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INSTITUTES 



OF 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, 

ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

IN FOUB BOOKS, 

MUCH CORRECTED, ENLARGED, AND I M PROVED FROM 
THE PRIMARY AUTHORITIES. 



BY 



JOHN LAWRENCE YON MOSHEIM, D.D., 

1TIANOF.LLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GOTTIXGEX. 



A VEW AND LITERAL TRANSLATION FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN, WITH 
S ADDITIONAL NOTES, ORIGINAL AND SELECTED. 



BY JAMES MURDOCK, D.D. 



IN THREE VOLUMES. 
VOL. III. 



NEW YORK: 
ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS, 

No. 530 BROADWAY. 
1861. 



1 \ z 

A -JJJ.., 

4 - ,/ , 



Enured according to Act of Congress, In the ysar 1954, 

BY JAMKS MtruuocK, 
the CUrV- OfSco of the District Court *f Connecticut DistrisL 



INSTITUTES 

OF 

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, 



UNDER THE 



NEW TESTAMENT 



BOOK IV 



KM BRACING 



EVENTS FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REFORMATION PA- 
LUTHER, TO THE YEAR A.D. J700 



INTRODUCTION. 



1. The Order of the Narration must be changed. 2. The History divided into the 
General and the Particular. 3. The general History. 4. The particular History. 
() 5. History of the Reformation. 

1. IN narrating the ecclesiastical affairs of modern times, the same 
order cannot be followed as was pursued in the preceding periods. For 
the state of the Christian world having undergone a great change in the 
sixteenth century, and a much greater number of associations than former 
ly being found among the followers of Christ, differing widely in doctrines 
and institutions, and regulating their conduct by different principles ; all 
the various transactions among professed Christians, can by no means be 
exhibited in one continued series, and so as to form one well-arranged pic. 
t.ure . ( n the contrary, as the bond of union among Christians was sev 
ered, their history must be distributed into compartments, corresponding 
with the division of the Christian world into its principal sects. 

2. Yet many events occurred, which affected the whole Christian 
world, and the state of religion generally, or were not confined to any par 
ticular community. And as the knowledge of these general facts, throws 
much light on the history of the particular communities, as well as on the 
general state of the Christian world, they ought to be stated separately and 
by themselves. Hence the work before us will be divided into two prin 
cipal parts ; the one, the general history of the Christian church, and the 
other, the particular. 

3. The general history will embrace all those facts and occurrences, 
whiea may be predicated of the Christian religion as such, or absolutely 
considered ; and which in some sense, affected the whole Christian world, 
rent unhappily as it was by divisions. Of course, we shall here describe 
the enlargement of the boundaries of Christendom or their contraction, with 
out regard to the particular sects that were instrumental in these changes. 
Nor shall we omit those institutions and doctrines which were received by 
all the Christian communities, or by the principal part of them, and which 
thus produced changes very extensive and general. 

4. In the particular history, we shall take a survey of the several com 
munities into which Christians were distributed. And here we may prop 
erly make two classes of sects. First, we may consider what occurred in 
the more ancient communities of Christians, whether in the East, or in the 
West. Secondly, what occurred in the more recent communities, those that 
arose after the reformation of both doctrine and discipline m Germany. ID 
describing the condition and character of each particular sect, we shall pur 
sue as far as practicable, the method pointed out in the general Introduc 
tion to these Institutes. For according to our conceptions, the less a per 
son recedes from this method, the less will he probably omit of what is ne- 
ressary to a full knowledge of the history of each individual community. 



6 INTRODUCTION 

5. The most important of all the events that occurred among Christ- 
ians, after the fifteenth century, nay, the greatest of all events affecting the 
Christian world since the birth of the Saviour, was that celebrated religious 
and ecclesiastical revolution called the Reformation. Commencing from 
small beginnings in Saxony, it not only spread in a short space of time over 
all Europe, but also affected in no slight degree the other quarters of the 
globe ; and it may be justly regarded as the first and principal cause of ah 
those great ecclesiastical, and even those civil revolutions and changes, which 
have rendered the history of the subsequent times quite to the present day so 
interesting and important. The face of all Europe was changed, after that 
event ; and our own times are experiencing, and future times will experi 
ence, both the inestimable advantages that arose from it, and the vast evils 
to which it gave occasion. (1) The history of such an event therefore, an 
event from which all others in a measure took their rise, demands a dis 
tinct and a prominent place. We now proceed to give a compendious 
view of the modern history of the Christian church, according to the meth 
od here proposed. (2) 

(1) [See C. Villiers, on the Spirit and second includes, in separate chapters I M- 
Influence of the Reformation ; from the history of the Lutheran, the Reformed, the 
French, 1807, 8vo. 2V.] Anabaptist or Mennonitc, and the Socmian. 

(2) [Dr. Mosheim still proceeds by cen- churches. On the seventeenth century, he 
turies. On the sixteenth century, he divides makes but tico sections. I. The general 
his history into three Sections. I. The his- history, in a single chapter. II. The par- 
tory of the Reformation; in four chapters, ticular history, divided into Parts and Chap- 
II. The general history of the church ; in a ters, as in the preceding century; except, 
single chapter. III. The particular history that among the modern sects, he assigns 
of the several sects or communities ; in two distinct chapters to the Armimans, the 
Parts. Pa.it first embraces the ancient com- Quakers, and an additional chapter to .sev 
munities ; viz., the Latin, and the Greek or eral minor sects. 7V.] 

Oriental churches, in distinct chapters. Part 



ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 



SIXTEENTH CENTURY 



SECTION I. 

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 

ARRANGEMENT OF THIS SECTION. 

THE history of the Reformation is too extensive, to be comprehended in 
one unbroken narrative, without wearying the learner. For the conve 
nience therefore of such as are just entering on the study of church history 
and to aid their memories, we shall divide this section into four parts [or 
chapters]. 

The FIRST will describe the state of the Christian church at the commence 
ment of the Reformation. 

The SECOND will detail the history of the incipient Reformation, till the 
presentation of the Augsburg Confession to the emperor. 

The THIRD will continue the history from that period, till the commence 
ment of the war of Smalcald. 

The FOURTH will carry it down to the peace granted to the friends of tht 
Reformation, A.D. 1555. This distribution arises naturally from the his. 
tory itself.(l) 

(1) The historians of the Reformation, 863, [also by Watch, Biblioth. Theol., torn. 

as well the primary as the secondary, and iii., p. 618]. The principal of these histo- 

hoth the general and the particular, are enu- rians must be consulted, by those who de- 

merated by Phil. Fred. Hane, (who is him- sire proof of what we shall briefly relate in 

self to be ranked among the better writers this section. For it would be needless, to 

on this subject), in his Historia sacrorum a be repeating every moment the names of 

B. Luthero emendatorum, part i., cap. i., Sleidan, Seckendorf, and the others, who 

p. 1, &c., and by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, in his stand pre-eminent in this branch of history. 
Centifolium Lutheranum, pt. ii., cap. 187, p. 



BOOK IV.-CENTURY XVI. SEC. I.- -CHAP. I 



CHAPTER I. 

STATE OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH WHEN THE REFORMATION COMMENCES 

$ 1. At the Beginning of the Century, all was tranquil. <j 2. Complaints against tht 
Pontiffs and the clergy, were ineffectual. 3. Revival of Learning.*) 4. The 
Pontiffs Alexander VI. and Pius III. $ 5. Julius II. $ 6. The Council of Pisa. 
$ 7. Leo X. 8. Avarice of the Pontiffs. <j 9. They are inferior to Councils. 
$ 10. Corruption of the inferior Clergy. $ 11. State of the Monks. <j 12. The 
Dominicans. 13. State of the Universities and of Learning. $ 14. Theology. 
15. Liberty to dispute about Religion. 16. The public Religion. <$> 17. Misera 
ble Condition of the People. <$> 18. A Reformation desired. t) 19. The Mystics. 

1. WHEN the century began, no danger seemed to threaten the pon 
tiffs. For those grievous commotions, which had been raised in the pre 
ceding centuries by the Waldenses, the Albigenscs, the Beghards, and 
others, and afterwards by the Bohemians, had been suppressed and extin 
guished by the sword and by crafty management. The Waldenses who 
survived in the valleys of Piedmont, fared hard, and had few resources : 
and their utmost wish was, that they might transmit as an inheritance to 
their posterity, that obscure corner of Europe which lies between the Alps 
and the Pyrenees. Those Bohemians who were displeased with the Romish 
doctrines, from their want of power and their ignorance, could attempt 
nothing ; and therefore, were rather despised than feared. 

2. Complaints indeed were uttered, not only by private persons but 
by the most powerful sovereigns, and by whole nations, against the haughty 
domination of the Roman pontiffs, the frauds, the violence, the avarice, and 
the injustice of the court of Rome, the insolence, the tyranny, and the ex 
tortion of the papal legates, the crimes, the ignorance, and the extreme 
profligacy of the priests of all orders, and of the monks, and finally of the un 
righteous severity and the partiality of the Romish laws ; and desires were 
now publicly expressed, as had been the case in generations long gone by, 
that there might be a Reformation of the church, in its head and in its mem- 
bers, and that the subject might be taken up in some general council.(l) But 
these complaints the pontiffs could safely set at defiance. For the authors 
of them entertained no doubts of the supreme power of the sovereign pon 
tiffs in matters of religion ; nor did they themselves go about the work they 
so much desired, but concluded to wait for relief either from Rome itself or 
from a council. Yet it was manifest, that so long as the power of the pon 
tiffs remained inviolate, the opulence and the corruptions of the church and 
of the clergy could not be diminished in any considerable degree. 

(1) These accusations have been collected ing the wrongs done by the pontiffs and the 

in great abundance, by the most learned wri- clergy, are exhibited by Jac. Fred. Gcorgiuft, 

;ers. See, among many others, Vol. Ern. in his Gravamina Imperatoris et nationis 

Ij oschcr s Acta et Documenta Reformatio- German, adversus pedem Roman , cap. vii., 

nis, torn, i., cap. v., &c., p. 105, &c., cap. p. 261, &c. Nor do the more intelligent 

ix.,p. 181, &c., and Ern. Salom. Cyprians and candid among the adherents to the pon- 

Preface to William Ern. TcnzcVs Historia tiffs, at this day deny that the church, before 

Reformat., Lips., 1717, 8vo. The com- J,uthcr arose, was grossly corrupt, 
plaints of the Germans in particular, respect- 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 9 

3. Nor were the pontiffs any more alarmed, by the happy revival of 
learning in many countries of Europe, and the consequent vast increase of 
well-inlbrmed men. The revival of learning, by dissipating the clouds of 
ignorance, awakened in many minds the love of truth and of liberty ; and 
among the learned men, there were many, who as appears from the exam- 
pie of Erasmus and others, facetiously ridiculed and satirized the perverse 
conduct of the priests, the superstitions of the times, the corruptions of the 
court of Rome, and the rustic manners and the barbarism of the monks. 
But the root of all the evil and of the public calamity, namely, the jurisdic 
tion of the pontiffs, which was falsely called canonical, and the inveterate 
prejudice respecting a vicegerent of Christ located at Rome, no one dared 
resolutely attack. And the pontiffs very justly concluded, that so long as 
these ramparts remained entire, their sovereignty and the tranquillity of the 
church would be secure, whatever menaces and assaults some persons might 
offer. Besides, they had at their disposal, both punishments with which to 
coerce the refractory, and honours and emoluments with which to concili 
ate the more daring and contentious. 

4. Hence, the bishops of Rome reigned securely, and free from all 
fear ; and they indulged their lusts, and all their vicious propensities, as 
freely as their innate depravity demanded. Alexander VI., a monster of a 
man, arid inferior to no one of the most abandoned tyrants of antiquity, 
marked the commencement of the century with his horrid crimes and vil- 
lanies. He died suddenly, A.D. 1503, from poison which he had prepared 
for others, if the common report is true, or from old age and sickness, if 
others are to be believed.(2) His successor, Pius III., died at the end of 
twenty-six days ; and was followed by Julian de Roveria, under the name 
of Julius II., who obtained the pontificate by fraud and bribery. 

5. That this Julius II. possessed, besides other vices, very great fe 
rocity, arrogance, vanity, and a mad passion for war, is proved by abun. 
dant testimony. In the first place, forming an alliance with the emperor 
and the king of France, he made war upon the Venetians. (3) He next 
laid siege to Fcrrara. And at last, drawfng the Venetians, the Swiss, and 
the Spaniards to engage in the war with him, he made an attack upon 
Lewis XII. the king of France. Nor, so long as he lived, did he cease 
from embroiling all Europe. Who can doubt, that under a vicar of Jesus 
Christ that spent his time in camps, and was ambitious of the fame of a 
great warrior, everything both in church and state must have gone to ruin, 
and both the discipline of the church and the very spirit of religion have 
become prostrate ? 

6. Yet amid these evils, there appeared some prospect of the ardently 
and long-wishocl-for reform. For Lewis XII. king of France, published a 
threat stamped upon the coins he issued, that he would completely over 
throw the Romish power ; which he designated by the name of Babylon. (4) 

(2) See Alexander Gordon s Life of Alex- (3) See Du Bos, Histoire de la Ligue dn 

ander VI., French from the English, Am- Cambray, Hague, 1710, 2 vols. 8vo. 

sterd., 1732, 2 vols. 8vo ; also another life of (4) See Christ. Sigism. Liebc s Commen- 

him, by a very learned and ingenious man, tatio de numis Ludovici XII. epigraphe ; 

written with more candour and moderation, PKRDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN, insignibus, 

and, together with a Life of Leo X., subjoin- Lips., 1717, 8vo. Compare, however, the 

ed to the first volume of the Histoire du droit Thesaurus Epistolicus Crozianus, torn, i., p. 

public ecclesiastique Francois, par Mr. D. B M 238, 243. Colonials Histoire litter, de la 

Lond., 1752, 4to. ville de Lyon. torn. :j., D. 443, &c., and oth- 

VOL. III. B 



10 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. I. 



Moreover some of the cardinals of the Romish court, relying on the author, 
ity of this king and of the emperor, summoned a council at Pisa in the year 
1511, to curb the madness of the pontiff, and to deliberate on measures for 
a general reformation of the inveterate corruptions in religion. But Ju 
lius, relying on the power of his allies and on his own resources, laughed 
at this opposition. Yet not to neglect means for frustrating these designs, 
he called another council to meet in the Lateran palace, A.D. 1512. (5) 



ers ; for it is well known, that there has been 
much dispute respecting these coins, and the 
object of them. [Licbe has given engravings 
of these coins. On the one side was the 
king s likeness, and his title; on the other 
side, the arms of France surrounded with the 
inscription : Per dam Babillonis (instead of 
Babylonis) Nomen ; or also simply, Per dam 
Babtilonem. Hardmn understood Babylon 
here, to denote the city of Cairo in Egypt ; 
and he explained the coin of a military expe 
dition, which Lewis contemplated against the 
Turks. But Licbe has fully confuted this in 
genious Jesuit ; and has shown, that Babylon 
means Rome together with the pope, and that 
the threatened vengeance was aimed by the 
king against the pontiff. And that the French 
church was not opposed to the designs of the 
king, appears from the conclusions of the 
council of Tours, which are mentioned in the 
following note. See Du Pin s Nouvellc 
Bibliotheque des Auteurs ecclesiast., torn, 
xiii., p. 13, 14, and Gtrdes, Historia Evan- 
gelii seculo xvi. per Europam renovati, toni. 
iv., Append. No. 1. Schl.] 

(5) Jo. Harduin s Concilia, torn, ix., p. 
1559, &c. [Lewis XII. was not an enemy 
to be despised. He made preparations for a 
war against the pope, which were certainly 
great and imposing. He assembled the cler 
gy of France, first at Orleans and then at 
Tours, (see Harduin, 1. c., p. 1555), and 
proposed to them the following questions. 
1 . Is it lawful for the pope to make war upon 
temporal princes, whose territories do not 
belong to the church 1 No. 2. May the 
prince in such a case, lawfully oppose force 
to force, and fall upon the territories of the 
church, not to conquer and retain them but 
to disable the pope from carrying on the war 1 
Yes. 3. May a prince refuse obedience to 
a pope, who is his enemy and who makes un 
just war upon him 1 Yes : so far as is ne 
cessary for his own security and that of his 
people. 4. In that case, how are those af 
fairs to be conducted which ordinarily are 
referred to the decision of the pontiff? An 
swer : in the manner prescribed by the Prag 
matic Sanction. 5. May a Christian prince 
defend with arms another prince who is un 
der his protection, against the assaults of the 
pope 1 (This question referred to the duke 
of Ferrara, who was involved in war with 



the pope.) Yes. 6. If the pope and a 
prince disagree, whether a case between 
them belongs to the ecclesiastical or the civil 
jurisdiction, and the prince wishes to leave it 
to referees, and the pope will not consent but 
draws the sword, may the prince stand on 
the defensive, and call on his allies to help 
him! Yes. 7. If a pope pronounces an un 
just sentence against a prince, [with whom 
he is at variance, and who cannot safely ap 
pear at Rome to defend his cause], is that 
sentence binding 1 ? No. 8. If the pope in 
such a case should lay the prince and his 
realm under an interdict, what is to be done "? 
Answer : Such an interdict would be itself a 
nullity. [See the questions and answers, at 
full length, in Gcrdcs Historia Evangelii 
Saeculo xvi. per Europam renovati, torn, iv., 
Append. No. 1. 7V.] After these prepara 
tory steps, Lewis went still farther, and pur 
posed to have a general council called against 
the pope. The emperor Maximilian united 
in the measure, and three cardinals lent their 
aid to the business. The council was open 
ed at Pisa, AD. 1511, and after a few ses 
sions, removed to Milan. The pope was ci 
ted by the fathers to appear at Milan ; and 
was afterwards suspended. But as the pope 
had now brought about a reconciliation with 
the emperor, and as nearly all the assembled 
prelates were from France, the decrees of 
this council were no where received except 
in France. The council assembled by the 
pope in the Lateran church at Rome, to op 
pose that of Pisa, was somewhat larger than 
the other, yet quite too small for a general 
council ; and besides, was composed almost 
exclusively of Italians. It may therefore be 
regarded rather as a provincial than as a gen 
eral council. It held 11 sessions in all. In 
the first, it was determined to take up the 
subjects of the division caused by the coun 
cil of Pisa, the reformation of the church, a 
pacification among Christian princes, and a 
war against the Turks. In the second, the 
convention at Pisa was declared to be irreg 
ular. In the third, the emperor having now 
sided with this council, severe bulls were 
issued against France. In the fourth, the 
abrogation of the Pragmatic Sanction was 
taker, up. In the fifth, simony in the elec 
f ion of popes was forbidden, and the French 
church cited to appear on the subject of the 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 11 

In this body, the acts of the assembly at Pisa, were spiritedly condemned, 
and annulled : and undoubtedly, severe anathemas would have followed 
against Lewis and others, if death had not overtaken the audacious pontiff 
in his preparatory steps, A.D. 1512. 

7. His successor, Leo X., of the family of Medici, who was elected in 
the year 1513, was of a milder disposition, but no better guardian of religion 
and piety. The friend of learned men, and himself learned according to the 
standard of that age, he devoted a part of his time to conversation with lit 
erary men, but a larger portion of it to the gratification of his appetites and 
to amusements, and was averse from all cares and business, prodigal, lux- 
urious, and vain ; perhaps also, according to a current report, positively im 
pious. Yet he did not neglect the interests and the grandeur of the Ro 
mish see. For he took good care, that nothing should be sanctioned in 
the Lateran council which Julius had assembled and left sitting, favoura 
ble to the long-wished-for reformation ; and at Bologna, A.D. 1515, he 
persuaded Francis I. king of France, to allow the abrogation of the ordi 
nance called the Pragmatic Sanction, which had long been odious to the 
pontiffs, and to cause another, called the Concordate, to be imposed on his 
subjects with their extreme indignation. (6) 

8. Besides the intolerable thirst for dominion and for oppressing every 
body, which tormented these pontiffs, they had an insatiable craving for 
money ; which they caused to flow from every province of the Christian 
world towards Rome, in order to support their power and to purchase them 
friends. And it would seem not preposterous or unsuitable, for the heads 
of the Christian republic to demand tribute from their subjects. For who 
can deny, that the sovereign ruler of a commonwealth (and such the pon 
tiffs claimed to be) is entitled to a revenue from the whole state 1 But as 
the term tribute was too offensive, and would excite the indignation of the 
temporal sovereigns, the pontiffs managed the affair more discreetly, and 
robbed the unwary of their money, by various artifices concealed under an 
appearance of religion. (7) Among these artifices, what were called indul- 

above-named Sanction. Soon after, Julius land, vol. iii., p. 3. Cces. Egasse de Bou- 
died ; and in the sixth and seventh sessions, lay s Historia Acad. Paris., torn. vi.. p. 61 
the council was adjourned, both by the new 109. Du Clos, Histoire de Louis XI. ; His- 
pope Leo X. and by the votes of its mern- toire du droit Ecclesiastique Francois, tome 
bers. In the eighth session, Lewis XII. i., Diss. ix., p. 415. Add, Menagiana, torn, 
was present by his envoys ; and the pope iii., p. 285. [See also the preceding vol- 
forbid the studying of philosophy, more than ume, p. 435, note (24). TV.] 
five years, without proceeding to theology (7) [Whoever would learn the whole art 
and jurisprudence. The ninth and tenth and mystery of the financial concerns of the 
sessions were devoted to trivial matters, Romish court, may consult Le Bret s Mag- 
which did not satisfy the expectations raised azine for civil and ecclesiastical history, ar d 
concerning a reformation of the church. At the ecclesiastical laws of Catholic states, vol. 
length the council closed, in its eleventh ses- ii., p. 605, and vol. iii., p. 3, where is an 
sion, May 16th, 1517. Schl.] essay, entitled, History of the Romish chan- 
(6) The Pragmatic Sanction of the French, eery regulations; and also an essay by a 
is extant in Harduin s Concilia, torn, viii., learned Neapolitan, on the Romish chancery 
p. 1949. The Concordate is in the same regulations and the reservation of benefices, 
work, torn, ix., p. 1867 ; also in Godfr. Will. And if any one wishes to form an idea of the 
Leibnitz, Mantissa Codicis Diplomat., pt. i., productiveness of these chancery regulations, 
p. 158, &c. Addpt. ii.,p. 358, &c. Fora he need only compute the part of them re- 
history of the Pragmatic Sanction, and of the lating to Annates. Of these Luther made 
Concordate that succeeded it, see Gilbert a computation, in his tract entitled, Legatio 
History of the Reformation of Eng- Adriani papae, &c., which contains an essay 



12 BOOK IV.-CENTURY XVI.-SEC. I. CHAP. I. 

gences, that is, liberty to buy off the punishments of their sins by contribu. 
tino- money to pious uses, held a distinguished place. And to these re. 
course was had, as often as the papal treasury became exhausted, to the 
immense injury of the public interests. Under some plausible, but for the 
most part false pretext, the ignorant and timorous people were beguiled 
with the prospect of great advantage, by the hawkers of indulgences, who 
were in general base and profligate characters. (8) 

9. But notwithstanding the reverence for the sovereign pontiffs was ex- 
tremcly high, yet the more intelligent, especially among the Germans, the 
French, English, and Flemings, denied their entire exemption from error, 
and their superiority to all law. For after the period of the Councils of 
Constance and Basil, the belief prevailed, among all except the monks, the 
Romish parasites, and the superstitious vulgar, that the pontiff s authority 
was inferior to that of a general council, that his decisions were not in- 
fallible, and that he might be deposed by a council, if he was guilty of 
manifest errors and gross crimes, or plainly neglected the duties of his sta 
tion. And hence arose those high expectations and those intense desires 
for a general council, in the minds of the wiser portions of the age ; and 
those frequent appeals to such a future council, whenever the Romish court 
committed offences against justice and piety. 

10. Trie subordinate rulers and teachers of the church, eagerly fol 
lowed the example of their head and leader. Most of the bishops, with 
the canons their associates, led luxurious and jovial lives, in the daily com 
mission of sins, and squandered in the gratification of their lusts those 
funds, which the preceding generations had consecrated to God and to the 
relief of the poor. Most of thorn likewise treated the people subject to 
their control much more rigorously and harshly, than the civil magistrates 
and princes treated their dependants. The greater part of the priests, on 
account of their indolence, their unchastity, their avarice, their love of 
pleasure, their ignorance, and their levity, were regarded with utter con- 
on the nature of Annates ; Witternb., 1538, chastity, under the most abominable circum- 
4to A still fuller account may be seen in stances. The ingenuous French Catholic 
the tract published by Marccllus Silbcr, at divine, Claude Espcnce, in his Comment, in 
Carnpo Flore near Rome, 1514, under the Epist. ad Titum, Opp., torn, i., p. 479, in- 
title of Taxa cancellariae Apostolicse et Taxa dignantly wrote concerning this book : Pro- 
sanctae poenitentiae ; and which was repub- stat et veluti in qusestu pro merelrice sedet 
iished at Cologne by Colini, 1515, and at palam, &c., that is, " there is a book extav.t, 
Paris, 1520, and afterwards in the Supple- which like a venal prostitute appears openly 
rnent. to the Councils, vol. vi. It occurs before the public here at Paris, and is now 
also in the Oceanus Juris, or the Tractatus for sale, as it long has been, entitled Taxa 
Tractatuum, torn, xv., part i., p. 368, &c. camera sen cancellariae apostolicaj ; from 
[It was frequently published, with notes and which more crimes can be learned, than from 
comments, and some diversity in the text ; all the writings concerning the vices ; and 
whence the Catholics placed it in the list of in which license is promised to very many, 
books prohibited, as being perverted by the and absolution offered to all purchasers. 
Protestants. See Bayte s Dictionnaire hist. Schl.] 

orit., articles Pinet, and Bank (Lawrence). (8) [The German princes and states both 
7V.] It contains the tariff of dues to be paid Catholic and Lutheran, assembled in the diet 
.o the papal chancery for all absolutions, dis- at Nuremburg, A.D. 1522, complained loudly 
pensations, &c. According to this book, a of the papal indulgences, ,as exhausting the 
dean may be absolved from a murder, for resources of the country, and subverting 
twenty crowns. A bishop or abbot, for three piety and good morals; in their Centum 
hundred livres, may commit a murder when- Gravamina nationis Germanicne, No. 4, &c 
ever he pleases. And for one third of that TV.] 
-jum. uny clergyman may be guilty of un- 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 13 

empt, not only by the wise and the good but likewise by the common 
people. (9) For as sacred offices were now every where bought and sold, 
it was difficult for honest and pious men to get possession of any good living 
in the church, but very easy for the vicious and unprincipled. 

11. The immense swarms of monks produced every where great 
grievances and complaints. Yet this age, which stood midway between 
light and darkness, would patiently have borne with this indolent throng, 
if they had only exhibited some show of piety and decorum. But 
the Benedictines, and the other orders which were allowed to possess 
lands and fixed revenues, abused their wealth, and rushed headlong into 
every species of vice, regardless altogether of the rules they professed. 
The Mendicant orders on the contrary, and especially those who professed 
to follow the rules of Dominic and Francis, by their rustic impudence, 
their ridiculous superstition, their ignorance and cruelty, their rude and 
brutish conduct, alienated the minds of most people from them. They all 
had a strong aversion to learning, and were very unfriendly to the proceed 
ings of certain excellent men who laboured to improve the system of edu 
cation, and who assailed the barbarism of the times, both orally and in 
their writings. This is evident from what befell Reuchlin, Erasmus, and 
others. (10) 

12. No order of monks was more powerful and influential, than that of 
the Dominicans. For they filled the highest offices in the church, they 
presided every where over the terrible tribunal of the Inquisition, and in 
the courts of all the kings and princes of Europe they had the care of 
souls, or held the office of confessors. Yet about this time they incurred 
very great odium among all good men, by various things but especially by 
their base artifices and frauds ; (among which, the tragedy at Berne A. DC 
1509, stands conspicuous :)(!!) likewise by persecuting the learned and 

(9) See, besides others, Cornelius Au- by a Franciscan monk of Bern, in the year 
rdius Guudanus, Apocalypsis seu Visio 1509. The substance of it is this. A Do- 
mirabilis super rniserabili statu matris ec- minican monk named Wigand Wirt, preach- 
clesia? ; in Gasp. Burmanri s Analecta His- ing at Frankfort A.D. 1507, so violently as- 
toricade Hadriano VI., p. 245, &c., Utrecht, sailed the doctrine of the immaculate con- 
1727, 4to. ccption of the virgin Mary, (the favourite 

(10) [Reuchlin or Capnio, was the great doctrine of the Franciscans), that he was 
promoter of Hebrew and Rabbinic learning summoned to Rome to answer for his con- 
in Germany. The Dominicans of Cologne, duct. His brethren of the Dominican order, 
to bring it into disgrace, prompted John in their convention at W imp fen formed a 
Pfcfferkorn, a converted Jew, to publish a plan to aid him, and to convince the world 
work on the blasphemies contained in the that the Franciscan doctrine of the immacu- 
books of the Jews. This induced the em- late conception was false. Bern was se- 
peror Maximilian, in the year 1509, to or- lected for the scene of their operations. The 
der all Jewish books to be burned ; which prior, subprior, preacher, and steward of the 
however Reuchlin happily prevented from Dominican cloister at Bern, undertook to 
taking place. Erasmus published the Greek get up miracles and revelations for the oc- 
New Testament, as well as many works of casion. A simple honest rustic, by the 
the fathers ; by which the ignorant monks name of John Jctzcr, who had just entered 
represented him as sinning against the Holy upon his novitiate in the monastery, was se- 
Shost. SchL] lected as their tool. The subprior appeared 

(11) On the notorious imposition of the to him one night, dressed in white, and pre- 
monks of Bern, see, among many others, tending to be the ghost of a friar who had 
.70. Henr. Hottinger^s Historia Eccles. been a hundred and sixty years in purgatory. 
Helvet., torn, i., p. 334, &c. f Historia He wailed, and entreated of Jetzcr to afford 
Eccles. Nov., ssecul. xvi., pt. i., p. 334, &c. him aid. Jetzer promised to do it, as far 
The narrative there inserted, was drawn up as he was able ; and the next morning re 



r4 BOOK IV.-CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. I. 

the good, and branding them as heretics ; and also by extending their own 
privileges and honours at the expense of others, and most unjustly oppress, 
ing their adversaries. (12) It was these monks especially, who prompted 
Leo X. to the imprudent step of publicly condemning Martin Luther. 

