplai aa Saraganot, in wliich, accordingpto a comman Indian ] 



118 



TBANSLATIONS. 



Prinsep. 

(of which Antiochufl' generals axe the rulers)^ 
everywhere the heaven-beloyed Raja Piyadasi^s 
double system of medical aid is established— 
both medical aid for men^ and medical aid for 
animals^ together with the medicaments of all 
eorts^ which are suitable for men^ and suitable 
for animals. And wherever there is not (such 
provision)^ in all such places they are to be pre- 
pared^ and to be planted : both root-drugs and 
herbs^ wheresoever there is not (a provision of 
them)^ in all such places shall they be deposited 
and planted. 

'' And in the public highways wells are to be 
dug^ and trees to be planted^ for the accommo- 
dation of men and animals.'^ 



Wilson. 

who are nearer to (or allied with) that monarchy 
universally (are apprised) that (two designs have 
been cherished by Prifodasi, one design) r^^ard- 
ing men^ and one relating to animals; and 
whatever herbs are useful to men or useful to 
animals wherever there are none^ such have 
been everywhere caused to be conveyed and 
planted^ (and roots and fruits wherever there 
are none, such have been everywhere conveyed 
and planted ; and on the roads) wells have been 
caused to be dug, (and trees have been planted) 
for the respective enjoyment of animals and 



men. 



jf 



EDIOT III. 



Prinsep. 

'^Thus spake the heaven-beloved king Piya^ 
daai : ' By me, after the twelfth year of my anoint- 
ment, this commandment is made. Everywhere 
in the conquered (provinces) among the faithful, 
whether (my own) subjects or foreigners, after 
every five years, let there be (a public) humi- 
liation for this express object, yea, for the con- 
firmation of virtue and for the suppression of dis- 
graceful acts. 

'' ' Good and proper is dutiful service to mother 
and father; towards friends and kinsfolks, to- 
wards Brahmans and Sramans, excellent is 
charity : — prodigality and malicious slander are 
not good. 

'^ ' All this the leader of the congregation shall 
inculcate to the assembly, with (appropriate) ex- 
planation and example.^ '' 



JFiUon. 



'' King Priyadasi says : 'This was ordered by 
me when I had been twelve years inaugurated. 
In the conquered country, and among my own 
subjects as well as strangers, that every five 
years expiation should be undergone with this 
object, for the enforcement of such moral obli- 
gations as were declared by me to be good: 
such as duty to parents, (and protection of) 
friends and children, (relations,) Brahmans and 
Sramans: — good is liberatiiy, good is non-in- 
jury of living creatures, and abstinence from 
prodigality and slander are good.- Continuance 
in this course (the discharge of these duties) 
shall be commanded both by explanation and 
by example/ '' 



EDICT IV. 



Prifuq>. 

" ' In times past, even for many hundred years, 
has been practised the sacrifice of living beings, 
the slaughter of animab, disregard of relations, 
and disrespect towards Brahmans and Sramans. 

" ' This day, by the messenger of the religion of 
the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi, (has been made) 
a proclamation by beat of drum, a grand an- 
nouncement of religious grace, and a display of 
equipages, and a parade of elephants, and things 
to gratify the senses, and every other kind of 
heavenly object for the admiration of mankind, 
such as had never been for many hundred years, 
such as were to-day exhibited. 



€€ 



Wilson. 

' During a past period of many centuries, 
there have prevailed — destruction of life, injury 
of living beings, disrespect towards kindred, and 
irreverence towards Sramans and Brahmans. 
But now, in conformity to moral duty, the pious 
proclamation of king Priyadasi, ihe beloved 
of the gods, is made by beat of drum, in a 
manner never before performed for hundreds of 
years, with chariot and elephant processions, 
and fireworks and other divine displays of the 
people exhibiting the ceremonies (and this) for 
the promulgation of the law of king Priya^ 
dasi, &c., that non-destruction of life, non- 



TBANSLATIONS. 



119 



>• 



jnisoH. 

injury to living beings^ respect to relations^ 
reverence of Brahmans and Sramans^ and 
many other duties^ do increase^ and shall in- 
crease; and this moral law of the king Priya- 
doH the sons^ grandsons^ and great-grandsons 
of king Priyadasi shall maintain. Let the 
moral ordinance of king PriyadaH be stable as 
a mountain for the establishment of duty ; for 
in these actions duty will be followed^ as the 
law which directs ceremonial rites is not the 
observance of moral duties. It were well for 
every ill-conducted person to be attentive to the 
object of this injunction. This is the edict 
(writing) of king Priyadaai. Let not any 
thought be entertained by the subject-people of 
opposing the edict.^ This has been caused to 
be written by the king Priyadasi, in the twelfth 
year of his inauguration/' 



Primep. 

'' ' By the religious ordinance of the heaven- 
beloved king Piyadasi, the non-sacrifice of ani- 
mals^ the non-destruction of living beings^ proper 
regard to kindred^ respect to Brahmans and 
Sramans^ dutiful service to spiritual pastors- 
through these and many other similar (good acts) 
doth religious grace abound ; and thus^ moreover^ 
shall the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi cause 
religion to flourish^ and the same shall the sons^ 
the grandsons^ and the great-grandsons of the 
heaven-beloved king Piyadasi cause to abound 
exceedingly. 

'^ ' As long as the mountains shall endure^ so 
long in virtue and in strict observances shall the 
religion stand fast. And through good acts of 
this nature^ that is to say^ through these ordi- 
nances and the strict practice of religion^ laxness 
of discipline is obviated. Moreover in this object^ 
it is proper to be intelligent^ and no wise neg- 
lected. For the same purpose is this (edict) 
ordered to be written. Let all take heed to pro- 
fit of this good object^ and not to give utterance 
to objections.' 

''By the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi, after 
the twelfth year of his announcement^ is this 
caused to be written.'' 

Bumouf has also given a full translation of this edicts which I annex.^ 

'' ' Dans le temps pass^^ pendant de nombreuses centaines d'ann^es^ onvit prosp^rer uniquement 
le meurtre des Stres vivants et la m^chancet^ a I'^gard des cr&tures^ le manque de respect pour 
les parents, le manque de respect pour les B&mhanas et les Samanas (les Brahmanes et les 9ra- 
manas). Aussi, en ce jour, parce que Piyadasi, le Roi ch^ri des Ddvas, pratique la loi, le son de 
tambour (a retenti) ; oui, la voix de la loi (s'est fait entendre) apr^s que des promenades des chars 
de parade, des promenades d'fl^phants, des feux d'artifice, ainsi que d'autres representations 
divines ont (^ montr^ aux regards du peuple. Ce que depuis bien des centaines d'ann^ on 
n'avait pas vu auparavant, on I'a vu prosp^rer aujourd'hui, par suite de I'ordre que donne Piyadasi, 
le Roi ch^ri des Ddvas, de pratiquer la loi. La cessation du meurtre des £tres vivants et des actes 
de m^hancete k I'^gard des cr^tures, le respect pour les parents, I'ob^issance aux p&re et m&re, 
I'ob^issance aux anciens (Thera), voila les vertus, ainsi que d'autres pratiques de la loi de diverses 
esp^ces, qui ici sont accrues. £t Piyadasi, le Roi ch^ri des D^vas, fera croitre encore cette obser- 
vation de la loi; et les fils, et les petits-fils, et les arri^re-petits-fils de Piyadasi, le Roi ch^ri des 
DSvas, feront croitre cette observation de la loi jusqu'au Kalpa de la destruction. Fermes dans la loi, 
dans la morale, ils ordonneront I'observation de la loi ; car c'est la meilleure des actions que d'en 
joindre I'observation de la loi. Cette observation mSme de la loi n'existe pas pour celui qui n'a pas 
de morale. II est bon que cet ob jet prosp^re et ne d^p^risse pas : c'est pour cela qu'on a fait ^rire 
cet ^t. Si cet objet s'accroit, on n'en devra jamais voir le d^p^rissement.' Piyadasi, le Roi ch^ri 
des DSvas, a fait ^crire cet 6dit, la douzi^me ann^e depuis son sacre."t 



* Le LotoB de la Bonne L<n^-Appendice» p. 731. 

t Bnmonf 8 remarks in jnstiilcation of his own translation and reading of the text are much too long to be quoted here. 
See Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, Appendice» p. 781. He veiy naturally takes exception to Wilson's explanation of Bahmanat 
and 8amama» as " Br&hmans and (Brahmanical) ascetics," and shows that these two terms are intended to designate two classes 
of persons, the Brahmans and the Buddhists, in the same way that they are discriminated in the legends of the Divya 
AradAna. 



« 

4 
\ 



120 



TRANSLATIONS. 



it 



Primep. 

Thus spake the heaven-beloyed king PiyO' 
dasi : — 

'' ' Proeperiiy (oometh) through adversity, and 
truly each man (to obtain) prosperity causeth 
himself present difficulty; therefore by me 
(nevertheless) has much prosperity been brought 
about^ and therefore shall my sons and grand- 
sons^ and my latest posterity^ as long as the 
very hills endure^ pursue the same conduct; and 
so shall each meet his reward I While he^ on 
the other hand, who shall neglect such conduct, 
shall meet his punishment in the midst of the 
wicked (in the nethermost regions of hell) . 

" * For a very long period of time there have 
been no ministers of religion appointed, who 
intermingling among all unbelievers (may over- 
whelm them) with the inundation of religion, 
and with the abundance of the sacred doctrines. 
Through Kam (bocha. Gran) dh&ra, Narftstika,"*^ 
Petenika, and elsewhere, finding their way unto 
the uttermost limits of the barbarian countries. 



EDICT V. 

Wihtm. 

''The beloved of the gods king Priyadasi 
thus proclaims: 'Whoever perverts good to 
evil will derive evil from good ; therefore much 
good has been done by me, and my sons and 
grandsons, and others my posterity, (will) con- 
form to it for every age. So they who shall 
enjoy happiness, and those who cause the path 
to be abandoned shall suffer misfortune. The 
chief ministers of morality have for an unprece- 
dentedly long time been tolerant of iniquity ; 
therefore in the tenth year of the inauguration 
have ministers of morality been made, who are 
appointed for the purpose of presiding over 
morals among persons of all the religions for 
the sake of the augmentation of virtue, and 
for the happiness of the virtuous among the 
people of Kamboja, Gandhara, Naristika, and 
Petenika. They shall also be spread among 
the warriors, the Brahmans, the mendicants, 
the destitute, and others, without any obstruc- 
tion, for the happiness of the well-disposed, in 



for the benefit and pleasure of (all classes) order to loosen the bonds of those who are 



and for restraining the passions of the Mthful, 
and for the regeneration of those bound in the 
fetters (of sin) (?) are they appointed. Inter- 
mingling equally among the dreaded, and among 
the respected both in P&taliputa and in foreign 
places, teaching better things, shall they every- 
where penetrate ; so that they even who (oppose 
the faith shall at length become) ministers of it.' 



}9 



bound, and liberate those who are confined, 
through the means of holy wisdom disseminated 
by pious teachers; and they will proceed to the 
outer cities and fastnesses of my brother and 
sister, and wherever are any other of my 
kindred : and the ministers of morals, those who 
are appointed as superintendents of morak, shall, 
wherever the moral law is established, give 
encouragement to the charitable and those ad- 
dicted to virtue. With this intent this edict 
is written, and let my people obey it.' " 



EDICT 

Prinsep. 

"Thus spake Piyadasi, the heaven-beloved 

king: — 

'' ' Never was there in any former period a 
system of instruction applicable to every season, 
and to eveiy action, such as that which is now 
established by me. 

'' ' For eveiy season, for behaviour during meals, 
during repose, in domestic relations, in the nur- 
sery, in conversation, in general deportment, and 
on the bed of death — everywhere instructors 
(or Pativedakas) have been appointed. Accord- 
ingly do ye (instructors) deliver instruction in 
what concemeth my people. 



VI. 

Wibon. 

" The beloved of the gods, king Priyada^, 
thus declares: ' An unprecedentedly long time 
has past since it has been the custom at all 
times, and in all afiairs, to submit representa- 
tions. Now it is established by me that, 
whether at meals, in my palace, in the interior 
apartments, in discourse, in exchange of civility, 
in gardens, the officers appointed to make reports 
shall convey to me the objects of the people. 
I will always attend to the objects of the 
people ; and whatever I declare verbally, whether 
punishment or reward, is further intrusted to 
the supervisors of morals (or eminent persons) : 



* The na belongs to the preceding name Oandharanam, and the word thus becomes Sdttika, which is a well*known name 
of Sorashtra. 



TRANSLATIONS. 



121 



Priniep. 

'''And everywhere in what concemeth my 
people do I myself perform whatsoever with my 
mouth I enjoin (nnto them) ; whether it be by 
me (esteemed) disagreeable^ or whether agreeable. 
Moreover^ for their better welfare^ among them 
Bn awarder of punishment is duly installed. On 
this account^ assembling together those who are 
dwelling in the reputation of much wisdom^ do 
ye, meanwhile, instruct them as to the substance 
of what is hereby ordained by me for aU circum- 
stances, and for all seasons. This is not done by 
me in any desire for the collection of worldly 
gain, but in the real intention that the benefit 
of my people shall be effected ; whereof, moreover, 
this is the root, the good foundation, and the 
steady repose in all circumstances : there is not 
a more effectual mode of benefiting all mankind 
than this on which I bestow my whole labour. 

" ' But upon how many living beings (I will 
]»8B over the mention of other things) do I confer 
happiness here :— -hereafter, likewise, let them 
hope ardently for heaven I — Amen 1 

'' * For this reason has the present religious edict 
been written. May it endure for evermore, and 
00 may my sons, and my grandsons, and my 
great-grandsons uphold the same for the profit 
of all the world, and labour therein with the 
most reverential exertion I ' " 



Wihon. 

for that purpose let those who reside in the 
immediate vicinage even become informers at 
all times, and in all places, so it is ordained by 
me. The distribution of wealth which is to be 
made is designed by me for the benefit of all 
the world ; for the distribution of wealth is the 
root of virtues to the good of the world, for 
which I am always labouring. On the many 
beings over whom I rule I confer happinesiSi 
in this world ; — ^in the next they may obtain 
Swarga. With this view, this moral edict has 
been written. May it long endure, and may 
my sons, grandsons, and g^at-grandsons after 
me continue with still greater exertion to labour 
for universal good I ' " 



VII. 