13. Many of the mendicant monks held the principal chairs in the 
universities and schools; and this was the chief reason why the light of 
science and polite learning, which had begun to diffuse itself through most 
countries of Europe, could not more effectually dispel the clouds of igno- 



ported his vision to his superiors. They en 
couraged him to go on, and to confer freely 
with the ghost, if he appeared again. A 
few nights after, the ghost made his ap 
pearance, attended by two devils, his tor 
mentors ; and thanked Jetzer for the relax 
ation of his sufferings, in consequence of 
Jetzefs prayers, fasting, &c. He also in 
structed Jetzer respecting the views enter 
tained in the other world, concerning the 
immaculate conception, and the detention 
of some pontiffs and others in purgatory, for 
having persecuted the deniers of that doc 
trine ; and promised Jetzer that St. Barbara 
should appear to him and give him farther 
instruction. Accordingly, the subprior as 
sumed a female garb on a succeeding night, 
and appeared to Jetzer. She revealed to 
him some parts of his secret history, which 
the preacher his confessor, had drawn from 
him at his confessions. Jetzer was com 
pletely duped. St. Barbara promised, that 
the virgin Mary should appear to him. She, 
or the subprior personating her, did so ; and 
assured him, that she was not conceived free 
from original sin, though she was delivered 
Iroin it three hours after her birth ; that it 
was a grievous thing to her, to see that er 
roneous opinion spread abroad. She blamed 
the Franciscans much, as being the chief 
cause of this false belief. She also an 
nounced the destruction of the city of Bern, 
because the people did not expel the Fran 
ciscans, and cease from receiving a pension 
from the French king. She appeared re 
peatedly, gave Jetzer much instruction, and 
promised to impress on him the five wounds 
of Christ ; which she declared were never 
impressed on St. Francis, or any other per 
son. She accordingly seized his right hand, 
and thrust a nail through it. This so pained 
him, that he became restive under the opera 
tion ; and she promised to impress the other 
wounds without giving him pain. The con 
spirators now gave him medicated drugs, 
which stupified him ; and then made the 
other wounds upon him, while senseless. 
Hitherto the subprior had been the principal 
actor. But now the preacher undertook to 
personate St. Mary ; and Jetzer knew his 
voice, and from this time began to suspect 



the whole to be an imposition. All attempts 
to hoodwink him became fruitless ; he was 
completely undeceived. They next endeav 
oured to bring him to join voluntarily in the 
plot. He was persuaded to do so. But 
they imposed upon him such intolerable aus 
terities, and were detected by him in such 
impious and immoral conduct, that he wished 
to leave the monastery. They would not let 
him go ; and were so fearful of his betraying 
their secret, which was now drawing crowds 
to their monastery and promised them great 
advantage, that they determined to destroy 
him by poison. Jetzer, by listening at their 
door, got knowledge of the fact, and was so 
on his guard, that they could not succeed, 
though they used a consecrated host as the 
medium of the poison. He eloped from the 
monastery, and divulged the whole transac 
tion. The four conspirators were appre 
hended, tried for blasphemy and profaning 
holy ordinances, delivered over to the civil 
power, burned at the stake in 1509, and 
their ashes cast into the river near Bern. 
Such is an outline of the story, which the 
Franciscan narrator has drawn out to a te 
dious length, with great minuteness, and not 
a little esprit du corps. TV.] 

(12) See Bilib. Pirckheimcr s Epistle to 
the pontiff Hadrian VI., de Domimcanorum 
flagitiis ; in his Opp., p. 372, whence Dan. 
Gcrdes copied it, in his introduct. ad His- 
toriam renovati Evangelii, torn, i., Append, 
p. 170. [This learned and candid civilian 
and Catholic of Norimberg, who correspond 
ed with all the leading men of Germany, 
both Catholics and Protestants, a few years 
before his death, (which was in 1530), wrote 
a respectful and excellent letter to pope 
Adrian VI., in which he endeavours to ac 
quaint him with the true state of things in 
Germany. The grand cause of all the com 
motions there, he supposed to be the Domin 
icans, who by their persecution of Capnio 
and of all literary men, and by their pride 
and insolence and base conduct, particularly 
in trumpeting the papal indulgences, aliena 
ted almost all the intelligent and honest from 
the church, and then by their violent meas 
ures drove them to open opposition to tlw 
pontiffs. TV. 1 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 15 

ranee and stupidity. Most of the teachers of youth, decorated with the 
splendid titles of Artistce, Grammatici, Physici, and Dialectic^ in a most 
disgusting style, loaded the memories of their pupils with a multitude of 
barbarous terms and worthless distinctions ; and when the pupil could re 
peat these with volubility, he was regarded as eloquent and erudite. All 
the philosophers extolled Aristotle beyond measure, but no one followed 
him, indeed none of them understood him. For what they called the phi 
losophy of Aristotle, was a confused mass of obscure notions, sentences, 
and divisions, the import of which not even the chiefs of the school could 
comprehend. And if among these thorns of scholastic wisdom, there was 
any thing that had the appearance of fruit, it was crushed and destroyed 
by the senseless altercations of the different sects, especially the Scotists and 
Thomists, the Realists and Nominalists, from which no university was free. 

14. How perversely and ineptly theology was taught in this age, ap 
pears from all the books it has transmitted to us, which are remarkable for 
nothing but their bulk. Of the Biblical doctors, or expounders of the 
precepts of the Bible, only here and there an individual remained. Even 
in the university of Paris, which was considered as the mother and queen 
of all the rest, not a man could be found, when Luther arose, competent 
to dispute with him out of the Scriptures. (13) Such as remained of this 
class, neglected the literal sense of the Scriptures, which they were utterly 
unable to investigate on account of their ignorance of the sacred languages 
and of the laws of interpretation, and insipidly wandered after concealed and 
hidden meanings. Nearly all the theologians were Positivi and Sententi- 
arii ; who deemed it a great achievement both in speculative and practical 
theology, either to overwhelm the subject with a torrent of quotations from 
the fathers, or to anatomize it according to the laws of dialectics. And 
whenever they had occasion to speak of the meaning of any text, they 
appealed invariably to what was called the Glossa Ordinaria ; and the 
phrase Glossa dicil, was as common and decisive in their lips, as anciently 
the phrase ipse dixit, in the Pythagorean school. 

15. These doctors, however, disputed among themselves with suffi 
cient freedom on various points of doctrine, and even upon those which 
were considered essential to salvation. For a great many points of doc 
trine had not yet been determined by the authority of the church, or as 
the phrase was by the holy see ; and the pontiffs were not accustomed, 
unless there was some special reason, to make enactments that would 
restrain liberty of opinion on subjects not connected either with the sover 
eignty of the holy see or the privileges and emoluments of the clergy. 
Hence many persons of great eminence might be named, who safely ad 
vanced the same opinions and not without applause, before Luther s day, 
which were afterwards charged upon him as a crime. And doubtless, Lu 
ther might have enjoyed the same liberty with them, if he had not attacked 
the system of Roman finance, the wealth of the bishops, the supremacy 
of the pontiffs, and the reputation of the Dominican order. 

(13) [This was not strange. Many of the heretic, and as exposing Christianity to great 

doctors of theology in those times, had nevei danger by making the New Testament 

read the Bible. Carolostadt expressly tells known. Many of the monks regarded the 

us, this was the case with himself. When- Bible as a book which abounded in numer- 

ever one freely read the Bible, he was cried ous errors. Von Ein.] 
out against, as one making innovations, a 



16 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. 1. 

16. The public worship of God consisted almost wholly in a round of 
ceremonies ; and those for the most part vain and useless, being calculated 
not to affect the heart but to dazzle the eye. Those who delivered ser 
mons, (which many were not able to do), filled the ears of the people with 
pretended miracles, ridiculous fables, wretched quibbles, and similar trash, 
thrown together without judgment.(14) There are still extant many ex- 
amplcs of such discourses, which no good man can read without indigna 
tion. If among these declaimers there were some inclined to be more 
grave, for them certain commonplace arguments were prepared and made 
out, on which they vociferated on almost all occasions, by the hour ; such 
for instance, as the authority of the holy mother church, and the obedience 
due to it ; the influence of the saints with God, and their virtues and merits ; 
the dignity, glory, and kindness of the virgin Mary ; the efficacy of relics ; 
the enriching of the churches and monasteries ; the necessity of what they 
called good works in order to salvation ; the intolerable flames of purga 
tory ; and the utility of indulgences. To preach to the people nothing but 
Christ Jesus our Saviour and his merits, and that pure love of God and 
men which springs from faith, would have added little to the treasures and 
emoluments of good mother church. 

17. From these causes there was, among all classes and ranks in 
every country, an amazing ignorance on religious subjects ; and no less 
superstition, united with gross corruption of morals. Those who presided 
over the ceremonies willingly tolerated these evils, and indeed encouraged 
them in various ways, rather than strove to stifle them, well knowing that 
their own interests were depending on them. Nor did most of them think 
it advisable to oppose strenuously the corruption of morals ; for they well 
knew that if the crimes and sins of the people were diminished, the sale 
of indulgences would also decrease, and they would of course derive much 
less revenue from expiations and other similar sources. (15) 

(14) [The Easter sermons in particular, a restoration to fellowship by a public pen- 
are proof of this ; in which the preachers ance, in which they entreated the brethren to 
were emulous to provoke laughter among the forgive their offence, standing before the 
audience, by repeating ludicrous stories, low door of the church clothed in the garb of 
jests, and whimsical incidents. This was call- mourning. This ecclesiastical punishment, 
ed emphatically, Easter laughter ; and it still which was regarded as a sort of satisfaction 
has its admirers in some portions of the made to the community, and was called by 
Catholic church. John (Ecolampadius in that name, and which prevented much irreg- 
the year 1518, published at Basil, a tract of ularity among Christians, was afterwards 
32 pages 4to, entitled : De risu paschali, moderated, and sometimes remitted, in the 
CEcolampadii ad W. Capitonem theologum case of infirm persons ; and this remission 
epistola. See J. C. Fussliris Beytrage was called indulgence, indulgcntia. Origi- 
zur Kirchen-Reformationsgesch. des Sweit- nally therefore, indulgences were merely the 
zerlandes, vol. v., p. 447, &c. Schl. ] remission of ecclesiastical punishments, im- 

(15) [Scfdegel here inserts the following posed on the lapsed and other gross offend- 
nistory of popish indulgences, according to ers. When persecutions ceased, and the 
the views of Dr. Moshcim ; derived un- principal ground for this ecclesiastical reg- 
doubtedly from his public lectures, which ulation no longer existed, these punishments 
ScA/eg-eZ himself had heard, and has frequent- might have been laid aside. [Not so : for 
ly referred to. TV. The origin of indul- relapsing into idolatry, was only one among 
gences must be sought in the earliest history the many offences, for which penance was 
of the church. In the first centuries of the imposed"; and as persecutions ceased and 

Christian church, such Christians as were the church became rich and corrupt, other 

excluded from the communion, on account sins were multiplied ; so that the ground for 

their relapses in times of persecution, or inflicting church censures rather increased, 

on account of other heinous sins, had to seek than diminished. Tr. J They continued ; 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



18. Yet the more ruinous the evils prevalent throughout the church, 
the more earnestly was a reformation longed for, by all who were governed 
either by good sense and solid learning or by a regard to piety. Nor was 
the number of these in the whole Latin world, by any means small. The 
majority of them did not indeed wish to see the constitution and organiza- 

and the doctrine gradually grew up, that his vicegerent. Yet this release from the pun- 
Christ had atoned for the eternal punishment 
of sin, but not for its temporary punishment. 
The temporary punishment they divided into 
that of the present life, and that of the future 
life or of purgatory. It was held, that every 
man who would attain salvation, must suffer 
the temporary punishment of his sins, either 
in the present world, or in the (lames of purga 
tory ; and that the confessor to whom a man 
confessed his sins, had the power to adjudge 
and impose this temporary punishment. The 
punishment thus imposed consisted of fast 
ing, pilgrimages, flagellation, &c. But among 
the persons liable to such punishments, were 
frequently persons of distinction and wealth. 
And for these, the principle of admitting sub 
stitutes was introduced. And there were 
monks, who for compensation paid them, 
would endure these punishments in behalf of 
the rich. But as every man could not avail 
himself of this relief, they at last commuted 
that penance into a pious mulct, pia mulcta. 
Whoever, for instance, was bound to whip 
himself for several weeks, might pay to the 
church or to the monastery, a certain sum 
of money, or give it a piece of land, and then 
be released from the penance. Thus Pepin 
of France, having, with the consent of the 
pope, dethroned the lawful monarch of that 
country, gave to the church the patrimony 
of St. Peter. As the popes perceived that 
something might be gained in this way, they 
assumed wholly to themselves the right of 
commuting canonical penances for pecuniary 
satisfactions, which every bishop had before 
exercised in his own diocese. At first they 
released only from the punishments of sin in 
the present world ; but in the fourteenth cen 
tury, they extended this release also to the 
punishments of purgatory. Jesus, they said, 
has not removed all the punishments of sin. 
Those which he has not removed, are either 
the punishments of this world, that is, the 



penances which confessors enjoin, or the 
punishments of the future world, that is, those 
of purgatory. An indulgence frees a person 
from both these. The first, the pope remits 
by his papal power as sovereign lord of the 
church ; just as the sovereign of a country 
can commute the corporeal punishment, 
which the inferior judges decree, into pecu 
niary mulcts. The last, he remits, (as Ben 
edict XIV. says in his bull for the jubilee), 
jure suffragii ; that is, by his prevalent inter 
cession with God, who can deny nothing to 

VOL. III. C 



ishrnents of sin, cannot be bestowed gratis. 
There must be an equivalent, that is, some 
money, which is given to the pope for reli 
gious uses. Princes indeed never release a 
man from corporeal punishment, unless he 
petitions for it. But the vicegerent of Christ 
is more gracious than other judges, and 
causes his indulgences to be freely offered 
to the whole church, and to be proclaimed 
aloud throughout the Christian world. These 
principles carried into operation drew im 
mense sums of money to Koine. When 
such indulgences were to be published, the 
disposal of them was commonly farmed out 
For the papal court could not always wait ru 
have the money collected and conveyed from 
every country of Europe. And there were 
rich merchants at Genoa, Milan, Venice, and 
Augsburg, who purchased the indulgences 
for a particular province, and paid to the pa 
pal chancery handsome sums for them. Thus 
both parties were benefited. The chancery 
came at once into possession of large sums 
of money ; and the fanners did not fail of a 
good bargain. They were careful to employ 
skilful hawkers of the indulgences, persons 
whose boldness and impudence bore due pro 
portion to the eloquence with which they im 
posed upon the simple people. Yet that this 
species of traffic might have a religious as 
pect, the pope appointed the archbishops of 
the several provinces to be his commissaries, 
who in his name published, that indulgences 
were to be sold, and generally selected the 
persons to hawk them, and for this service 
shared the profits with the merchants who 
farmed them. These papal hawkers enjoy 
ed great privileges, and however odious to 
the civil authorities, they were not to be 
molested. Complaints indeed were made 
against these contributions, levied by the 
popes upon all Christian Europe. Kings 
and princes, clergy and laity, bishops, mon 
asteries, and confessors, all felt themselves 
aggrieved by them ; the former, that their 
countries were impoverished, under the pre 
text of crusades that were never undertaken, 
and of wars against heretics and Turks ; and 
the latter, that their letters of indulgence 
were rendered inefficient, and the people re 
leased from ecclesiastical discipline. But at 
Home, all were deaf to these complaints ; 
and it was not till the revolution produced 
by Luther, that unhappy Europe obtained the 
desired relief. SM.] 



18 BOOK IY. CENTURY XYL SEC. L CHAP. II. 

tion of (lie church altered, nor the doctrines which had become sacred by 
loinr admission rejected, nor the rites and ceremonies abrogated ; but only, 
to have some bounds set to the power of the pontiffs, the corrupt morals 
and the impositions of the clergy corrected, the ignorance and errors of 
the people dispelled, and the burdens imposed on the people under colour 
of religion removed. But as none of these reforms could be effected, with 
out first extirpating various absurd and impious opinions which gave birth 
to the evils, or without purging the existing religion from its corruptions, 
all those may be considered as implicitly demanding a reformation of reli 
gion, who are represented as calling for a reformation of the church both 
tn its head and in its members. 

g 19. What little of real piety still remained, existed as it were under 
the patronage of those called Mystics. For this class of persons, both by 
their tongues and by their pens, avoiding all scholastic disputations, and 
demonstrating the vanity of mere external worship, exhorted men to strive 
only to obtain holiness of heart and communion with God. And hence 
they were loved and respected, by most of those who seriously and enrnest- 
\y sought for salvation. Yet as all of them associated the vulgar errors 
ind superstitions with their precepts of piety, and many of them were led 
into strange opinions by their excessive love of contemplation, and wore 
out little removed from fanatical delirium, more powerful auxiliaries than 
r .hey, were necessary to the subjugation of the inveterate prejudices. 



CHAPTER II. 

HISTORY OF THE COMMENCEMENT AND PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION, 
TILL THE PRESENTMENT OF THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION; [OR FROM A. 1). 

1517-1530.] 

1. The beginning of the Reformation. 2. Luther. 3. John Tetzel preaches In 
dulgences, in 1517. 4. State of the Question between these two Persons. 65. The 
Opposers of the former, and Patrons of the latter. <J 6. Conference of Luther with 
Cajetan at Augsburg. 6 7. The Issue of it. $ 8. Proceedings of Miltitz. All Plans 
for Peace frustrated. 6 9. The Discussions at Leipsic. Eckius. Carolostadt. 10. 
Philip Melancthon. 11. Beginning of the Reformation in Switzerland. <J 12. Luther 
is Excommunicated by the Pope, in 1520. 13. He withdraws from the Communion 
of the Romish Church.- $ 14. The Rise of the Lutheran Church. 15. The Diet o 
Worms, in 1521. 16. The Events of it. Luther is Proscribed. 17. His Pursuits, 
after leaving the Castle of Wartburg. 18. Hadrian VI. The Diet of Nuremberg in 
1522. 6. 19. Clement VII. A.D. 1524. $ 20. Carolostadt. Zvvmgle. $ 21. War 
of the Peasants in 1525. 22. Death of Frederic the Wise. John his Successor. 
() 23. The Diet of Spire in 1526. 6, 24. Subsequent Progress of the Reformation. 
$ 25. The Diet of Spire in 1529. The Protestants. $ 26. Their Alliance. $ 27. The 
Conference at Marpurg, in 1529. <$> 28. The Diet to be assembled at Augsburg. <$> 29. 
The State of the Reformation in Sweden, about the year 1530. <$> 30. Reformation ef 
fected in Denmark by Christiern. <$> 31. It was completed by Frederic and by Chris 
tian III. <5> 32. A Discrimination to be made, in regard to the Swedish and Danish 
Reformation. 33. The Reformation in France. <$> 34. Reformation in other Coun 
tries in Europe. 

1. WHILF. the Roman pontiffs supposed all was safe-and tranquil, and 
the pious and good were every where despairing of the much-longcd-foi 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 19 

reformation of the church, unexpectedly a little obscure monk of Saxony a 
province in Germany, Martin Luther of Eislcbcn, born of reputable but hum. 
ble parentage, of the order of the Augustinian Eremites which was one of 
the four mendicant orders, and a professor of theology in the university of 
Wittemberg, which Frederic the Wise elector of Saxony had established a 
few years before, with astonishing intrepidity opposed himself alone to the 
whole Romish power. It was in the year 1517, when Leo X. was at the 
head of the church ; Maximilian I. of Austria, governed the German Ro 
man empire ; and Frederic, for his great wisdom surnamed the Wise, ruled 
over Saxony. Many applauded the courage and heroism of this new op- 
poser ; but almost no one anticipated his success. For it was not to be 
expected, that this light-armed warrior could harm a Hercules, whom so 
many heroes had assailed in vain. 

2. That Luther was possessed of extraordinary talents, uncommon 
genius, a copious memory, astonishing industry and perseverance, superior 
eloquence, a greatness of soul that rose above all human weaknesses, and 
consummate erudition for the age in which he lived, even those among his 
enemies who possess some candour, do not deny. In the philosophy then 
taught in the schools, he was as well versed as he was in theology ; and 
he taught both, with great applause, in the university of Wittemberg. In 
the former, he followed the principles of the Nominalists, which were em 
braced by his order, that of the Augustinians ; in the latter, he was a fol 
lower for the most part of St. Augustine. But he had long preferred the 
holy scriptures and sound reason, before any human authorities or opin 
ions. No wise man indeed will pronounce him entirely faultless ; yet if 
we except the imperfections of the times in which he lived and of the reli 
gion in which IK; was trained, we shall find little to censure in the man. (16) 

(16) All the writers who have given the miner of Mansfield. He was born at Eisle- 
history of Luther s life and achievements, ben, A.D. 14S3. After attending the schools 
are enumerated by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, in his of Magdeburg and Eisenach, he studied 
Centifolium Lutheranum, of which the first scholastic philosophy and jurisprudence at 
volume appeared at Hamburg in 1728, and Erfurt, and at the same time read the ancient 
.he second volume, in 1730, 8vo. [Me- Latin authors. But his intimate friend being 
lancthon, de Vita Lutheri, ed. Heumann, killed, and himself completely stunned, by a 
Getting., 1741, 4to. S.chrocckK 1 s Kirchen- clap of thunder, he joined himself, much 
gesch. seit. der Reformation, vol. i., p. 106, against the will of his father, to one of the 
&c. J. and /. Milncr s Church History, most rigid orders of mendicants, that of (he 
cent. xvi. Alex. Bower s Life of Luther, Augustinian Eremites. In this situation he 
Edinb., 1813, and numerous others ; among so conducted himself, that his superiors were 
which the following are particularly recorn- well satisfied with his industry, good temper, 
mended by Schlegel.Tr. J. G. Walr.h s and abilities. In the year 1508, John von 
Ausfiirliche Nachright Von D. Mart. Luther, Staupitz, his vicar-general, sent him from 
prefixed to the 24th vol. of his edition of Lu- Erfurt to Wittemberg, contrary to his incli- 
ther s works, p. 1-875, which exceeds all oth- nations,- to be professor of philosophy. He 
ers in fulness and learned fidelity. The ear- now applied himself more to biblical theolo- 
lierworkof F. S. Kcil, merkwiirdige Leben- gy, discovered the defects of the scholastic 
sumstande D. Mart. Luther s, Leipsic, 1764, philosophy, and began to reject human au- 
4 vols., contains much that is good, with thorities in matters of religion ; and in these 
some things that are censurable. Also, from views, his baccalaureate in theolgy, which 
its historical connexion, C. W. F. Walch s he took in the year 1509, confirmed him still 
Gesch. der Frau Catharina Von Bora, Mar- more. A journey to Rome, which he un- 
tin Luther s Ehegattin, 2 vols., Getting., dertook in the year 1510 on the business of 
1753-54, 8vo, and Prof. Schroeck ti s Life of his order, procured him knowledge and ex- 
Luther, in his Abbildungen der Gelehrten. perience, which were afterwards of great use 
From these writings we adduce these prin- to him. After his return, he took in the year 
cipal circumstances. Luther s father was a 1512, his degree of doctor in divinity ; and 



20 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II. 

^ 3. The first occasion for publishing the truths he had discovered, was 
presented to this great man, by John Tetzel, a Dominican monk void of 
shame, whom Albert the archbishop of Mcntz and Magdeburg, had hired 
on account of his impudence, to solicit the Germans, in the name of the 
Romun pontiff Leo X., to expiate with money their own sins and those of 
their friends, and future sins as well as past ones, or in other words, to preach 

he now applied himself diligently to the study 

of the Greek and Hebrew languages. All 

these pursuits were preparations for that 

great work, which divine Providence intend 
ed to accomplish by him ; and they procured 

him a degree of learning, that was great for 

those times. He was not inexpert in philos 
ophy, and he understood the Bible, better 

than any other teacher in the Catholic 

church; "he had critically read the writings 

cf the fathers ; and had studied, among the 

modern writers, especially William Occam 

and John Gcrsan, together with the Mystics 

of the two preceding centuries, and particu 
larly John Tender ; and from the two former, 

(Occam and Gerson}, he learned to view the 

papal authority, differently from the mass of 

people ; and from the latter, (the Mystics), 

he learned many practical truths relating to 

the religion of the heart, which were not to 

l-e found in the ordinary books of devotion 

and piety. Of church history he had so 

much knowledge, as was necessary for com 
bating the prevalent errors, and for restoring 

the primitive religion of Christians. In the 

Belles Lettres also, he was not a novice. 

He wrote the German language with greater 

purity, elegance, and force, than any other 

author of that age ; and his translation of 

the Bible and his hymns still exhibit proof, 

how correctly, nervously, and clearly, he 
could express himself in his native tongue. 

He possessed a natural, strong, and moving 
eloquence. These acquisitions and talents 
resided in a mind of uncommon ardour, and 
of heroic virtue in action ; and he applied 
them to objects of the greatest utility, both 
to mankind at large, and to the individual 
members of society. He saw religion to be 
disfigured with the most pernicious errors, 
and reason and conscience to be under intoler 
able bondage. He chased away these errors, 
brought true religion and sound reason again 
into repute, rescued virtue from slavish sub 
jection to human authorities, and made it 
obedient to nobler motives, vindicated the 
rights of man against the subverters of them, 
furnished the state with useful citizens by 
removing obstructions to marriage, and gave 
to the thrones of princes their original power 
and security. By what means he gradually 
effected all this good for mankind, will ap- 
[>ear in the course of this history. It is true, 



the man who performed these heroic deeds 
for Europe, had his imperfections. For he 
roes are but men. But his faults were not 
the fruits of a corrupt heart, but of a warm, 
sanguine, choleric temperament, and the ef 
fects of his education and of the times in 
which he lived. He answered his opposers, 
even when they were kings and princes, 
with too great acrimony, with passion, and of 
ten with personal abuse. He acknowledged 
this as a fault, and commended Melancthon 
and Brentius, who exhibited more mildness 
in their conversation and writings. But it 
was his zeal for the truth that enkindled his 
passions : and perhaps they were necessary 
in those times ; perhaps also they were the 
consequence of his monastic life, in which 
he had no occasion to learn worldly courte 
sy. And, were not the harsh and passionate 
terms which he used towards his opposers, 
the controversial language of his age 1 We 
do not say this, to justify Luther: he was a 
man, and he had human weaknesses , but he 
was clearly one of the best men, known in 
that century. This is manifest, among other 
proofs, from his writings : the most important 
of which, we shall here enumerate. Theses 
de indulgentiis, or, Disputatio pro declara- 
tione virtutis indulgentiarum, 1517. A ser 
mon on indulgences and grace. 1518. Res- 
olutiones Thesium de indulgentiis. Among 
his exegetical writings, his Commentary on 
the epistle to the Galatians, and that on Gen 
esis, are the most important. In his own 
estimation, his best work was his Pastilles, 
which were published in 1527. His essays 
de libertate Christiana, de captivitate Baby- 
lonica. and, de votis monasticis, are very 
polemic ; as also his book against Erasmus, 
de servo arbitrio, in which he closely fol 
lows Augustine in the doctrine concerning 
grace, while the earliest among the Reformed 
defended universal grace. His translation 
of the Bible, which was first published by 
parcels, and appeared entire, for the first 
time in 1534; his larger and smaller Cate 
chisms; the seventeen Articles of Schwa- 
bach ; the Articles of Schrnalkald ; and his 
Letters, are very noticeable. The best edi 
tion of his writings, is that of Halle, 1737- 
53, in twenty-four volumes, 4to, to which 
the immortal counsellor Walch has imparted 
the greatest possible perfection. Schl.] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



21 



indulgences. (11) This fraudulent declaimer conducted the business, not 
only in dereliction of all modesty and decency, but in a manner that impi 
ously detracted from the merits of Jesus Christ. Hence Luther, moved 
with just indignation, publicly exposed at Wittemberg, on the first day of 
October A.D. 1517, ninety-five propositions ; in which he chastised the 
madness of these indulgence-sellers generally, and not obscurely censurea 
the pontiff himself, for suffering the people to be thus diverted from looking 
to Christ. This was the beginning of that great war, which extinguished 
no small portion of the pontifical grandeur. (18) 

(17) The writers who give account of 
Tctzcl and of his base methods of deluding 
the multitude, are enumerated by Jo. Alb. 
Fabricius in his Centifolium Lutheranam, 
pt. i., p. 47, andpt. ii., p. 530. What is said 
of this vile man, by Jac. Echard and Jac. 
Quctrf. in their Scriptores ordmis Praedica- 
torum, torn, ii., p. 40, betrays immoderate 
and ignoble partiality. 

(18) [The pope offered as a pretext for 
this new spiritual tax, the completion of the 
church of St. Peter, which had been com 
menced by Julius II., and he appointed for 
his first commissary in Germany, Albert arch 
bishop of Mentz and Magdeburg and mar 
grave of Brandenburg, who from the expen- 
siveness of his court, had not yet paid the 
fees for his pall, and was to pay them out 
of his share of the profits of these indul 
gences. The second commissary was Jo. 
Angelus Arcimbald. In Saxony, John Tct 
zcl, who had before been a succcessful 
preacher of papal indulgences, was appoint 
ed to this service. He was a profligate 
wretch, who had once fallen into the hands 
of the Inquisition in consequence of his 
adulteries, and whom the elector of Saxony 
rescued by his intercession. He now cried 
up his merchandise, in a manner so offensive, 
so contrary to all Christian principles, and so 
acceptably to the inconsiderate, that all up 
right men were disgusted with him ; yet 
they dared to sigh over this unclerical traffic 
only in private. He pursued it as far north 
as Zerbst and Jiiterbock, and selected the 
annual fairs for its prosecution. He claimed 
to have power to absolve, not only from all 
church censures, but likewise from all sins, 
transgressions, and enormities, however hor 
rid they might be, and even from those of 
which the pope only can take cognizance. 



He released from all the punishments of pur 
gatory, gave permission to come to the sac 
raments, and promised to those who pur 
chased his indulgences, that the gates of 
hell should be closed and the gates of para 
dise and of bliss open to them. See Herm. 
DU7. der Hardt, Hist, litter. Reformat., pt iv., 
6, 14, &c. Some Wittembergers, who 
had purchased his wares, carne to Luther as 
he was sitting in the confessional of his clois 



ter, and acknowledged to him very gross 
sins. And when he laid upon them heavy 
ecclesiastical penances, they produced Tct- 
zd s letters of indulgence, and demanded 
absolution. But he declined giving them 
absolution, unless they submitted to the pen 
ance, and thus gave some evidence of re 
pentance and amendment ; and he declared, 
that he put no value upon their letters of in 
dulgence. These sentiments he also pub 
lished in a discourse from the pulpit ; and 
he complained to the archbishop of Mentz, 
and to some of the bishops, of this shameful 
abuse of indulgences ; and published hi? 
theses or propositions, against Tclzd; in 
which he did not indeed discard all use of 
indulgences, but only maintained that they 
were merely a release by the pope from the 
canonical penances for sin, as established by 
ecclesiastical law, and did not extend to the 
punishments which God inflicts ; that for 
giveness of sins was to be had only from 
God, through real repentance and sorrow, 
and that God requires no penance or satis 
faction therefor. The enemies of the refor 
mation tell us, that Luther was actuated hv 
passion, and that envy between the Domini 
cans and the Augustinians was the moving 
cause of Luther^s enterprise. They say, the 
Augustinians had previously been employed 
to preach indulgences, but now the Domin 
icans were appointed to this lucrative office ; 
and that Luther took up his pen against Tt - 
zcl, by order of John von Siaupitz, [provin 
cial of the order], who was dissatisfied be 
cause his order was neglected on this occa 
sion. The author of this fable was John 
CochlfBUs ; (in his Historia de actis et scrip- 
tis Mart. Lutheri, p. 3, 4, Paris. 1665, 8vo), 
and from this raving enemy of Luther, it has 
been copied by some French and English 
writers, and from them by a few German 
writers of this age. But the evidence of 
this hypothesis, is still wanting. It is stiil 
unproved, that the Augustinians ever had 
the exclusive right of preaching indulgences. 
(See Fred. Will. Kraft, de Luthero contra 
indulgentiarum nundinatores haudqu.aquam 
per invidiam disputante, Getting., 1749, 
4to.) Luther was far too openhearted not 
to let something of this envy appear in lu; 



i>2 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II. 

4. This first controversy between Luther and Tetzel, was in itself of nc 
great importance, and might have been easily settled, if Leo X. had pos. 
sessed either the ability or the disposition to treat it prudently. For il 
was the private contest of two monks, respecting the limits of the power 
of the Roman pontiffs in remitting the punishment of sins. Luther ac 
knowledged that the pontiff could remit the human punishments for sin, or 
those appointed by the church or the pontiffs ; but denied his power to ab 
solve from the divine punishments, either of the present or the future 
world ; and maintained, that these divine punishments must be removed, 
either by the merits of Jesus Christ, or by voluntary penance endured by 
the sinner. Tetzel on the contrary, asserted that the pontiff could release 
also from divine punishments, and from those of the future as well as of 
the present life. This subject had in preceding times been often discussed, 
and the pontiffs had passed no decrees about it. But the present dispute 
being at first neglected, and then treated unwisely, gradually increased, till 
from small beginnings it involved consequences of the highest importance. 

5. Luther was applauded by the best part of Germany, who had long 
borne very impatiently the various artifices of the pontiffs for raising mon 
ey, and the impudence and impositions of the pontifical tax-gatherers. 
But the sycophants of the pontiffs cried out ; and none more lou-lly than 
the Dominicans, who, in the manner of all monks, considered their whole 
order as injured by Luther, in the person of Tetzel. In the first place, 
Tetzel himself forthwith attacked Luther, in two disputes at the university 
of Frankfort on the Oder, upon occasion of his taking his degree of doe- 
tor in theology. The following year. A.D. 1518, two celebrated Domini 
cans, the one an Italian named Sylvester Prierias the general of his order 
at Rome, and the other a German, James Hoogstrat of Cologne-, assailed 
him with great fury. They were followed by a third adversary, a great 
friend of the Dominicans, John Eckius a theologian of Ingolstadt. To 
these- adversaries Luther replied with spirit, and at the same time he ad 
dressed very modest letters to the Roman pontiff himself and to some; of 
the bishops ; to whom he endeavoured to evince the justice of his cause, 
and promised to change his views and correct his opinions, if they could 
be shown to be erroneous. (19) 

writings, if he really was urged on to action which had a design to draw into its own cof- 

hy it ; and his enemies were far too sharp- fers the religious property situated in Saxo- 

sighted, if they had even the slightest sus- ny : an objection, which the whole series of 

picion of it, not to have reproached him with subsequent events will refute. Luther at 

i- in his lifetime. Yet not one of them did first, had no thought of overthrowing the 

this. For what Cocfii&v.s has said on this papal hierarchy ; and Frederic the Wise, 

subject, did not appear till after Luther s who was opposed to all innovations in eccle- 

death. (See a long and well-written note siastical or religious matters, would evidently 

on this subject, in Madeline s translation of be on* of the last persons to form such a 

Mosficim,ou this paragraph ; and which FV/- plan. Schl.] 

krs has subjoined, as an Appendix, to his ( 19) [Luther attended the general conven- 

Essay on the reformation by Luther. Pal- tion of the Augustinians at Heidelberg, in 

lavicini, in his Historia concilii Trident., pt. the year 1518 ; and in a discussion there, he 

i.,lib. i., c. 3, 6, &c. Gravcson, Historia defended his Paradoxes, (so he entitled his 

Eccles., ssecul. xvi., p. 26, and other Cath- propositions), with such energy and applause, 

olics, though enemies of the reformation, ex- that the seeds of evangelical truth took deep 

pressly deny and confute this charge against root in that part of the country. See Mor- 

Luther. TV.) Others tell us, with as little tin Buccr s Relatio de djsputatione Heidrl- 

evidencc of truth, that Luther was prompted bergensi, in Dan. Gerdes, Append, ad torn 

to take this step by the court of Saxony ; i. Historiae Evangelii rcnovati No. 18, u 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



23 



6. Leo X. at first disregarded this controversy ; but being informed 
by the emperor Maximilian I. that it was an affair of no little consequence, 
and that Germany was taking sides in regard to it, he summoned Luther 
to appear at Rome and take his trial. (20) Against this mandate of the 
pontiiF, Frederic the Wise elector of Saxony interposed, and requested that 
Luther s cause might be tried in Germany, according to the ecclesiastical 
laws of the country. The pontiff yielded to the wishes of Frederic ; and 
ordered Lather to appear before his legate, cardinal Thomas Cajetan, 
[Thomas de Vio of Gceta], then at the diet of Augsburg, and there defend 
his doctrines and conduct. The Romish court here exhibited an example 
of the greatest indiscretion that appeared in the whole transaction. For 
Cajetan being a Dominican, and of course the enemy of Luther, and an as 
sociate of Tetzel, a more unfit person could not have been named to sit as 
judge and arbiter of the cause. 

7. Luther repaired to Augsburg in the month of October A.D. 1518, 
and had three interviews with Cajetanihc pontifical legate. (21) But if Lu 
ther had been disposed to yield, this Dominican was not the person to bring 
a high-spirited man to accomplish such a purpose. For he treated him 
imperiously, and peremptorily required him humbly to confess his errors, 
without being convinced of them by argument, and to submit his judgment 
to that of the pontiff. (22) And as Luther could not bring himself to do 



1 75, &c. After his return from Heidelberg, 
he wrote to the pope in very submissive 
terms. See his works, ed. Halle, vol. xv., 
p. 496. He also wrote to Jerome Scultetus, 
bishop of Brandenburg, to whose diocese 
Wittemberg belonged ; and likewise to Stau- 
jntz ; using in both instances very modest 
language. Schl.] 

(20) [Here is undoubtedly a slip of the 
memory. Before Maximilian" 1 s letter arri 
ved at Rome, Leo had cited Luther to appear 
within 60 days, at Rome, and take his trial 
before Jerome bishop of Ascoli, and his en 
emy Sylvester Prierias, as his judges. See 
Seckendorf s Historia Latheranismi, p. 41, 
and Luther s Works, vol. xv., p. 527, &c. 
Maximilian was himself friendly to Luthe.r ; 
but was now pushed on by some of his cour 
tiers. Schl.] 

(21) Of Cajetan a full account is given by 
Jac. Qucf.if and Jac. Echard, in their Scrip- 
tores ordin. Pra^dicator., torn, ii., p. 14, &c. 
[He was born, A.D. 1469, at Gala, in Latin 
Cajcia, (whence his surname Cajetanus), in 
the territory of Naples ; at the age of 29, he 
wrote a book to prove that a general coun 
cil could not be called without the authority 
of a pope : and was rewarded with the bish 
opric of Goeta, and then with the archbishop 
ric of Pisa ; and in 1515, with a cardinal s 
hat. In 1522, he was papal legate to Hun 
gary ; and died A.D. 1534, aged 65. Ca 
jetan was fond of study, and wrote much on 
the Aristotelian philosophy, scholastic theol 
ogy, and in the latter years of his life, exten 
sive commentaries on the scriptures. TV.] 



(22) Cajctan s proceedings with Luther 
were dissatisfactory even to the court of 
Rome. See Paul Sarpi s Historia coricilii 
Trident., lib. i., p. 22. Yet Ec/uird apol 
ogizes for Cajetan, in his Scriptores ordin. 
Pmedicator., torn, ii., p. 15 ; but I think, not 
very wisely and solidly. The court of Rome 
however erred in this matter, as much as Ca- 
jrtan. For it might have been easily fore 
seen, that a Dominican would not have treat 
ed Luther with moderation. [Cajetan was 
one of the most learned men of his church ; 
but he was a scholastic divine, and under 
took to confute Luther by the canon law and 
the authority of Lombard. The electoral 
court of Saxony proceeded very circumspect 
ly in this affair. LtiUier was not only fur 
nished with a safe conduct, but was attend 
ed by two counsellors, who supported him 
with their legal assistance. The cardinal 
required Luther to revoke, in particular, two 
errors in his Theses ; namely, that, there was 
not any treasury of the merits of saints at 
Rome, from which the pope could dispense 
portions to those that obtained indulgences 
from him ; and that, without faith, no for 
giveness of sin could be obtained from God. 
Luther would admit of none but scripture 
proofs ; and as the cardinal, who was no bib 
lical scholar, could not produce such proofs, 
Luther held fast his opinions ; and when the 
cardinal began to be restless and to threaten 
ecclesiastical censures, Luther appealed j\ 
Pontifice male informato ad melius infor- 
mandum ; a legal step, which was no wise 
harsh, and one which is resorted to at the 



3-4 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. L CHAP. II. 

this, the result of the discussion was, that Luther previously to his depar. 
ture from Augsburg, in perfect consistency with the dignity of the pontiffj 
appealed from the pontiff ill-informed, to the same when better inform. 
ed.(23) Soon alter, on the 9th of November, Leo X. published a special 
edict, requiring all his subjects to believe, that he had power to forgive 
sins. On learning this, Luther perceiving that he had nothing to expect 
from Rome, appealed at Wittemburg November 28, from the pontiff to a 
future council of the whole church. 

8. The Romish court seemed now to be sensible of its error in ap- 
j)oint.i))g Cujekm. It therefore about the same time, appointed another le- 
i:-;aie, who was not a party in the case, and who possessed more knowledge 
of human nature, to attempt to reconcile Luther to the pontiff. This was 
Charles ron Mittilz, a Saxon knight who belonged to the court of Leo X., 
a discreet and sagacious man,. The pontiff sent him into Saxony to pre 
sent to the electoral prince Frederic the consecrated golden rose, which the 
pontiffs sometimes gave to distinguished men whom they were disposed to 
honour : and also to negotiate \\i\\\Luthcr for terminating his contest with 
TelzeL or rather with, the pontiff himself. And he managed the business, 
not without some success. For immediately, in his first interview with 
Luther at Altenburg in the month of January, 1519, he prevailed on him 
to write a very submissive letter to Leo X., dated March 3d, in which he 
promised to be silent, provided his enemies would also be silent. JMiltilz 
had other discussions with Luther in October of this year, in the castle of 
Liebcnwerda ; and in the following year, 1520, October 32th, at Lichtcn- 
berg.(24) Nor was the prospect utterly hopeless, that these threatening 
commotions might be stilled. (25) But the insolence of Luther s foes, and 
the haughty indiscretion of the court of Rome, soon afterwards dissipated 
all these prospects of peace. 

9. The incident which caused the failure of Millitz s cmbassv, was a 
conference or dispute at Leipsic, in the year 1519, from the 27th of June 
to the 15th of July. John Eckius, the celebrated papal theologian, disa- 
greed with Andrew Carolostadt a friend and colleague of Luther, in regard 
to free will. He therefore challenged Carolostadt, according to the custom 
of the age, to a personal dispute, to bo held at Leipsic ; and also invited 
Luther, against whom he had before wielded the pen of controversy. For 
the martial spirit of our ancestors had made, its way into the schools, and 
among the learned; and heated dissentients on points of religion or litera 
ture were accustomed to challenge one another to such single combats, like 
knights and warriors. These literary combats were usually held in some 

present day, by persons who do not question (24) The documents relating to the em- 

the infallibility of the pope. 13y this appeal, bassy of Miltitz, were first published by Ern. 

he recognised the jurisdiction of the pope, Salom. Cyprian, in his Additiones ad Wilh. 

and at the same time secured this advantage, Ern. TcnzeUi Historiam Reform., torn. i. et 

that the cardinal as a delegated judge, had ii. They are also contained in Val. Ern. 

no longer jurisdiction of the case. 8chl.~\ La-acker s Acta Reformat., torn, ii., c. xvi., 

(23) See Christ. Fred. Burner s Diss. de and torn, iii., c. ii., &c. 

colloquio Luthcri cum Cajetano, Lips., 1722, (25) Lro X. himself wrote a very kind let- 

4to ; also among his Dissertations collected ter to Luther, in the year 1519 ; which mem- 

in one volume ; and Val. Ern. Lccschcr s orable document was published by Lvschcr, 

Acta et documenta Reformat., torn, iii , c. in his Unsclmldigen Nachrichten, 1742, p. 

XL, p. 435, &c , and Jo. Geo. Walcli s Nach- 133. It appears clearly from this epistle, 

richt von Luthero, in the Works of Luther, that no doubt of a final reconciliation was 

vol. xxiv., p. 409, & c . entertained at Rome. 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



25 



distinguished university, and the rector of the university with the masters, 
were the arbiters of the contest and adjudged the victory. Carolostadt 
consented to the proposed contest, and on the day appointed he appeared 
on the arena, attended by Luther. After Carolostadt had disputed warm 
ly for many days with Eckius, before a large and splendid assembly in the 
castle of Pleissenburg, on the powers of free will ; Luther engaged with the 
same antagonist, in a contest respecting the supremacy and authority of 
the Roman pontiff.(26) But the disputants accomplished nothing ; nor 
would Hoffmann the rector of the university of Loipsic, take upon him to 
say, which party was victorious ; but the decision of the cause was referred 
to the universities of Paris and Erfurth.(27) Eckius however carried away 
from this contest feelings entirely hostile to Luther, and to the great detri 
ment of the pontiff and the Romish church, was resolved on ruining him. 
10. Among the witnesses and spectators of this dispute, was Philip 
Melancthon, professor of Greek at Wittemberg ; who had hitherto taken 
no part in the controversies, and from the mildness of his temper and his 
love of elegant literature was averse from such disputes, yet he was friend 
ly to Luther and to h is efforts for rescuing the science of theology from 
the subtilties of the Scholastics. (28) As he was doubtless one of those who 
went home from this discussion, more convinced of the justice of Luther s 
cause, and as he afterwards became, as it were, the second reformer next 
to Luther, it is proper here to give some brief account of his talents and 
virtues. All know, and even his enemies confess, that few men of any age 
can be compared with him, either for learning and knowledge of both hu 
man and divine things, or for richness, suavity, and facility of genius, or 



(26) [Eck (or Eckius} was a great talker, 
and one of the most ready disputants of his 
times. In one of his theses proposed for 
discussion, he had asserted that the pope 
was, by divine right, universal bishop of the 
whole church ; and that he was in possession 
of his ghostly power before the times of 
Constantino the Great. In this disputation, 
Luther maintained the contrary, from pas 
sages of Scripture, from the testimony of the 
fathers and from church history, and even 
from the decrees cf the council of Nice. And 
when from the subject of the pope they came 
to that of indulgences, Luther denied their 
absolute necessity ; and so of purgatory, he 
acknowledged indeed that he believed in it, 
but said he could find no authority for it in 
the Scriptures, or in the fathers. In fact, 
it was in the year 1530, that Luther first 
pronounced purgatory to be a fable. The 
dispute with Carolostadt, related to free 
dom in the theological sense, or to the nat 
ural power of man to do the will of God. 
Carolostadt maintained, that since the fall, 
the natural freedom of man is not strong 
enough to move him to that which is morally 
0od. Eck on the contrary, asserted that 
the free will of man produces good works, 
and not merely the grace of God ; or that 
our natural freedom co-operates with divine 
grace in the production of good works, and 

VOL. III. D 



that it depends on man s free power, whether 
he will give place to the operations of grace 
or will resist them. It thus appears, that 
Carolostadt defended the doctrine of Augus 
tine in regard to divine grace. Eck claimed 
to himself the victory ; and he gave a very 
nnjust account of this dispute ; which occa 
sioned many controversial pamphlets to be 
published. The chief advantage he gained, 
was, that he drew from Luther assertions 
which might hasten his condemnation at 
Rome : assertions, which a man of more 
worldly cunning than Luther, would have 
kept concealed a long time. But still he 
lost much of his popularity by this discus 
sion ; and on the other hand, the truth gained 
more adherents, and Luther s zeal became 
more animated. Schl. ] 

(27) A very full account of this dispute 
at Leipsic, is in Val. Ern. Lceschcr s Acta 
et documenta Reformat., torn, iii., c. vii., 
p. 203. [The English reader will find a 
neat summary of the dispute in Bmoer s Life 
of Luther, cti. v., p. 126-130. TV.] 

(28) See his letter on this conference, in 
Val. Ern. L&scher s Acta et Documenta 
Reformat., torn, iii., c. vji., p. 215, [and in 
Gerdes, Historia Evang. renovati, torn, i., 
Append., p. 203-209. It exhibits a lucid 
and candid statement of the whole proceed 
ing TV.J 



26 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVL SECT. I. CHAP. II. 

for industry as a scholar. He performed, for philosophy and the other lib 
era! arts, what Luther performed for theology ; that is, he freed them from 
the corruptions they had contracted, restored them, and gave them currency 
in Germany. He possessed an extraordinary ability to comprehend, and 
to express in clear and simple language, the most abstruse and difficult sub- 
jects and such as were exceedingly complicated. This power he so hap 
pily exerted on subjects pertaining to religion, that it may be truly said, no 
literary man, by his genius and erudition, has done more for the benefit of 
those subjects. From his native love of peace, he was induced most ar 
dently to wish that religion might be reformed without any public schism, 
and that the visible brotherhood among Christians might remain entire. 
And hence it was. that he frequently seemed to be too yielding. Yet he 
by no means spared great and essential errors ; arid he inculcated with 
great constancy, that unless these were clearly exposed and plucked up by 
the roots, the Christian cause would never flourish. In the natural tern- 
perament of his mind, there was a native softness, tenderness, and timidity. 
And hence, when he had occasion to write or to do any thing, he pondered 
most carefully every circumstance ; and often indulged fears, where there 
were no real grounds for them. But on the contrary, when the greatest 
dangers seemed to impend, and the cause of religion was in jeopardy, this 
timorous man feared nothing, and opposed an undaunted mind to his ad 
versaries. And this shows, that the power of truth which he had learned, 
had diminished the imperfections of his natural temperament, without en- 
tirely eradicating them. Had he possessed a little more firmness and for 
titude, been less studious to please every body, and been able wholly to 
cast off the superstition which he imbibed in early Hie, he would justly de 
serve to be accounted one of the greatest of men. ( 29) 

(29) There is a Life of Mdancthon, his life, from his love of peace, he manifested 

written by Joac/i. Camerarius, which has more indulgence towards the Reformed, than 

been often printed. But the cause of liter- \v;;s agreeable to the major part of the di- 

ature would be benefited by a more accurate vines of our church ; and his followers were 

history of this great man, composed by some therefore called Philtppists, to distinguish 

impartial and discreet writer ; and also by a them from the more rigid Lutherans" In 

more perfect edition of his whole works than the year 15:10, he did not entertain such 

we now possess. [This great man (whose views. There is a letter of his to John 

German name was Schwartzerde, in (.ir. Jjarhtnann, a preacher at Heilbron, in which 

Mdancthon. 7V.) was born at Bretten, in he warns him to beware of the leaven of 

the lower Palatinate, A.D. 1497, studied at Zu-in^lc ; and says : Ego non sine maximis 

Heidelberg, and was teacher of Belles Let- tentationibus didici, quantum sit vitii in 

ters at Tubingen, when he was invited, A.D. dogrnatc Cin^lii. Scis mihi veteram cum 

1518, by Reuchlin and Luther, to become OScolampadio amicitiam esse. Sed optarim 

professor of Greek at AVittemberg. He eum non incidisse in hanc conjurationem. 

taught, wrote, and disputed, in furtherance Non enim vocari aliter libet, quia prffitex u 

of the same objects with Luther ; but with ejus dogmatis vides, quos tumultus excitent 

more mildness and gentleness than he. He llelvctii. See Dr. Biittinohausen s Bev- 

composed, so early as 1521, the first system tragc zur Pfalzischen Geschichte, vol. ii , 

of theology that appeared in our schools, p. 138, &c. But the death of Luther, cor- 

under the title of: Loci communes rerum respondence with Calvin, his own timid land 

theologicarum ; (which passed through sixty mild character, and perhaps also political 

editions, in his lifetime. TV.) and greatly considerations, rendered him more indulgent, 

helped forward the reformation. He also Among the superstitious notions imbibed*in 

composed the Augsburg Confession, and the his youth, and of which he could not wholly 

Apology for it. During the reformation, he divest himself, was his credulity in regard to 

rendered service to many cities of Germany, premonitions and dreams, and his inclination 

He was also invited to France and England, towards astrology, with which he even in- 

but declined going. In the latter years of fected some of his pupils. (The most learned 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



11. While the empire of the pontiffs was thus tottering in Germany, 
another mortal wound was inflicted on it, in the neighbouring Helvetia, by 
the discerning and erudite Ulrich Zwingle, a canon and priest of Zurich. 
The fact must not be disguised, that he had discovered some portion of the 
truth, before Luther openly contended with the pontiff. But afterwards, 
being excited and instructed by the example and the writings of Luther, he> 
not only expounded the holy scriptures in public discourses, but in the year 
1519 successfully opposed Bernardin Samson of Milan, who was impudent 
ly driving among the Swiss, the same shameful traffic, which had awakened 
Luther s ire. (30) This was the first step towards purging Switzerland of 



men of that age, Melancthon, Chemnitz, Ne- 
andcr, were believers in this art ; indeed, 
such as were not, could scarcely pass for 
learned men. Henke s Kirchengesch., vol. 
iii , p. 5SO.) He died in 1560. His works 
were published, collectively, A.D. 1562 and 
onward, 4 vols. fol. See also Theodore 
StrobeVs Melancthoniana, Altdorf. 1771, 
8vo.SchL] 

(30) See Jo. Hen. Hottinger s Helvet- 
ische Reformationsgeschichte, p. 28, &c., or 
his Helvetische Kirchengeschichte, torn, ii., 
lib. vi., p. 28, &c. For the former (which 
is often published separately) differs very 
little from the latter ; though it is often sold 
as being the first part of the latter work. 
[Also his Historia Ecclesiast. N. Test., 
ssecul. xv.,pt. ii., p. 198, &c. 7V.] Abram 
Ruchafs Histoire de la Reformation de la 
Suisse, tome i., livr. i., p. 4, &c., p. 66, &c. 
Dan. Gcrdes, Historia renovati Evangelii, 
torn, ii., p. 228, &c., [or rather torn, i , p. 
99, &c. Tr.] Jo. Conrad Fuislii s Bey- 
trage zu der Schweitzer-Reformations Ges- 
chichte, in five Parts. \_Schr oeckh s Kir 
chengesch. seit der Reformation, vol. i., p. 
103, &c., and H. P. C. Henke. s Algem. 
Geschichte der christl. Kirche., vol. iii., p. 
74, ed Brunswick, 1806. Luther and his 
followers had long and severe contests with 
Zwingle and the Reformed, respecting the 
corporeal presence of Christ in the eucharist ; 
and this caused much alienation and preju 
dice between the two bodies, during the 
whole of the sixteenth century ; nor has en 
tire harmony been restored between them to 
this day. Hence, for more than two centu 
ries, the Lutherans and the Reformed, con 
tended, whether Luther or Zwingle was en 
titled to the honour of leading the way to the 
reformation. Mosheim manifestly gives the 
precedence to Luther. Hottinger, Gcrdes, 
and others, give it to Zwingle. Schrocckh, 
Henke, Schlcgd, Von Einem, and others, of 
the Lutheran church, now divide the praise 
between them. The facts appear to be these. 
Zwingle discovered the corruptions of the 
church of Rome, at an earlier period than 
Luther. Both opened their eyes gradually, 



and altogether without any concert ; and 
without aid from each other. But Zwingle 
was always in advance of Luther in his 
views and opinions ; and he finally carried 
the reformation somewhat farther than Lu 
ther did. But he proceeded with more gen 
tleness, and caution, not to run before the 
prejudices of the people ; and the circum 
stances in which he was placed, did not call 
him so early to open combat with the powers 
of the hierarchy ; Luther therefore, has the 
honour of being the first to declare open war 
th the pope, and to be exposed to direct 
ersecution. He also acted in a much wider 
jhere. All Germany, and even all Europe, 
as the theatre of his operations. Zwingle 
loved only in the narrow circle of a single 
inton of Switzerland. He also died young, 
and when but just commencing his career of 
public usefulness. And these circumstances 
have raised Luther s fame so high, that Zwin- 
gle has almost been overlooked Luther, 
doubtless, did most for the cause of the 
reformation, because he had a wider field of 
action, was more bold and daring, and lived 
longer to carry on the work. But Zwingle 
was a more learned, and a more judicious 
man, commenced the reformation earlier, 
and in his little circle carried it farther. 
Ulrich Zwingle was born at Wildhauscn, 
county of Toggenburg, and canton of St. Gall, 
A.D. 1484. At the age of ten, he was sent 
to Basle, for education ; and afterwards to 
Berne. Here the Dominicans endeavoured 
to allure him into their order ; to prevent 
which, his father sent him to Vienna. Re 
turning to Basle at the age of eighteen, he 
became a schoolmaster; and prosecuted 
theology at the same time, under Thomas 
Wittenbach, who was not blind to the errors 
of the church of Rome, and who instilled 
principles of free inquiry into his pupils. 
He preached his first sermon in 1506 ; and 
was the same year chosen pastor of Glarus, 
where he spent ten years. He had been 
distinguished in every branch of learning to 
which he had applied himself, and particu 
larly in classical and e y ^gant literature. 
He now devoted himself especially to Greek 



28 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II. 

superstition. Zwingle now vigorously prosecuted the work he had began , 
and having obtained several learned men, educated in Germany, for his as 
sociates and fellow-labourers in the arduous work, he with their assistance 
brought the greatest part of his fellow-citizens to renounce their subjection 
to pontifical domination. Yet Zwingle proceeded in a different way from 
Luther ; for he did not uniformly oppose the employment of force against 
the pertinacious defenders of the old superstitions ; and he is said to have 
conceded to magistrates more authority in religious matters, than is con 
sistent with the nature of religion. (31) But in general he was an upright 
man, and his intentions are worthy of the highest praise. 