" The beloved of the gods, the Raja Priya- 
d<Mi, desires that all unbelievers may every- 
where dwell (unmolested), as they also wish for 
moral restraint and purity of disposition. For 
men are of various purposes and various desires, 
and they do injury to all or only to a part. 
Although, however, there should not be moral 
restraint or purity of disposition in any one, 
yet wherever there is great liberality (or charity), 
gratitude will acknowledge merit even in those 
who were before that reputed vile.'' 

The foDowing is BumouFs translation of this Edict* : — 

" Pigadasi, le roi ch6ri des Dfivas, desire en tons lieux que les ascites de toutes lee croyancet 
resident (tranquilles) : ils d^sirent tons Pempiie qu'on exerce sur soi-mSme, et la pnietl de I'Ame ; 
mais le peuple a des opinions diverses et des attachements divers, (et) les ascites obtiennent, soit 
tout, soit une partie seulemient (de oe qu'ils demandent). Cependant, pour oelni*m6me anquri 
n'arrive pas une large aumdne I'empire sur soi-m6me, la puret£ de I'ftme, la reconnaissaace et une 
devotion solide qui dure toujours, oela est bien.'' 



EDIOT 

Primep. 

''The heaven-beloved king Piyadaii everywhere 
ardently desireth that all unbelievers may be 
brought to repentance and peace of mind. He 
is anxious that every diversity of opinion, and 
every diversity of passion, may shine forth blended 
into one system, and be conspicuous in undistin- 
guishing charity. Unto no one can be repentance 
and peace of mind until he hath attained supreme 
knowledge, perfect faith which surmounteth all 
obstacles, and perpetual assent.'' 



* Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, Appendic^, p. 766. 



122 



TRANSLATIONS. 



EDICT 

'^In ancient times^ festivals for the amuse- 
ment of sovereigns consisted of gamblings hunt- 
ing the deer (or antelope)^ and other exhilarating 
pleasures of the same nature. But the heaven- 
beloved king Piyada&i, having attained the tenth 
year of his anointment^ for the happiness of the 
wise^ hath a festival of religion (been substituted) 
and this same consists in visits to Brahmans and 
Sramans^ and in alms-giving^ and in visits to 
the reverend and aged ; and the liberal distribu- 
tion of gold, the contemplation of the universe 
and its inhabitants, obeying the precepts of reli- 
gion^ and setting religion before all other things, 
are the expedients (he employs for amusement) ; 
and these will become an enjoyment without 
alloy to the heaven-beloved king Piyadasi in 
another existence/' 

Bumouf has not given a connected translation of this Edict, but his remarks on its general 
scope are of special importance. According to his explanation Asoka obtained samlodhim, or '^ la 
science complete de la Bodhi,'' or, in other words, " la connaissance de ce qu'enseigne le Buddha,'^ 
after he had reigned ten years. He refers to Lassen as evidently holding the same opinion : 
'' Quoique Lassen n'a pas traduit litt^ralement cette partie de votre inscription, il est facile ,dc voir, 
par Fusage qu'il en a fait dans ses Anliquitis Indiennes, qu'il entend comme je propose de le &ire. 
Yoici les propres paroles de Lassen : ' C'est seulement la dixieme ann^e depuis son couronnement 
qu'il obtint la vue comply. Evidenmient Lassen a lu comme moi sambodiim, * la vue ou la 
science complete,' et compris de m£me ay&ya/'^ 



VIII. 

W%l9on. 

'' Li past times kings were addicted to tra- 
velling about, to companions, to going abroad, 
to hunting and similar amusements, but Ptya- 
dasiy the beloved of the gods, having been 
ten years inaugurated, by him easily awakened, 
that moral festival is adopted, (which consists) 
in seeing and bestowing gifts on Brahmans 
and Sramans; in seeing and giving gold to 
elders, and overseeing the country and the 
people ; the institution of moral .laws, and the 
investigation of morals :— €uch are the devices 
for the removal of apprehension, and such are 
the different pursuits of the &vourite of the 
gods, king PiyadasiJ' 



EDICT 

Prinsep. 

" Thus spake King Piyadasi,heloYed of the gods : 
'^'Each individual seeketh his own happiness 
in a diversity of ways, in the bonds of affection, 
in marriage, or otherwise, in the rearing of off- 
spring, in foreign travel: in these, and other 
similar objects, doth man provide happiness of 
every degree. But there is great ruination — 
excesses of all kinds when (a man) maketh 
worldly objects his happiness. On the contrary, 
this is what is to be done, — (for most certainly 
that species of happiness is a fruitless happiness — ) 
to obtain the happiness which yieldeth plentiful 
fruit, even the happiness of virtue; that is to 
say : kindness to dependants, reverence to spirit- 
ual teachers, are proper; humanity to animals is 
proper :— all these acts, and others of the same 
kind, are to be rightly denominated the happiness 
of virtue I 

" ^ By father and by son, and by brother; by 
master, (and by servant) it is proper that these 



Wihon. 

" The beloved of the gods Priyadasi Baja, thus 
says : ^ Every man that is celebrates various 
occasions of festivity, as on the removal of in- 
cumbrances^ on invitations, on marriages, on 
the birth of a son, or on setting forth on a 
journey :^on these and other occasions a man 
makes various rejoicings. The benevolent man 
also celebrates many and various kinds of pure 
and disinterested festivities ; — and such rejoicing 
is to be practised. Such festivities are fruit- 
less and vain, but the festivity that bears great 
fruit is the festival of duty — such as the respect 
of the servant to his master: reverence for 
holy teachers is good; tenderness for living 
creatures is good; liberality to Brahmans and 
Sramans is good. These, and other such acts, 
constitute verily the festival of duty ; and it is 
to be cherished as father by son, a dependant 
by his master. This is good, this is the fes- 
tival to be observed : for the establishment of this 



* Bmnoaf, Le Lotiu, Appendioe, p. 769, quoting Lauen Ind, AUerikwn, U, 227, n. 3. 



TRANSLATIONS. 



123 



Prinsep. 

things should be entitled happiness^ and (nrther^ 
for the more complete attainment of this object^ 
secret charity is most suitable : — ^yea, there is no 
ahns, and no loving-kindness, comparable with 
the alms of religion, and the loving-kindness 
of religion, which ought verily to be upheld 
alike by the friend, by the good-hearted ; by kins- 
man and neighbom:, in the entire fulfilment of 
pleasing duties. 

'^ ' This is what is to be done : — ^this is what is 
good. With those things let each man propitiate 
heaven. And how much ought (not} to be done 
in order to the propitiation of heaven ?i ** 



Wilson. 

object virtuous donations are made ; for there 
is no such donation or benevolence as the gift 
of duty, or the benevolence of duty : that (bene- 
volence) is chaff (which is contracted) with a 
friend, a companion, a kinsman, or an associate, 
and is to be reprehended. In such and in such 
manner this is to be done. This is good : with 
these means let a man seek Swarga. This is 
to be done : by these means it is to be done, aa 
by them Swarga has been gained.^ *' 



EDICT X. 



€t 



Wihon. 

The beloved of the gods, the Prince Piyadcui, 
does not esteem gloiy and fame as of great 
value ; and, besides, for a long time it has been 
my fame and that of my people, that the ob- 
servance of moral duty, and the service of the 
virtuous, should be practised : for this is to be 
done. This is the fame that the beloved of the 
gods desires : and inasmuch as the beloved of 
the gods excels, (he holds) all such reputations 
as no real reputation, but such as may be that 
of the unrighteous — ^pain and chaff; for it may 
be acquired by crafty and unworthy persons ; 
and by whatever further effort it is acquired, 
it is worthless and a source of pain.^' 



''The heaven-beloved king Piyadcui doth not 
deem that glory and reputation (are) the things of 
chief importance ; on the contraiy, (only for the 
prevention of sin,) and for enforcing conformity 
among a people praiseworthy for following the 
four rules of virtue, and pious, doth the heaven- 
beloved king Piyadasi desire gloiy and reputation 
in this world ; and whatsoever the heaven-beloved 
king Piyadasi chiefly displayeth heroism in ob- 
taining, that is all (connected with) the other 
world. 

'' For in every thing connected with his im- 
mortality, there is, as regards mortal things in 
general, di^predit. Let this be discriminated 

with encouragement or with abandonment, with 
honor or with the most respectful force ; and every 
difficulty connected with futurity shall, with equal 
reverence, be vanquished/' 

Bumouf , after quoting the above translations by Prinsep and Wilson, gives his own translation 
as follows :* ^ 

" Piyadasi, le roi ch^ri des DSvas, ne pense pas que la gloire ni la renomm^e produisent de grands 
avantages, sauf la gloire (qu'il desire) pour lui-mSme, savoir que mes peuples pratiquent longtemps 
Pob^issance k la loi et quails observent la r^le de la loi. C^est pour cela seulement que Piyadasi, 
le roi ch^ri des Ddvas, desire gloire et renomm^e. Car tout ce que Piyadasi, le roi ch^ri des Devas, 
diploic d^ero'isme, c'est en vue de I'autre vie. Bien plus, toute gloire ne donne que pen de profit; 
ce qui en r^sulte, an contraire, c'est Pabsence de vertu. Toutef ois c'est en effet une chose difficile 
(que le travailler pour le ciel) pour un homme m&iiocre comme pour un homme &eY6, si ce n'est quand, 
par une heroisme supr&ne, on a tout abandonn^ ; mais oela est certainement di&cile pour un homme 
flev^." 



• Le Lotiu de la Bonne Loi, Appendices p. 659. 



124 



TRANSLATIONS. 



EDICT XI. 



€€ 



Prinsqp. • 

Thus spake Pigadasi, the king^ beloved of the 
gods: — 

'' 'There is no such charity as the charity which 
springeth from virtae^ — (which is) the intimate 
knowledge of virtue^ the inheritance of virtue^ 
the close onion with yirtue. And in these 
tnfl.Tifp<y it is manifested — ^kindness towards ser- 
vants and hireliDgs : towards mother and father 
dntifol service is proper : towards a friend^s off- 
springs to kindred in general^ to Brahmans and 
Sramans almsgiving is proper : avoiding the de- 
struction of animals' life is proper. 

'' ' And this (saying) should be equally repeated 
by father and son^ (?) by hireling, and even so by 
neighbours in general. 

" ^ This is excellent : — and this is what ought to 
be done ! 

'' ' And whoso doeth thus is blessed of the in- 
habitants of this world : and in the next world 
endless moral merit resulteth from such religious 
charity.^ 



Wibcm. 

''Thus says the beloved of the gods, king 
Priyadasi : ' There is no gift like the gift of vir- 
tue ; whether it be the praise of virtue, the ap- 
portionment of virtue, or relationship of virtue. 
This (gift) is, the cherishing of slaves and de- 
pendants ; pious devotion to mother and father ; 
generous gifts to friends and kinsmen, Brah- 
mans and Sramans; and non-injury of living 
beings is good. In this manner, it is to be 
lived by father and son, and brother^ and friend, 
and friend's friend (?), and by a master (of 
slaves), and by neighbours. This is good : this 
is to be practised ; and thus having acted, there 
is happiness in worldly existence, and hereafter 
great holiness is obtained by this gift of virtue 



> 99 



3 99 



EDICT 

Prinsep. 

" The heaven-beloved king Piyadasi propitiat- 
eth all unbelievers, both of the ascetic and of the 
domestic classes : by charitable offerings, and by 
every species of pu;a doth he (strive to) propi- 
tiate them. Not that the beloved of the gods 
deemeth offerings or prayers to be of the same 
(value) with true glory. The promotion of his 
own salvation promoted, in many ways, the salva- 
tion of all unbelievers ; of which, indeed, this is 
the root, and the whole substance. 

"Again, the propitiation of the converted 
heretic, and the reproof of the unconverted heretic, 
must not be (effected) by harsh treatment : — ^but 
let tho^ who enter into discussion (conciliate 
them) by restraint of their own passions, and 
by their mild address. By such and such con- 
ciliatory demeanours shall even the unconverted 
heretics be propitiated. And such conduct in- 
creaseth the number of converted heretics, while 
it disposeth of the unconverted heretic, and 
effecteth a revolution of opinion in him. And 
(he) encourageth the converted heretic, while he 
disposeth completely of the unconverted heretic, 
whosoever propitiateth the converted heretic, or 
reproveth the unconverted heretic, by the pecu- 
niary support of the converted heretic. And 
who so, again, doth so, he purifieth in the most 



Wihon. 

" The beloved of the gods, king PriyadMi, 
honours all forms of religious faith, whether 
professed by ascetics or householders; he 
honours them with gifts and with manifold 
kinds of reverence : but the beloved of the gods 
considers no gift or honour so much as the 
increase of the substance (of tteligitn) : — ^his en<- 
oouragement of the increase of the substance 
of all religious belief is manifold. But the root 
of his (encouragement) is this: — ^reverence for 
one's own faith, and no reviling nor injury of 
that of others. Let the reverence be shown in 
such and such a manner as is suited to the dif- 
ference of beUef ; as when it is done in that 
manner, it augments our own {aith, and benefits 
that of others. Whoever acts otherwise injures 
his own religion, and wrongs that of others; for 
he who in some way honours his own religion, 
and reviles that of others, saying, having ex- 
tended to all our own belief, let us make it 
famous; — ^he who does this throws diflSculties in 
the way of his own religion : this, hb conduct, 
cannot be right. The duty of a person consists 
in respect and service of others. Such is the 
wish of the beloved of the gods; for in all 
forms of religion there may be many scriptures 
(Sutras), and many holy texts, which are to be 



TBANSLATIONS. 

Printep. Wilson, 

effectual maimer the heretic ; — and o£ himself encli thereafter followed through my ] 
an act is his very breath, and his well-being. The beloved of the gods considers i 

"Moreover, 'hear ye the religion of the faith- rerereaoe to be equal to the increai 
ful, and attend thereto' : even Eucb is the desire, essence of religion : and as this is '■ 
the act, the hope of the beloved of the gods, that of all religions, — with a view to its diss* 
all unbelievers may speedily be purified, and superintendents of moral duty, as wi 
brought into contentment speedily. women, and officers of compassion, a 

" Furthermore, from place to place this most other officers, (are appointed) ; and tl 
gracious sentiment should be repeated : ' The this (regulation] will be the angmei 
beloved of the gods doth not esteem either our own faith, and the lustre of mora] 
charitable offering or jmja, as comparable with 
true glory. The increase of blessing to himself 
is (of) as much (importance) to all unbelievers.' 

" For this purpose, have been spread abroad 
ministers of religion, possessing fortitude of mind, 
and practices of every virtue. May the various 
congr^ations co-operate (with them) for the 
accomplishment therefor ! For the increase of 
converts is, indeed, the lustre of religion." 

This Edict has been fortunate in attracting the attention of Bnmouf, whose tranal 
follows : * 

" Piyadati, le roi ch^ri des DSvas, honore tous les oroyances, ainsi que lee mendia 
metres de maison, soit par dee aumdnes, soit par des diverses marques de respect. &! 
ch^ri des Devas honore tons les croyances, ainsi que les mendiants et les maftres de maisoE 
des aumdnes, soit par des diverses marques de respect. Mais le roi ch6ri des DSvas n't 
autant les aumdnes et les marques de respect qua I'augmentation de ce qui est I'essc 
renommfe. Or, I'augmentation de ce qui est essentiel [en ce genre] pour toutes les croyan 
plusieurs esp^oes : cependant le f onds en est pour chacune d'ellee la looange en paroles. I] 
on doit seulement honorer sa propre croyance, mais non bl&mer celle des autres : il y aura a 
tort de produit. D y a mSme telle et telle circonstance oil la croyuice des autres doit 
honor^ ; en agissant ainsi selon ohacun de^.oes circonstaQcee, on augmcnte sa propre croya 
sert celle des autres. Celui qui agit autrement diminue sa prc^re croyance et fait tort ai 
des autres. L'homme, quelqu'il soit, qui honore sa propre croyance et bl&me celle dee autn 
par devotion pour sa croyaooe, et bien plus, en disant : ' Mettons notre propre crt^ance ei 
L'homme, dis-je, qui agit ainsi, ne fait que nuire plus gravement i sa croyance prop 
pomq'joi le bon accord seul est bien. II y a pluaj que lea hommes ^utent et suivent av« 
sioa chacun la loi les uns des autres ; car tel est le d&ir du roi ch&ri des DSvas. II 
puiseent [les hommes de] toutes lee croyanoee abonder en savoir et prosp^rer en verta I Et 
oat foi d telle et telle religion, doivent r^pdter ceci : Le roi oh^ri des DSvas n'estiine pas 
aumftnes et les marques de respect que I'augmentation de ce qui est I'eesenoe de la renoDD 
multiplication de toutes les croyances. A cet effet ont ^t^ ^tablis des grands ministres < 
des grands ministres surveilluitB des femmes, ainsi que des inspecteurs dee lieux secrets, t 
corps d'agenta. £t le fruit de oette institution, o'est que I'augmentation dee rdigions ail 
meat lieu, ainsi que ]& mise en Inmiire de la loi." 



EDICT XIII. 

" Whose equality, and exertion towards that 

object, exceeding activity, judicious conduct. . < 

afterwards in the Kalinga provinces not to be 
obt^ed by wealth the decline of religion, 

• Le Lotm de U Bouuo Loi, Appendic^ p. 76t. 



126 TEANSLATIONS. 

Printep. 
murder, and death, and nnreBtrained license of 
mankmd ; whea fionrisbed the (precious maxims) 
of Dev&nampiyo, comprising the essence of learn- 
ing and of science: — dutiful service to mother 
and father; dutiful service to spiritual teachers : 
the love of Friend and child ; (charity) to kins- 
folk, to servants (to Brahmans and Sramans, &c., 
which) cleanse away the calamities of generations : 
farther also in these things unceasing persever- 
ance is fame. There is not in either class of the 
heretics of men, not so to say, a procedure marked 

by such grace, nor so glorious nor friendly, 

nor even so extremely liberal as Dev&nampiyo's 
injunctions for the non-injury, and content of 
living creatures and the Greek King be- 
sides, by whom the Kings of Egypt, Ftolemaios 

and Antigono8,(?) and Magae, both 

here and in foreign (countries), everywhere the 
religions ordinances of Dev&nampiyo effect convert 

sion, wherever they go; conquest is of 

every description : bat further the conquest which 
bringeth joy springing from pleasant emotions, 
becometh joy itfielf; the victory of virtue is 
happiness : the victory of happiness is not to be 
overcome, that which essentially poBsesses a pledge 

of happiness, snch victory is desired in things 

of this world and things of the next world t 

"And this place is named the Whitb Elbfhant, 
conferring pleasure on all the world." * 



EDICT XIV. 

Prineep. Surnvaf-i 
" This religions edict is caused to be written by " Ce texte de la loi a ete &rit par I'ordre de 
the heaven-beloved king Fiyadasi. It is (partly) Piyadasi, le roi ch^ri des Devae. II se trouve 
(written) with abridgment ; it is (partly) with sous une forme abr^g^e, il se trouve sons une 
ordinary extent ; and it is (partly) with amplifi- forme de moyenne ^tendue, il se trouve enfin sous 
cation: not incoherent (or disjointed) but through- une forme d£velopp6e: et cependant le tout 
out continnona (and united) it is powerful in n'est certainement pas mutil^. Des grands 
overcoming the wise; audit is much written and hommea aussi out fait des conqn£tes, et ont 
caused to be written, yet it is always but the beaucoup 6mt ; et moi je ferai aussi ^crire ceci. 
same thing repeated over and over again. £t s'il y a ici autant de repetitions, c'est I cause 
" For the persuasive eloquence which is lavished deladonceur de chacune des pens^ qui sont 
on each separate subject shall man the rather r^p^t^. II y a plus I puisse le peuple y con- 
render obedience thereunto I former sa condaite I Tout ce qui pent, en 
" Purthennore, at one time even unto the con- quelques endroits, avoir 4t6 eerit sans fitre 
elusion is this written, incomparable in manner, achev^, sans ordre, et sans qu'on ait un £gard 
and conformahle with the copy, by Relachepu au texte qoi fait autorit^, tout ceU vient nnique- 
the scribe and pandit." ment de la faute de I'ecrivain." 

• Thi* Isst leiiteiioe (liould follow Edict XIV, Profeaaor Kern truulat«H it differently— " the White £lep)iuit whow 
Dune il " Bringet of happiiiesa to the whole world," -uid adds "that b; thia tenn Sktyt is implied there cui benodoobt, since 
the legend uji that the BodbUattra, &6 fntore Buddba, left heaven to bring happinew to men, and entered hii motber'i 
womb M a White Elepluuit." See Indian Antiquaiy, V, 267, S6S. 

t Aa DO translatioii of tbi> Edict has been given bj Wilion, it U fortunate that we pouaeei another renion frotD the 
learned and earetnl pem of Bontonf in Le Lotoa de la Boatu Loi, p. 762. 



TRANSLATIONS. 



No. 6. 



DHAULI AND JAUGADA, 



No. 1, SEPARATE EDICT- 



JPfinsep, 
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Sooiety, YII, 442. 
^^ By command of Devdnampiya (the beloved 
of the gods) ! In (the city of) Tosali, the public 
officers in charge of the town are to be enjoined 
(as follows) : — 

" Whomsoever I ascertain to be a murderer, 
him do I desire to be imprisoned. This I publicly 
proclaim, and I will carry into effect however 
di£Scult : — ^f or this my supreme will is irresistible ! 
On this account the present Tape (Stupa) is deno- 
minated the tope of commandment. 

'^ From amongst many thousand souls, oh ye 
my chosen people I repair ye (hither) to the holy 
men. Every righteous man is my (true) subject, 
and for my subjects I desire this only, that 
they may be possessed of every benefit and 
happiness as to things of this world and of the 

world beyond and furthermore I desire ye 

do not purify the wicked until 

^' In this country and not anywhere else is to 
be seen such a stupa (?) in which is provided 
proper rules of moral conduct. 

'^ When one man relieves (his fellow-creature) 
from the bondage and misery (of sin), it neces- 
sarily follows that he himself is released from 
bondage ; but again despairing at the number of 
human beings in the same state (whom he is un- 
able to relieve) he is much troubled. 

Thence is this stupa so desirable (as an asylum) ; 
that in the midst of virtuous regulations we may 
pursue our obedient course ! 

And through these classes (of deeds) are people 
rendered disobedient, viz., by enviousness, by the 



€i 



Bumauf. 

Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, 672-683. 
An nom du (roi) ch£ri des Ddvas, le grand 
ministre de Tosali, gouvemeur de la ville, doit 
s'entendre dire : Quoique ce soit que je d^sr^te, 
je desire qu'il en soit Pexdcuteur. Voilk ce que 
je lui fait connaitre, et je recommence deux 
f ois, parce que cette r^p^tition est regard^ par 
moi comme capitale. C'est dans ce dessein que 
ce Tupha {St4pa) a ^t^ dress^; ce Stiipa de 
commandement en effet a 6\^ desting aujourdliui 
ik de nombreux milliers d'fitres vivants, comme 
un prSsent et un bouquet de fleurs pour les gens 
de bien. Tout homme de bien est pour moi 
un fils. Et pour mes fils, ce que je d&ire, c'est 
quails soient en possession de toute esp^ce 
d'avantages, et de plaisirs, tant dans ce monde 
que dans Fautre. Ainsi je desire le bonheur du 
peuple, et puissiez-vous ne pas ^prouver de 
malheur, jusqu'^ii {lacune de 10 lettree)uji seul 
homme pense. En effet, ce SUlpa regarde ce 
pays tout entier qui nous est soumis ; *sur ce 
Stupa a ^t^ promulgu^ la ri^le morale. Que 
si un homme (4 leitres) est soumis soit a la 
captivity, soit a de mauvais traitements, a 
partir de ce moment (il sera dllivr6) It Pinstant 
par lui de cette captivity etdes autres (2 lettres). 
Beaucoup de gens du pays souSrent dans Pes- 
clavage ; c'est pourquoi ce SUlpa a dii 6tre d&ir^. 
Puissions-nous, me suis-je dit, (leur)&ireobtenir 
la liqueur enivrante de la morale ! Mais la 
morale n'est pas respect^e par ces espies (de 
vices) : Fenvie, la destruction de la vie, les injures, 
la violence, Tabsence d^occupation, la paresse, 



128 



TRANSLATIONS. 



Bumouf. 

Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, YII, 442. 
practice of destroying life, by tyranny, by 
cruelty, by idleness, by laziness, by waste of time. 
That morality is to be desired which is based on 
my ordinances {^) and in all these the roots (or 
leading principles) are, — the non-destmction of 
life, and the non-infliction of cruelty. May the 
desire of such moral guidance endure unto the 
end of time I and may these (principles) continu- 
ing to rise (in estimation) ever flourish, and in as 
much as this benefit and love should be ever had 
in remembrance, my desire is that in this very 
manner, these (ordinances) shall be pronounced 
aloud by the person appointed to the Stupa; and 
adverting to nothing else but precisely according 
to the conmiandment of Devdnampiya, let him 
(further) declare and explain them. ^ 

'' Much longing after the things of (this life) 
is a disobedience I again declare : not less so is 
the laborious ambition of dominion by a prince, 
(who would be) a propitiator of heaven. Confess 
and believe in God, who is the worthy object of 
obedience ! for equal to this (belief), I declare 
unto you, ye shall not find such a means of pro- 
pitiating heaven. Oh strive ye to obtain this in- 
estimable treasure I 

*' And this edict is to be read at (the time of) 
the lunar mansion Tisa, at the end of the month 
of Bh&tun : it is to be made heard (even if) by 
by a single (listener). And thus (has been 
founded) the Kdlanta stupa for the spiritual in- 
struction of the congregation. For this reason is 
this edict here inscribed, whereby the inhabitants 
of the town may be guided in their devotions 
for ages to come — and as of the people insensibly 
the divine knowledge and insensibly the (good 
works) increase so the god of passion no longer 
yieldeth them gratification (?). 

" For this reason also I shall cause to be, every 
five years, a general nikhama, (or act of humilia- 
tion ?) (on which occasions) the slaughter (of no 
animal of any kind ?) shall take place. Having 
learnt this object, it shall be so carried into effect 
according to my commandment. 

^' And the young prince of Ujein, for the same 
purpose, shall cause a religious observance of the 
self -same custom : and he shall not allow any 
transgression of this custom for the space of 
three years — so that when func- 
tionaries have admitted to initiation the penitent, 
then should any not leave off his (evil) practices — 
if even there be hundreds (in the same predica- 
ment) it shall be certainly done unto him accord- 
ing to the commandment of the r&ja. 



Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, 672-683. 
la fain&ntise. La gloire qui doit etre d^sirfe, 
est que ces (3 letfres) puissent esdster pour moi. 
Or elles ont toutes pour f ondement I'absence de 
meurtre, et ^absence de violence. Que celui 
qui, dSsirant suivre la rhgle, serait dans la crainte, 
sorte de sa prof onde d^tresse et prosp^re ; Futile 
et Fagr^ble sont les seules choses qui doivent 
dtre obtenues. Aussi est-ce Ut ce qui doit Stre 
proclam^ par le gardien du SlUpa qui ne re- 
gardera rien autre chose {ou bien, aussi cet ^it 
a dii dtre exprim^ au moyen du Prikrita et non 
dans un autre idiome). Et ainsi le veut ici le 
commandement du roi ch^ri des Ddvas. J'en 
confie Tex^ution au grand ministre. Avec de 
grands desseins ,je fais executor ce qui n'a pas ete 
mis ^ execution ; non en effet, cela n'est pas. 
L'acquisition du ciel, voil& en realite ce qu'il 
est difficile d'obtenir, mais non ^acquisition de la 
royaut^. J^onore extrSmement les Riehes8^,9 
aussi accomplis, mais (je dis) : Vous n'obtien- 
drez pas ainsi le ciel. £fforcez-vous d'acqu^rir 
ce tr^sor sans prix. 

'^ Et cet ^t doit 6tre entendu au Nakhata Tua 
(Nakchatra Tichya) et a la fin du mois TUa 
(4 lett/res) au Nakhata, mSme par une seule 
personne il doit Stre entendu. Et c^est ainsi 
que ce Sttlpa doit dtre honor^ jusqu'a la fin des 
temps pour le bien de PAssembl^e. 

" C'est pour cela que cet ^dit a et^ fcrit ici 
afin que les gouverneurs de la ville s'appliquent 
continuellement (5 lettrea) pour le peuple une 
instruction instantan^e, instantand aussi * * *^ 
comblant les d^sirs pour nous * * voiUl. 

" Et pour cela, tons les cinq ans je f erai execu- 
ter (la confession) par les ministres de la loi celui 
qui dissimulant ses p4ch& (2 lettres) celui 1^ ^era 
unpuissant dans son effort. 

"Ayant connu cet objet * * * ^ar 
tel est mon commandement. Et le Prince Royal 
d'Udjdjayini devra aussi It cause de cela 
executor {4 leitres) une c^r^monie parelle : et 
il ne devra pas laisser, passer plus de trois ans ; 
et de m€me ainsi k Takhaaila {TakcAofila) 
m^e. Quand (4 lettrea) les grands ministres 
ex^cuteront la c^r^monie de la confession, alors, 
sans f aire abandonner son metier k aucun des 
gens du peuple, ils le f eront pratiquer au con- 
traire par chacun. C^est ]k Pordre du roi.'* 



r 



DHAl 

No, I] 

Primep. 

Jovnul <£ the Bengml Asiatio Socnety, 

" By command of Dev&nsmpiya I 

signified to the prince and the gtea 

the city of Tosak. 

" WhomBoever I ascertain to be . . 

and thia my aupreme will i 

On this aocooDt ia the preset Stupa 

and for my loving enbjecta do I ani 
to this effect : — that they may be fiUe 
species of blessing and ht^innees b< 
things of this world and the world bi 

of ooootless things as yet nnknown 

I ardently deeire 

they may partake I Tbna hath said I 

and take pleasnre, while the 

affliction is in like manner the chief 
of tme devotion, f?) Dev&nampiyi 
eaid ;— fame (ooueisteth in) this act, 
with devotion on my motives, and ( 
(of virtoe) and to pray for blesaii 
world and the world to oome. For 
do I appoint another (?) Stnpa by 
cause to be respected Ihai wideh is (al 
ed and proclaimed and my promise 
able I However bitter (or hard) 
carried into effect by me, and consc 
accrae to him who obeys ?) by which 
be it." 



" Like as love itself, so is Dev&nam 
of respect 1 and as the soul itself so i 
laxing guidance of Dev&nampiya 
respect I and according (to the cond 
subject, so is the compassion of De 
wherefore I myself, to accomplish his 
will become the slave and hireling o1 
piya. For this reason the Dabal&h 
institated; fdr undisturbed meditati 

* Bnmonf adopted thii altaniitiTe TCsdin^ 
fig*. AaduJiMtfoiIa test huj)Ua then MB 1 



130 



TRANSLATIONS. 



Prinsep. 
Jonmal of the Bengal Asiatio Sooieiy, YII, 446. 
(securing everj) blessing and happiness as to tlie 
concerns of this world and the world beyond ! 
and thus to the end of time (is this) TupAa for 
the propitiation of heaven/' 



" Accordingly strive ye to accomplish each and 
all of my desires. For this object is this edict 
here inscribed, whereby (the spot) shall be caused 
by me to receive the name of mahdmdtd swaaa^ 
tarn, or (place of meditation of the o£5cers). Let 
it so remain for a perpetoal endowment by me 
and for the furtherance of religion. 

''' And this edict shall be read aloud in the com^e 
of the month of Bh&tun (Bhadtin ?) (when the 
moon is) in the nakhatra (or lunar mansion) of 
Tisa : — and, as most desirable, also it shall be 
repeatedly read aloud in the last month of the 
year, in the lunar mansion Tisa, even if one 
person be present ; thus to the end of time to 
afford instruction to the congregation of the 
Tupka.'' 



Bumouf. 
Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, 693-707. 



€€ 



Je send Pesclave et la serviteur i gages de 
Devftnampiya.^' p. 700. 



'^C'est pourquoi le Si'Apa {Le Lubalaii) 
pour la consolation ainsi que pour Favantage, 
et le bonheur a 6t6, tant dans ce monde que dans 
I'autre.'' p. 702. 

'^ Et ainsi jusqu'ik la fin des^ temps le 8t4pa 
fera obtenir le ciel.'' p. 704. 

" Et cet ^t a 6t6 inscrit ici dans ce dessein 
mdme que les grands ministres s'appliquent S la 
consolation (du peuple), et sk la pratique de la loi.'^ 

p. 704. 



''Et cet ^t doit Stre entendu tous les 
quatres mois, au Nakhata Tisa (Nakchatra 
Tichya).'' p. 705. 

'' Et mSme dans V intervalle, & tel moment 
que cela sera d&ire, P^it pourra 6tre lu par un 
seul Tissa.'' p. 706. 

'' C'est ainsi qu' on doit pourvoir k ce que le 
Stupa soit honorer jusqu'ik la fin des temps.'' 

p. 707, 



No. 8. 



ROCK AT SAHASARAM. 

Translation by D&. 6. Buhleb. 

See Indian dnHjuaryt 1877» page 156. 

'' The beloved of the gods speaketh thus : [It is mare than thifty4wo\ years \and a half^ that 
I am a worshipper [of Bnddh<i\, and I have not exerted mjrself strenuously. [It »] a year and 
more [that I have exerted myself strenuously]. During this interval those gods that were [held to he] 
true gods in Jambudrtpa have been made [to be regarded as] men* and false. For through strenu- 
ous exertion comes this reward, and it ought not to be said to be an effect of [my] greatness — For 
even a small man who exerts himself can gain for himself great rewards in heaven. Just for this 
purpose a sermon has been preached : 

'' ' Both small ones and great ones should exert themselves, and in the end they should also 
obtain [true] knowledge. And this spiritual good will increase ; it will even increase exceedingly ; 
it will increase one [size] and a half, at least one [size] and a hidf .' And this sermon [is] by the 
Dbpabted.— Two-hundred [years] exceeded by fifty-six, 256, have passed since ; and I have caused 
this matter to be incised on the hills; or where those stone pillars are, there too I have caused it to 
be incised." 



• This phnae probably allndes to the Bnddhut belief that the Dtvoi also hare shorter or longer terms of existence. 



TRANSLATIONS. 



ROCK AT RUPNATH. 

TratulatiiM by "Da.. 6. Buhlbr. 
Bee Xndimt Antiquary, 1877, page 16S. 
" The beloved of the gods speaketh thas : [// tt] more thaq thirt; 
sxa a hearer \pf the lax\ , and I did not exert myself strennoosly. I 
I have entered the communit; \pf atcetici\, and that I have ezertei 
goda who doting this time were considered to be trae {^odi\ in Jamboi: 
For through exertion \am«*\ this reward, and it catmot be obtain) 
[fM»] who exerts himself somewhat can gain for himself great heaven 
pose this sermon has been preached .- ' Soth great ones and small onei 
should in the end gain [/hm] knowledge, and this manner \pf acting' 
deration. For this epiritoal good will grow the growth, and will gi 
will grow one [«ue] and a half.' And this matter has been caosed 
[w^re] a stone pillar is, [there] it has been written on a stone pillar, 
to this writing ripe thought, [« ofieti\ will he rejoice, learning t 
sermon has been preached by the Dsfasted. 266 [yean have elapsed 
Teachbr." 



No. 10. 

SECOND BAIRAT ROCl 
TEANSLATIONS. 

lit Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 725. Journal of the Bo] 

" Le roi Fiyadasa, & 1' Assemble du M^adha "Fiyadasijthel 

qu'il fait salner, a sonhiut£ et pen de peines et one (tf Mfigadhi com 

existence agr^ble. P^i and indulgei 

"Ilest bien connn, seigneurs, jusqu'o^ vont " It is verily kn 

et mon respect et ma foi pour le Buddha, poor la tent my respect 

lioi, pour 1' Assemble. Buddha, in the lai 

" Tout ce qui, seigneurs, a ^ dit par le bien- " Whatsoever (^ 

henreux Buddha, tout cela seulement est bien the divine Buddhe 

dit. B taat done montrer, seigneurs, quelles and in them verily 

(en) sont les autorit^ ; de oette mani^, la bonne ' proof is to be disc 

loi sera de longue durfe : voiU ce que moi je orois (which they teach] 

neoeseaire. far as I am worth; 

" En attendant, voioi, seigneurs, les sujets qu' " For these I de 

embraese la loi; les homes marqu^ par le Tinaya law of the princip 

(ou la discipline), lee faoult^s sumaturellee des overcome the 0{^ 

Ariyas, les dangers de I'avenir, les stances du future perils, (an' 

Bohtoire, le Buta (le Sutra) du solitaire, la sp^cu- Munis, th« SAtras 



■ The origiiul hw a donble meuung. The other meaning it " And h often u [a 
condiment he will be eatiified, felling into % tMe ot Samvara, i^., that atate of Inten 
he alcee* lii« ^ei from plcMon, and inipcodi the acdTi^ td the lenMi geneiallf ." 



132 TRANSLATIONS. 

Primep. JFihon. 

Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 725. Jonmal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, XVI, 366. 

lation d'Upatissa (C&riputra) seulement^ Tin- of inferior ascetics^ the censure of a light worlds 

stmction de L&ghula (B&hnla), en rejetant lea and (all) false doctrines, 

doctrines fausses. '' These things^ as declared by the divine 

'^ (VoiUi) ce qui a 6t4 dit par le bienheureux Buddha^ I proclaim, and I desire them to be re- 
Buddha. Ces sujets qu'embrasse la loi, seigneurs, garded as the precepts of the law. 
je desire, et c'est la gloire a laquelle je tiens le '^ And that as many as there maybe, male and 
plus, que les B«ligieux et les R^ligieuses les female mendicants, may hear and observe them, 
^content et les m^ditent constamment, aussi bien constantly, as well also as male and female foU 
que les fidSles des deux sexes. lowers (of the laity). 

'' C'est pour cela, seigneurs, que je (vous) fais " These things I affirm, and have caused this 

6srire ceci : telle est ma volont^ et ma declara- to be written (to make known to you) that such 

tion." will be my intention.^' 

The following improved translation of this important inscription has lately appeared in the Indian 
Antiquary, Vol. V, p. 257, from the very competent pen of Professor Kern : — 

'' King Priyadarsm (that is, the Humane) of Magadha greets the Assembly (of Clerics)* and 
wishes them welfare and happiness. Ye know. Sirs, how great is our reverence and affection for 
the Triad which is called Buddha (the Master), Faith , and Assembfy. All that our Lord Buddha has 
spoken, my Lords, is well spoken : wherefore. Sirs, it ^lU8t indeed be regarded as having indisputable 
authority ; so the true faith shall last long. Thus, my Lords, I honour (?) in the first place these 
religious works : — Sitrnmary of the Discipline, The Supernatural Powers of the Master (or of the 
Masters), The Terrors of the Future, The Song of the Hermit, The Sitra on Asceticism, The Question 
of Upatishya, and The Admonition to Rdhula concerning Falsehood, uttered by our Lord Buddha. 
These religious works. Sirs, I will that the Monks and Nuns, for the advancement of their good 
name, shall uninterruptedly study and remember, as also the laics of the male and female sex. For 
this end, my Lords, I cause this to be written, and have made my wish evident.^' 



No. 10. 

KHANDAGIRI ROCK. 

TRANSLATION. 

Prinsefj\ 

LiNB 1.—'' Salutation (or glory) to the arhantas, glory to all the saints ; (or those who have 

attained final emancipation). 
'^ By Aira, the great king, borne on his mighty cloud-chariot, — ^rich in possession of 
the purest wealth of heart and desire,— of exceeding personal beauty,-— having 
an army «£ nndaunted courage. 
''By him (was made) the excavation of the 88 rocky peaks of Kalingadmpa'' (or) 
'' by him, the king of Kalinga, was this rock excavation (made).'' 

Like 2.—'' (By him) possessed of a comely form at the age of 15 years, — then joining in youthful 

sports,-— afterwards for nine years engaged in mastering the arts of reading and writing, 
arithmetic, navigation, conmierce, and law ; — and resplendent in all knowledge, — (the 
former Raja being then in his 85th year) thus, at the age of 24, full of wisdom and 
uprightness, and on the verge of manhood, (Ut. the remainder of youth) (through 
him) does a third victory in the battle of the city of the Kalinga royal family, 
sanctify the accession (anointment) of the mahftrftja. 

Line S. — '' Upon his accession, choosing the Brahmanical faith he causes to be repaired the city, 

walls, and houses, (that had been) destroyed by a storm. 

* Or, " greets the Assembly of Magadha.** 

t Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, Yl» 1080. 



TRANSLATIONS. 