12. We now return to Luther. While Miltitz was negotiating with 
him for a peace, and with some prospect of success, John Eckius, burning 
with rage, after the debate at Leipsic, hurried away to Rome 1 , in order to 
hasten his destruction. Taking as associates the most powerful Dominicans 
in the pontificial court, and particularly their two first men, Cajelan and 
Prierias, he pressed Leo to excommunicate Luther forthwith. For the 
Dominicans most eagerly thirsted to avenge the very great injury which 
they conceived Luther had done to their whole order, first in the person 

and Hebrew; and had no respect, for hu- the friends of the hierarchy, and at length 

man authorities in theology, but relied wholly 

on the Scriptures, which he read and ex 

plained to his people Iron; the pulpit, with 

great assiduity. His fame as a preacher and 

divine ro:-e high. In 151G, ho was removed 

to the abbey of Einsiedlin, as a field of 

greater usefulness. He had before, cau 

tiously exposed some of the errors of the 

Romish church, and he now more openly 

assailed the doctrines of monastic vows, 

pilgrimages, relics, offerings, and indul 

gences. The next year he was chosen to a 

vacancy in the cathedral of Zurich ; and be 

fore he accepted the office, stipulated that he 

should not be confined in his preaching to the 

lessons publicly read, but be allowed to ex 

plain every part of the Bible. He continued 

to read the best Latin and Greek classics, 

studied diligently the more eminent fathers, 

as Augustine, Ambrose, and Chrysostom, 

and pressed the study of Hebrew and the 

kindred dialects. He now publicly ex 

pounded the Scriptures, as the Gospels, the 

Epistles of Paul and Peter, &c., and incul 

cated, that the Bible is the only standard of 

religious truth. While he v.as thus leading 

the people gradually to better views of re 

ligion, in the year 1518 Samson came into 

Switzerland to sell indulgences ; and the 

year following, on his arrival at Zurich, 

Zwingle openly opposed him, and procured 

his exclusion from the canton. The prog 



ress of the people in knowledge was rapid, 
and the reformation went forward with great 
success. Luther s books were circulated 
extensively, and by Zwin pie s recommenda 
tion, though he chose not to read them him 
self, lest he should incur the charge of being 
a Lutheran. He was however assailed by 



accused of heresy before the council of Zu 
rich, Jan. 1523. He now presented sixty- 
seven doctrinal propositions before the coun 
cil, containing all the fundamental doctrines 
since held by the Reformed church ; and of 
fered to de-fend them against all oppo-ers, by 
Scripture. His enemies wished to bring tra- 
di ion and the schoolmen to confute him. But 
the council declared, that the decision nuitl 
rest on the Scriptures. Zu^hi^lc of course 
triumphed ; and the council decreed, that he 
should be allowed to preach as heretofore, un 
molested ; and that no preacher in the can- 
ton should inculcate any doctrine, but what. 
he could prove from the Scriptures. Tho 
next year, 1524, the council of Zurich re 
formed the public worship, according to the 
advice of Zwingle. Thus the reformation 
of that canton was now completed. Zu-inglr. 
continued to guide his flock, and to lend aid 
to the other portions of the church, till the 
month of October, 1531 ; when a Catholic 
force from the popish cantons, marched 
against Zurich ; and Zwingle, according to 
the usage of his country, bore the standard 
amid the citizens that attempted to repel 
them. The enemy were victorious, and 
Zwmglc was slain near the commencement 
of the battle, and his body cut to pieces and 
burned to ashes. See the writers before re 
ferred to, particularly Hottinger, Gerdcs, and 
Schrocckh; also the article Zwingle, in Rccs 
Cyclopedia His works were printed, Zu 
rich, 1544-45, 4 vols. fol. 7V.] 

(31) [This charge against Zwingle in both 
parts of it, appears to be wholly groundless. 
See Gerdcs, Historia Evang. renovati, torn 
i., p. 287, Supplementa. Tr.] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 29 

of their brother Tetzel, and then in that of Cajetan. Overcome by their 
importunate applications, and by those of their friends and abettors, Leo 
X. most imprudently issued the first bull against Luther, on the 15th of 
June, 1520; in which forty one of his tenets were condemned, his writings 
adjudged to the flames, and he was commanded to confess his faults within 
sixty days, and implore the clemency of the pontiff, or be cast out of the 
church.(32) 

13. As soon as Luther heard of this first sentence of the pontiff, he 
consulted for his own safety by renewing his appeal from the pontiff to the 
supreme tribunal of a future council. And foreseeing that this appeal 
would be treated with contempt at Rome, and that as soon as the time 
prescribed by the pontiff was elapsed he would be excommunicated by 
another bull, he soon formed the resolution to withdraw from the Romish 
church, before he should be excommunicated by the new rescript of the 
pontiff. In order to proclaim this secession from the Romish community, 
by a public act, he on the 10th of December, 1520, caused a fire to be 
kindled without the walls of the city, and in presence of a vast multitude 
of spectators, committed to the flames the bull issued against him, togeth 
er with a copy of the pontifical canon law. By this act, he publicly signi 
fied that he would be no longer a subject of the Roman pontiff; and con. 
sequently, that the second decree, which was daily expected from Rome, 
would be nugatory. For whoever publicly burns the statute-book of his 
prince, protests, by so doing, that he will no longer respect and obey his 
authority; and one who has excluded himself from any society, cannot 
afterwards be cast out of it. I must suppose, that Luther acted in this 
matter with the advice of the jurists. Luther withdrew however, only 
from the Romish church which looks upon the pontiff as infallible, and not 
from the church universal, the sentence of which pronounced in a legiti 
mate and free council, he did not refuse to obey. And this circumstance 
will show, why wise men among the papists who were attached to the lib 
erties of Germany, looked upon this bold act of Luther without offence. (33) 

(32) The friends of the pontiffs confess, tus ; valde enitn timent, ne res latins serpat 

that Leo erred greatly, in this matter. See Hsec causa fuit, cur bulla tarn atrox cmanav 

Jo. Fred. Mayer s Diss. de Pontificiis Leo- erit, multis bonis et prudentibus viris recla 

nis X. processum adversus Lutherum impro- mantibus, qui suadebant maturius consulen 

bantibus ; which is a part of the work he durn, ct Martino potius modcstia et ration! 

published at Hamburg, 1698, 4to, with the bus quam detestationibus occurrendurn esse 

following title : Ecclesia Romana reforrna- hoc enitn deccre mansuetudinern, illud ver 

tionis Lutherans patrona et cliens. And tyrannidem sapere, et rcm mali exempli vi- 

there were at that time, many wise and cir- deri.- SchL] 

cumspect persons at Rome, who did not (33) [Some modern jurists, as Schkge- 
hesitate publicly to avow their disapproba- tells us, have condemned this act of Luther. 
ton of the violent counsels of Eckius and the as being a treasonable act against the eslab- 
Dominicans, and who wished to wait for the lished laws of the land. But it was not so, 
issue of MiUitz s embassy. [See Riederer s in that age. For the canon law contained 
Nachrichten zur Kirchen-Gelehrten-und Bu- enactments only of the popes and councils, 
chergeschichte, Stuck ii., n. 18, p. 178, with which the civil powers were supposed 
where there is an anonymous letter from to have no concern. It was the statute-book 
Rome to Pirkheimer, saying : Scias nemi- of a foreign and spiritual sovereign, who 
nem Romae esse, si saltern sapiat, qui non claimed jurisdiction equally over the tempo- 
certo certius sciat et cognoscat, Martinum ral sovereigns of Germany and over their sub- 
in pluribus veritatem dicere, verum boni ob jects. To burn this book therefore was trea- 
tyrannidis metum dissimulant, mali vero, son against that foreign sovereign, the pope ; 
quia veritatem audire coguntur, insaniunt. but not so, against the temporal sovereigns 
Inde illorum oritur indignatio pariter et me- of Germany. Luther s motives for this act. 



80 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVL SEC. L CHAP. II. 

Before one month after this heroic deed of Luther had elapsed, on the 4th 
day of January, 1521, the second bull of Leo against Luther was issued ; in 
which he was expelled from the bosom of the Romish church, fur having 
violated the majesty of the pontiff. (34) 

14. When these severe bulls had been issued against the person and 
the" doctrines of Luther and his friends, nothing remained for him but to 
attempt to found a new church opposed to that of Rome, and to establish 
a system of doctrine consonant to the holy scriptures. For to subject 
himself to the dominion of his most cruel enemy, would have been mad 
ness; and to return again, contrary to the convictions of his own mind, to 
the errors he had opposed and rejected, would have been base and dishon 
est. From this time therefore, he searched for the truth with redoubled 
ardour, and not onlv revised and confirmed more carefully the doctrines he 
had already advanced, but likewise baldly attacked the very citadel of the 
pontifical authority, and shook it to its foundation. In his heroic enter- 
prise, he had the aid of other excellent men in various parts of Europe, as 
well as of the doctors at Wittemberg who joined his party, and especially 
of Philip Mckmcthon. And as the fame of Luther s wisdom and heroism, 
and the great learning of Melancthon, drew a vast number of young men 
to Wittemberg, the principles of the reformation were spread with ama 
zing rapidity through various nations. (35) 

15. In the mean time, [January l 2th, 1519], the emperor Maximilian 
[. died ; and his grandson Charles V. king of Spain, was elected his sue- 
cessor, on the 28th of July A.D, 1519. Leo X. therefore reminded the 
new emperor of the office he had assumed of advocate and defender of the 
church, and called upon him to inflict due punishment upon that rebellious 
member of the church Martin Luther. On the other hand, Frederic the 
Wise of Saxony, counselled him not to proceed rashly and improperly 
against Luther, but to conduct the whole business according to the rights 
of the Germanic churches and the laws of the empire. Charles was un 
der greater obligations to Frederic, than to any other of the German prin 
ces. For it was principally by his efforts and zeal, that Charles had oh. 
tained the imperial dignity, in preference to his very potent rival, Francis 
I. king of France. (36) In order there-fore to gratify both this friend, (to 
whom he owed every thing), and likewise the pontiff, he determined to give 
Luther a hearing before the diet to be assembled at Worms, prior to the 

he himself stated in a tract on the subject, of this appeal, the pope could no longer have 
Among them were these, first, that his en- jurisdiction of the case. Hence the number 
emies had burned his books, and he must of Luther s friends increased the more, after 
burn theirs in order to deter the people from the publication of this bull. SM.~\ 
reverencing them and being led astray by (35) On the rapid progress of the refor- 
them ; and secondly, that he had found thirty mation in Germany, Dan. Gerdes treats par- 
abominable assertions, in the canon law, ticularly, in his Historia renovati Evangelii, 
which rendered the book worthy of the flames, torn. ii. ; also Benj. Grosch, in his Verthei- 
Tr.~\ digung der Evangelischen Kirche gegen Ar- 

(34) Both these Bulls are in the Bullarium, nold, p. 156, &c. 

[ed. Cherub., Luxemb., 1742, torn, i., p. 610, (36) [During the six months of the inter- 

&c., p. 614, &c. Tr.~\ and also in Christ, regnum, Frederic had been at the head of 

Matth Pfaff s Histor. Theol. litter., torn, ii., the Germanic empire, had refused the impe- 

p 42, &c. [The excommunicating bull was rial crown offered to himself, and had grean- 

an attack upon the rights of the German ly exerted himself to secure the election of 

churches. For Luther had appealed to an Charles. TV.] 
Ecclesiastical council ; and in consequence 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



passing of any decree against him. It may s-eem strange, and contrary to 
ecclesiastical law, for an ecclesiastical cause to be discussed and subject 
ed to examination before a diet. But it must be recollected, that as the 
archbishops, bishops, and some of the abbots, had seats among the princes, 
those Germanic diets were at the same time provincial councils of the 
German na ion, to which, according to ancient canon law, the trial of such 
causes as that of Luther properly belonged. 

16. Luther therefore appeared at Worms, protected by a safe conduct 
from the emperor, and on the 17th and 18th of April [1521], boldly urged 
his cause before the diet. Being called upon and admonished to renounce 
the opinions he had hitherto defended, and to become reconciled to the 
pope ; he replied with great constancy, that he would never do so, unless 
first convinced of error, by proofs from the hc^y scriptures or from sound 
reason. And, as neither promises nor menaces could move him from his 
purpose, he obtained indeed from the emperor the liberty of returning 
home unmolested, but after his departure, on the 27th of May, by the joint 
voices of the emperor and the princes, he and his adherents were proscri 
bed and declared to be enemies of the Roman-Germanic empire. His 
prince, Frederic, foreseeing this storm, caused him to be intercepted on 
his return near Eisenach, by persons in disguise, and to be conducted to 
the castle of Wartburg ; (perhaps with the privity of the emperor) ; and 
in that castle, which he called his Patmos, he lay concealed ten months, 
beguiling the time very profitably with writing and study. (37) 



(37) See the writers, mentioned by Jo. 
Alb. Fabricius, Centifolium Lutheranum, pt. 
i., cap. xliii., p. 79-84, and pt. ii., p. 563, 
&,c. [This journey to Worms was a very 
perilous undertaking for Lat/icr. His friends 
advised him not to go ; and even the elec 
toral prince his sovereign, did not allow him 
to go, till he had obtained for him a safe con 
duct from the emperor. This safe conduct 
however, would have afforded him no pro 
tection against the operations of the papal 
bulls and the snares of his enemies, if the 
high-minded emperor had been willing to lis 
ten to those who whispered in his ear the 
inhuman and unchristian maxim, that a man 
is not to keep his promise to a heretic. But 
the emperor had nobler views ; and Luther 
himself was so unshaken, that he would let 
nothing deter him from the journey ; and 
when arrived in the territory of Worms, and 
some persons in the name of his friend Spal- 
itin warned him of his danger, he replied, 
that he would go thither, if there were as 
many devils there, as tiles on the roofs of 
their houses. He therefore proceeded fear 
lessly to W T orms, and when there, showed 
indescribable fortitude. He was conducted, 
in his monkish dress, from his lodgings to 
the assembled diet, by the marshal of the 
empire, Von Pappenheim ; and two ques 
tions were now put to him by the official of 
the archbishop of Treves, namely, whether 
he acknowledged those books, that were laid 



upon a bench before him, to be his produc 
tions ; and whether he would recall the opin 
ions contained in them. To the first ques 
tion, Luther was on the point of answer 
ing at once affirmatively ; hut Dr. Jerome 
Schurf, a jurist of Wittemberg, who had 
been assigned to him as his counsellor, re 
minded him that he should first ascertain 
whether there were not some books among 
them that were not his. 80 he heard the 
titles read over ; and then answered to the 
first question, Yes. But to the second ques 
tion, at the suggestion of his counsellor, he 
requested to be allowed till the next day, to 
consider of his answer. The following day 
he appeared, and the question being repeat 
ed, he answered by making distinctions. 
Some of his writings, he said, treated of a 
Christian s faith and life, others were direct 
ed against the papacy, and others against pri 
vate individuals, who defended the Romish 
tyranny, and assailed his holy doctrines. As 
for the first, he could not renounce them, be 
cause even his enemies admitted that they 
contained much good matter ; nor could he 
renounce the second, because that would be 
lending support to the papal tyranny ; in 
those of the third class, he freely acknowl 
edged, that he had often been too vehement ; 
yet he could not at once renounce them, un 
less it were first shown, that he had gone too 
far. As the official now demanded of him 
a categorical answer, whether he wo aid re- 



BOOK IV.- CENTURY X>I. SEC. L CHAP. II. 



17. From this his Patmos, Luther returned to Wittemberg in the 
month of March, 1522, without the knowledge or consent of the elector 
Frederic ; being influenced by the commotions which, he was informed, 
Carolostadt and others were producing hurtful to religion and the common 
wealth. For in Luther s absence, Andrew Carolostadt a doctor of Wittem- 
burg, a man of learning and not ignorant of the truth, whom the pontiff at 
the instigation of Eckius had excommunicated in conjunction with Luther, 
but a man of precipitancy and prone to an excess of ardour, had begun to 
destroy images, and had put himself at the head of a fanatical sect who in 
several places greatly abused, as is common, the dawning of liberty. (38) 



nounce, or not ; he replied, that he could not, 
unless he was first convicted of error, either 
by scripture, or by reason. And the official 
alleizina". that he must have erred, because 
lie had contradicted the pope and the coun 
cils ; he answered : The pope and ecclesi 
astical councils have often erred, and have 
contradicted themselves. He at last closed 
with this declaration: Here Island: I can 
say no wore : God help inc. Amen. After 
this, La i her appeared no more before, the 
diet; but the emperor caused him to be in 
formed, that as he would not be reconciled 
to the church, the emperor would do as law 
required ; he must however repair to his usual 
residence, within 21 days. On the eighth 
of May, the bill of outlawry was drawn up 
against him ; which was published, a few 
days after his departure. (PaUavicim says, 
Hist, concil. Trident., lib. i., c. 28, 7, that 
the bill was drawn up May 25th, and signed 
May 26th, but dated back to May 8th. The 
reason, it is said, was, that the bill was 
passed at the close of the diet, and when 
many of the members had retired, and it was 
wished to disguise that fact. 7V.) By 
virtue of this bill, after the 21 days of the 
safe conduct expired, no man might har 
bour or conceal Luther, on pain of treason ; 
but whosoever might find him, in any place, 
was to apprehend him, and deliver him up 
to the emperor ; and all his adherents were 
to be seized in the public streets, imprisoned 
and stripped of all their goods. This arbi 
trary decree of the emperor contravened all 
th"; laws of humanity, as well as the rights 
of the German churches. For it required a 
man to renounce what he was not convinced 
was wrong ; and on the assumption of the 
infallibility of the pope, condemned him, 
against an intervening appeal to a council. 
This bill of outlawry how r ever, produced very 
little effect ; and indeed, the emperor does 
not seem to have been much in earnest in 
respect to it. For although the perplexed 
state of his affairs, the political movements 
of Europe, and the internal disquietude of 
his private territories, might call his atten 
tion to very different subjects from the ex 



ecution of the edict of Worms, yet it is 
difficult to comprehend how Luther could 
safely return to Wittemberg, and there 
preach, and write, and teach, if the emperor 
did earnestly wish to give him trouble. Nay, 
he might easily have discovered his retreat 
at Wartburg. But probably the emperor 
took no pains to discover him, in order to 
avoid collision, either with the pontiff or the 
elector of Saxony. At Wartbnrg, Luther 
prosecuted the study of the Hebrew and 
Greek languages, commenced his German 
translation of the scriptures, expounded some 
portions of the Bible, composed his PostiHs, 
and some other works SV///.] 

(3S) [Andrnr ttmlrHfitrin, born at Curl- 
si ad/ in Franconia, (and hence called in Latin 
Carolostadius), was a doctor of biblical 
learning, a canon, and archdeacon of the 
church of All Saints at Wittemberg, and pro 
fessor iii the university there. He support 
ed Luther in the work of reformation, as ap 
pears from the history of the conference ai 
Leipsic, and was highly esteemed by him ; 
and is mentioned with praise in his writings. 
But in respect to the manner of effecting the 
reformation, these two men had very dif 
ferent views. Carolostadt. would have the 
abuses of popery abolished at once, but Lu 
ther preferred a gradual process. The monks 
of Luther s fraternity at Wittemberg, the Au- 
gustinians. had, during his absence, begun 
to reform their monastery, and to abolish the 
mass ; and they now wished to effect the 
same reform in the city. But the court were 
afraid lest it should give offence both to other 
princes and cities and also to the citizens 
themselves ; and the elector therefore, called 
for the opinion of the professors at Wittem 
berg. Their opinion was in favour of abol 
ishing the mass ; but this did not satisfy the 
court. Lufhcr, whose opinion was also ask 
ed, assumed the rational principle, that the 
reformation should commence, not with the 
pictures, nor with other external things, 
among which he accounted the mass, but 
with the understandings of the people ; and 
to his opinion, all the professors now subscri 
bed, except only Carolostadt. He gathered 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



33 



He therefore first energetically repressed the impetuosity of this man, 
wisely declaring that errors must first be extirpated from people s minds, 
before the insignia of those errors can be advantageously removed. And 
to establish this principle by facts and by his own example, inviting certain 
learned men to aid him, he proceeded gradually to perfect and to finish the 
German translation of the Bible, which he had commenced. (39) The 
event confirmed the excellence of his plan ; for the parts of this work be 
ing successively published and circulated, the roots of inveterate errors 
were soon extirpated from the minds of vast numbers. 

18. In the mean time, Leo X. died, A.D. 1522. Hadrian VI. of 
Utrecht, succeeded him, by the aid or Charles V., whose tutor he had been. 
He was an honest man, and so ingenuous as to confess that the Christian 
church laboured under ruinous maladies, and to promise readily that he 
would correct them. (49) By his legate to the diet of Nuremberg, A.D. 



around him the common people ; and as soon 
as he thought himself strong enough, he 
broke out, and with a throng of enthusiastic 
followers rushed into the cathedral church, 
destroyed the pictures and the altar, and hin 
dered the clergy from any longer saying mass. 
Melancthon was too timid to control this 
uproar. Luther therefore came forward, 
preached against these violent innovations, 
and restored tranquillity. From that time 
onward, there was a coldness between Lu 
ther and Corolostadt, which at length broke 
out into hostilities that were no honour to 
either of them Schl. Luther has been 
taxed with opposing Carofostadf, from mo 
tives of ambition, or from unwillingness that 
another should take the lead in any thing. 
And this censure is repeated by Maddine, 
Bower, &c. But Scckendorf (Historic Lu- 
theranismi, lib. i., 121, p. 197, 198), seems 
to have confuted the charge ; which has no 
support, except a single sentence in one of 
Luther s letters, in which he charges Carolo- 
sladt with wishing to be foremost ; a charge, 
which Melanc/hon advanced in quite as strong 
terms. For an account of Carolostadtyno? 
to 1522, see Gerdcs, Miscellan. Gronmg., 
torn, i., p. 1, &c. TV.] 

(39) A history of Luther s German trans 
lation of the Holy Scriptures, which contrib 
uted more than any thing else to establish 
the Lutheran church, was published by Jo. 
Fred Mayer, Hamh., 1701, 4to. A much 
fuller history was long expected from Jo. 
Melchior Kraft, than whom no one laboured 
upon the subject with greater care, assiduity, 
and success, during many years. But a 
premature death frustrated our expectations. 
Compare Jo Alb. Fabricius, Centifolium 
Lutheranum, pt i., p. 147, &c., and pt. ii., 
p. 617, &c. [What Kraft was prevented 
by a premature death from accomplishing, 
has since been performed, by Jo. Geo. Palm, 
in his Historic der teutchen Bibeluberset- 

VOL. III. E 



zung Lutheri ; which was published, with 
notes, by Jo. Melchior Go/ce, Halle, 1772, 
4to, and Gottl. Christ. Gicsc. historische 
Nachricht von dieser Bibeliibersetzung ; 
published by Rcidcrcr, Altdorf, 1771, 8vo. 
Schl.] 

(40) See Casper Burmami s Hadrianus 
VI. sive Analecta historica de Hadriano VI. 
Papa Romano ; Utrecht, 1727, 4lo. [This 
is a collection of historical papers relating to 
the life of this pope. Hadrian was of hum 
ble parentage, but of great attainments in 
scholastic theology ; and therefore had long 
filled the office of a professor at Louvain. 
He had a natural aversion to pomp, extrava 
gance, and luxury, and a very upright dispo 
sition. He therefore did not grasp the fire 
and sword, in order to still the complaints 
of the Germans, but commenced with the 
reformation of his own court, curtailed his 
own table, dismissed all superfluous servants, 
and required of the cardinals a more retired 
life, and retrenchment in their expenses. 
But this was so displeasing to the Romans,, 
that they not only lampooned him much, du 
ring his lifetime, but spoke very ill of him 
after his death. Indeed it has been suspect 
ed, that they were instrumental of his death. 
So gratifying to the Romish populace was 
his decease, that the night after it took place, 
the front door of his principal physician was 
decorated with a wreath of flowers, sur 
mounted with the inscription : For the deliv 
erer of his country. Schl. This pontiff 
was deeply sensible of vast corruption in the 
Romish church, and he was sincerely re 
solved to reform it, as fast as possible. In 
his instructions to his legate to the diet of 
Nuremberg, A.D. 1522, he authorized him 
to say : Scimus in hac sancta sede aliquot 
jam annis multa abominanda fuisse, abusus 
in spiritualibus, excessus in mandatis, et 
omnia denique in perversum mutata. Nee 
mirum si aegritudo a capite in membra a 



34 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II. 

1522 and onward, Francis Cheregati, he indeed earnestly entreated tha\. 
the punishment decreed against Luther and his adherents by the edict of 
Worms might no longer be delayed, but at the same time he showed him, 
self ready to correct the evils, which had armed so great an enemy against 
the church. The German princes deeming this a favourable opportunity, 
while the emperor was absent in Spain, demanded a free council, which 
should be held in Germany, and should deliberate in the ancient manntr 
on a general reformation of the church. They also exhibited a list of 
one hundred grievances, of which the Germans complained as proceeding 
from the Romish court ; and they passed a decree, forbidding any further 
innovations in religious matters, till the council should decide what ought 
to be done. (41) For so long as the princes of Germany were ignorant of 
the plans under consideration in Saxony for establishing a new church in 
opposition to that of Rome, they were pretty well united in opposing the 
pontifical power, which they all felt to be excessive ; nor were they much 
troubled about Luther 1 s controversy with the pontiff, which they regarded 
merely as a private affair. 

19. The honest pontiff Hadrian, after a short reign [of one year and 
eight months], died [September 24th] in the year 1523 ; and was sue- 
ceeded on the 19th of November, by Clement VII., a man less ingenuous 
and open hearted. (42) By another legate Laurentius Campegius, in the 
same diet, A.D. 1524, Clement censured immoderately the lenity of the 
princes in tolerating Luther, at the same lime craftily suppressing all no. 
tice of the. promise of a reformation made by Hadrian. The emperor sec 
onded the demands of Campegius, requiring by his minister that the de 
cree of Worms should be confirmed. Overcome by these remonstrances 
the princes changed indeed the language of the decree, but in reality cor 
roborated it. For they engaged to enforce the edict of Worms to the ex 
tent of their power, but at the same time renewed their demand for a 
council, and referred all other questions to the next diet to be held at 
Spire. After the diet, the pontifical legate retired with a number of the 
princes, most of whom were bishops, to Ralisbon ; and from them he ob 
tained a promise, that they would enforce the edict of Worms in their 
territories. 

20. While the religious reformation by Luther was thus daily gather 
ing strength in almost all parts of Europe, two very serious evils arose to 
retard its progress, the one internal, and the other external. Among 
those whom the Romish bishop had excluded from the privileges of his 
community, a pernicious controversy, respecting the manner in which the 
body and blood of Christ are present in the sacred supper, produced very 

summis pontificibus in alios inferiores prae- tis VTT., in Jo. Gco. Schdhorn s Amoenitates 

latos descenderit. Omnes nos (the prelates) Hist. Eccles., torn, ii , p. 210, &c. [Clem- 

et ecclesiastic! declinavimus, unusquisque in cnt VII. was a kind of Leo X., and was pre- 

vias suas, nee fuit jam din, qui facerct bo- viously called Julius de Medir.is. He was 

num, non fuit usque ad unum. See Ray- of a very different spirit from Hadrian, was 

nald s Annales Eccles., ad ann. 1522, $ 70. crafty and faithless, and made it his great 

-* r -J aim thronjjh his whole reign to advance the 

^ (41) See Jac. Fred. George, Gravamina interests of the pontifical. chair. He there- 

Germanorum adversus sedem Roman., lib. fore took all pains to thwart the designs of 

11., p. 327. [The Gravamina are also insert- the Germans in regard to a general council 

ed m Flacius, Catalogus Testium veritatis, for reforming the abuses of the papal court. 

SNo. 187. SchL] See Wakh s Hist, der Romischen Papste, 

(42) See Jac. Ziegler s Historia Clemen- 379, &C.SM. } 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



great disunion. Luther and his adherents, while they rejected the dogma 
of the Romish school that the bread and wine are transmuted into the 
body and blood of Christ, yet maintained that persons coming to the sacred 
supper participated truly, though in an inexplicable manner, of the body and 
blood of Christ, together with the bread and the wine. (43) Plis colleague 
Carolostadt, held a different opinion. (44) And after him, Ulricli Zwingle 
much more fully and ingeniously maintained in his publications, that the 
body and blood of the Lord are not present in the holy supper ; but that the 
bread and the wine are merely symbols or emblems, by which people should 
be excited to commemorate the death of Christ and the blessings resulting 
to as from it. (45) As this doctrine was embraced by nearly all the Swiss, 



(43) [Luther denied transubstantiation, 
that is, a transmutation of the substance of 
the bread and wine into the flesh and blood 
of Christ ; yet he held consubstantiation, that 
is, a real and corporeal presence of the 
body and blood of Christ in, under, or along 
with, the bread and wine ; so that the sacra 
mental substances, after consecration, be 
came each of them twofold ; namely, the 
bread became both bread and the flesh of 
Christ, and the wine became both wine and 
the blood of Christ. Sometimes however 
he represented the union of the two sub 
stances in each element as constituting but 
one substance, just as the union of the divine 
and human natures in Christ, still constitu 
ted but one person. The ubiquity of Christ s 
body was an obvious consequence of his doc 
trine, and one which he did not hesitate to 
admit. See Hospiniari s Historia Sacra- 
mentaria, pt. ii., p. 5, &c. TV.] 

(44) [Cdrolos/adt supposed that when 
Christ said, This is my body, he pointed 
to his body ; so that the affirmation related 
solely to his real body and not to the sacra 
mental bread. His foes charged him with 
denying any kind of presence of Christ in the 
sacrament, even a spiritual or sacramental 
presence. See Hospinian, 1. c., p. 50, &c. 
-TV.] 