" For tbe poor (or asceticB) of KalUtga a reservoir o£ cool water and a g 
jnesenta of every necessary and equipages he makes permanent endowmen' 

Line 4. — "Witli 83,000 panat* he gains the affection of his people, and in a second h( 
the architect has prepared on the western side (for) horses, elephants, me 
a number of chambers he caused to be established (or he transferred th* 
for those coming from Kama forest to see ; the balcony * * 

Link 5. — inhabitants of SSkamagara j he, inclining to virtoe, skilled in the scJen 
causing to be sounded the dampana and the tahhata (drums ?) with h 
merry dancing girb, causes diversions. 
" In like manner turning his mind to law, in an eatablifihment of learned mei 
together) the Buddhist priests c^ Eastern Kaiinga, who were settled the 
ancient kings." 

LiNB 6. — * * " act of devotion * * jewel * * all equipages 

* he gives to god." 

"Afterwards inclining to charity, the hundred houses (?) of Nanda Baja 
and himself expelled ; all that was in the city of Vajapanddi" (here we 
"he converted the plunder to the charitable purposes alluded te,"and 
borne out by the beginning of the following or 7th line). 

Live 7. — " He munificently distributee in chariiy many hundred thousands {panat] 
territory."J * « « 

Line 8. — " (To) the prince who caused (its) destmction, he ordains the pain of the cavei 
in one of the caves ?) — and caoeee the murderer to labour by a genei 

* * seated on the hill * * * and lavishes bland speeches and obe< 
LiHB 9. — "Apes, bulls, horses, elephante, bufialoee (?) and all reqaisit«s for the fun 

house ; — to induce the practioe of rejecting improper persons, he farth 
(or appointed) attendants of the baiman caste (Brahman ?) . 

[^om thit point the commencevtent of each line it lott.J 

Like 10.—" riya causes to be made the palace (or fort) of 16 victories" 

Line 11.—" finding no glory in the country which had been the seat of the a&ci^t pri: 
abounding in envy and hypocrisy, — and reflecting in the year ISOO 
follows and leaves us in the dark as to what era (if any) is here alluded U 
falling of heavenly form * * * twelve * * * §. 

Line 12.— II »***••* 

Line 13. — " He distributes much gold at Benares * * * * he gives as charity 
and most precious jewels." 

Line 11. — " In the year 1300 married with the daughter of the so-called conqueror of tl 
(a hill r&ja), (the rest is obscure, but seemingly declm^tory of some present 

Line 15. — (Few words intelligible.) 

Line 16. — " He causes to be constructed subterranean chambers, caves containing a e, 
and pillars." * * * * 

Line 17.— "For whom the happy heretics continually pray * * slayer, having 

equipages * * the fearless sovereign of many hills, by the son (cheris 

snch epithet) the great conqueror Baja KA&ravela Sanda (or " the king o 

shore," reading Kidravelatya, and supposing the two final strokes not to b 

I read the last name as Khdravela Sri, and just preceding it there seems to bi 

geographical names, ending with " all the r&jas of the hill districts," pavata'ciaio rSfa 

* 'nure ii no irord for 88 In Uu oripnal, Piiniep tuTiiig got two lettgn too dimi; in the termpaimat 
Teadt p<M»atatira*iii. Appusntlf the nim in 100,000, tatatainteU Mcoidiug to PliuMp't own reading ( 

t Here Priatep nndaport^aiuipadam, which mftf be ooirect, but the initialletter In the pbotogn^h loob 
{ Here mj comcter reading of the text wiU neccMltate > freeh trasilfttioD, which will coniiderablj liter t 
5 At the end of thii line where Printepreadi SwijiUii rSJSmol teaAutara-folia-r^dmo.oi "the king i 

r^oD." an ezpreum which recals tbe Daitiiitapalha or eonthem ngioa of Sunodra Oapta'i inscription, 

II PriDwp hu not attempted to imd anj portion of thii lint^ hot 1 obierre tlie name of Ifamda B^a, ■ 

that of llagadka vatttltt. 



TRANSLATIONS 

OF 

CAVE INSCRIPTIONS 



BARABAR OAVES- 

No. 1. 
Bufwmf. A, C. 

" Par le roi Piyadasi^ la douzieme ann^e de son ^' By the King Piyadasi, in the 12th year of 

sacre, cette caveme da Nigoha (le figuier Indian) his inaug^oration, this cave of the Nyagrodha 
a i\& donn^e (le reste manque)/' Tree (the banian) has been given to the men- 

dicants/' 

As Bumouf found Kittoe's copy of this inscription incomplete, he left his translation as above. 
But as I have been able to complete the text by the addition of the words {di^nd adioikemhi, I have 
added the translation of the same phrase " aux mendiants,'' as given by Bumouf in another place."^ 

No. 2. 
Bumouf. A. C. 

'' Par le roi Piyadasi, la douzieme ann^e de son '^ By the King Piyadasi, in the 12th year of 

sacre, cette grotte dans la montagne Khalatika a his inauguration, this cave in the Khalatika 
^t^ donn^e par les mendiants/' hills has been given to the mendicants/' 

Bumouf has an interesting note on the name of Khalatika, which he ingeniously identifies with 
the Sanskrit skhalaiika, " slippery /'f In my descriptive account of these caves in the early part of 
this volume I have suggested that this name may be connected with Thsang's Kte^lan^to, and with 
the Kallatii or Kalantii Indians of Herodotus and HekatsBus. 

No. 8. 
Bunumf. A. C, 

'^Le Roi Piyadasi * la dix-neuvi^me ann^e ''The King Piyadasi, in the 19th year after 
depuis son sacre * * * cette caveme'' * * his inauguration * * this cavern * * in 

the Khalanti hill" * * 

Bumouf felt unable to suggest even a conjectural reading for the imperfect portion of this in- 
scription, j: I have recovered the words KAalati or Khalanti pavata, but I can make nothing of the 
remaining portion. 



NAGARJXJNI OAVES. 

* No. 4. 

Prinsep. Bumouf. 

''The Brahman girl's cave, excavated by the " La caveme des Tisserands a ^t^ destin^ par 
hands of the most devoted sect of Bauddha le roi Balalaika, le bien aim6 des DSvas, aussi- 
ascetics for the purpose of a secluded residence, tdt apr^ sa consecration au tr6ne, 2 £tre un lieu 



* Le Lotos de la Bonne Ld, Appendioe, 779-780. 

t Le Lotus, Appendices 779. 

X Le Lotps de la Bonne Loi, Appendice, 780. 



TRANSI 

Frintep. 
was appointed tlieir habitatioii in perpetuity I^ 
DatartUia, the beloved of the gods, immediately 
on his ascending the throne." * 

This cave, as well as the two next mentioned: 
of Asoka, in the first year of his reign, B. C. i' 
aa^eeted that the term Vapiyaka, which is the ob 
retervoir, and that the cave was so called becaoi 
it. The well is 9 feet in diameter and 23 feet dee 

No, 
Frintep. 
" The Milimaid'* cave, excavated by the hands 
of the most devoted sect of Bauddha aecettcs for 
the purpose of a secluded residence, was appointed 
their habitation in perpetnity by Dasaratfaa, the 
beloved of the godB, immediately on his ascending 
the throne.^'§ 

Bomonf BO^eets that these caves probably < 
caverns, uid were already known as the "Milb 
natural one, but I do not think that it can be true, 
masses of rock, where the outer face presents a cle 
not quite satisfied with the translation of Oopiia 1 
the alternative version of "la oaveme dea Bei 
with h^ha. 

No. 
Fri*tt^. 
Prinsep has not proposed any rendering of the 
word FatfatAiia, which forms the name of the 

In this translation Bnmouf has taken vadaiii 
" celni qui a fait croitre ses richesses." 



XTDAY. 

No. l.~TAt 
Printep.** 
" The impr^^ble (or unequalled) Chamber of 
Ciulaiartna" * * continued in — 

No. 2.— I!i« 
" and the appropriate temple (or p&hice) of Karma' 
» (Biflhi?) 

No. S.—Tie 
" Excavated by Ugra Aveda" (the antivedist ?) 
the Satuvin." 

' JoDTiutl of the BengU AtuUio Sodetj, TI, 678> I 

t Le Lotni de la Bonne Ltd, Aj^wndio*^ 776. 

} Arehtfologial Bnrrej of India, 1, 4fi. | 

■■ Thcae tmulatiwu »ie taken froia the JonnuJ of the B 
ft ^7 reading of the text of this inecriptiDn ia taken from 



136 TRANSLATIONS. 

Prinsep. 

No. 4. — Nameless Cave. 
'^ The excavation of Yanftkiya for * 

No. 5. — I%e Patoan Cave. 
(Similar to No. 1.) 

No. 6. — Manikjmra Cave. 

'' The excavation of the mighty (or of Vira) " Cave of Aira Maharaja^ lord of Kalinga, 

sovereign^ the lord of Kalinga^ &c., * * * of the great cloud-borne'* * * * 
Kadepa (?) the worshipper of the Sun.'* 

No. 7, — Manikpwa Cave. 
" The excavation of the Prince Vattaka.'^ ^' Cave of Prince Vaddaka/' 

As this last record is placed over a small door of the same cave in which No. 6 is founds it 
would seem that Prince Vaddaka must have been a son of Baja Aira. 

No. %.—The Vaikanta Cave. 
Prinsep. 

'^ Excavation of the Bajas of Kalinga enjoying '^ Cave made by "^ ^ ^ Raja Lalftka for 

the favour of the Arhantas*' (Buddhist Saints) the benefit (or use) of the Arhantas'' and 

(the rest is too much mutilated to be read with Sramanas of Kalinga^ &c.^ * '* 
any degree of confidence). 



TRANSLATIONS. 



PILLAR INSCRIPTIONS. 

See JounuU of Bengal Astatic Soeietj^, YoL YI, p. 581, by Prinsep. 



Delhi Pillae — ^Nobth Side. 
EDICT I. 

" Thns spake king DevJinainpiya Fijradaai :«— ' In the twenty-seventh year of my anointment, I 
have caused this religions edict to be published in writing. I acknowledge and confess the faults 
that have been cherished in my heart. From the love of virtue, by the side of which all other 
things are as sins, from the strict scrutiny of sin, and from fervent desire to be told of sin, by 
the fear of sin and by very enormity of sin ; — ^by these may my eyes be strengthened and confirmed 
(in rectitude). 

'' ' The sight of religion, and the love of religion, of their own accord increase and will ever 
increase : and my people, whether of the laity {ffnhUt) or of the priesthood (as^tics), all mortal 
beings, are knit together thereby, and prescribe to themselves the same path : and, above all, 
having obtained the mastery over their passions, they become supremely wise. For this is indeed 
true wisdom : it is upheld and bound by (it consists in) religion ; by religion which cherishes, 
religion which teaches pious acts, religion that bestows (the only true) pleasure.' '^ 



EDICT II. 

" Thus spake king Devftnampiya Piyadasi : — 'In religion is the chief excellence; but religion 
consists in good works: in the non-omission of many acts: — mercy and charity, purity and 
chastity; — (these are) to me the anointment of consecration. Towards the poor and the afflicted, 
towards bipeds and quadrupeds, towards the fowls of the air and things that move in the 
waters, manifold have been the benevolent acts performed by me. Out of consideration for things 
inanimate even many other excellent things have been done by me. To this purpose is the present 
edict promulgated; let all pay attention to it (or take cognizance thereof), and let it endure for 
ages to come: — and he who acts in conformity thereto, the same shall attain eternal happiness, 
(or shall be united with Sugato) .' *'* 



EDICT III. 

'' ' Thus spake king Devftnampiya Piyadasi :— -' Whatever appeareth to me to be virtuous and 
good, that is so held to be good and virtuous by me, and not the less if it have evil tendency, is it 
accounted for evil by me or is it named among the amove (the nine ofEences ?)• Eyes are given 
(to man) to distinguish between the two qualities (between right and wrong) : according to the 
capacity of the ^es so may they behold. 

" ' The following are accounted among the nine minor transgressions :— mischief, hard-hearted- 
ness, anger, pride, envy. These evil deeds of nine kinds shall on no account be mentioned. They 
should be regarded as opposite (or prohibited) . Let this (ordinance) be impressed on my heart, 
let it be cherished with all my soul.' ''f 

* Bamonf has criticised tliis tnnslatioii in Le Lotas de la Bonne Loi, p. 667. 

t The translation of this Edict has been criticised by Bamonf in Le Lotos de la Bonne Loi, p. 669. 



138 TEANSLATIONS. 



EI3IOT IV. 

West Side. 

'^ Thus spake king Piyadasi^ beloved of the g^ods : — ' In the twenty-seventh year of my anoint- 
ment^ I have caused to be promulgated the following religious edict. My devotees^ in very many 
hundred thousand souls^ having (now) attained unto knowledge^ I have ordained (the foUowing) 
fines and pumshments for their transgressions. Wherever devotees shall abide around (or circum- 
ambulate) the holy fig-tree for the performance of pious duties^ the benefit and pleasure of the 
country and its inhabitants shall be (in making) offerings : and according to their generosity or 
otherwise shall they enjoy prosperity or adversity : and they shall give thanks for the coming of 
the faith. Whatever villages with their inhabitants may be given or maintained for the sake of 
the worship, the devotees shall receive the same, and for an example unto my people they shall 
follow after '(or exercise solitary) austerities. And likewise, whatever blessings they shall pro- 
nounce, by these shall my devotees accumulate for the worship (?). Furthermore, the people shall 
attend in the night the great myrobalan-tree and the holy fig-tree. My people shall foster 
(accumulate) the great myrobalan. Pleasure is to be eschewed, as intoxication (?) . 