(45) See Vol. Ern. Loscher s Historia 
:noiuum inter Lutheranos et Reformatos, 
part i., lib., i., cap. ii., p 55. And on the 
other side, Abrah. Scultctus, Annales Evan- 
gelii ; in Hcrm. von der Hardfs Historia 
litterar. Reformat., p. 74, &c. Rud. Hos 
pinian, [Historia Sacramentaria, pt. ii.], and 
the others among the Reformed, who give 
account of the origin and progress of the 
controversy. [The Romish doctrine of the 
real or corporeal presence of Christ in the 
eucharist, which was brought into the church 
principally by the efforts of Paschasius Rad- 
bert, in the ninth century, (see above, vol. 
ii., p. 89, &c.), but which was warmly 
contested by Bcrcngarius in the eleventh 
century, (see above, vol. ii., p. 193, &c.), 
Mid openly denied by Wickliffe in the fif 



teenth, (see above, vol. ii., p. 381, note 34), 
was too absurd, not to engage the attention 
of the reformers. As early as A.D. 1513, 
Conrad. Pelican and Wolfg. Fabr. Capita, 
in a private interview, disclosed to each other 
their conviction of the absurdity of this doc 
trine. (See Gerdcs, Historia Evang. renov., 
torn, i., p. 113). Luther however, while he 
denied the Romish doctrine of transnbstan- 
tiation, yet held to the real presence, in the 
way called consubstantiation. Most of the 
other reformers, especially in southern Ger 
many and Switzerland, disbelieved the real 
or corporeal presence of Christ, and main 
tained only a spiritual presence. Yet they 
did not think it expedient to write or preach 
on the subject, till the public mind should 
be ripe for such a discussion. Indeed they 
were not fully settled in their own mindp, 
what form to give to the doctrine, or what in 
terpretation to put upon the texts relied on 
in proof of the real presence. In the month 
of Jan., 1524, Zwingle offered to the senate 
of Zurich 67 doctrinal theses ; in No. 18 ol 
which he declared the eucharist to be not a 
sacrifice (non esse sacrificiurn), but a com 
memoration of the sacrifice once offered on 
the cross, and a seal of the redemption by 
Christ (sed sacrificii in cruce semel oblati 
commemorationem et quasi sigillurn redernp- 
tionis per Christum). (See Gcrdes, 1. c., 
Append., p. 223.) These theses were cor 
dially adopted by the senate of Zurich ; and 
they met the general approbation of the Re 
formed in that vicinity. As early as the year 
1521, Cornclivs Hone a learned Dutch jurist, 
in a letter which was privately circulated, 
explicitly denied the corporeal presence, and 
maintained that the word is, in the declara 
tion of Christ, This is my body, is equivalent 
to represents or denotes. (See the Letter, 
in Gerdes, 1. c., Append., p. 228-240.) 
This letter Zwingle first read in 1524 ; ana 
approving of it perfectly, he the next year 
caused it to be published. In the same 
year, 1524, Zwingle wrote a letter to a 
friend, in which he fully declares his belief 
that the bread and wine were merely em- 



56 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II. 



and by not a few divines in upper Germany, and as Luther and his friends 
on the other hand strenuously contended for his doctrine, a long and pain- 



blems or representatives of Christ s body 
and blood : but he charged his friend not to 
make the letter public, lest it should produce 
commotion. The letter however was pub 
lished the next year. At Wittemberg, Ca 
rolostadt was the first to reject and impugn 
the doctrine of the real presence. After his 
rebuke from Luther, (for destroying the al 
tars and images at Wittemberg in 1522), he 
retired to Orlamund, not far from Leipsic ; 
and there becoming a parish minister, he in 
veighed against images and the mass, and 
denied the doctrine of the real presence. 
The people fell in with his views, to the 
great dissatisfaction of the elector and Lu 
ther. Therefore in Aug., 1524, Luther was 
sent to reclaim the wandering people. At 
Jena he declaimed against the innovators, 
with great warmth. Carolostadt was pres 
ent, and feeling himself injured by this public 
attack, went to Luther s lodgings and com 
plained of his abuse. Hard words were 
used on both sides. Carolosiadt taxed Lu 
ther with erroneous doctrine, particularly in 
regard to the real presence. Luther chal 
lenged him to a public controversy on the 
subject. Carolostadt accepted the challenge ; 
but being soon banished from Saxony, and 
retiring first to Strasburg and then to Basle, 
t was from the last of these places he issued 
as first publication. (See the account of 
he dispute at Jena, in Luther s works, vol. 
.i., fol. 446, &c., cd. Jena, 1580.) Among 
the tracts here published by Carolostadt, one 
was entitled : On the words of Christ, This 
is my body. Fie supposed Christ to have 
pointed to his body, when he uttered these 
words ; and to have intended to indicate, 
that the sacramental bread was an emblem 
of his body. Luther now wrote to the Stras- 
burgers, against Carolostadt. Capita and 
Biiccr both published tracts on the dispute 
between Luther and Carolostadt, endeavour 
ing to exhibit the difference in doctrine as 
not material, and to stop controversy on the 
subject. But early the next year, 1525, Lu 
ther issued his full and keen reply to Carol 
ostadt, entitled, Against the heavenly Proph 
ets, in two Parts. (Ecolampadius, Zwingle, 
and others in South Germany and Switzer 
land, viewed Carolostadt as substantially 
correct in doctrine, but not happy in his 
statements and reasonings. Zwingle corn- 
pared him to a new recruit, who did not 
know how to put on his armour. And as 
the subject of the eucharist was now under 
discussion, and the writings of both Luther 
and Carolostadt circulating around them, 
they deemed it proper to engage in the con 



troversy, and endeavour to enlighten and 
guide their people to right conclusions. Both 
(Ecolampadius and Zwingle therefore pub 
lished their views of the controversy. And 
in March, 1525, Zwingle published his Com- 
mentarius de vera et falsa religione ; in 
which he distinctly, but concisely, stated his 
views of the eucharist. And in June fol 
lowing, he enlarged on that point, in his 
Subsidium de eucharistia. (Ecolampadius s 
principal publication was in the form of a 
letter addressed to his friends in Swabia, and 
entitled a Genuine exposition of the word? 
of our Lord, This is my body, according tc 
the most ancient authors. Zwingle and 
(Ecolampadius both maintained the bread 
and wine to be mere symbols or representa 
tives of Christ s body and blood. But they 
differed as to the interpretation of the words, 
This is my body. Zwingle adopted Hone s 
opinion, that the word is, is used catachres- 
tically, for represents ; but (Ecolampadius 
placed the trope on the word body, supposing 
it to be used metonyrnically, for memorial or 
emblem, of my body. Bugenhagius of "VVit- 
tcmberg, now wrote against Zwingle and 
(Ecolampadius; and Zwingle replied to 
him. In the year 1526, Brentius and four 
teen other ministers of Swabia replied to 
(Ecolampadius, in a work entitled Syngram- 
ma Suevicum ; which was soon translated 
into German, and published with a harsh 
preface by Luther. (Ecolampadius and 
Zwingle both replied to Luther s preface. 
Luther now published his sermon against the 
Enthusiasts ; to which Zwingle wrote two 
letters in reply. Martin Buccr also wrote 
to Brentius and the other Swabians, censu 
ring their indiscreet zeal. On the othei side, 
Jo. Pomcranus of Wittemberg published a 
letter against Zwingle and the Reformed ; to 
which Zwingle and also Michael Cellaring 
of Augsburg replied. Conrad Pellican and 
Leo Juda appeared on the side of the Re 
formed ; and Erasmus, Bdianus, and Osi- 
andcr, on that of the Lutherans. In the year 
1527, Zwingle addressed a work to Luther, 
entitled Arnica exegesis, id est, expositio 
eucharistia? negotii. And about the same 
time Luther published his very severe Ger 
man work, entitled, That the words of Christ, 
This is my body, still stand fast, against the 
enthusiastic spirits. (Ecolampadius replied, 
and also Zunngle : the latter, in a German 
work, entitled, That the words of Christ, 
&c., will ever have their ancient and only 
meaning, and that M. Luther, in his last 
work, has not substantiated his and (he pope s 
sense. In this year Pomcranus, Pirkheimc- 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



37 



ful coi troversy commenced in the year 1524, which at last, after many 
fruitless attempts at a compromise, produced a lamentable schism among 
those that seceded from the papal jurisdiction. 

21. Extraneous to the Lutheran community, there arose in the year 
1525. like a sudden tornado, an innumerable multitude of seditious and de 
lirious fanatics, in various parts of Germany, who declared war against 
the laws and the magistrates, and spread rapine, conflagration, and slaugh 
ter through the community. The greatest part of this furious rabble con 
sisted of peasants, who were discontented under the government of their 
lords; and hence this calamity has been commonly called the war of the 
peasants. (46) Yet it is manifest, there were not a few persons of various 



rus, Clichtovius, and bishop Fisher of Eng- 
Tand, came out against the Reformed ; but 
Regius and Billicanus espoused their cause. 
In 1528, Luther published his most method 
ical work oa this subject, entitled a Confes 
sion of faith respecting the Lord s Supper: 
to which both CEcolampadius and Zwingle 
replied ; the latter in a long and elaborate 
work, addressed to John elector of Saxony 
and Phil-tp landgrave of Hesse. Buccr also 
replied to it. And CEcolampadius wrote to 
Melancthon, requesting him to use efforts 
for moderating the hostility of the Lutherans 
towards the Reformed, who only claimed 
toleration and brotherly affection. In 1529, 
several letters passed between CEcolampadi 
us and Melancthon. The Strasburgers and 
Erasmus also exchanged polemic letters on 
the doctrine. In September of this year, 
Philip landgrave of Hesse, invited the Lu 
theran and Reformed champions to a friend 
ly conference at Marpurg. The Lutherans 
reluctantly attended, being resolved not to 
make peace with those who should deny the 
real presence, and despairing of convincing 
the Reformed on that subject. Luther, Me 
lancthon, and Justus Jonas, from Saxony, 
Andrew Osiander of Nuremberg, Brentius 
of Halle in Swabia, and Stephen Agricola of 
Augsburg, were present, on the side of the 
Lutherans. On the side of the Reformed, 
Zwingle, CEcolampadius, Buccr and Hcdio, 
attended without hesitation. In the discus 
sion, Lather and CEcolampadius were pitted 
against each other ; and also Zwingle and Me 
lancthon. They agreed perfectly, on fourteen 
essential articles of faith ; but could not agree 
r< specting the real presence. The landgrave 
wished them, nevertheless, to view each 
other as brethren. Zwingle and his friends 
heartily consented ; but Luther refused. In 
November of this year, the Lutheran states 
entered into an alliance, called the league of 
Srrwlcald ; but refused to admit the Stras 
burgers and the other Reformed cities and 
states into it. In 1530, the Lutherans, the 
Strasburgers, and also Zwingle, severally 
presented confessions of their faith to the 



diet of Augsburg ; all drawn up with mod 
eration and care. The princes perceived 
their agreement in all essential points, and 
were disposed to admit the Reformed to the 
league. But Luther and Melancthon op 
posed it, and prevailed. Philip however, 
landgrave of Hesse, entered into a league 
with the Reformed for mutual defence against 
the papists. And Strasburg, Zurich, Basle, 
and Bern formed an alliance for the same 
purpose, for fifteen years. In this year, Me 
lancthon published his testimonies from the 
fathers in favour of the real presence ; and 
CEcolampadius replied elaborately in the form 
of a dialogue. In 1531, Zwingle and CEcc 
lampadius both died ; and the Refora.ed 
weakened by the loss of these two great men, 
and pressed with danger from the papists, 
against whom their Lutheran brethren would 
not befriend them so long as they denied the 
real presence, began to waver and try to 
swallow the Lutheran creed. B/icer led the 
way ; and the Strasburgers followed him. 
The controversy subsided in a great meas 
ure. Yet the Swiss and numerous others 
continued to deny the real corporeal pres 
ence of Christ in the eucharist. This con 
troversy it was, produced the division of the 
Protestants into the two great bodies of Lu 
therans and Reformed. See, for the facts* 
here condensed, the authors mentioned at 
the beginning of this note, and Schroeckh s 
Kirchengeschichte seit der Reformation, vol. 
i., p. 351, &c., and p. 420, &c.Tr.] 

(46) Such insurrections of the peasant* 
had been very common, before the times of 
Luther ; as appears from numerous exam 
ples. Hence the author of the Chronicon 
Danicum, published by Jo. PC/, . a Litdewiv, 
Reliquar. Manuscriptor. torn, ix., p. 59, calls 
them the common evil (commune malutri). 
See also p. 80 and 133. This will not ap 
pear strange, if it be recollected, that the 
condition of the peasants, in most places, 
was much more insupportable than at the 
present day ; and that the oppression of 
many of the barons, prior to the reformation, 
was really intolerable. [In many places the 



38 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. li. 

descriptions engaged in it ; some were fanatics, others vicious arid idle 
persons allured by the hope of living comfortably on the fruits of other 
people s labour. This sedition, at its commencement, was altogother of a 
civil nature ; as appears from the paper published by them : for these peas 
ants only wished to he relieved of some part of their burdens, and to enjoy 
greater freedom. Respecting religion, there was no great dispute. But 
when the fanatic Thomas Munzer, who had before deceived several by his 
ficticious visions and dreams, and some other persons of a similar charac 
ter, had joined this irritated multitude, from being a civil commotion, it 
became, especially in Saxony and Thuringia, a religious or holy war. 
The sentiments however of this dissolute and infuriate rabble were very 
different. Some demanded an unintelligible freedom from law, and the 
abrogation of all lordships ; others only wished to have their taxes and 
their burdens as citizens made lighter ; others contemplated the formation 
of a new and perfectly pure church, and pretended to be inspired ; and 
others again were hurried away by their passions and their hatred of the 
magistrates, but without having any very definite object in view. Hence, 
though it must be admitted that many of them misunderstood Luther s 
doctrine concerning Christian liberty, and thence took occasion to run 
wild, yet it is a great mistake, to ascribe to the influence of Luther s doc- 
Tines all the blame of this plirensy. Indeed Luther himself sufficiently re 
futed this calumny, by publishing books expressly against this turbulent 
faction. The storm subsided, after the unfortunate battle of the peasants 
with the army of the German princes, at Mulhausen A.D. 15*25, in 
which Munzer was taken prisoner and subjected to capital punishment. (47) 

peasants were treated as slaves or serfs, and commenced in the year 1524, and in Swabia, 
bought and sold with the lands to which they where some subjects of the spiritual princes, 
were attached. And the landlords, the bar- civil dukes, anJ nobles, complained of their 
ons, bishops, abbots, and priests, were gen- heavy burdens and feudal services, and de- 
era lly disposed to oppress and grind their manded a re!,i::;;t,io,i. Their lords repulsed 
tenants to the utmost. Hence they were thorn harshly, cast some of them into prison, 
perpetually rebelling, in one place and an- and even put some to death. This etikm- 
other. Thus A.I). 1492, the Netheriand died their rage; and presently a host of 
peasantry appeared in arms, to th<) number peasants were to be seen in Swabia and 
of 60<M) ; and about the same time, there Franconia. who roamed from one district to 
was an insurrection against the abbot of another, and united the disaffected to their 
Kempten in Swabia. In the bishopric of standard. Their rulers now gave them kind 
Spire, there was another in 1503; and one words: but it was too late ; and they refused 
at Wittemburg, in 1514. The next year, to lay down their arms, till certain articles 
there was one in the Austrian dominions, in were conceded to them. Among these, the 
which 2000 peasants were slain. It spread first was, the right of electing their own 
into Hungary and some other countries, 400 preachers. And this was the "only article 
of the nobility and gentry were butchered by that related to religion. They wished for 
the insurgents ; and the whole number that preachers, who would have no respect of 
perished on both sides, was estimated at persons. Yet they afterwards dropped this 
70,000. In 1517, there was another on the demand. They demanded, further, the ab- 
borders of Austria and Croatia. See Seek- olition of personal slavery. The tithe of pro- 
endorfs Comment, de Lutheranisrno, lib. duce they were willing to pay ; but it must 
ii., sec. 1. TV.] go to the support of the preachers and the 
(47) Peter Gnodalius, Historia de sedi- poor, and to promote the public interests of 
tione repentina vnlgi, pnecipue rusticorum the people and the country. From the tithe 
A.D. 1525, tempore verno. per universam of cattle, or the lesser tithe, they demanded 
fere Germaniam exorta ; Basil, 1570, 8vo. to be made free. They also demanded, that 
See also Ern. Salorn. Cyprian s additions hunting and fishing should be free in the pub- 
to TenzcVs Historia Reformat., torn, ii., p. lie forests, seas, and rivers ; and the cutting 
331, &c. [This commotion of the peasants of timber likewise ; and required a diminu- 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



22. When this alarming insurrection was at its height, Frederic the 
Wise, Elector of Saxony, closed life A.D. 1525. While he lived he had 
been a kind mediator between the Roman pontifF and Luther ; nor would 
he give up the hope, that a righteous and honourable peace might final- 
ly be established between the contending parties, without the formation 
of separate communities under different regulations. Hence he did riot 
thwart, but even favoured Luther s designs of purifying and reforming the 
church : vet he took little pains to organize and regulate the churches in 
his territories. John his brother and successor, was of a very different 
character. Being fully satisfied of the truth of Luther 1 s doctrines, and 
clearly perceiving that either those doctrines must be sacrificed or the pa 
pal authority be discarded, he assumed to himself the entire jurisdiction in 
religious matters ; and had no hesitation to establish and organize a. 
church totally distinct from that of the pontiff. He therefore caused 
regulations in regard to the constitution and government of the churches, 
the form and mode of public worship, the official duties and the salaries 
of the clergy, and other things connected with the interests of religion, to 
be drawn up by Luther and Philip Melancthon, and to be promulgated in 



tion of the personal services to be rendered 
to their landlords ; and a reduction of the 
fines and penalties imposed, &c. At the 
same time, they declared that they would 
withdraw their demands, and return to obe 
dience to their lords, if it could be shown 
that their demands were unreasonable ; for 
they were not insensible, that the scriptures 
required obedience to magistrates. (Sec 
their own statement of their grievances, in 
Luther s works, ed. Jena, 1580, vol. iii., folio 
111, followed by Luther s comments and ex 
hortations to the peasants. 7V.) They 
named Luther for their arbiter ; and he en 
deavoured to enlighten them, by his sermons 
and writings. But the rulers themselves 
were the cause of the spread and prevalence 
of the insurrection. Fair promises were 
made to such as would lay down their arms ; 
but the promises were not fulfilled ; nay, 
many were violently seized, and put to death. 
In this state of things, fanatics came among 
them, and prompted the irritated multitude 
to renew their first demand, to aim higher, 
and to wage war against the clergy and no 
bility with the greatest cruelty. The most 
prominent of these fanatics were Thomas 
Munzer, and one Pfciffer, a renouncing Pn- 
monstratensian monk. Munzer was a friend 
of those visionaries, Nicholas Stork, Mark 
Slubncr, and Martin Ccllariits, who had 
commenced the disturbances at Wittemberg 
under the patronage of Carolostadt, but who 
were expelled from Wittemberg on Luther s 
return thither from Wartburg. He had been 
a preacher at Zwickau and at Altstadt, and 
had clearly shown, by his writings and his 
sermons, that he was not satisfied with Lu 
ther s reformation. (See Lcescher s Stroma- 



ta, sec. x., p. 218, &c., and Fuessli*s Bey- 
trage, vol. v., p. 136, 410.) He wished to 
abolish all distinctions of rank, and all sub 
ordination, and to introduce a perfect equality 
in society ; and he believed, that, Christ him 
self would soon come and set up the heavenly 
Jerusalem on the earth, in which there would 
be no civil laws, no penalties, no burdens im 
posed, &c. As he met with resistance gen 
erally, in Saxony, he travelled over Thurin- 
gia, Franconia, and Swabia, as far as the 
boundaries of Switzerland ; and he blew the 
fire of insurrection every where by his influ 
ence, until it finally burst into a flame. 
ticld. Meeting opposition at the south, he 
returned to the north and headed the insur 
gents of Thuringia, hoping for co-operation 
from those of 8 vabia. But the Swabian in 
surgents were attacked and slaughtered in 
their several camps, to the number, it is said, 
of 70,000. In the mean time, those of Thu 
ringia, to the number of 8000, were assem 
bled at Mulhaus.en, with Munzer for their 
prophet and leader. The neighbouring 
princes offered them capitulation, which they 
refused, relying on the assurance of Munzer 
that God would miraculously destroy their 
adversaries, and preserve them. In the bat 
tle, 4000 of the peasants (some say more) 
were slain. Munzer and Pfeijfcr were ta 
ken and beheaded. Thus ended this war of 
the peasants, in the summer of 1525; in 
which, according to some, near 130,000 per 
sons lost their lives. See Scckcndorf, Com 
ment, de Lutheranismo, lib. ii., sec. i., &c. 
Schroeckh, Kirchengesch. seit der Reform., 
vol. i., p. 339, &c., and Arnold s Kirchen- 
und Ketzer Historic, pt. ii., b. xvi., c. ii., 
vol. i., p. 62K-630, ed. 1741.-- Tr ] 



10 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. L CHAP. II. 

the year 1527 by his deputies : and he likewise took care that pious anc 
competent teachers should be placed over all the churches, and that un 
suitable ones should be excluded. His example was soon followed by the 
other princes and states of Germany that had cast off the dominion of the 
Roman pontiff; so that nearly the same institutions as he had introduced, 
were adopted by them. This prince may therefore not improperly be con- 
sidcrcd the second parent and founder of the Lutheran church ; since he 
it was, wiio gave it salutary regulations and the supports of law, and sep 
arated it wholly from the Romish church. But it was from the times of 
this elector John, that the dissensions of the German princes in regard to 
religious and ecclesiastical subjects had their commencement, having previ. 
ously been very slight. The prudence of Frederic the Wise, had kept 
their minds under restraint, and in a good degree united. But when the 
various proceedings of John made it obvious, that he designed to separate 
the churches of his territory entirely from the church of Rome, instantly 
the minds of the princes which had heretofore moved in tolerable harmony, 
became at variance, some adhering strongly to the old religion of their 
fathers, and others embracing cordially the reformed religion. 

23. The patrons of the old religion, without much disguise;, consulted 
together respecting an attack to be made upon the Lutheran party by force 
and arms. And they would undoubtedly have carried their plans into oper 
ation, if they had not been prevented by the troubled state of Europe. The 
leading men among those that embraced the reformed religion, perceiving 
the designs of the other [tarty, bi-g.-jn also to consult together about form- 
ing an alliance among themselves. (48) The diet of Spire in 1526, at 
which Ferdinand the emperor s brother presided, had a more favourable 
issue than could have been anticipated. The emperor by his envoys, re 
quired tha-t all contentions respecting religious subjects should coast 1 , and 
that the edict of Worms against Luther and his associates should be con 
firmed. But many of the princes declared that it was not in their power to 
carry this edict inlo operation, or to pass any definite decisions on the sub 
ject, until a general council duly assembled should have examined and 
judged the case ; for to such a body it pertained, to take the cognizance of 
such matters. This sentiment prevailed, after long and various discus 
sions ; and a unanimous resolve was passed, that a petition should be pre 
sented to the emperor, urging him to call a free council without delay ; 
and that in the mean time, every one should be at liberty to manage the 
religious concerns of his own territory in the mariner he saw fit, yet under 
a due sense of his accountability to God and to the emperor, for the course 
he might pursue. 

24. Nothing could have taken place more favourable to the cause of 

(48) [The war of the peasants had caused rernberg to meet them at Torgau for such a 

repeated consultations between the neigh- consultation. The senate excused itself; 

bouring princes. And when the danger from but the two princes met on the 4th of May, 

that source began to diminish, the indications and entered into an alliance for mutual dc- 

of a combination among the Catholic prin- fence, much the same as the league of Smal- 

ces under the countenance of the emperor, cald a few years after. They also invited 

led the Lutheran princes and states to hold other Lutheran states, to come into this al- 

corresporidence and conventions, and at liance ; which was renewed at Magdeburg, 

length to form alliances. In the winter of on the 12th of June of the same year. See 

1526, the elector of Saxony and the land- Seckendorf, Comment, de Lutheranisrno, lib. 

grave of Hesse, invited tie senate of Nu- ii., $ 15, addit. ii. Tr.] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 41 

those who deemed a religious reformation necessary than this decree. 
For the emperor was so occupied and perplexed with his French, Spanish, 
and Italian affairs, that during several years, he could not give much at 
tention to the affairs of Germany, and especially to the difficult subject of 
religion. And if he had been able to do something favourable to the pon 
tifical interests, during the religious disputes in Germany, he doubtless 
lacked the inclination. For the Roman pontiff Clement VII., after Francis 
[. the king of France had been vanquished, dreading the power of the 
emperor in Italy, entered into an alliance with the French and the Vene 
tians against him : and this so inflamed the resentment of Charles, that he 
abolished the pontifical authority throughout Spain, made war upon the 
pope in Italy, captured the city of Rome in 1527, by his general Charles 
of Bourbon, besieged the pontiff himself in the castle of St. Angelo, and 
permitted him to be treated with much personal abuse and indignity. (49) 
The professors of the reformed religion therefore, improved this opportu 
nity and [the liberty given by] the edict of Spire, with great advantage, for 
hi: lengthening and extending their cause. Some whom the fear of punish 
ment had hitherto restrained from attempting any innovations, now un 
hesitatingly banished the old superstition from their territories, and caused 
s .idi a system of religion and such forms of worship to be introduced as 
had been adopted in Saxony. Others, though they did not themselves at- 
tompt anything against the papal interests, yet gave no molestation to 
su-ch as persuaded their people to renounce the pontiff; nor did they op 
pose the assembling in private of such as had withdrawn from his allegi 
ance. And all those in Germany who had before rejected the Romish au 
thority, now carefully employed the liberty afforded them, to strengthen 
their cause, and to regulate properly their religious affairs. During this 
period, Luther and his associates, especially those who resided with him at 
Wittemberg, by their writings, their preaching, their admonitions, and 
their refutations, added courage to the irresolute, and imparted light and 
animation to all. (50) 

(49) [See Wm. Robertson s History of the salaries of all. They were also to ap- 

ihc reign of the emperor Charles V., vol. ii., point superintendents; who were to he 

(hook iv.). Jo. Slcidarfs Comrnentar. de competent clergymen, commissioned to e.x- 

stutu rchg. et reipubl., lib. iv., and others, arnine ail young ministers, and to watch 

8r.Jtl.~\ over the clergy within certain limits, to ad- 

(M)) [It was in this interval, or from A. D. monish the unfaithful, and if they did not 

15 ^6, that the elector of Saxony caused the reform, to report them to the civil authori- 

noted visitation of the churches throughout ties, that the sovereign might call them to 

his dominions. Luther being sick, Melanc- account or dismiss them as he saw fit. The 

ftion with the aid of two or three civilians visitors were also to see thai schools were 

drew up the instructions to the visitors, set up in all the parishes, and provided with 

The elector s territories were divided into competent teachers ; to assign the salaries 

four districts, and different sets of visitors of the masters ; and to prescribe rules and 

appointed for each, consisting of one or two regulations for the schools. They were di- 

clergymen and three or more civilians. Lu- reeled, not to spare the vicious and profli- 

ther was the. clerical visitor for Saxony prop- gate ; but to deal tenderly with the ignorant, 

er ; and Mclancthon was a visitor for Mis- the aged, and infirm, and such as laboured 

nia. The visitors were to take account of under honest prejudices. They must cause 

the state of all the parishes, monasteries, the true faith, and sound practical religion 

schools and cathedrals. They were to ex- to be every where preached : and if they 

amine into the character and conduct of all found any, that conscientiously desired other 

the clergy, the monks, and school teachers ; preaching, they were to afford them every 

with power to remove improper men, to sup- facility to remove to places where they could 

ply vacancies, and to assign and regulate enjoy it. Similar visitations were instituted 

VOL. III. F 



42 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II. 