'' ' My devotees doing thus for the profit and pleasure of the village, whereby they (coming) 
around the beauteous and holy fig-tree may cheerfully abide in the performance of pious acts. 
In this also are fines and punishments for the transgressions of my devotees appointed. Much 
to be desired is such renown ! According to the measure of the ofEence (the destruction of viya 
or happiness ?) shall be the measure of the punishment, but (the ofEender) shall not be put to death 
by me. Banishment (shall be) the punishment of those malefactors deserving of imprisonment 
and execution. Of those who commit murder on the high road (dacoits ?) even none, whether of 
the poor or of the rich, shall be injured (tortured) on my three especial days (?) Those guilty of 
cruelly beating or slaughtering living things, having escaped mutilation (through my clemency) 
shall give ahns (as a deodand) and shall also undergo the penance of fasting. And thus it is my 
desire that the protection of even the workers of opposition shall tend to (the support of) the 
worship ; and (on the other hand) the people, whose righteousness increases in every respect, shall spon* 
taneously partake of my benevolence.' *' 



EDICT V. 

South Side. 

" Thus spake king Devftnampiya Piyadasi : — ' In the twenty-seventh year of my anointment the 
following animals shall not be* put to death: the parrot, the maina (or thrush), ilie wild duck of 
the wilderness, the goose, the bull-&ced owl, the vulture, the bat, the ambaia-pilliia, the raven, 
and the common crow, the vidavdyaia, the adjutant, the saniujamava, the iapAatasayaia, the 
panasasesimala, the sandaka, the oiapada, those that go in pairs, the white dove, and the domestic 
pigeon. Among all four-footed beasts the following shall not be for food, they shall not be eaten : 
the she-goat of various kinds, and the sheep, and the sow, either when heavy with young or when 
giving milk. Unkilled birds of every sort for the desire of their flesh shall not be put to death. 
The same being alive shall not be injured i whether because of their uselessness or for the sake 
of amusement they shall not be injured. Animals that prey on life shall not be cherished. In 
the three four-monthly periods (of the year) on the evening of the full moon, during the three 
(holy) days, namely, the fourteenth, the fifteenth, and the first day after conjunction, in the midst 
of the uposatha ceremonies (or strict fasts), unkilled things (or live fish ?) shall not be exposed for 
sale. Yea, on these days, neither the snake tribe, nor the feeders on fish (alligators), nor any living 
beings whatsoever shall be put to death. 

'' ' On the eighth day of the paksha (or half month) on the fourteenth, on the fifteenth, on (the 
days when the moon is in the mansions of) trisha or punarvasa,— on these several days in the three 
four-monthly periods, the ox shall not be tended : the goat, the sheep, and the pig, if indeed any 
be tended (for domestic use) shall not then be tended. On the tirsha and the punarvasa of every 
four months, and of every paksha or semilunation of the four months, it is forbidden to keep (for 
labour) either the horse or the ox. 

'^ ' Furthermore, in the twenty-seventh year of my reign, at this present timCj twenty-five 
prisoners are set at Ubaiy / 



n 



TRANSLATIONS. 139 



EDICT VL 

. East Side. 

" Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Fiyadasi : — ' In the twelfth year of my anointment^ a religious 
edict (was) published for the pleasure and profit of the world ; having destroyed thajb (docimient) 
and regarding my former religion as sin, I now for the benefit of the world proclaim the fact. 
And this (among my nobles, among my near relations, and among my dependants, whatsoever 
pleasures I majr thus abandon,) I therefore cause to be destroyed ; and I proclaim the same in all the 
congregations ; while I pray with every variety of prayer for those who difEer from me in creed, 
that they following after my proper example may with me attain unto eternal salvation : wherefore 
the present edict of religion is promulgated in this twenty-seventh year of my anointment/ " 



EDICT VII. 

rr - - - — - . _. 



Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Fiyadasi : — ' Kings of the olden time have gone to heaven under 
these very desires. How then among mankind may religion (or growth in grace) be increased ? 
Yea, through the conversion of the himibly-born shall religion increase/ '' 

^' Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyada^ : — ' The present moment and the past have departed 
under the same ardent hopes. How by the conversion of the royal-bom may religion be increased ? 
Through the conversion of the lowly-born if religion thus increaseth, by how much (more) through 
the conviction of the high-bom, and their conversion, shall religion increase ? Among whomsoever 
the name of God resteth (?) verily this is religion, (or verily virtue shall there increase).^ '' 

" Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Fiyadasi : — *^ Wherefore from this very hour I have caused reli- 
gious discourses to be preached ; I have appointed religious observances that mankind having listened 
thereto shall be brought to follow in the right path and give glory unto God' '' (Agni ?) 



EDICT VIII. 

'' Moreover, along with the increase of religion, opposition will increase : for which reason I have 
appointed sermons to be preached, and I have established ordinances of every kind ; through the 
e£Scacy of which, the misguided, having acquired true knowledge, shall proclaim it on all sides (?) and 
shall become active in upholding its duties. The disciples, too, flocking in vast multitudes (many 
hundred thousand souls) . Let these likewise receive my command, ' In such wise do ye, too, address 
on all sides (or address comfortably ?) the people united in religion.' " 

''King Devftnampiya Fiyadasi thus spake: — ^'Thus among the present generation have I 
endowed establishments, appointed men very wise in the faith, and done for the faith.' " 

'' King Devftnampiya Fiyadasi again spake as follows : — ' Along the high roads I have caused 
fig-trees to be planted, that they may be for shade to animals and men ; I have (also) planted mango 
trees : and at every half coss I have caused wells to be constructed, and (resting places ?) for nights 
to be erected. And how many taverns (or serais) have been erected by me at various places for the 
entertainment . of man and beast I So that as the people, finding the road to every species of 
pleasure and convenience in these places of entertainment, these new towns, (vayapuri ?) rejoiceth 
under my rule, so let them thoroughly appreciate and follow after the same (system of benevolence). 
This is my object, and. thus I have done.' " 

" Thus spake king Devftnampiya Fiyadasi : — ' Let the priests deeply versed in the &ith (or let 
my doctrines ?) penetrate among the multitudes of the rich capable of granting favours, and let them 
penetrate alike among all the unbelievers, whether of ascetics or of householders, and let them 
penetrate into the assemblies (?) for my sake. Moreover, let them for my sake find their way among 
the Brdhmans and the most destitute : and among those who have abandoned domestic life, for my 
sake let them penetrate ; and among various unbelievers for my sake let them find their way : — ^yea 
use your utmost endeavours among these several classes, that the wise men, these men learned in the 
religion (or these doctrines of my religion) may penetrate among these respectively, as well as 
among all other unbelievers,' " 



140 TRANSLATIONS. 

** Thus spake king Dev&immpija Piyadasi : — ^ And let these (priests) and others the most skilfol 
in the sacred offices penetrating among the charitably disposed of my queens and among all my 
secluded women discreetly and respectfuUy use their most persuasive efforts (at conversion) ^ and 
acting on the heart and on the eyes of the children^ for my sake penetrate in like manner among 
the charitably disposed of other queens and princes for the purpose (of imparting) religious enthu- 
siasm and thorough religious instruction. And this is the true religious devotion^ this the sum of 
religious instruction^ viz,, that it shall increase the mercy and charity^ the truth and purity^ the 
kindness and honesty of the world/ '' 

'^ Thus spake king Dev&nampiya Piyadasi : — ' And whateversoever benevolent acts have been done 
by me^ the same shall be prescribed as duties to the people who follow after me : and in this 
(manner) shall their influence and increase be manifest^ — ^by doing service to father and mother ; by 
doing service to spiritual pastors ; by respectful demeanour to the aged and full of years^ and by 
kindness and condescension to Brahmans and Sramans^ to the orphan and destitute^ to servants and 
the minstrel tribe/ '' 

'^ King Dev&nampiya Piyadasi again spake : — ' And religion increaseth among men by two separate 
processes^ by performance of religious offices and by security against persecution. Accordingly^ 
that religious offices and immunities might abound among multitudes^ I have observed the ordinances 
myself as the apple of my eye (?) (as testified by) all these animals which have been saved from 
slaughter^ and by manifold other virtuous acts performed on my behalf. And that the religion may 
be from the persecution of men^ increasing through the absolute prohibition to put to death 
living beings^ or to sacrifice aught that draweth breath. For such an object is all this done^ that 
it may endure to my sons and their sons' sons as long as the sun and moon shall last. Wheroforo 
let them follow its injunctions and be obedient thereto and let it be had in reveronce and respect. In 
the twenty-seventh year of my reign have I caused this edict to be written ; so sayeth (Dev&nam- 
piya) . Let stone pillars be prepai-ed and let this edict of roligion be engraven thereon^ that it may 
enduro unto the remotest ages.' "^ 

SEPARATE EDIOT& 

Alulhabab Pillaa. 

No. 1. 
Queen's Edki. 

Prinsq). 

" By the mandate of Devdnampifa the ministers everywhero are to receive notice. These also 
(namely) mango treesf and other things are the gift of the second princess (his) queen^ and these 
for ^ ^ "^ of Kkhhiganiy the third princess^ the general (daughter's ^ * ?)• Of the second 
lady thus let the act redound with triple force.'^l 

In his romarks on this inscription Tumour has identified the '^ second queen'' with the attend- 
ant of the former queen Asandhimitrftj whom Asoka married in the 34th year of his roign.§ 
fiut as a ''third queen" is mentioned in the inscription^ the second queen must have been 
AsandAimitrd herself^ and the " third queen/' who was married in the S4th year of Asoka^ must 
have been the queen Kichhigani of the inscription, fiy this reckoning the first queen would have 
been the predecessor of Asandhimitr& and the mother of Eun&la. The names of at least two other 
queens are known: 1^ TisAya-raisAitd, by whose contrivance Prince Kun&la was blinded; and 



* ThiB laat pAssage was afterwards slightly altered by Prinsep as f oUows :-^" In order that this religfons edict may stand 
(remain), stone pillars and stone dabs (or receptacles) shall be accordingly prepared,* by which the same may endoM onto 
remote ages."— Bengal Asiatic Society Jonraal, YI, 1059. The word translated stone slabs is read as tUa-dhariiam, instead 
of flhaUikami or ''tablets," as pointed out by me some twelye years ago. 

t Ambofoadika means a " mango garden," 

X Joomal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, VI, 967. The words immediately following the name of Devftnampiya, " the minis- 
ters everywhere are to receive notice," are taken from Frinsep^s corrected reading in Vol. VI, p. 448. 

§ Tumour's llahawanso, pi 122. 



TRANSLATIONS. 



141 



2, Padmdvatiy the mother of Kan&la.^ It is probable therefore that the titles of first, second, and 
third queens must denote their relative rank, and not their sequence in order of time. It is certain 
at least that Tishya^rahthUd was the ''first'' queen, as she is distinctly called so in the Asoha 
avadana.'f 

No. 2. 

KoMambi BdicL 

As this inscription has only lately been discovered by myself, there is of course no translation 
available, and I am afraid that it is in too mutilated a state to be of much use. But the first line 
is complete, and may be rendered : 

'' Dev&nampiya commands the rulers of Kosambi.'' 

The same word annapayaii occurs in the Deotek inscription. 



Sanchi Pillar. 

Of this inscription Prinsep remarks that it is in '' too mutilated a state to be restored entirely, 
but from the commencement of the third line, it may be concluded that some provision was made 
by a ' charitable and religiously disposed person for hungry priests,' and this is confirmed by the two 
nearly perfect lines at the foot : ' It is also my desire that camphorated (cool ?) water should be 
given to drink. May this excellent purpose endure for ever I' " 

A comparison of Prinsep's reading of the text with my version, which has been made afresh 
during a recent visit to S&nchi, shows some important differences which will necessitate a revised 
translation of the last two lines. My reading of the fourth line also differs from Prinsep's, but in a 
less degree. The words Bhikhu eha Bhikhuni seemed to me to be quite clear. 



• fiamoiif : Introduction ii I'Hifltoire da Baddhism, Indien, 149, 408, 405. 
t Boxnonf, p. 405 : '' La pxemiire des femmes d'Acoka." 



INDEX. 



Aira Baja — InMsription on Khandagiri Bock 
— ^— ^— — — in Khandagiri Caves 
Alexander U, of EpiroB— Rock Edict XIII 
Allahabad PUlar 

— — Texts of Asoka's Edicts 

Translations of Asoka's Edicts 

■ Two additional Edicts, texts 

, translations 



Samndia Gnpta's Inscription 
Baja Birbal's Inscription 



Alpliabetical characters of Asoka's period 

' Ariano-PIHi alphabet 

' Indian-P&li alphabet '. 

' Indigenous origin of Indian alphabet 

Andhras, a people, coupled with the Pnlindas . 
Antigonus [Gonnatas of Macedonia] Bock Edict XIII 
Antiochns [II Theos, of Syria] Bock Edict II 

Bock Edict XHI 

AsoEA — Chronology of his reign 

— Beigned 41 years . . • 
— — Date of accession, B. C. 264 . 

— Date of inauguration, B. C. 260 

Bair&t Bock Inscription 



Textof 

Second Bock Inscription 



Textof 
Translation of 



XIII 



Barftbar Caves— Inscriptions . 
Bftr&nasi, or Benares — Khandagiri Book Edict 
Bhadanta — Buddhist title corrupted to Bhantd 
Bhoja, a country, coupled with Pitenika — Bock edict 
Buddha, name of, in 2Dd Bairftt Inscription . 

Date of death, or Nirvftna, B. C. 478 

Biihler, Dr. G. — ^Text and translation of Sahasarftm Inscriptbn 
— ^— — ^-— Text and translation of BiLpn&th Inscription 
Bumouf — ^Translation of Bock Edict lY 

VII 

X 

XII 

. XIV 



Cave Inscriptions 



of first separate EcUct, Dhauli 
of second „ „ 

of second Bair&t Bock Inscription 
of Nftgftijuni Cave Inscriptions 



at Bar&bar • 
atN&gftrjuni 



Pias. 