25. This tranquillity was interrupted by the second diet of Spire in 
1529, which the emperor called in the spring, after settling in some meas 
ure the disquieted affairs of his empire, and coming to a compromise with 
the pontiff Clement VII. For a decree was passed by a major vote, by 
which the power granted three years before to every prince to regulate 
religious matters in his own territories as he saw fit until the meeting of a 
general council, was revoked ; and all changes in the public religion were 
declared to be unlawful, until the decision of the council should take place 
This decree could not fail to appear grievous and insupportable to the 
elector of Saxony, the landgrave of Hesse, and the other patrons of the 
reformation. For no one could be so ignorant as not to know, that the 
promises of a council to be soon assembled, were intended only to sooth 
their feelings ; and that any thing could be sooner obtained of the Roman 
pontiff, than a legitimate and free council. Therefore, when they found 
that their arguments and reasonings made no impression upon Ferdinand, 
the emperor s brother who presided in the diet, and upon the adherents to 
the old religion, who were guided by the pontifical legate ; they publicly 
remonstrated against this decree, or in the language of the jurists, they 
protested against it, on the 19th of April, and appealed to the emperor and 
to a future council. Hence originated the name of Protestants, borne 
from this time onward by those who forsook the communion of the Roman 
pontiff. (51) 

26. The protectors of the reformed churches, or the Protestant prin 
ces as they were called, immediately despatched envoys to the emperor, 
then on his way from Spain to Italy, to acquaint him with the stand they 
had taken at the diet of Spire. But these envoys, fulfilling their commis 
sion in a manly style, and daring to manifest the same firmness as those 
who sent them, were put under arrest by order of the emperor, and wero 
held in that situation for a number of days. The princes anxious for the 
reformation, on learning this fact, concluded that their own safety depended 
wholly on their union and their power to defend themselves ; and therefore 
they held several conventions at Rothach, Schwabach, Nuremberg, Smal- 
cald, and other places, for the purpose of entering into a closer al- 

by other Lutheran princes. On his return to every impartial judge. For they believed, 
from this visitation, Luther was so impressed that a majority of votes in a diet could de- 
with the ignorance of both the clergy and cide a secular question, but not a spiritual 
laity, in a large part of the country, that he or religious question. They appealed to the 
sat down to write his catechisms for their emperor, not as recognising him as their 
use. See an account of this visitation in judge in a matter of religion, but merely 
Seckendorf s Comment, de Lutheranis., lib. that he might allow their appeal to a coun- 
ii., t) 36, 37, p. 100-108. Tr.] cil to be valid. And they subjoined the ap- 
(51) [The princes and states which joined peal to a council, because, according to the 
in this protest, were, the elector John of ecclesiastical law of Germany, religious con- 
Saxony, the margrave George of Branden- troversies are not to be decided by do- 
burg, Onolzbach and Culmbach, the dukes crees of a diet, but by a national council. 
Ernest and Francis of Luneburg, the land- We may also here remark, that this was riot 
grave Philip of Hesse, Wolfgang prince of theirs/ protest; but that in the year 1523, 
Anhalt ; and fourteen imperial cities, name- at the diet of Nuremberg, the elector of 
v, Strasburg, Ulm, Nuremberg, Constance, Saxony, and the evangelical dukes, and im- 
Reutlingen, Windsheim, Memmingen, Lin- perial cities, protested against the decree 
dau, Kcmpten, Hcilbron, Is?u/, Wcisscn- of the diet. See Dr. Watch s Diss. His- 
burg, Nordlingen, and St. Gall. They ap- torica de liberis imperil civitatibus a pace 
pealed to the emperor, to a future general or religionis nunquam exclusis, Getting., 1755 
free council of the German nation, and lastly 4to. Schl. j 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 43 

liance for repelling the attacks of their enemies. But nothing definite 
was agreed upon, in consequence of the diversity of their opinions and 
views. (52) 

27. Among the hinderances to a cordial union among those who 
withdrew from the Romish church, the greatest was the disagreement be- 
tween the Saxon and Helvetic reformers, respecting the Lord s supper. 
Hence in order to bring this controversy to a close, Philip landgrave of lies- 
se, appointed a conference between Luther and Zwingle and some other 
principal doctors of both parties, to be held at Marpurg in 1529, with a view 
to a compromise. But this truly magnanimous prince, as he was properly 
styled, was disappointed in his expectations. The assembled theologians 
disputed in presence of the landgrave, four days, or from the first day of 
October till the fourth, and particularly Luther with (Ecolampadius, and 
Melancthon with Zwingle, on the various allegations against the Helvetians. 
For Zwingle was regarded by the Saxons, as not only teaching falsely re 
specting the Lord s supper, but as holding erroneous views respecting the 
divinity of the Saviour, the elrlcacy of the divine word, original sin, and 
some other subjects. Zwingle and his companions replied to these accu 
sations, in such a manner as to satisfy Luther in regard to most of them. 
But the disagreement respecting the Lord s supper, could not be at all re 
moved, both parties firmly persisting in their respective opinions. (53) 
The only advantage therefore derived from the conference, was, that the 
parties entered into a kind of truce, and depended on God and the influ 
ence of time to heal the dissension. 

28. The ministers of the churches which embraced the doctrines of 
Luther, were preparing a new embassy to the emperor, when it was an 
nounced that he was coming into Germany, and intended to examine and 
decide the controversies respecting religion, at the diet to be held at Augs 
burg. For the emperor, after learning the opinions of wise men respect 
ing the momentous business, had become softened down in his feelings, 
and had laboured with great earnestness, first at Bologna, to persuade the 
pontiff of the necessity of calling a council. But being utterly unable to 
prevail, and the pontiff urging, in return, that it was the emperor s duty to 
succour the church, and to punish without delay the perverse faction of 
the heretics ; he came to the conclusion that it would be unjust, and a. vio 
lation of the imperial laws of Germany, to condemn worthy citizens un 
heard, and to make war upon them. At that time there was not extant 

(52) See Christ. Aug. Salig^s History of ria, part ii., p. 72, &c. [See above, p. 
the Augsburg Confession ; written in Ger- 37, note (45). Hospini ail s History con- 
man, torn, i., lib. ii., cap. i., p. 128, but tains, (pt. ii., page 123, &c., ed. Geneva, 
especially, Jo. Joac/i Mullens Historic von 1681), the whole proceedings of the confer- 
der Evangelischen Stande Protestation ge- once, by Rodolph Collin, a schoolmaster of 
gen den Speyerschen Reichsabschied von Zurich who attended Zwingle to Marpurg, 
1529, Appellation, &c., Jena, 1705, 4to. took minutes of all the discussions, and then 

(53) Val. Ern. Laeschcr^s Historia mo- filled them out into a regular account ; like- 
.uum inter Lutheranos et Refonnatos, torn, wise, accounts of this conference, given in 
i., lib. i., cap. vi., p. 143, &c. Henry Bui- private letters to their friends, by Melanc- 
linger s Historia Colloquii Marpurgensis, in thon, (p. 132 and 134), by Luther, (p. 135), 
Jo. Conr. Fueslm s Beytragen zur Schweit- by (Ecolampadius, (p. 137), and by Bucer, 
zev. Reformat. Geschichte, vol. iii., p. 156; (p. 138): also a reply of the ministers of 
also Facslin s Preface, p. 80. Abrah. Scul- Zurich A.D. 1544, to false reports respect- 
tctu-s. Annales Reformat, ad aim. 1529. ing the conference. Tr.~\ 

Itudolph Hospinian s Historia Sacramenta- 



44 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II. 

any good formula of the religion professed by Luther and his friends, from 
which might be learned clearly what were their views on religious subjects, 
and what the grounds of their opposition to the Roman pontiffs ; and as 
the approaching solemn investigation of the whole subject, rendered such 
a paper exceedingly necessary, John the elector of Saxony directed Luther 
and some other of the most eminent doctors, to draw up a brief summary 
of the doctrines of the reformed religion. Luther conceived that the 
seventeen articles agreed to in the convention at Schwabach, in the year 
1529, were sufficient; and accordingly he exhibited them to the elector at 
Torgau; whence they were called the Articles of T0rgaw.(54) F>-om 
these articles as the basis, Philip Mclancthon, by order and authority of 
the princes, drew up and put into more free and agreeable language, part 
ly at Coburg and partly at Augsburg, holding consultation ail the while 
with Luther, that confession of faith which is called the Augsburg Confession. 
29. During these transactions, there was scarcely any part of Europe, 
on which the light of the religious reformation by Luther did not shed its 
radiance, and likewise animate with the hope of regaining its liberty. 
S,ne of the more important countries, also, had now openly rejected the 
Romish institutions and prescriptions. The Romish bishop therefore h;ul 
sufficient reason, to represent to the emperor the necessity of hastening 
the destruction of the factious people, and to fear the overthrow of his 
whole empire. Not long after the commencement of Luther s attack upon 
the Romish church. Glaus Peiri a disciple of LulJicr, first imbued the 
Swedes with a knowledge of the truth. His efforts were nobly seconded 
by Gustavus Vasa, whom the Swedes, after expelling Christiern king of 
Denmark, had created king [A.]). 15231561], and who was a heroic 
prince, and very zealous for the public good. He had been in exile while 
Christiern was laying waste his country, and had acquired at Lubec some 
knowledge of the Lutheran religion, which lie considered not only as tin- 
true religion of the scriptures, but also as salutary for Sweden in its pres 
ent state. That he might not appear to do anv thing rashly, while 1 the 
minds of the people were distracted between the old religion and the new. 
and not to depart from the principles of the Lutheran religion, he deter 
mined to proceed gradually and with caution. He therefore first invited 
learned men from Germany who were competent teachers, and directed 
them to instruct the people in a knowledge of the Bible; and he caused the 
holy scriptures as translated by Olaus Petri, to be published and dissemi 
nated. He next, in the year 1526, directed this translator of the Swedish 
Bible, to hold a public discussion on religious subjects at Upsal, with Peter 
Gallius, a strenuous defender of popery. And Gallius being vanquished 
in the discussion, he at length in the assembly of the states at Westerns, 
A.D. 1 527, so powerfully and judiciously recommended the reformed re 
ligion of Luther to the representatives of the nation, that, after long dis 
cussions and strenuous opposition from the bishops, it was harmoniously 
decreed, that the reformed religion should be introduced. This decision 
was the effect especially, of the firmness and resolution of the king ; who 

(54) See Christ. August. Hcumanri s the reformation and of the Augsburg Con- 

Diss. de lenitatc Augustanse Confess, in the fession [For instance, Jo. Geo. WalcKs 

Sylloge Dissert. Theologicar., torn, i., p. Introductio in Libros Ecclps. Luth. symbol- 

14, &c. Jo. Joac.h. M lUcr s Historic Pro- icos, lib. i., c. iii., <$> 2-9 7V.] 
testationis ; and must of the historians of 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 4* 

declared publicly, that he would rather resign his crown and retire from 
the kingdom, than rule over a people subjected to the laws and the author 
ity of the Roman pontiff, and more obedient to their bishops than to their 
king. (55) From this time onward therefore, the whole power of the Ro 
man pontiffs among the Swedes was entirely prostrate. 

30. Christian II., commonly called Christiern, king of Denmark [A.D. 
1513-1523], who was, either from natural temperament or from the influ 
ence of bad counsels, an oppressive and cruel monarch, endeavoured to im 
bue the Danes with a knowledge of the Lutheran religion as early as the 
year 1521 For he first invited Martin Reynhard, a disciple of Carolostadt, 
from Saxony :*> the year 1520, and made him professor of theology at Co- 
penhagen; and on his leaving the kingdom in 1521, he invited Carolostadt 
himself to Denmark ; who however soon returned to Germany. The king 
even invited Luther to come to Denmark, but without success ; and he 
adopted other measures, calculated to subvert the authority of the Roman 
pontiff in his territories. But in all this, Christiern was not actuated by 
zeal for true religion, but by the desire of increasing his own power and 
grandeur. At least, it seems evident from his conduct, that he patronised 
the Lutheran religion in order to obtain by ic absolute dominion, and to 
wrest from the bishops their possessions and their power. (56) But his 
projects were unsuccessful. For the different orders of the realm con 
spired against him in 1523, and deposed and banished him from the king 
dom, on account of his various acts of cruelty and oppression, and partic 
ularly for his attempts to destroy the liberties of Denmark and to abolish 
the established religion. (57) In place of him, Frederic duke of Holstein 
and Sleswick, uncle to Christiern, was called to the throne. 

31. This Frederic the successor of Christiern, [A.D. 1523-1533J, 
^oceeded with more prudence and moderation. He permitted George 

(55) Jo. Baaz, Inventarium Eccl. Sueo- monarchy ; and the power of the kings was 
Gothorurn, Lincoping, 1642, 4to. Abrah. greatly limited by the council of the state, 
Scultettts, Annales Evangelii renovati ; in which consisted partly of clergymen, and 
Herm. von de.r Hardt s Historia litter. Re- partly of civilians. The civil counsellors 
format., pars v., p. 83 and 110, &c. Ray- were from the highest nobility ; the clerical 
nn.Cs Anecdotes Histor. politiques militaires, were archbishops and bishops. The rev- 
ton., i., pt. ii., p. 1, &c., and others. [Dan. enues of the kings were small; and the 
Gerdes, Historia Evang. renovati, torn, iii., clergy were in possession of the most irnpor- 
p. 277, &c. SchroeckK s Kirchengesch. seit tant castles and fortresses. Hence there 
der Reform., vol. ii., p. 3. &c. Tr.] was constant jealousy between the nobility 

(56) See Jo. Grammes Diss. de Reforma- and the clergy ; and the former wished to 
tione Danios a Christierno tentata ; in torn, see the latter humbled. Christiern so dex- 
lii. Scriptor. Societ. scientiar. Hafniensis, terously availed himself of this jealousy, that 
p. 1-90. by it he stripped the clergy of their power, 

(. 37) See the causes which induced the and introduced the reformation into the king- 
states of Denmark to renounce subjection to dorn. He forcibly took from the papal 
king Christiern, mJo. Pet. a Isudcwig s Re- preacher of indulgences, Arcimbold, a large 
liquiiB Manuscriptor., torn. v. ; p. 315, &c., sum of money, collected by the sale of in- 
where those states thus express themselves, diligences ; and he caused a Danish trans- 
p. 321 : Lutherans hseresis pullulatores con- lation of the New Testament to be made, 
tra jus pietatemque, in regnum nostrum Ca- After his deposition, he heard Luther preach 
tholicum introduxit, Doctorem Carolostadi- in Germany, with great pleasure ; yet as he 
um, fortissimurn Lutheri athletam, enutrivit. was hoping for succour from Charles V., he 
[The grounds of the reformation were much did not openly profess the Lutheran doctrines, 
the same in Denmark, as in Sweden. The But his queen Isabella, sister to the emperor 
interests of the state demanded a depression Charles V., professed it, and died in it, with 
of the clergy. Denmark was an elective great constancy, in the year 1525. SchL] 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II. 

J yhnson (JoJiannis), Jo. Tausan, and others publicly to preach in the realm 
the doctrines they had learned from Luther :(58) but he did not venture to 
change the ancient government and constitution of the church. Me more 
over greatly aided the progress of the reformed religion, by procuring a 
decree of the senate, at the diet of Odensec A.D. 1527, by which the citi 
zens were left at liberty either to continue in the old religion or to em 
brace the new, as they saw fit. For under the protection of this decree, 
the preachers of the reformed religion discharged their functions with so 
much success, that the greatest part of the Danes at length abandoned the 
Roman pontiff. Yet the glory of delivering Denmark altogether from the 
Roman bondage, was reserved for ChristianllL [A.D. 1534-1559], a king 
of distinguished piety and prudence. For he, after stripping the bishops 
of their odious power, and restoring to their rightful owners a great part 
of the possessions which the church had got into her hands by base arts, 
called John Bagciilwgius from Wittemberg, and with his aid, regulated 
the religious allairs of the whole realm, in an enlightened and judicious 
manner; and then in the assembly of the states at Odensce, in 1539, per 
suaded the chiefs of the nation to sanction the begun reformation in reli 
gion. (59) 

32. In regard to the reformation however, both in Sweden and Den- 
mark, we should carefully discriminate between a reformation or change 
of religion, and a reformation of the bishops : two things, nearly related 
indeed, yet so distinct that either may exist without the other. For the 
religion of a people might be reformed, while the rank and power of the 
bishops remained the same ; and on the other hand, the bishops might be 
deprived of a portion of their wealth and authority, and yet the old religion 
be retained. In the reformation of religion and worship, [in these coun 
tries], there was nothing that deserved censure; for no violence or impo 
sition was practised, but every thing was done in a reasonable and reli 
gious manner. But in the reformation of the bishops and clergy, there ap 
pears to have been something defective. For violent measures were adopt 
ed ; and the bishops, against their wills and their efforts to the contrary, 
were deprived of their honours, their prerogatives, and their possessions. 
Yet this reformation of the clergy in both those northern kingdoms, was 
not a religious, but a mere civil and secular transaction; and it was so 
necessary, that it must have been undertaken, if no Luther had arisen. 
For the bishops had by corrupt artifices got possession of so much wealth, 
so many castles, such revenues, and so great authority, that they were 
far more powerful than the kings, and were able to govern the whole 
realm at their pleasure ; indeed they had appropriated to themselves a large 
portion of the patrimony of the kings, and of the public revenues. Such 
therefore was the state both of the Danish and the Swedish commonwealths 

(58) See Jo. MbUcri Cimbria litterata, religionis in vicinis Daniae regionibus et po- 
tom. ii., p. 886, &c. Christ. Olivarius, tissimum in Cimbria ; in his Dissert. His- 
Vita Pauli Elire, p. 108, &c. Eric Pontop- torico-Theologirse, p. 24, &c., Kilian, ]715, 
pidmi s Annales eccles. Danicoe, torn, iii., 4to. [Also Dan. Gcrdcs, Historia Evange- 
p. 139, &c. Iii renovati, torn, iii., p. 338. &c. Schrocckh a 

(59) Eric. Pontoppidari s Concise History Kircher.gesch. seit der Reform., vol. ii , p. 
of the Reformation in Denmark, written in 59, &c. A still better account may be ex- 
Danish, Lubec, 1734, Svo, and his Annales pected in the Ecclesiastical History of Den- 
ecclesiaj Danicse, torn, ii., p. 790, &c., torn, mark, now preparing, and partially published, 
iii.,p l,&c. Ht nry Muhlius, de Reformat, by Fr. Muntcr, bishop of Seelarid. TV] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



47 



in the time of Luther, that either the bishops, who shamefully abused their 
riches, their prerogatives, and their honours, must be divested of the high 
rank they held in the state, and be deprived of a large portion of their ill- 
gotten wealth ; or the ruin of those kingdoms, the irreparable detriment of 
the public safety and tranquillity, and the sinking of their kings into con- 
tempt, with an utter inability to protect the people, must be anticipated. 

$ 33. In France, Margaret [born 1492, died 1549] queen of Navarre, 
and sister to Francis I. king of France, the perpetual enemy and rival of 
Charles V., was pleased with the principles of the reformed religion : and 
hence several pious men, well acquainted with the scriptures and sustained 
by her protection, ventured to teach this religion and to form religious so 
cieties, in one place and another. It appears from documents of unques 
tionable authority, that as early as the year 1523, there were in most of 
the provinces of France, a multitude of persons opposed to the principles 
and the laws of the Romish church ; and among them were men of high 
character, and also prelates. As this number continually increased, and 
as religious commotions took place here and there, the king and the ma 
gistrates protected the ancient religion by the sword, and by penal inflic 
tions, and a large number of pious and good persons were cruelly put to 
death. (60) But this cruelty advanced, rather than retarded, the progress of 



(60) See Theod. Bcza s Histoire des Egli- 
ses Reformees de France, tome i, livre 
i., p. 5, &c. Elias Bcnoist s Histoire de 
TEdit de Nantes, torn, i., livre i., p. 6, &c. 
Christ. AU<J. SaUg s Historic der Augs- 
burgischen Confession, vol. ii., p. 190, &c , 
and others. \_Gerdes, Historia Evangelii 
renovati, torn, iv., p. 1, ii r c. Schroeckh s 
Kirchengesch. seit der Reformat., vol. ii., 
p. 208. &c. France was the first country, 
where the reformation that commenced in 
Germany and Switzerland, very soon and 
under the severest oppressions, found many 
adherents. No country seems to have been 
so long and so well prepared for it, as this : 
and yet here it met the most violent opposi 
tion ; and no where was it later, before it 
obtained legal toleration. No where did it 
occasion such streams of blood to flow ; no 
where give birth to such dreadful and deadly 
civil wars. And no where have state policy, 
court intrigue, political parties, and the am 
bition of greatness, had so powerful an influ 
ence on the progress and fortunes of the ref 
ormation, as in France. Schroeckh. The 
friendship of Francis I. to the sciences, and 
his attachment and generosity to learned 
men, induced many persons of genius who 
were favourable to the reformation, to take 
up their residence in France ; and thus the 
writings of the Reformers, which were in 
general better compositions than the books 
of the papists, were introduced extensively 
into France, and were there eagerly read ; 
and by these writings such as had before 
taken no part in the religious contests, were 
convinced of the necessity of a reformation, 



and brought to desire it. The university oi 
Paris indeed had already in 1521, declared 
expressly against Luther and his writings. 
(See the Detcrminutio Facultat. Theol. Par 
is, super doctrina Lutherans ; in Gcrdes, 
Historia Evangel, renovati, torn, iv.. Ap 
pend. No. ii., p. 10, 11.) Yot the doctrine 
of Luther and Mel/mcthon, from the first, had 
many friends in France ; indeed, there was 
a time when Francis I., to gratify the wish 
es of his sister, Queen Margaret, was dis 
posed to invite Mclancthon to take residence 
in France. The first movement with a di 
rect view to produce a reformation, was at 
Meaux, where the devout and learned bishop 
William Brissonct, gave support and protec 
tion to Jtimes le Fcvrc, "William Furrell, and 
Gerard Roussel, and permitted them openly 
to preach against the old superstitions and 
abuses of the Romish church, and to gather 
a small congregation. But as soon as the 
thing became extensively known, the parlia 
ment in the year 1533, ordered a rigorous 
investigation of the subject. John le, Clcrc, 
a woollen-spinner, but who had become a 
preacher to the new congregation at Meaux, 
published in this year a letter against indul 
gences, in which the pope was represented 
as Antichrist. He was therefore beaten 
with rods, branded with a hot iron, and ban 
ished ; and afterwards, died a martyr at 
Metz. The congregation were dispersed all 
over France. Brissonct, terrified by the re 
sentment of the king, drew back ; and novr 
condemned the doctrines he had hitherto ap 
proved. Farrell went to Switzerland, re 
formed Miimpelgard, and adhered firmly to 



48 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II. 



the new religion. The friends of reformation however in France, experien 
ced various fortune, sometimes adverse, and sometimes tolerable, during the 
reign of Francis I. [A.D. 1515-1547]. For the king, being either of no 
religion or of a dubious one, conducted towards them just as his own advan 
tage or state policy seemed to require. When he wished to conciliate 
the good-will of the German P otcstants, arid by them inflict a wound 
upon his enemy Charles V., he was mild, humane, and equitable towards 
them ; but on a change of circumstances, he assumed different char 
acter, and showed himself implacable towards them. 

34. The other countries of Europe did not exhibit so many and so 
clear indications of a defection from the Romish institutions and customs, 
prior to the presentation of the Confession of Augsburg. And yet it can 
be proved by the most credible testimonies, that Spain,(61) Hungary,(62) 

the reformed doctrines till his death. Le now smoked, till the death of the king. 
Fcvrc and Roiisscl betook themselves to Especially the honest Waldensians in the 
Navarre, to Queen Margaret, where they mountains of Provence, at Merindoles and 
did not indeed openly break with the Romish Cabriers, became the victims of a most cruel 
church, yet greatly promoted the spread of persecution. Merindoles was destroyed 
pure doctrine. In the mean time, the evan 
gelical multiplied exceedingly in Beam and 
Guienne, through the protection of Marga 
ret. Francis therefore, being prompted by 
the bishops, sent for this queen, and rebuked 
her for suffering these innovations to take 
place. She promised him, she would i_ r o no 
farther in this thing, provided the following 
concessions were granted her: 1st, That no 
mass should be said, unless there were per 
sons to receive the eucharist. 2d, That the 
elevation of the host should cease. 3d, The 
worship of it also. 4th, That the eucharist 
should be administered in both kinds. 5th, 
That in the mass, there should be no men 
tion made of Mary and the saints. 6th, 
That common, ordinary bread should be 
taken, broken, and distributed. And 7th, 
That the priests should not be compelled to 
a life of celibacy. But these propositions 
were rejected ; and the preachers she had 
brought with her to Paris were thrown into 
prison, arid with great difficulty, at her in 
tercession, set at liberty. At last, cardinal 
Toarnon so far wrought upon the king, by 
his fierce persecuting zeal, that he strictly 
commanded his sister to avoid all innovations 
in religious matters ; and, notwithstanding 



and its inhabitants, who had chiefly taken 
refuge at Cabriers, were either butchered 01 
burned alive, or sent to the galleys. Cardinal 
Tournon was the instigator, and Oppcda the 
president of the parliament of Aix, was the 
chief actor in the bloody scene. Yet al! 
was done with the consent of the king ; 
though, in the end, he could not approve of 
all that had taken place, but execrated this 
worse than barbarian deed ; and on his 
deathbed, enjoined upon his successor to 
subject it to an investigation. SchL] 

(61) [The emperor Charles V. being king 
of Spain, and carrying on extensive wars in 
Italy, Germany, and Spain, his Spanish and 
German subjects of all ranks and professions, 
were necessarily brought into close contact. 
Many Spanish officers and soldiers and also 
statesmen and theologians, of course learned 
something of the reformed religion ; and not 
a few of them embraced it. Yet the rigours 
of the Inquisition, and the complete ascend 
ency of popery in Spain, induced the evan 
gelical Spaniards for a long time either to 
conceal their religious sentiments, or to prop 
agate them in the most covert manner. Yet 
before the year 1550, the Protestants had 
become so numerous in Spain that they ven- 



the intercession of the Protestant princes of turcd to appear openly. They could number 



Germany, he caused the evangelical to be 
punished in the most cruel manner. Gal 
lowses were erected, and the flames kindled, 
against the professors of the reformed doc 
trine ; and yet they were so far from being 
exterminated, that their number increased 
continually. The persecution became still 
heavier in the year 1534, when some incon 
siderate persons, in their rash zeal, posted 
up satirical papers against the popish mass 
in various places, and even on the royal pal 
ace. The blood of the unhappy Protestants 



a great many persons of distinction, and had 
increased so rapidly that it seemed as if the 
whole nation would soon embrace the re 
formed religion. But the Catholics taking 
the alarm, a most violent persecution ensued, 
which raged till not a heretic dared to show his 
head in that country. See Michael Geddcs, 
Martyrology of Protestants in Spain ; in his 
Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. i., p. 545, &c., and 
Latin, in Mosheim s Dissert. Hist. Eccles., 
vol. i., p. 663, &c. Reginaldi Gonsalvi Re- 
latio de Martyribus Protestantium in Hispan- 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



Bohemia,(63) Britain,(64) Poland,(65) and tho Netherlands,(66) now 
abounded in great numbers of friends to the doctrines inculcated by Lu~ 



ia ; in Dan. Gerties s Miscellanea Groning.. 
torn, iv., p. 681, &c., and Schroeckh\s Kir- 
chengesch. scit der Reform., vol. ii., p. 791, 
&C.-7V.] 

(62) [Hungary is one of the countries 
which early received some light from the 
Reformation, but in which it was resisted so 
strenuously, that it never absolutely triumph 
ed, and never became the religion of the 
state. As early as 1522, several Hungari 
ans educated at Wittemberg, introduced the 
Lutheran doctrines into their native country. 
These doctrines spread rapidly ; and other 
Hungarians, trained in the school of Lather, 
became successful preachers to their coun 
trymen. But persecution commenced in 
1525, and was renewed from time to time, 
with such success as nearly to destroy the 
reformed churches. There were some Mo 
ravians or Hussites in the com. try, before 
the times of Luther, and likewise some 
Waldensians. Mary, widow of Leu- is H. 
and sister to Charles V., was friendly to tho 
Lutherans ; and she checked the persecuting 
zeal of king Ferdinand, who was her brother. 
In the year 1530, five free cities in the north 
ern part of Hungary, declared for Lutheran- 
ism, and presented a confession of their faith 
to the king. The next year Matthias Dc- 
vay, the Luther of Hungary, began his ca 
reer. The most rapid increase of the Re 
formed, was about the year 1550. In the 
year 1555, the five above-named free cities, 
and also twelve market-towns in the county 
of Zipf, with a few a towns in lower Hun 
gary, and several noblemen, obtained liber 
ty to practise the reformed religion. See 
Schroeckh, 1. c., vol. ii., p. 723, &c. Tr.] 
(03) [As early as the year 1519, the Hus 
sites in Bohemia opened a friendly corre 
spondence with Martin Luther, and exhorted 
him to persevere in the good work, assuring 
him there were very many in Bohemia who 
prayed night and day for the success of his 
cause. (Luther s Lat. Works, ed. Jena, 
torn, i., p 306, &c.) The intercourse con 
tinued free, and was salutary both to the 
Bohemians and the Lutherans, till the year 
1525, when it was suspended for ten years, 
in consequence of, some slanderous reports 
respecting Luther propagated in Bohemia. 
But in 1535, the intercourse was renew 
ed ; evangelical doctrines spread in the 
country ; and the Hussites corrected their 
former creed, without entirely abandoning 
it. The evangelical were divided among 
:hemselves, and were exposed to persecu 
tion : yet they multiplied greatly, and finally 
ibtained free toleration. See Adr. Regen- 

VOL. III. G 



volscii Systema Historiaa Chronolog. Eecle- 
siar. Slavonicar., cap. ix., p. 54, &c., and 
Jo. Th. Eisners Brevis conspectus doc- 
trinse Fratrum Bosmorum ; in Gcrdes, Mis 
cellanea Groning., torn, vi , pt. i., p. 331, &c, 
-Tr.] 

(64) [In England, the Wickliffites, though 
obliged to keep concealed, had not been ex 
terminated by 1.30 years persecution. Lu- 
ihcr s writings were early brought into Eng 
land, and there read with avidity. This 
quickened persecution ; and six men and one 
woman were burned at the stake in Coven 
try., on Passion \\ r eek, A.D. 1519. In 1523, 
king /:/?// VIII. wrote a confutation of Lu 
ther s docirines ; !r,;t to 1:0 purpose. Bil- 



forrned a society, which road and circulated 
L nih"r\s books, as early as 1523. \V . 1 1 i am 
TiruhiL made an llnglish translation of the 
New Testament, which he printed at An 
twerp, and circulated in Eugbnd in 1526. 
The next year, king Henri; hc jan to cuestion 
the legality of his marriage with hi:-; brother s 
widow, and proceeded to solicit from the 
pope a divorce. Tho negotiation was pro 
tracted till the king was out of all patience, 
and he proceeded without the pope s con 
sent to divorce his queen. The pope cen 
sured his conduct, and a quarrel ensaed, the 
result of which was, that Henry, with the 
consent of the parliament, abolished the pa 
pal authority in England, A.D. 1533. Du 
ring th:s period, though persecution had 
been kept up, the number of the Reformed 
had greatly increased, and tho nation wag 
ripe for a secession from Rome. See Bn.r- 
ncfs History of the Reformation, book i., ii., 
Gerties Historia Evang. renovati, torn, iv., 
p. 172, ol-c. Schrncci;h\<s Kirchrii iesch. 
seit d. Ref., vol. ii., p. 5U5, &c. Through 
England, some of rhc writings of the early 
reformers might, reach Scotland, then sunk 
in ignorance, superstitiously devoted to 
its priests, arid still more passionately at 
tached to its nobles the heads of the Scot 
tish clans. Piifrick Hamilton, a young no 
bleman, and abbot of Ferine, ea^er to kno" 
more of the Reformed religion, went to Ger 
many, and studied some time at Marpurg. 
Returning with one of his three companions 
to Scotland, he began to preach the doc 
trines of the Reformers. The priests ar 
raigned him for heresy, convicted him, and 
he was burned alive at St. Andrews, A.D. 
1527, in the 24th year of his arre. From 
this time the Protestant doctrines made a 
slow but constant progress, amid ever 
wakeful persecution, in Scotland, till the 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II. 



(Jier ; some of whom repaired to Wittemberg, for the sake of enjoying the 
instructions of so great a master and guide. Some of these countries, af- 
terwards, made themselves wholly free from the Romish yoke ; in others, 
numerous congregations arose, that rejected the decrees of the pontiff, and 
which have existed down to the present times, though amid various mo 
lestations ; in others, the most cruel persecutions and inhuman laws, after 
a short time, extinguished the knowledge that had been obtained and wide- 
ly circulated of the reformed religion. It may be unhesitatingly assert- 
cd, for the adherents of the Roman pontiffs themselves admit it, that 
the entire fabric of the Romish church would have been quickly demolish 
ed, had not its defenders opposed the multitude of assailants, already in the 
breach, with fire and sword. 



year 1547, when the famous Scottish reform 
er, John Knox, arose. See Schroeckh, 1. c., 
p. 435, &c. tiiilit.rtxon s History of Scot 
land, b. ii. ; (lodes Hist. Evang. renovati, 
vol. iv.. p. 210, &c., 229, 234, 2<jf, &c., 304, 
&c., 321. TV.] 

^65) [Before the Reformation, a consider 
able body of Hussites had removed from 
Bohemia to Poland ; where their doctrines 
spread considerably, especially among the 
nobility, and roused the spirit of persecu 
tion. Luther s writings at once circulated 
among the dissenters from the church of 
Rome, corrected their views, and strength 
ened their opposition to popery. Even some 
of the bishops favoured evangelical doctrines ; 
and as early as 1525, there were several 
evangelical preachers in Poland, and also in 
Polish Prussia. But so vigorous a perse 
cution was kept up, that Protestant worship 
could be maintained only in private, till near 
the middle of the century. See Regenrol- 
scii Systema Hist. Chronol. Ecclesiar. Sla- 
vonicar. lib. i., c. 13, p. 71, &c. Schroeckh. 
I. c., vol. ii., p. 666, &c. TV.] 

(66) [The seventeen Belgian provinces, 



composing the Netherlands, were a part of 
the hereditary dominions of Charles V., 
which he governed by his viceroys. Here, 
from the 14th century, various religious re 
formers had appeared, as Gerhard Groot> 
John Wfssclius, Thomas a Kcmpis, John 
of Goch, and Cornelius Graphcus. Here 
also arose the famous Erasmus. The wri 
tings of Luther were early and eagerly read 
by the Netherlanders. The Catholics were 
alarmed ; and through their instigation, the 
government introduced the Inquisition in the 
year 1522, and kept up a hot persecution of 
the Reformed for a long course of years. It 
was computed, that in these provinces, du 
ring the reign of Charles V., not less than 
50,000 persons lost their lives, in conse 
quence of their defection from the church of 
Rome. Yet the number of the Reformed 
continually increased ; and when at length, 
seven of these provinces revolted, ani be 
came an independent state, they adopted the 
Protestant religion. See Gerdes, Hist. 
Evang. renovati, torn, hi., p. l,&c. Scftro- 
eckfi, 1. c., vol. ii., p. 348, &c. - 7>.] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 51 



CHAPTER III. 

FIISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, FROM THE PRESENTATION OF THE AUGSBUKlr 
CONFESSION [1530], TILL THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAR OF SMALCALD 

[1546]. 

1. The Augsburg Confession presented to the Emperor. 2. Its Character. 3. Con 
futation of it. $ 4. Deliberations for settling the Religious Controversies. $ 5. Re 
sult of the Diet of Augsburg. 6. The League of Smalcald. $ 7. The Peace of 
Nuremberg. 8, 9. The Council. 6 10. Commotion of the Anabaptists. 11. Re 
volt of (Jreat Britain from the Pontiff. 12. Character of this Reformation. <$> 13. Re 
newed Attempts at Compromise. The Conference at Worms. The Diet of Ratisbon. 
<5> 14. Preparations for War. 

1. CHARLES V. made his entry into Augsburg on the 15th of June 
[1530], and on the 20th of the same month the diet was opened. As the 
members had agreed that the religious affairs should be despatched before 
discussing the subject, of a Turkish war, the Protestant members present, 
received permission from the emperor to exhibit a summary view of the 
religion they professed, in the session of the princes on the 25th of June. 
.Accordingly in the palace of the bishop of Augsburg, that confession of 
faith, which from the place where it was exhibited was called the Augs 
burg Confession, was read in German, by Christian Bayer the chancellor 
of Saxony. There was not one of the princes that did not listen to it 
with eager attention ; and some of them, who before did not correctly un 
derstand the religious views of Luther, expressed approbation of the purity 
and innocence of the doctrines. John elector of Saxony, and four princes 
of the empire, George marquis of Brandenburg, Ernest duke of Luneburg, 
Philip landgrave of Hesse, and Wolfgang prince of Anhalt, with the two 
imperial cities, Nuremberg and Reutlingen, subscribed their names to the 
copies [the one Latin the other German] delivered after the reading to the 
emperor, in testimony of the accordance of the doctrines there expressed 
with their own views.(l) 

2. As the Augsburg Confession was adopted as a public standard of 
faith, by the whole body of [Lutheran] Protestants, no one of them should 
be ignorant of its character and contents. The style is Philip Melanc- 

(1) [A history of this diet, in a large folio the Augsburg Confession, Frankf. on Mayne, 
volume, by George Coslestinc, [a Lutheran], 1783, &c., 2 vols. 8vo. The original sub- 
was published at Frankfort on the Oder, in scribers to the confession are mentioned in 
1577. Histories of the Augsburg Confes- the text. Before the diet rose, the cities, 
szon, were composed by David Chytrtcus, Kemptcn, Heilbronn, Windsheim, and Weis- 
and by others ; and especially in the 18th scnburg, also subscribed ; and afterwards, 
century, by Ern. Salomon Cyprian, and by many more. It was immediately printed, 
August. Salig, in the German language, and soon spread all over Europe, and was 
Salig s work is prolix, and is more properly translated into various foreign languages. 
a history of the reformation, than a history It thus became of great service to the Prot- 
of the Augsburg Confession. Cyprian s estant cause ; for it was a very able docu- 
history is more concise and dense, and is ment, and was drawn up in a most judicious 
corroborated with well-selected documents, manner. See Schroeckh s Kirchengesch. 
It therefore deserves to pass to a third edi- seit der Refrirrn., vol. i., p. 445, &c. TV.] 
tion. [G. G. Webber s critical History of 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. III. 



thongs ; which is as much as to say, it was drawn up in polished, perspicu 
ous language, well adapted to the subject. The contents or mutter, it is 
certain, was supplied principally by Luther ; who was at Coburg, a town 
not far from Augsburg, at the time of the diet ; and who examined and ap 
proved the form and style which Melanctlion gave to it. It was comprised 
in twenty-eight articles: of which twenty-one stated distinctly, the reli 
gious faith of those that had receded from the church of Rome ; and the 
other seven recounted tin: < rrors < >r abuses as they wore- called, on account 
of which they had separated from the Romish community. (2) 



(2) [The articles m this Confc^iu. 
it might be called Apology, arc of very une 
qual length. Some are in the form 
severs lo slanders against the Luth 
others art- short essays; most of them in 
clude proofs or argumentation ; 
p.l of them are followed by renuncial 
the opposite tenets held i;\ hen tics 
or modern. As few American read", 
access to this celebrated < r< 
bunvuKiry of its contents is hen 

Art. 1st treats of God av.d the Trinity ; 
in accordance with the Nicene Creed. 

Arr. 2d affirms that all men, since the fall, 
are born with sin ; that is, desti 
and the fear of God, and with corrupt pro 
pensities ; for v.hich hereditary 
exposed to eternal death, until 
generated by baptism and the Mo!; 
It rejects the Pelagian doctrine, and denies 
man s ability to obtain justific 
own works. 

Art. 3d treats of the person and mediation 
of Christ ; in accordance with the A] 
Creed. 

Art 4th asserts justification to be. 
on the ground of Christ s righ " 
putcd to ihe believer, and not on ihe 
of his personal righteousness ; agri i 
Horn., ch iii., iv. 

Art. 5th asserts, that the word. pi-, a 
and the sacraments, are the medium throutjh 
which God imparts the Holy Spirk to whom 
he will ; in consequence of which, they be 
lieve unto righteousness. It rejects the doc 
trine of the Anabaptists, that men can obtain 
the Holy Spirit by their own tllbrts, and 
without the means above stated. 

Art. Gth asserts, that true faith always 
produces good works ; which every mi ii is 
bound to perform, yet must not rely upon 
them for salvation. 

Art. 7th affirms the existence of a holy 
catholic church, consisting of all the faithful ; 
and which is known, not by a uniformity in 
ceremonies, but by the efficacious preaching 
of the word, and the administration of the 
sacraments in their purity. 

Art. 8th asserts, that the Christian church, 
ihough composed of sajnts, yet has hypocrites 



in it ; and that the efficacy of the sacraments 
is not destroyed by hypocrisy in the adinin- 
istrators. 

Ait. 9th asserts, that baptism is necessary, 
and is a means of grace ; and that infant--; 
arc to be h<:pu/ .:d. 

Art. 10th asserts, that the real body and 
blood oi truly present in the cu- 

charifit, under the elements of the bread arid 
wine, and are distributed and received. 

Llth n Saul.-, private confession of 
sins to the pastors, and absolution by ttiem * 
h;;t denies the necessity of a pur .iculur enu 
mcratioi 

Art. 12th maintains, that those who sin 
after IK , , repent, should always be 

le church : that repentance con- 
o/ro .v a;nl regret lor sin and reliance 
on Chris ./n, and is productive of 

orks. It den - perkction in 

Xovatian error of refusing ab 
solution {a the penitent, and all dependance 

ons for sin. 

Art. 13lh assorts, that the sacraments are 
no*, merely significant signs, but arc tokens 
of God s gracious disposition 
towards us, calculated to awaken and 
strengthen our f.u h, and requiring faith to 
a worthy receiving of them. 

Art. 14-th asserts, that no one should 
preach publicly, and administer the sacra 
ments, imle.-.-s duly called. 

Art. loth. Rites of human institution, 
so far ;:s they are not sinful, and tend to 
peace and good order in the church, (as cer 
tain feasts, fasts, ccc.), are to be observed. 
But all human institutions, designed to ap 
pease God, are contrary to the Gospel. 

Art. iGlli. Civil n-overnment is ordained 
of God; and Christians may lawfully hold 
offices, civil and military, and may pursue 
the various occupations of citizens : contra 
ry to the views of the Anabaptists, ami 
such as deem all worldly business inconsis 
tent with a truly religious life. 

Art. 17th asserts, that, at the last day, 
Christ will come, will ra ; se the dead, and 
will adjudge the believing^and elect to eter 
nal life, and wicked men and devils to hell 
and eternal torment. It reiecls the An- 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



53 



3. The friends of the pontiff present at the diet, drew up a confutation 
of the Protestant Conj cssion ; of which, John Falcr, afterwards bishop of Vi. 



abapf.ist notion of a final restoration of dev 
ils and the damned ; and also the Jewish 
notion of a temporal reiini of Christ on the 
earth, prior to the resurrection. 

Art. 18th asserts, that men have some 
free will to live reputably, to choose among 
objects which their natural reason can com 
prehend ; but that without the gracious aids 
of the Holy Spirit, they cannot please God, 
no i truly fear him, exercise faith, or over 
come their sinful propensities, 1 Cor. ii. 

Art. 1 Jth asserts, that God is not the 
car.ee and author of sin ; but that the per 
verse wills of ungodly men and devils, are 
the sole cause of it. 

Ait. 20th jiuini.iiris, that the Reformers 
do not discourage good works, though they 
inculcate the doctrine of justification by faith 
iiloi:0 ; hut o:dy discourage useless works, 
as tiie rosary, worshipping saints, pilgrim 
ages, monastic vows, sUted fasts, ece. ; and 
it evinces, at considerable lengrh, from 
scripture and the fathers, that a man cannot 
he justified by works. 

Art. 21st admits, that the saints are to be 
respected, r;nd to be imitated as patterns of 
piety ; but denies, that they are to be wor 
shipped, [frayed to, or regarded as media- 

tO|TS. 

Such for substance (say they) is the doc 
trine taught in our churches ; and being the 
doctrine of the Bible, we cannot but hold to 
it. All should embrace it. 

The almscs (they say) which have crept 
into the church, and which we could not 
conscientiously endure, are chiefly the fol 
lowing. 

Art. 22(1. Denying the sacramental cup 
to the laity ; contrary to scripture and early 
Christian practice. 

Art. 23d. Imposing celibacy on the cler 
gy ; contrary to reason, and scripture, and 
the practice of ttie purer ages, and with 
very injurious consequences. 

Art. 24th. The Protestants are falsely 
taxed with abolishing the mass. They only 
purified it ; and discarded the idea of its be 
ing a work of merit, an offering for the sins 
of the living and the dead, which militates 
with the scriptural doctrine that Christ s sac 
rifice is the only sin-offering. 

Art. 25th. The Protestants had not abol 
ished private, confession ; for they made it 
a necessary preparation for the eucharist. 
Yet they did not consider it a sacrament, 
nor require a particular enumeration of sins. 

Art. 26th censures the multitude of fasts 
and other ceremonies of human invention, 
arid ?>3 indue stress laid upon them, as 



meritorious acts ; thus obscuring the doc 
trine of salvation by faith, holding these hu 
man prescriptions more sacred than the com 
mands of God, and burdening the conscien 
ces of men with them. 

Art. 27th represents the whole system of 
monkery as a great abuse, and exceedingly 
injurious to piety. 

Art. 28th discriminates between c/ri and 
ecclesiastical power, and allows neither to 
infringe upon the other. The spiritual cr 
episcopal power is limited to preaching, ad 
ministering the sacraments, and loosiii j and 
binding sins. If bishops teach contrary to 
the scriptures, they aie, and must be treat 
ed as, ftlse prophets. If allowed to try 
cn. isc.-i relating to marriage and tithe?, it i?, 
only -vs civil oliicers. They have no legis 
lative; power over the church ; and they can 
bind the conscience, only bv showing, that 
the i;0;>pcl enjoin ; v. hat they inculcate. As 
to .Sundays ai:;l other holy days, and rite a 
and form.; of worship, bishops may and 
should appoint such as are convenient and 
suitable : and the people should observe 
them, not as divine ordinances, but as 
conducive to good order and edification. 

Though the Lutherans expressed their 
doctrine of consubstantiation in the most in 
offensive terms that would be explicit, vet 
the Reformed or Z \vingl fans could not sub 
scribe to the Augsburg Confession. Ilenct: 
the imperial cities of Strasburg, Cons! once, 
Lindau, and Memmingcn, offered a sep 
arate confession, called the Confess/I m of 
th,: four ci/iift, Confessio Tetrapolitana. 
It agreed, substantially, with the Augsburg 
Confession, except in regard to the cm-pu 
re al presence. They held to a real, yet a 
spiritual or sacramental presence ; a pres 
ence which the devout soul could feel and 
enjoy, but which implied no physical pres 
ence of Christ s body. Yet they express 
ed themselves in terms which need not have 
given offence to the Lutherans. They say : 
" All that the evangelists, Paul, and the 
holy fathers, have written respecting the 
venerable sacrament of the body and blood 
of Christ, om preachers teach, recommend, 
and inculcate, with the greatest fidelity, 
Hence, with singular earnestness, they con 
stantly proclaim that goodness of Christ 
towards his followers, whereby, no less now 
than at his last supper, to all his sincere uis- 
ciples as oft as they repeat this supper, he 
condescends to give, by the sacraments, his 
real body and his real blood, to be truly eat 
en and drunken, .v Lhc food and drink uf 
their souls, by wh % h they are nourished to 



54 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. Ill 



enna, with the aid of John Eckius and John Cochlaus, is said to have been 
the composer. This confutation being likewise read before the diet on the 
3d of August, the emperor required the Protestants to acquiesce in it, and 
to abandon their whole cause and controversy. But they declared them- 
selves not satisfied with this answer of the papal divines ; and wished to 
have a copy of it, that they might point out its fallacies. The emperor, 
more obedient to the exhortations of the pontiff s legate and his compan 
ions, than to the demands of right and of equity, refused their request, and 
would not allow the controversy to be protracted by any new writings 
about it. Nevertheless the Protestants caused an answer to be drawn up 
by Philip Mckmcthon, to so much of the pontificial confutation as the the 
ologians had been able to gather from hearing it read ; and on the 22d 
of September they presented it to the emperor, who refused to receive it. 
This answer (though afterwards corrected and enlarged by Mclancthnn, 
upon obtaining a copy of the pontifical confutation) is that Apology for 
the Augsburg Confession, which was afterwards published in the year 1531, 
and which constitutes a part of the symbolical books of the Lutheran 
church. (3) 

4. Three modes of getting rid of these very troublesome contentions, 
remained. One was, to allow those who would not obey the mandates of 
the pontiff, to enjoy their own sentiments ca religion, and to worship Clod 
eternal life ; so that he lives and abides in per. he says ; " I believe, that in the holv 



eucharist, or supper of thanksgiving, the 



them, and they in him." This confession 

they presented to the emperor, in Latin and real body of Christ is present, to the eye of 

German; but he would not allow it to be /in/A, (fidei contemplatione) ; that is. to those 

read in public. Yet when the popish priests 

had made out a confutation of it, he called 



them before him, to hear that confutatioi 



who thank the Lord for the benefits con 
ferred on ns in Christ his Son, acknowl 
edge that he assumed a real body, truly 



Christ has done is, as it were, present to 
They refu- the eye of their faith. But that the body of 
four cities, Christ, in substance, and reality, or that his 
natural body, is present in the supper, and 
is received into our mouth, and masticated 



read ; and then, without allowing discus- suffered in it, and washed away our sins in 

sion, or permitting them to have a c- py of his own blood ; and thus the whole that 
the confutation, demanded of them submis 
sion to the church of Koine. 
sed. This confession of the 
which was drawn up by Martin Kurcr, and 
had been adopted by the senate and people 

of Augsburg, was the confession of that by our teeth, as the papists, and some who 

city for a number of years. But afterwards, look back upon the fleshpots of Kgypt, rep- 

the four cities, feeling the necessity of a resent, that I not only deny, but unhes- 

union with the Lutherans, lest their popish itatingly pronounce an error, and contrary to 

enemies should swallow them up, brought the word of God." He subjoins elaborate 

themselves to believe, that the Lutherans proofs, from the scripture, reason, and the 

and they differed more in words, than in re- fathers, in support of these views. To this 

ality ; and therefore they subscribed to the confession. Eckius, a Catholic divine repli- 

Augsburg confession, and became a part of ed ; and Zwingle, on the 27th of August, 

the Lutheran church. See Hospiniari s defended himself, in a letter addressed to 

Historia Sacramentaria, pt. ii., p. 162, &c. the emperor and to the Protestant princes. 

At the same diet, Zwingle presented his See Hospinian. 1. c., p. 167, &c. / / .] 



private confession ; which is a long and 
elaborate performance. He says ; Grace 



(3) [Melanrihon composed the Apology 
m Latin : but afterwards, Justus Jonas 



is conferred along with the sacraments; translated it into German, in which language 

but not by them as the channels ; or in other it was published in the first collection of all 

words, that the Holy Spirit imparts grace to the symbolical books of the Lutheran church, 

the devout communicants, in the ordinance ; Dresden, 1580, fol. 21-134. The Augs- 

but does not annex the grace to the sacra- burg Confession in German, immediately 

orient, so that it may go along with it, as precedes it, fol. 3-20. See J. G. Watch s 

watei through a channel, or by a physical Introductio in Libros symbolicos, lib. i., 

process ." And respecting the Lord s sup- cap. 4, p. 409, &c. T r ~.] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 55 

as they saw fit ; without allowing the public tranquillity to be thereby de 
stroyed. Another was, to compel them by force of arms, to cease from 
dissenting from the Romish church, and make them return to the spurned 
friendship of the Roman prelate. A third was, to attempt an honourable 
and equitable compromise, by each party s relinquishing some portion of 
what it considered as its just claims. The first method was accordant 
with reason and justice, and would meet i:he wishes of the wise and good ; 
but it was totally repugnant to the arrogant claims of the pontiff, and to 
the ignorance of the age, which abhorred all liberty of opinion concerning 
religion. The second accorded with the customs and views of the age, 
and with the violent counsels of the Romish court ; but it was abhorrent 
to the prudence, the moderation and the equity, both of the emperor, and of 
all good men. The third therefore was adopted, and met the approbation 
of all who were solicitous for the good of the empire ; nor did the sover 
eign pontiff himself seem to be wholly averse from it. Hence various 
consultations were held, between select individuals of both parties ; and 
every means was adopted, that seemed calculated to allay mutual hatred, 
and bring discordant minds to harmonize. But the parties were too wide 
apart in their first principles, for any thing to be effected. In these dis 
cussions, the character of Philip Melancthon, whom, as the principal doc 
tor among the Protestants, the adherents to the pontiff took special pains 
to conciliate, very clearly appeared. He seemed easy of access, and 
ready to make concessions when his opposers dealt in compliments and 
promises ; but when they would terrify him by threats and denunciations, 
lie seemed quite another man, bold, courageous, and regardless of life and 
fortune. For in this great man, a mild and tender spirit was united with 
the strictest fidelity and an invincible attachment to what he regarded as 
the truth. 

5. This mode of settling the religious controversies having been tried 
for a sufficient length of time, (4) it was concluded to resort to the method 
so repugnant to reason and to the principles of Christianity, but which tho 
perverseness of the times recommended. Accordingly on the 19th of No 
vember, a severe decree was passed by command and authority of the em 
peror, in the absence of the two leaders of the Protestants, the landgrave 
of Hesse and the elector of Saxony ; in which there was nothing that could 
solace the Protestants, except an equivocal and deceptive promise of a 
council to be called within six months by order of the pontiff. For the 
dignity and excellence of the old religion were extolled extravagantly ; 
new force was added to the edict of Worms, against Luther and his fol 
lowers ; the religious reformations, entered upon in one place and another, 
were severely censured ; and the princes and the cities that had become 
alienated from the pontiff, were admonished to return to their duty within 
some months, unless they wished to incur the vengeance of the emperor, 
as the patron and protector of the church. (5) 

6. On learning the sad issue of the diet, the elector of Saxony and his 
associates, in the year 1530 and the year following, assembled at Smal- 
cald and afterwards at Frankfort, and formed a league among themselves, 

(4) [The conferences continued, with re- (5) See, in addition to the authors before 

peated changes of the delegates, from the mentioned, Jo. Joach. Mutter s Historic der 

second day of August, till the end of the Protestation und Appellation der Evano-el- 

month. TV.] ischen Stande, book iii., ch. 48, p. 99?. 



36 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. III. 

foi their mutual protection against the evils which the edict of Ajgsburg 
portended, bat excluding all offensive operations against any one. (6) 
They also took measures to bring the kings of France, England, Mid Den 
mark, as y. riiiccs and states, into the confederacy. (7) When 
things began to wear this warlike aspect, the electors of Iviayence and the 
Palan. .tors bet\veen the parties. And the emper 
or CLuri.es V.. I s r< asons, was very anxious ior peace. Fur the 
Protestants . . >t aiiortl their aid to a Turkish war, which the emper 
or exceed!] dcd ; and ; also contended, that FcrdiiLind the 
cmp i d king of the Romans by the ma- 

: . A.D. 1531, had beui elect- 

ed con are. 

7, A; therefore. year 1W2, a peace: 

was conclu LIU tiie Protestants on 



(6) [" 

subsequently : ; 

cald on 
- fo 



t 

lives cf <.:,: 
in re. . 

cUl T r.i .i; - 

A s f . h i 

with tl 
assem 
(.Lie 0ii 
for theii 



15:51. ;: ic for mutual de- 

ip an ui o oirij 
LS-.vc a C(,MI- 
: !,e necessi 
ty the.c fferin js j:nd 










general, 

;o the i 
much debate 
f ilnes.- of sue! 
cordi:i; i- to his 
iii]Ri;t!i moans 
;;;ous natU . 
posed, th.it men si i 

wholly on the providence of God without 
venturing upon ai:v !ja i:si!rcs suiriic 
policy ;;i srch ca^ea. Dut the juris s in 
formed him, ihat tin; constitution of the- f-tn- 
j)ire allowed the slates to combine tou ethw, 
.ind probably aL--o to declare war a jainyt the 
emperor; for by virtue of tin: couipiic: be 
tween the emperor and the slates, the em 
peror engaged no!, to in.frir.^e noon the laws 
of the empire, and the right,- and liberties 
of the Germanic church. This compact 
t.he emperor had violated ; and therefore the 
states had a r ; ght to combine together 
against, him. I MI her replied, that he had 
not been aware of this ; and that if it was 
so. he had no objections to make ; for the 
ffospel was not opposed to civil government. 
Yet he could not approve of an offensive 
\\ar.~Sch!.. ] 

(7) [In their meeting at Smalcald A. 13. 



lisn 



&c. In i.";: 

they cxlend- 

i i vears ion- 

i . t.s an En^r- 

V, ;.s en\oy 

lie was soon 

bishop C f 1 ere- 

ord, and llr ,ili an English arrh- 

T id<;d the convenlion at 

licsiotiation v.as held for 

fi. rifling a (.oalitiop. of some sort, between 

tli r : German confederates and the king of 

England. See >-,> ckcndorf, 1. c, lib. iii., 

o i-i). In 15351, the German confederates 

H.n:; an ernbassv to tho king of Franco, 



ver eecte ver 



an 



also t iree ambassadors to the kmtr of Eng- 
i,.iid. T!iev proposed to king Henry, to 
adopt, the Augsburg Confession, and consent 
to tie the head and patron of the Protestant 
confederacy ; thev also stated, what aid 
each should afford to the other in case of at 
tack from the enemy. But Henry was not 
yet prepared to go so far in the lie forma 
tion; ncr did he wish to embroil bimseH 
with the emperor See Seckendurf, 1. c., 
lib. iii., i) 106, p. 197, &c. GerdesA. c., p. 
287, &c. Burners History of the Refor 
mation, book iii., vol. i.^ p. 329, dec., ed. 
Lond., 1825. 7V.] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 5" 

the following terms ; that the latter should contribute money for the Turk- 
ish war, and should acknowledge Ferdinand as king of the Romans ; and 
that diaries should annul the edicts of Worms and Augsburg, and should 
allow the followers of Lather full liberty to regulate their religions matters 
as they pleased, until either a council (which was to be lie id within six 
months) ur a diet of the empire, should determine what religious princi 
ples were to be adoptee! and obeyed. Scarcely was the apprehension of 
war removed by this convention, when John, the elector of IS ixony, died; 
and was succeeded by his son, John Frederic, an unfortunate prince, though 
possessed of invincible fortitude and magnanimity. 

8. The truce of Nuremberg with the emperor, gave so much courage 
and fortitude t.> the concealed and feebler enemies of the p.-_r ..-tiiT, that they 
would no longer obey his mandates. This is attested by various regions 
and towns of Germany, which year alter year, from this tin;o onward, 
fearlessly made profession of the religion which Luther had restored. 
Moreover, as the only hope of removing the disagreement about religion 
now depended on the promised council, the emperor did r.ot cense to urge 
the sovereign pontiff Clement VII. to hasten the meeting of the council, 
But Clement, whom tho recollection of former councils liik d villi appre 
hensions, contrived only to put it oil , rmd wished the cause of his soe might 
be decided rather by anus than by arguments. (8) He. prsj.ni.s--d indeed by 
his legate, in 1533, that a council should bo called in Italy ; cither at Mun- 
tua, Placentia, or Bologna. But the Protestants declared themselves not 
satisfied with an RaJ/ an council ; and maintained that a controversy arising 
in Germany, ought to be decided within the limits of Germany. And the 
pontiff himself artfully so managed, as to get rid of his own promise; and 
soon after died, in the, year 1534. (0) 

9. Hi.-; successor, Paul III., seemed more tractable, when the emperor 
addressed him on the .subject of a council. For he first nrule a promise in 
1535, that he would assemble a council at Mantua; and afterwards, A.D. 
3530, he actually prod-limed one, by letteis despatched through all the 
Catholic countries. The Protestants on the other hand, foreseeing that in 
such a council every thing would go according to the opinion and the 
pleasure of tho pontiff, declared, in a convention held at Smalcald in 1537, 
their entire dissatisfaction with such a servile council : yet. ihev procured 
a new summary of their religious faiili to be drawn up by Luther, which 
they might present to tho assembled bishops, if occasion should cnll for it. 

(8) [Besides the causes, which, since the Jar.. Zicii lc.r s Historiu Oleirh:nfis VII., in 

councils of Constance and Basil, had divest- Schdhorn 1 s Amoenitat. hist., cycles, et litfe- 

ed the popes of all relish for such clerical rar., vol. i., p. 210, tvc. ,S . ///.] 
parliaments, pope Clement had his own pe- (9) Every tiling per!.:i::h;:r to this coun- 

culiar reasons. It was his misfortune to be cil, is fully and intelligently stated, prc-emi- 

t.ho illegitimate son of Julian de Medicis ; nently by Paul Sar;>>, Ki.--t.oria Concilii 

and he was afraid his cnemie? in the conn- Tridentini, lib. i.- [Tho Prcu. s .ants met 

cil rniuht avail themselves of this circum- at Srnalcald, to consider the proposed plan 

stance, to pronounce him therefore unworthy of an Italian council; and remonstrated 

of the papal dignity. For it. was a dispu- against it, as being to l-o held in Italy, 

ted point, which had never been decided, They also insisted, that the pope, as one of 

whether a bastard could ever be a leaiti- the parties whose cause was to be tried, 

mate pope. That a. profligate might be, had should have no authority over the council; 

been decided by usa^e long since, es- and that the decision should be founded 

pecially by the example of Alexander VI. solely on the holy scriptures. TV.] 
See Paul S irpi, torn, i., p. 54, &c., and 

VOL. Ill H 



58 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. III. 