27, 98, 132 

104,136 

4, 87, 126 

4,37 

106 

137 

116 

140,141 

38 

39 

49 

6Q 

49,51 

62 

11, 87, 126 

11, 87, 126 

11, 66, 177 

87, 126 

Preface vii 

vi 

vi 

vi 



» 



9f 



» 



22 

96 

24 

97 

131 

30, 103, 134 

100, 30, 103, 135 

25,26 

87,126 

25, 97, 131 

Ptef ace iii 

94,130 

95, 131 

119 

121 

123 

125 

126 

127 

129 

131 

134 

30 
30, 103, 134 
31, 103, 134 



u 



INDEX. 



Cave IuBcriptions at Khandagiri and IJdayagiri 
— — — ^— at BAmgarh, in ffiigi\ia 
Chandra Gnpta Maniya 
Chikambari, name of ooontxy, Deotek Slab 
Choda, or Chola, Bock Edict 11 



Dasaratha, hucriptioiifl of, at N&glijimi 
Date of Asoka .... 

Bnddha'B death, or Nirvl^ B. C. 478 

— Chandra Gnpta Manrya 
— — — — Mah4vlra 
Delhi Pillar, from Siwllik 

, rram Mirat • 

— — - Texts of Inscriptions 

■ Translations of Inscriptions 

' Two additional Edicts, YII and YIII 

Deotek Slab Inscription 
Dey&nampriya, title of Asoka • 

■, title of Dasaratha, Nftg&ijnni Caves 
Dhanli Bock Inscription • 

— — ^— first separate Edict 

■ second separate Edict 

GftndhAra-Bock Edict Y 

G&ya Inscription, dated in era of Ntrv4na 

Gim&r Bock Inscription 

Text . 

— ^— ^— ^— Translation 

Gotama-BwAmi, or Indrabhdti, disciple of Mah4v!ra 

Greek Kings, names of, in Asoka's Bock Edicts II andXIII 



Inscription on Sh&hbAzgarhi Bock 
— — Eh&lsi Bock 
— ^— — Gimftr Bock 

Dhanli Bock 

■ Jangada Bock . 



M 



»t 



first separate, on Dhanli and Jangada Bocks 
second „ „ 

on Sahasarftm Bock 
on BtLpn4th Bock . 
on Baiiit . 
on second BairAt Bock 
on Deotek Slab 
in Bamgarh Caves . 
in Bai&bar Caves • 
in NAgftrjnni Caves 
' on Elhandagiri Bock 
in Khandagiri and Udayagiri Caves 
on DelH Pillar from Siw41ik ' 
on Delhi Pillar from Mirat 
on Allahabad Pillar 
on Lauri ja Ararl^ PiUar . 
on Lauriya Navandgarh Pillar 
separate Edicts on Allahabad Pillar 
on Sftnchi Pillar 



Jangadar— Fort and Bock Inscription . 
' Text of Inscription . 



»♦ 



» 



Paas. 

^2,104 

33,106 

4 

102 

06,116 

103,134 

Preface vi, vii 

„ ui 

vi 

iv 

3 

3 

106 

137 

116, 140 

2,102 

passim, 

103,134 

15, 66, 118 

20,89,127 

20, 92, 129 

72,120 

Preface V 

14 

66 

117 

Preface iv 

9,66,86 

8, 66, 118 
12, 66, 118 
14, 66, 118 

16, 66, 118 

17, 66, 118 
20, 89, 127 

20, 92, 129 
20, 94, 130 

21, 96, 131 
22,96 

24 97, 131 

28,102 

33,105 

,30, 103, 134 

31, 103, 134 

27, 98, 132 
32, 104k 136 
34, 106» 137 
37, 106, 137 
37, 106, 137 
39, 106, 137 
41, 106, 137 

38. 116. 140 

43. 116. 141 

17,19 
66 



-JTC- T--- 



T~" 



mmm^^'mmHmmm 



INDEX. 



Jaogaidaf — ^Translstion of Insoription . 

T ext of separate Ecliots 
— — — Trandation of separate Edicts 

Ealinga— Book Edict Xm .... 

■ Khandag^ Bock Inscription 

■ Ebandagiri Cayes .... 
E&mboja— Bock Edict V .... 
Kern, Professor^Translation of second Bairftt Inscription 
Eetalapntns or Kerala — ^fiock Edict 11 

Ehalati, or Khalanti Hills — BarAbar Cave Inscriptions 
KhAki^-Bock Inscription 

' Text of Inscription 
— ^— - Translation of Inscription 
Khandagiri Bock Inscription . 

■ Text of Inscription 

— —— Translation of Inscription 

■ and Udayag^ri Caves 
Khepingala hills, in Dhanli and Jangada Inscriptions . 
Kosftmbi, Edict of, on Allahabad PiUar 



Language of Inscriptiona 
Laoriya Ararl^ Pillar . 

■ Navandgarh Pillar 

■ Text of both InsoriptionB 



.. Translation of ditto 



HahATtra— Date of his Nirvlna, B. C. 527 
Mahindoy or Mahendra, son of Asoka . 
Masson— His copy of Sh&hb&zgarhi Inscription 



NAgAijnni Cave Inscriptions 

Nanda Bija— Khandagiri Bock Inscription 

Nirr&na of Mah4v!ra, B. C. 627 

of Buddha, SAkya Mani, B. C. 478 

— — <— era, used in G&ya Inscription . 



Ptoda, or Pandionis Be^o—Bock Edict II 
Pillar at Allahabad 

at Delhi from Siw&lik . 

— — at Delhi from Mirat 

«— — at Lanriya Ararj^ 

— — *- at Lanriya Navandgarh . 

at S&nchi 

Pitenika, name of district, coupled with Bhoja, Edict XIII 
Prinsep, James — ^Notes on Indian P&li Alphabet 

■ Summary of contents of Edicts 

' Bemarks on Khandsgiri alphabet 
^— — Bemarks on language of Asoka's Inscription . 

Texts of Bock Inscriptions 

of separate Bock Edicts . 

■ of Khandagiri Bock Inscription 

— — of Cave Inscriptions 

.-^— — — — Texts of Delhi and other Pillar Inscriptions 
— *'-^— " TranslationB of Bock Edicts . 
— ^-»— ^— ^— ^ of Khandagiri Book Inscription 
. of Oave Inscriptions 

■ of Pillar Edicts 



m 

Pass. 

118 

89,92 

127,129 

84,126 

99,132 

104, 106, 186 

72,120 

182 

66,117 

32, 106, 134 

12 

66 

118 

27 

98 

132 

32, 104, 136 

19,66 

38, 116, 141 

48 
39 
41 
66 
117 

• 

Prefkoe iv 

17 

8 

31 
99, 133 

Pre£M)eiv 
iv 
iv 

10, 66, 117 

37 

34 

37 

39 

41 

42 

87, 117 

61 

5 

27 

47 

66 

89 

98 

103 

106 

117 

127,129 

134 

137 



IV 



INDEX. 



Queen's Ediot on AU&habad Pillar 

Bfthnla, or LAglmla, in second Bairftt Inscription 
BAmgarh Caves, in Sirgi\ja — Inscriptions 
B&shtika^ a country, same as Surashtra— Edict Y 
Bock Inscription, at Sli&hb&zgarhi 

■ at Eh&Isi 
—— — at GimAr 

— * at Dhauli 

■ at Jaugada . 

■ Separate, at Dhauli and Jaugada 

■ at Sahasarftm 
■ at BApn&th 

■ at Bairftt 

* Second, at Bair&t 

- at Khandagiri 

BApn4th Bock Inscription 



Text of, by Dr. Biihler 
Translation 



ft 



Sahaaarftm Bock Inscription 



Text of Inscription by Dr 
Translation of 



tt 



Buhler 



ff 



S&kanagara, city, mentioned in SIhandagiri Bock Inscription 
Sam&p&, city, mentioned in Jaugada— Separate Edicts 
SAncbi Pillar Inscription 
ShAhbAzgarhi Bock Inscription . • 

■ , the Po-lu-aha of Hwen Thsang . 

■, the Bazaria of Arrian 

■ Text of Inscription 



— Translation of Inscription 



Separate Edicts on Dhauli Bock 
— — ^— ^ on Jaugada Bock • • 
■ of Queen on Allahabad Pillar 
■ of Kosftmbi on „ 
on Delhi SiwWik PiW 

Takhasila, or Taxila — First separate Edict, Dhauli 
Tambapanni, PMi name of Ceylon — ^Bock Edict II 
Texts of Bock Inscriptions 

— first separate Edict at Dhauli and Jaugada 
- second .. •• 



ft 



- Khandagiri Bock Inscription 

- Sahasar&m Bock Inscription 

- B{Lpnith Bock „ 

- Bair&t Bock „ 

- Second Bair&t Bock „ 

- Deotek Slab „ 

- Pillar Inscriptions 

- Separate Pillar Inscriptions 

- Care Inscriptions 



Tosali, name of a town and district, in Dhauli-— Separate Edicts 
Translations of Bock Edicts by Prinsep and Wilson 

■ of first separate Bock by Prinsep and Bumouf 
' of second. „ „ „ „ 
— — of Sahasar&m Bock Inscription, by Dr. Biihler 
— — ^— of B&pnftth tt tt tt 
— ^— of second Bairfct Inscription, by Bumouf and Wilson 



Pa«s. 
116, 140 

26, 27, 67, 132 

38,105 

72,120 

8 

12 

14 

16 

17 

20 

20 

21 

22 

24 

27 

21 

95 

131 

20,12 

94 

130 

98,188 

19,89 

42, 116, 141 

8 

9 

9 

65 

117 

16, 89, 127, 129 

19, 89, 127, 129 

38. 116. 140 

38. 116. 141 
36, 114, 115 

91,128 

66, 117 

65 

89 

92 

98 

94 

95 

96 

97 

102 

106 

114, 115, 116 

103 

16, 127, 129 

117i 126 

127 

129 

180 

131 

131 



INDEX. V 

Translation of second Bairftt Infleription, by Professor Kern ...•«. 132 

— — of Slhandagiri Rock Inscription, by Prinsep ...... 132 

' of Kbandagiri and Udayagiri Cave InscriptioDB ..•••• 135 

of Bai4bar Cave Inscriptions ...,••.. 184 

— — of NAg&ijiini Cave Inscriptions . . ...... 134 

of Pillar Edicts, by Prinsep ..•....- 137, 139 

— — of separate Edicts on Delhi Pillar, by Prinsep ...... 139 

' ■ of „ „ on Allahabad Pillar ..,••.. 140 

of S&nchi Pillar Inscriptions • . • • • . - 141 

Upatissa, or S&ripntra — Second Baiiftt Rock Inscription ...... 97, 182 

7ira» or Aira, Raja^Ehandagiri Rock and Cave Inscriptions . • . . .88, 182, 104^ 136 

Wilson, H. H.-— His criticism on Prinsep's translations . • • . . 7 

— ^— Remarks on second Baixftt Inscription ••••.• 26 

' Translation of „ „ ....... 131 

— "^-— Remarks on langnage of Asoka's Inscriptbns .••••. 44 

TranflLiti0n8 of Rock Edicts • 117,126 

Yona, oountiy, oonpled with KJImbqja ......•• 10, 72 

^. kings, Antiochns, Ac— Rook Edict n 66,117 

., „ „ „ „ Xm. . 86,126 



CORPUS IHSCRin 



INtCMPnOM of AIOKA 

3ElHBAi-ll 






A. Cvntiingham, d«L 



[ONUM INDICARUM. 

kBHI BOCK 
£. Face. 



VOL. I 



■r" 



PIATB I. 


















CORPUS INSCRIPT] 



INSCRIPTIONS of A80KA. 



8lAHBiZ-C 
Back or 



..- - _.... ^f^^z/wt^/* ^/i|*n/ W7^7 ^ t«^^>-7 



13 



A. Caxminftham, deL 



)NUM INDICARUM. 



VOL L 



PLATB II. 



UHI BOCK 
W. faca 



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IM8CRIPTIOM8 of A80KA, 



CORPUS INSCRIPTI 

KHALSi 
B. ] 






S 






- H^^XV.A-^+*K^-^.*6).X^^^<it.^^^^4^^^^^^^ 



A. Cunningham, del. 



HUM INDICARUM, 



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Rutosiusq^igbsd. ai ^ Sorv^ycr OauoMla QfBs* Cdcatta.. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM- 



INSCRIPTIONS of A80KA. 



EHALSI BOCK 
H. Face. 




S. Face. 



SDICT 



UK 



H.#^ w, _ J .'-. J.- .-■ . ..1 r..u.l4 



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PLATS IV. 



A. Cannin£*hnm, 'icl. 



PiuftotanonfinfiubA at ih* Som^nor G«aa«l*s 0£&o» C«l0ittta . 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL. I 



ISSCRimOMS of A«OSA 



BOCK AT OIBViB 
in Kathiawad 



platbt. 



VAX 0.«>^Cf&IU4 i>rff<ti 



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One-twelfth of the Oiigmel 



A. Oannlnghun, 4eL 



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QfBo* C «le 1t» 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL. I 



INSCRIPTIONS of ASOKA 



PI^TB VI. 



GIBHAB BOCK 
in* lathi&wad. 



BUOT VI 



A30dlA^MWLi;j.dHO*i>iCfId-t/{*tt+«A f 



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Oiie-iwelfth of Um Origiii«l 



A. Conningham, del. 



fliotoaiBoail^^phsd «t th« Sovfvjmr Oownl'* Office CakaSta 



CORPUS IMSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL. I 



uncKFnom of a^oka. 



PIiilTS Yia. 



BEAVLI £OCI 
Left Face. 



71 MT 
SSPABJlTM BDICT. 



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M&C 



.'■ Offin Cidealta. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARJJM. 



VOL. I 



rfh 



IN8CMPTI0N» of A«6kA. 



PIATI IZ. 



DHilTLI BOCK 
Middle Face. 



,y 



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A. Cooaixigham, deL 



•1 te SaxvtiCfDr Gnanl's OfBetf Galetftu.. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL 1 



UraO&IFTIOlfrS Gf ASOKA. 



TLATS X, 



KDICT 



ra 



vm 



JX 



XIV 



SECOND 

8BPARATB 

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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL I 



tuaCKipnoHs of asoxa. 



PLATB XIV. 



vm. 



BOGI IT SAIISA&AM 
near Fatnft. 



t 
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HOCK AT &UPNATH 
utkt Jabalpnr. 






BOCK AT BilBAT 
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• 



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A. Cunningham, del. 



yhfrttnrinrttgrniihri^ ttt ikr Sumsjor GvncEmTs Qf&M Calcvtta. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL I. 



INSCRIPTIONS of A80KA. 



XI. 



PLATX XV. 



&OCE IT BAIBAT 
near Jaypur. 



I 

2 
3 

4 
5 

7 
8 



4!j['nbq-fi")Cl<rn"}j:i<fHr/'J'X-<V-La,J- Lbff01J<'f 



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SLAB AT DEOTEE 
near Kagpur. 







A CuriQiDgham, del 



rbotoDBeogcicbad at libc auawji* QmimnXt Offio* Calcoito.. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL I. 



INSCRIFTIOITS of ASOEA. 



PLATE XVI. 



ClYES AT BIBABAS. 



1. Sudima. 



i/^xdu.VXxfe<!rHM 



if 






2. Viswa. 



3. Kama. 







■J" eCj/ >/J^-ti ^• 




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4. Vapiyaka. 

A 6.J/ '^ + rf'> fe -J-o J. > f X- C IX 



5. Gopika. 



G, Vadathi. 







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CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



VOL I. 



IN8CRIPTICHI8 of ASOKA. 



ALLAHABAD PILLAB. 



PLATE XXU 



I BDIOT I 



11 



III . . 



V. 



VI, ^ 



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^ 7 Lxnes cut away by Jahcingirt inscription. ) 

— ^J^v 




^C-C6VdKrf-<0 



aiPASAra BDICT8 



KOSAUBI BDICT 







QOXSK'S KDICT 









One-ninih of the Original. 



flwMMflli QflSc* CdLwatta. 



A. Cunmngbaxn, del. 



BbiitoaBopgM|bB& tt ih* 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM 



J»tm 



INSCRIPTIONS of A80KA. 



PILLAR 

AT 

LAURITA-ARABAJ 
(Badhia.) 



^*i^^ 



SOUTH 



EDICT 1 « 



i . 



« 



II _ 



10 



III _ 



12 



IV — I* 



le 



IB 



20 



22. 



..wii9i vm^'VJi'i dvxa/X 

. ysLtStijj^fi^t VAHir +«u-viA>nX '•^>(-i-«u.4-<X itd.Gb>i*j( .-.jrvbiK;! 

ei/iKJ«A XpXMf/C>ajy?6 MAbXibVf < -fXiilf H.^ MifAf UXbAAS^ ^X^feLbi^lf 
.^nUlf^*i,f<tAi4 Ji/rUWUkiiiA WU,U4ii6$liA bi:tMiY4A^>k4 
biUd >hrD3[^^HlAlttXb^d^rA&»•^(«£iilU|(CXb<M'<MX X(4-fli^pA3»l» 

.>ifrMuX»«iuAft }i»i^b6tf.(Aa»nXjii<(;^}(<^vx ^pXdwXvbidiA-bJ'iKsx 

Xi»IW0g4 -K ^ib>^t4b(/Uf OilOsAHr^e^^-H^+VXUM^ »9^iVJ^XHi/t<U 
.;iP4N:^UOi-^<:-^^l^»^4^X^2&O^HXi(^d.j>y^Md WS.-^XCdVUt^A 0-Diopi 

S14jd66A ^XD P«4A (bJA< plfiirfAA 



VOL I 



PLATE XXIII. 



One-twelfth of the Origuul. 



Tss^msrassr. 



A. Cnnningfatin, del. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM 



VOL I, 



INSCRIPTIONS of ASOKA. 



PLATE XXI 7. 



PILLAR 

AT 

LAUBIYA-ABAEAJ 
(Badhia.) 

NORTH 



EDICT V 



VI 



♦ ..Uijii?; ((Jy-3 <IV ^ "L+e? W<UX ?;A+^X A«+"bA <ia«(/LU> 

ib<:"bA'i>X idt^JiX Hg-fij: >r'-Fd (it+iTd Ar/jfi Da,WJ4 
s .. tiiHviJj; Xip6fi£ <r<»Ai «'*if'«i; b<jo|< MW«i,t<!i,<* w»H6p t d 

i2../«KL V-C4<V1 <fA:trA <rA:tfV(Jl*'M H«^^ 7tJ:(l»-onil+cAL 

(rAZ/tl ;UAHO(K A A p-«4^Ct4 VA-0-+<O(}-A//-lX OcJai'tf' 
■Wtt<bAJ!-Fl,V0<;i'HC^A0^Vlf8I<^A ^^IM^H' ^A^J;MAJ.(/4UA»1 



One -twelfth of the Original. 



A Cumungham, del. 



ni0tocin0o^t^ba& aX th« Duw w jt* GvunTs 0£&m Calntta 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



rfMMMMBrtM*irtM*i 



INSCRIPTIONS of ASOKA. 



PILLAR 

AT 

LAURITA-NAVANDGARH 
(Math la.) 



VOL 1. 



PLATS XIV. 



EDICT I _ 



6 



n _ 8 



10. 



12 



III . 



I4-. 



16 



1V_ 



18 



20. 



22- 



24. 



28. 



.IjU^H'AHC-l^Xd ^iCdi^i^J^-U'D-TJlOxJi D^l<$DLD%L<vr«LJ. 
0>il7tX'X . 

+€J! >Xi'«HO-d. .••j;DWCrJ''rtA"W-HJ,t<fb6v*. <l'xl-9'Xfd1rAJ( 

.ldV<i-<«b<:i,^<lX3i(JrK:+d>X 

. Vidi CXWnTg ViHl> +j;±><d>iX .••aiV+Jil+<X IVJ'lOU 

.>i-X .••otwi/kX .•■a/4>f((Jiaia"X ii.<iaod.^>(b"Wd.-T-t>(i->'ra. 

>6iCai Cai>,(;ireb*»ir<tt?<f<oX4<o rfitwi* •••jtoWiJ'J^dJWftfw 
Hn^'A+vJlb&Aai^ 6i(ifeLc.>(Ud-A<^ut>b^ Hi,A6a4d(vriJLi>rju' 

■ e-icUX trHJ;'vid<S^<s^^ eJ:«-iu>'4:Xd->A^iM;i:d M^^P3»i(X'0^ i^uX 

. ^^lV^lftfl•Hl/W^?<& X'AiXa>+< •-<^A^a.c^,b-^X£b(rT;(Ui<uA V(bVJ(d 

•jlHUll(IVf^^Aa.Ai-C<UA'iJ:PUllAa?ll:?UXCTlX+- LW<OA +d>X .-ftuw 



One*twelfth of the Original. 



lAMHMi 



A. Cunningham, del. 



RMMdMo^Nfihad at iks Siomgw Qvanl't Offie* CdLsvtta. 



IH80UFTIOM8 of A80E&. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 



^rm^mmmm 



PiLLAB 

At 

LAnSITi-NiTiNDOiSH 
(Mathia.) 



VOL I. 



PLATS XXVI. 



■DICT V 



71 



«..H*fIJ! OH-Fd «k+Afd Ari'JiA CJHT-tA HA|^A+a-fJl 



A Cunningham, <}el. 



One-twelfth of tht Ohginnl. 



•ift* 



• Qffia« Caloatta. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM 



VOL. I. 



B. 



ASOkA 
C. 2S0 



K 

Eh 

Q 

Oh 

Ng 

Ch 

Chh 

J 

Jh 

Ny 

T 
It 

P 
Oh 

V 

T 
Th 

D 
Dh 

N 

P 
Ph 

B 
Bh 

M 

T 
S 

L 
V 

§ 
Sh 
S 
H 



COINS 
ISO 



Ariano-Pali. 

KANISHKA. 

60 B.C. 



ALPHABETS 



Indo-Pali. 



z\ 



PLATE XXVIL 



ASOKA COINS KANISHKA. 
C. 250 150 50 



r> 


ii 


> 1 


i 


6 


9 


^ 


M> 


«» 


X 


^ 


5^ 


/ 




i- \ 


^ 


A 


!? 


¥ 


¥ 




y 


i^Li 




*iy 


V 




\ 




1 

/ 


/_, 




V 


t 






t 


■t 




1 


H 


^ 


1 






r 


? 


r 


s 




/ 




"1 


^\ 


4- 






i 


J^ 


r 


) 


•^ 


} 


, r 


V 


f 


\ 




/ 


/ 




\ 


A 


h 


/» 


-h 


■h 


"H 


1 


^ 


7 


T 


•R 


7^ 


u 


\.t 


u 


\ 




/ 


(a 


A 


AnS 


h 


1 


> 


7 


H 


I 


7 


1 


7 


\ 




/ 


/ 




\ 


^ 


n 


n 


r 


r 


n^ 


^^ 


t> r» 


^ 


1 


t t\i 


a 


\ 




y 



D kre 
^khs 
IPge if go 



^gam 



3che 
Hhchhu 



■^the 4f thi 



-Sdo 
\ dhr 



nam 



/Ipri^pu 
ft phi 

^bhi^bhu 
H^ mi >^ mo y mam 

A yam J^ yu 
^ ru / ram 

rH U rfl le c| lo 



vn 



/I f r ^ §p /fr si 

^ silk ^shni 
^st 4|,8ti %str 



at an 



u 



a 


37 


^ 


r 


33 Q 


^/ 


t 


>> 


^h 


\ 


> 


V 



11 



+ 

AH 



> 



<1 

H 
"h 



> 



£^ 



f 

UJ 



^l•kt 

fkhi 



iky Ttkl 

1 khy 11 khu 

7^ y^ A go 



< 



E 
H 



Cc 
o 



> 



c 
o 



< 



k 

o 

DC 

i 



> 



a 
ri H 



> 



I 1 
> 







u 

a 
H 



J 

ol 



< 





< 



u 

a 
H 



< 



<r chS j|^ chy 
<|) chhu 

=J,nye ^ nyo 
OthaO-thi 9 thu Othe 

"E nfi 31 ne £ no 

/!'t{ -*||,ty A-tu 

9 thu 

b dw ^ dfi ^ da 
(Tdhi D dhy P L dha 

i^J^ nu 2 £ no 

U pt 1^ pi l^pat"C TJpo 
"Is phe 

9 q bu -O- 11 Ix) oo- ^ 
^bhi r^ bhy 









or 
A 



< 



lpl/\ 



< 



W mh ^my tf" B- mS '^•** me 

Xyi «Jb yl J/ yu jVy^ 

r^t I* ri l-ru 

-vTia J le V Itt 

i vS ^ vy «% vy 



^s 



sm 



^ 



r*ij sm ^sy (^st *^sw 
"Irhe T>- "0- Xr ho. 



VOWELS 

INITIAL 
MEDIAL 



a 



a I 



u u 



c ai 



an an at 



+ 



-F 



4 ^ 



L til 
•t -fe 



< ^ 









A. Cunningham del. .. 



Lithographed at the Surveyor General's Office. Caicutta, Jauuaiy 1877. 



GROUP 



CO 

S Eh 



aS 







ASOKA 
250 B. 0. 



CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUxM. 



VOL. I. 



ORIGIK OP INDIAN ALPHABET. 

SEAL 

400 B.0.(7) PICTORIAL FORMS 

ru mattock = Man = to dig 
r\ gagan = sky, vault of heaven 
^ gujpha, gnha = cave 



PLATS XXVIII 



10 







S 

t J 


68g» 


V 




3 Ch 
§ Chh 


d 
6 


OD 





{ 



y(wi; h) ^fl, ^^m = barley 
jaghan = mons veneris 

(J chama^ = spoon 

^ rhkatra = umbrella 



EGYPTIAN HIEROGLYPHS. 



f\ =m = digging 
y^ = t =s walking 



cave 



vX/ = mons veneris, with zone 



3 S 

ul 



Z 



6 « 



T 

• 


C c 






Th 

■ 


o 






Th 


o 






Dh 


D (1 







p 

B 



M 



u 

o 



v foira = basket 

O (Aa = circle = disk of Sun 

i/ia = eye 

|\ dhann = a bow 

viy /?fl«i = h2iuAjpujd = worship 

L I bdri = enclosure 



^ « I 4 I 



matsya =fish»^ muih = mouth 




4y^ tdla = fan-palm, idla = span 

(J) vind = lute 

^H «<?!»* = well-frame dL «^*« = nose 

j^ hattdr = dagger 

H ra*«t/ = ray 



^^ = ntfi = basket 



O = the sun 



u 


= k: 


= adoration 


n 


= e : 


= house 


o 


= ru 


= mouth 



^ = n = no/re, = guitar 



ca* 



Of EH 



CO 



Sc* e 



< 
-I 
a. 



f 3CH- 53 



CO 

-I 
O 

a 



m 



P4 



o s 



III 

m 

S 
III 



III 




«=y) lavdha = sickle 
([^ hansiya = sickle 



Vj = #i>Z-/^ 



ct SJi 
8 2 g 










I. 0, 

600 
250 



a 



w 

M 



A. CanraaghauLdeL 



^ 
^ 



M- 



•: -• 



% 



Q\ jtrava = ear 

sa, sarpa = serpent Qj^ 




VOWELS . 



ai 



au 



II 

u 



L . 



55 ^ 



L a chh mi ya 




STONE SEAL 



Lithographed a: the Survejor General's Office. Calcutta. Jauuary 1377. 



INSCRIBED BOCKS 



PLATE XXIX. 




Lithographed >t th« Surrr. Getil't. Office. Calcuttd, Apnl I!