This writing of Luther, is called the Articles of Smalcald ; and it was ad. 
mitted among the books, from which the religious sentiments of those 
called Lutherans are to be learned. (10) 

10. During these consultations two very noticeable events occurred, 
the one very injurious to the general interests of religion and especially 
to the cause of the reformation, the other no less so, to the papal domin 
ion. The former was, a new sedition of the furious and fanatical tribe of 
the Anabaptists ; the latter was, a revolt of Henry VIII. the king of 
Great Britain, from the Roman pontiff. In the year 1533, certain per 
sons of the class of Anabaptists, who were more insane and distracted 
than the rest, came to Munstcr a city of Westphalia, and gave out, that 
they were divinely commissioned to set up a sort of holy empire on the ru 
ins of all human institutions. The whole city being wrought up and 
thrown into great commotion, they proceeded to erect the new common 
wealth, conformably to their crude opinions and fancies ; and placed John 
Bockhott, a tuylor of Leydcn, at the head of it. But the city being taken 
in the year 1535, by the bishop of Munstcr, who was aided by other Ger 
man princes, this delirious king and his associates were executed without 



(10) [The Articles of Sr.ialcald were 
drawn up in German, by Luther, in his own 
acrimonious stylo. The Augsburg Confes 
sion was intended to soften prejudice against 
the Lutherans, and to conciliate the good 
will of the Catholics. Of course the gentle 
Melancthon was employed to write it. The 
Articles of Smalcald, on the contrary, were 
a preparation for a campaign against ;m en 
emy with whom no compromise was deem 
ed possible, and in which victory or death 
was the only alternative. Of course all del 
icacy towards the Catholics was dispensed 
with, and Luther s fiery style was chosen, 
and was allowed full scope. In words, the 
Articles flatly contradict the Confession, in 
some instances ; though in sense, they are 
the same. Thus the Confession (Article 
xxiv.) says ; " \Ve art-, unjustly charged with 
having abolished the mass. For it is man 
ifest, that without boastino- w e may say, the 
mass is observed by us with greater devo 
tion and earnestness, than by our opposers." 
But in the Articles of Smalcald, (Part II., 
Art. II. /( it is said ; That the popish mass 
s the greatest and most horrid abomina- 
..ion, as militating c. Vectly and violently 
against these articles ; and yet \ f has be 
come the chief and most splendid of ail Ac 
popish idolatries." In the Confession, they 
applied the name of the mass to the Luther 
an form of the euc.hanst. But in these Ar 
ticles, they confine that term to its proper 
import, the ordinary public service among 
the Catholics. The Articles of Smalcald 
=over 28 folio pages ; and are preceded by 
a preface, and followed by a treatise on the 
power and supremacy of the pope. The 
Irst part contains four concise articles, re 



specting God, the Trinity, and the incarna 
tion, passion, and ascension of Christ ; in 
accordance with the Apostles and the 
Athanasian Creeds. On these Articles the 
Protestants professed to agn e altogether 
with the papists. The scro://! par!, also, 
contains four articles of fundami nf;d impor 
tance ; but in which the Protestants and pa 
pists are declared to be tota Iv and irreconci 
lably at variance. They relate to the naturr 
and the grounds oi justification, the mass and 
saint worship, ecclesiastical and monkish 
establishments i and the claims of the pope. 
The third part contains 15 articles, which 
the Protestants considered as relating to 
very important subjects, but on which the 
papists laid little stress. The subjects are 
A-///, the /(/?r, repentance, the gospc ! . baptism, 
the sacrament of the altar, the kci/s, (or spir 
itual power), confession, excommunication, 
ordination, celibacy of the clcr^ i, churches, 
food works, monastic vows, and human sat 
isfactions for sin. "When the Protestants 
subscribed these Articles, Melancthon an 
nexed a reservation to his signature, purport 
ing that he could admit of a pope, provided 
he would allow the jjospel to be preached in 
its purity, and would give up his pretensions 
to a divine right to rule, and would found 
his claims wholly on expediency and human 
compact. In consequence of this dissent 
from Luther, Melancthon was requested to 
draw up an article on the power and su 
premacy of the pope. He did so ; and the 
Protestants were well pleased with it, and 
subscribed to it. It is annexed to the Articles 
of Smalcald. See J. G. Walch s Introduc- 
tio in Libros Symbol., lib. i., cap. v. Tr.T 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 59 

mercy ; and the new republic was thus overthrown, soon after its cstab 
lishment. This seditious procedure of certain Anabaptists, induced most 
of the princes of Europe to enact severe laws against the whole race ; in 
consequence of which, in subsequent years vast numbers of them, both the 
innocent and the guilty, were miserably put to death.(ll) 

$11. Henry VIII. king of Great Britain, the same who had before 
warmly opposed Luther, a prince falling behind none of that age cither in 
vice or in talents, being smitten with the charms of Anne Boleyn an Eng 
lish virgin of high birth, in order to marry her wished to be divorced from 
his queen, Catharine of Aragon aunt to Charles V., and he applied to the 
sovereign pontiff Clement VII. to sanction such a measure. (12) lie de 
clared however, that his conscience would not allow him to cohabit with 
his queen Catharine, because she had been married to his deceased broth 
er Arthur, and a marriage with a brother s widow was contrary to the 
law of God. Clement, through fear of offending Charles V., contrived va 
rious evasions, and endeavoured to delude and disappoint Henry. He 
therefore became impatient, and at the suggestion of Thomas Cranmer, 
who was afterwards archbishop of Canterbury and a secret friend to the 
reformation by Luther, consulted nearly all the universities of Europe on 
the question ; and as most of them pronounced marriage with a brother s 
widow to be unlawful, the king divorced Catharine without the consent of 
the pontiff, and married Anne Boleyn. Henry s defection from the pontiff 
soon followed. For the king being declared by the lords and commons 
of England, supreme head of the British church, he in the year 1533 eject 
ed the monks, disposed of all their property, and abolished altogether the 
authority of the Roman pontiff in England. (13) 

12. This downfall of the popish power in England, however, was of 
little advantage to the lovers of a purer religion. For the king, though 
he destroyed the empire of the pontiff, yet retained for the most part the 
old religion ; and he persecuted, and sometimes punished capitally, those 

(11) Hcrm. Ha me! mannas Historia Eccle- science on the subject. But there weie also 
siast. renati Evangelii, per inferiorern Sax- other causes. The queen s beauty had faded, 
oniam et Westphaliarn, pt. ii., p. 1196, &c., and some diseases had rendered her person 
in his collected works. M. E. von Prints, less agreeable. Political considerations, or 
Specimen Historic Anabaptist., cap. x., xi., apprehensions respecting his successor, had 
xii , p. 94. [Jo. Sleidarfs Commentarii de influence. And after these causes had op- 
statu relig. et reipublicae, sub Carolo V., lib. eratcd some time, Anne, Boleync.a.mc to court, 
x. Gcrdes, Miscellania Groncngensis, torn, and the king was charmed wilh her. This, 
ii., p. 377, &c., 569, &c. Robertson s His- though the last, was henceforth probably not 
tory of the reign of Charles V., book v., p. the least reason for his final resolution to di- 
245-250, ed. N. York, 1829. TV.] vorce his queen. See Hume s History of 

(12) [/V. Moshcim errs in representing England, ch. xxx., vol. iii., p. 288, &c. 
Hw-ifs parsion for Anne Boleyn, as the first Burners History of the Reformation, vol. L, 
and grar.d cause of the king s wish to be di- book ii., at the beginning. TV.] 

vorced from his queen. His father had sera- (13) Besides Gilb. Burnel, and others who 

pled the legitimacy of the marriage ; a for- have composed direct histories of the Ref- 

?ign court had made it an objection to inter- onnation in England, the Acts of this rnern- 

marriage with his children by this wife ; and orable event, as collected by David Wilkins, 

his subjects, very generally, entertained ap- in his Concilia Magna? Britannisc et Hiber- 

prehensions respecting the succession to his nise, torn. iii.. p. 424, &c., should be consult- 

crown, from the same cause. It was state ed. See also Raynafs Anecd. Historiques, 

policy which first led to the marriage; but Politiques, Militaires, turn, i., pt. ii., p. 90, 

it. appears never to have given entire satis- &c., and the Nouveau Di:;tiounaire Histo- 

faction to any one. Doubtless Henry was rique et cnt., torn, ii , p. 338, article Bilena. 
t.arere in professing to have scruples of con- 



60 I300K IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. III. 

who thought differently from himself on religious subjects. Besides, he 
understood the title he had assumed of supreme head of the British church, 
to invest Iran with the powers of the Roman pontiff; so that he had a 
right to make clcerees respecting religion, and to prescribe to the citizens 
what they must believe and practise. During his life therefore, religion in 
England with the king ;; character, that is, uncertain and 

changeable. Yet the archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer, who 

; was a patron of the reformed religion, ex- 

ertecl ; he prudently could, ;md as the instability of the 

icing ; [Id allow, bv his writings and his actions, t.t 

ition and ignorance, and to increase the 
:/rr.(14) 

",i>:oil was set aside, various 



; : but with 

. 

oi th ; : 

t ospe- . Ac 
EckJ.t:--- 

(11) Be: i 
&c. ! . 

: 

: C 1 

. , ., i I. Loi 
t ., p. 6 

h^rej/V 
lures and ; lie ancii i 
standards of 
the ch 
trine of 


held between the 
out any determinate and solid be 
;p.d ol ! ; rs, generally disconc 1 T!. 
.ch 1 o the dispie: 
ties to coni -r tog 
.iiidiiif-i ;.. id 
(lo) T ! >" discussioii 
bon of the 
-tated cu idi 
} But tiie 
of God. / 

itv o:i;;hi. to !e r. :> 
1 / ///// //. thar :; 
.- continue;! : \ 
> < !od .-; ia\\ . - ( 
: v them. 
. ; was t \pc-dit 
trlit :o IH> rctamc C 

which v>as cailej 

or till the year 
lake, and to p 
i:sed ihc Kefonnatio!! to o-o b-cl 

. irncf, 1. c , p. 334, etc., and i\ 


and nurja .u ." 


(15) See Jo. J. >i<lr. Ruler s Tra 



r ] 



ct, de 

stantiation. Linricul ; .. the worship- olltKjuio Worraaticrisi, Norimli., 1 744, 4 to. 

|)iiiir of images and Mined." [a:;d >SVe-/V/a?t\v Comment, de statu reli^. c! 

In the year 153 J, ti : the O|posers roipiibl , lib xiii.. sub. tinem. 7V 1 

of tho Reformation ; statute to bu (10) See Jn. J^nl/na/in Bicd; s Triple In- 

passed In both houses of parliament, making toritn. (\vriiten in German), ch. i.. >. ], &o. 

it penal to speak or write, at ail, against any [Tiiis conference was held in April, 1^43. 

one of the six folknvini: articles. Firtl. The emperor selected the disputants : on the 

that in the sacrament of the altar, after tho part of the Catholics John Eckius. Jit/ins 

consecration, there remained no substance J ffii^, f-itunre Gfippcr; on the part of the 

of bread and wine, but under thrsc forms the Protestants, Ph. Melancihnn. Murlin Biiccr, 

natural bod;^ and blood of Christ were present, and John I istoriu.i. The author of the writ- 

Secondhj, that commumon in both kinds was ten ]iroiect (called the first. Interim), here, 

not necessary to salvation io nil persons, by read and discussed, was supposed to be Gto. 

the law of God ; but thai both the flesh and Grouper. See Slcidan, 1. c. Robertson s 

blood of Christ, were together in each of the Charle? V., book vi.. p. 294, &c., ed. 1829. 

kinds. Thirdly, that priests, after the order 7V. J 
if priests (after admission to orders), might 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 61 

tractcd deliberation had no other effect but to bring the parties to agree, 
taut this very difficult subject should be more fully examined in the future 
council, or if a council should not be called, then in the next diet of Ger 
many. 

14. After this, a very disturbed state of things ensued, which required 
the deliberations for settling religious controversies to be deferred. In 
the tiiet of Spire in 154*2, the pontiff by his legate, renewed his promise 
of a council ; and signified that it should be held at Trent, if that place 
was agreeable. The king of the Romans, Ferdinand, and the Catholic 
princes, gave their assent : but the Protestants rejected both the place and 
the council proposed by the pontiff; and demanded a legitimate nnd free 
council, that is, one that should be exempt from the prescriptions and the 
authority of the pontiff. Nevertheless the pontiff, with the consent of the 
emperor, proceeded to appoint the council ; and at the diet of Worms, 
A.I). 1545, the emperor negotiated with the Protestants to bring them to 
approve of the council at Trent. But these negotiations failing,, and tlio 
emperor seeing no prospect that the Protestants would ever subject them 
selves to the council, listened to the advice of Paul IIL, who urged a re 
sort to arms, and in conjunction with that pontiff, he secretly prepared for 
war. The leaders of the Protestants, the landgrave- of Hesse and the 
elector of Saxony, took measures not to be overwhelmed in a defenceless 
state, and raised forces on their side. (17) While- this storm was gather 
ing, Luther, who was disposed to contend with prayers and patience rath 
er than with arms, met a peaceful death at Eisleben his native town, on 
the 18th of February, 1546. (18) 



CHAPTER IV. 

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, FIIO31 THE COMMENCEMENT OF THP, WAR OF 
SMALCALD [A.D. 1546], TO THE CONCLUSION OF A RELIGIOUS PEACE [A.D. 

1555]. 

I. Commencement of the War of Smalcald. 2. The War : and tho Reverses of the 
Protestants. $ 3. Form of the Interim. 4. Commotions arising from it. 5. The 
Council of Trent resumed. 6. Maurice disconcerts the Plans of the Emperor. 7. 
His War against the Emperor. The Transaction at Passau. 8. Diet of Augsburg. 
Religious Peace. 9. The Reformation in England.*) 10. Scotland. $ 11. Ire 
land."^ 12. The Netherlands. $ 13. Spain and Italy. $ 14. Estimate of the Refor 
mation. 

1. THE destruction of those who should oppose the council of Trent, 
had been agreed on between the emperor and the pontiff; and the opening 
of the council, was to be the signal for taking up arms. Accordingly, 
that council had scarcely commenced its deliberations, at the beginning of 
the year 1546, when it was manifest from various indications, that an im- 
peritorial-papal war impended over the Protestants. At the diet of Rat- 

(17) [See Robertson* Hist, of Charles V., (18) [See Alexander Bower s Life of Lu- 
book vii., p. 322, &c. Tr.} iher, chap, xi. 7V.J 



62 COOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. IV. 

isbon indeed of this year, a new conference or dispute between the prin, 
cipal theologians of the two parties had been instituted ; but its progress 
and issue clearly showed, that the cause was to be decided not by argu 
ments but by arms. The fathers at Trent passed their first decrees, which 
the Protestants again firmly rejected at the diet of Ratisbon : and soon af 
ter the emperor proscribed the Protestant leaders, and began to assemble 
an army against them. 

2. The Saxon and Hessian princes led their forces into Bavaria, to 
meet the emperor ; and they cannonaded his camp at Ingolstadt. A bat 
tle was expected to ensue. But as Maurice duke of Saxony, (who coveted 
the riches and the high rank of his uncle John Frederic, and was seduced by 
the promises of the emperor,) now invaded the Saxon territories, and as the 
confederates of Smalcald were not harmonious in their views, and as the 
money promised them from France did not arrive, the Protestant army 
was broken up. and the elector of Saxony returned home. The emperor 
pursued him by forced marches, and fell upon him unawares, near Muhl- 
berg on the Elbe, the 24th of April, 1547, where after an unsuccessful 
battle,, and betrayed probably by his friends, he was taken prisoner. The 
other Protestant prince, Philip of Hesse, by advice of his son-in-law Mau 
rice, and of the elector of Brandenburg, threw himself upon the mercy of 
the emperor, expecting according to the emperor s promise, to be forgiven 
and to be set at liberty. But he was nevertheless kept a prisoner ; and 
it is reported, that the emperor violated his promise in this instance, and 
deluded the Hessian prince by the ambiguity of some German words. 
But this part of the history has not yet been so investigated as to make 
the imprisonment of the landgrave, and the grounds of it, altogether 
clear. (1) 

3. After this victory, the cause of the Protestants appeared irrecov 
erably ruined, and that of the Roman pontiff triumphant. In the diet held 
soon after at Augsburg, (and which was surrounded by troops), the emper 
or demanded of the Protestants, to submit the decision of the religious 
controversy to the council of Trent. The greater part consented, and in 
particular Maurice of Saxony, who had received from Charles the electo 
ral dignity, of which, together with a part of his territories, John Frederic 
had been deprived, and who also was extremely solicitous for the libera 
tion of his father-in-law, the landgrave of Hesse. But the emperor lost 
the benefit of this assent to the council of Trent. For upon a rumour that 
the pestilence had appeared at Trent, a great part of the fathers retired 
to Bologna ; and thus the council was broken up. (2) Nor could the em 
peror prevail with the pope, to reassemble the council without delay. As 

(1) Besides the accounts of the common itself by his prescription, and of the grow- 
historians, Bcnj. Grosch has well described ing power of the emperor, which he did not 
all these transactions, in his Vertheidigung wish to see farther increased by the coun- 
der Evangelischen Kirche gegen Gottfr. Ar- cil. He indeed hated the Protestants ; but 
nold, p. 29. &c. [See Slcidari s Comment, he did not wish to see the emperor, under 
de statu I elig. et reipubl., lib. xviii., and the colour of enforcing the decrees of the coun- 
very full history of this war, in Robertson s cil, acquire a more absolute authority over 
Hist, of Charles V., book viii , p. 338, &c., Germany. He had already withdrawn his 
and bock ix., p. 360, &c. 7V. ] troops from the imperial army ; and he now 

(2) [The report of a pestilence was a wished to see the council dispersed. The 
mere pretence. The pope, Paul III., was Spanish members opposed him ; but he found 
equally jealous of the council, which had means to prevail. Schl.] 

not been disposed in all respects to govern 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 63 

the prospect of a council was now more distant, the emperor deemed it 
necessary in the interim, to adopt some project, which might preserve the 
peace in regard to religion until the council should assemble. Hence he 
caused a paper to be drawn up by Julius Pflug, bishop of Nauemburg, 
Michael Sidonius a papist, and John Agricola of Eisleben ; which should 
serve as a rule of faith and worship to the professors of both the old re 
ligion and the new, until the meeting of the council ; and this paper, be- 
cause it had not the force of a permanent law, was commonly called the 
Interim.^} 

4. This paper, called the Interim, though very favourable to the papal 
cause, was equally displeasing to the pontiff and to the professors of the 
true or Lutheran religion. When the emperor communicated it to the diet 
of Augsburg, the elector of Mayence, without taking the sense of the 
members, rose, and in the name of the diet, assented to it. Most of the 
princes therefore, though reluctantly, acquiesced. Those who opposed it, 
were for the most part compelled by the power arid arms of the emperor 
to submit ; and the calamities and oppressions which followed in Germany, 
are almost indescribable. Maurice elector of Saxony, who occupied mid 
dle ground between those who approved and those who rejected the Interim, 
held several consultations at Leipsic and other places, in the year 1548, 
with his theologians and principal men of whom Philip Mclancthon was 
most distinguished, that he might determine what course to pursue. The 
result of the protracted deliberation was, that Mclancthon (whom the other 
theologians followed), partly from fear of the emperor, and partly from 
condescension to his sovereign, decided that the whole instrument called 
the Interim could by no means be admitted ; but that there was no imped, 
iment to receiving and approving it, so far as it concerned things not es 
sential in religion, or things indifferent (adiaphoris}. This decision gave 
rise to the Adiaphoristic controversy among the Lutherans, which will be 
described in the history of the Lutheran church. In this state of things, 
the cause of the reformed religion of Luther was in imminent peril : and 
had the pontiff and the emperor known how to take advantage of their 
good fortune, they might doubtless have either totally crushed the Luther 
an church, or depressed it greatly and brought it into embarrassment. 
5. In the midst of these contests, Julius III., who succeeded Paul III 

(3) See Jo. Erdm. Bleeps dreyfaches In- trinal points, such as man s primitive recti- 

terim, Leip., 1721, 8vo. Jac. (islander s tude, apostacy, original sin, redemption by 

Historia Eccles., cent, xvi., lib. ii., c. 68, Christ, necessity of divine grace, human 

p. 425, and others. Respecting the authors merit, &c., it adopted very much, scriptu- 

and the editions of the Interim, see a dis- ral views and language ; and might have 

quisition in the Danische Bibliothek, part been assented to by the Protestants, without 

v., p. 1, &c., and part vi., p. 185, &c. [The sacrificing perhaps any fundamental truths. 

Interim may be seen, at large, in Goldasfs But it retained the mass, all the seven sa- 

Constitutiones Imperiales, torn, i., p. 518, craments, the hierarchy, the traditions, the 

c.; also in Le Fevre s continuation of Fleu- ceremonies, in short, the whole exterior of 

ry s Ecclesiast. History, lib. cxlv., <j 21- the Catholic establishment and worship, with 

23, Latin, by R. P. Alexander, vol. xxxix., the sole exceptions of tolerating the mar- 

p. 540-586. See also SchrocckK s Kirch- riage of the clergy and communion in both 

jngesch. seit der Reformat., vol. i., p. 674, kinds. Yet it limited the authority of the 

&c. Robertson s Hist, of Charles V., book pontiff, and so explained the grounds and 

ix., p. 377, &c. The Interim consisted of vises of the Romish rites, as to make them 

26 articles, drawn np with great care, and the least offensive possible. TV.] 
in a very conciliatory spirit. On most doc- 



64 BOOK IV. CEISTURY XVI. SEC. L CHAP. IV. 

in the government of the Romish church A.D. 1550, being overcome by 
the entreaties ui the emperor, consented to revive the council of Trent. 
The emperor thereibrc, at the diet of Augsburg, which he again surround, 
ed with Ms troups, conferred with the princes on the prosecution of the 
council. ! part agreed, that the council ought to go on; and 

Maurice elector of Saxony, consented, yet only on certain conditions. (4) 
At the closi diet therefore 1 , A.D. 1551, the emperor directed all to 

prepare th or the council, and promised to use his endeavours, that 

every thing should there be done in a religious and Christian manner, and 
without passion. Hence confessions of faith to be exhibited to the conn- 
cilj won..-, drawn up ; one in Saxony, by Mclancthon, and another at Wi ir- 
tember ( ambassadors of the duke, some 

of th,: berg also, repaired to Trent. JJut the Sax. 

ons, al ; Melaiicthon, though they s>-t out, advanced 

no farther : i berg ; for their sovereign [the elector Maurice ] 

onlv mad bedi will of the emperor, while he was 

really d< es to his own pleasure. 

6. W] and purposes C/ic.r/rs V. was pursuing rrnid these 1 

coinmotioi: will appear, if we consider the circumstances of 

the ti i (Fcrent parts of his conduct. The emperor, 

i iiiid dictate upon his own powers nnd good 

fortune, w. disquietudes arising out of religion, subser 

vient to ncnt of iiis power in Germany, and 

to the dim ir.cos. More 

over, as he had in like manner long wish rily and domin 

ion of the Rom.- .u pontin- dimini in some definite 

limits, so that they longer interrupt the progress of his designs, 

so lie hoped . b\ f the council, this wish nii^ht be realised ; since 

by means of the councils formerly held at Const : jj;.;sil, a check 

wns laid upon th:; exorbitant lust of p-nver in the Romish bishops. For 
lie had no doubts that by means of his ambassadors and bishops, those of 
Spain and G< rmany, and others, he should be able so to control the delib 
erations (.-.! -ccs and acts would be conformable 
to hi .> ">) But all these expectations and de-signs were 
Crust;- - rc, l>y whose assistaiice principally Charles 
had be- ii able to :>n ak d^v/n the powi r of the Protestants. 

7. Long had I\hn;rn:c in vain solicited for the liberation of his father- 
in-law, Philip of Jles/e; and long had the greatest princes of Germany 
and Europe importun. iiely petitioned the emperor to set. at liberty both the 
landgrave of Hesse and the recent elector of Saxony. When, therefore, 
Maurice perceived that he had been duped, and that Charles had hostile de 
signs upon the liberties of Germany, he entered into an alliance with the 

(1) [Tho-n conditions were, that the freely. The assent under these conditions, 

jounc;! Hiou!-. 1 . rescind all its past acts, and was read before the diet, and request made 

i oain anew ; flut. (he divines of the Augs- that it might be entered entire upon the 

ii . r^ Confession should not only be heard, journals : but this request was refused. See 

l.t:t have tho right of votinp ; that, the pon- Slcidan s Comment., &c., lib. xxii., fol. 576, 

:tT should p jsicn himself under the jurisdic- ed. 1556. Tr.] 

1 on of the council, and should not have the (5) [This is cieariy and satisfactorily 

.residency of it; and that he should release shown, in Robertson s History of Charles 

the bishops from their oath of allegiance to V., vol. iii., p. 58, 207. Schi] 
him, so that they might give their opinions 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



king of France and with certain German princes, for asserting the rights of 
the Germanic nation ; and in the year 1552, he led forth a well-appointed 
army against the emperor. And he conducted the business with such ce 
lerity and vigour, that he was near to falling upon Charles unawares, and 
in a state of security at Inspruck. This sudden storm so terrified Charles, 
that he appeared quite ready to agree to any terms of peace ; and soon 
after, at Passau, he not only gave present tranquillity to the Protestants, but 
promised to assemble a diet within six months, at which the long-protract 
ed religious contests should be wholly terminated. Thus the very man, 
who had given a severer blow perhaps than any other to the Protestant 
cause, was the man to establish and give triumph to that cause, when it 
was nearly given up and abandoned. Yet Maurice did not live to see the 
result of his undertaking ; for the next year, he fell in a battle against 
Albert of Brandenburg, at Sivershausen.(6) 

8. The diet, which the emperor promised at the pacification of Passau, 
could not be assembled, on account of commotions that arose in Germany, 
and other impediments, until the year 15551 But in this year, at Augs 
burg, and in presence of Ferdinand the emperor s brother, that memorable 
convention was held, which gave to the Protestants, after so much slaugh 
ter and so many calamities and conflicts, that firm and stable religious 



(6) [Maurice was, all his life, a Protestant 
at heart. But he was selfish, ambitious, and 
ungrateful. His base attack upon the do 
minions of his uncle John Frederic, during 
the war of Smalcald, was the chief cause of 
the unhappy termination of that war, and of 
all the calamities endured by the Protestants 
from the year 1548 to 1552. During this 
period, he took sides with the emperor, for 
the sake of acquiring an increase of territory 
and the rank of an elector. Yet he did not 
abandon the Protestant religion, nor so en 
force the Interim as to restrain the exercise 
of that religion among his subjects. He 
probably had been deceived by the emper 
or s hollow promises not to injure the 
cause of Protestantism. When he per 
ceived this, and also discovered the emper 
or s designs to overthrow the liberties of 
Germany, he was mortified, stung by his 
conscience, and roused to indignation. He 
therefore determined to bring down the 
power of the emperor, and to rescue both 
the Protestant religion and the liberties of his 
country from oppression. See Robertson s 
History of Charles V., book x., p. 285, &c., 
310, 344, 401, &c., ed. New- York, 1829, 
in 1 vol. 8vo. The treaty of Passau, be 
tween the emperor and Maurice, August 2d, 
1552, laid the foundation of the liberties of 
the German Protestant church. " Its chief 
articles were, That before the 12th of Au 
gust, the confederates shall lay down their 
arms and disband their forces ; That on or 
before that day, the landgrave shall be set 
at liberty, and be conveyed in safety to his 
castle of Rheinfels ; That a diet shall be held 

VOL. III. I 



within six months, in order to deliberate con 
cerning the most proper and effectual method 
of preventing for the future all disputes and 
dissensions about religion ; That in the mean 
time, neither the emperor, nor any other 
prince, shall, upon any pretext whatever, 
offer any injury or violence to such as ad 
here to the confession of Augsburg, but shall 
allow them to enjoy the free and undisturbed 
exercise of their religion ; That, in return, 
the Protestants shall not molest the Catho 
lics, either in the exercise of their ecclesias 
tical jurisdiction, or in performing their re 
ligious ceremonies ; That the.imperial cham 
ber shall administer justice impartially to 
persons of both parties ; and Protestants be 
admitted indiscriminately with the Catholics 
to sit as judges in that court ; That if the next 
diet should not be able to terminate the dis 
putes with regard to religion, the stipulations 
in the present treaty in behalf of the Protest 
ants, shall continue for ever in full power and 
vigour ; That none of the confederates shall 
be liable to any action, on account of whai 
had happened during the course of the war ; 
That the consideration of those encroach 
ments which had been made, as Maurice 
pretended, upon the constitution and liber 
ties of the empire, shall be remitted to the 
approaching diet ; That Albert of Branden 
burg shall be comprehended in the treaty, 
provided he shall accede to it, and disband 
his forces before the 12th of August." 
Robertson s Charles V., 1. c., p. 414, &c. 
See also Sicilian s Comment., &c., lib. 
xxiv., fol. 661. TV.] 



Q6 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. IV. 

peace which they slill enjoy. For on the 25th of September, after various 
discussions, ail those who had embraced the Augsburg Confession, were 
pronounced free and exempt from all jurisdiction of the pontiff and the 
bishops ; and were bid ieii to live securely, under their own laws and regu 
lations ; and liberty was given to all Germans, to follow which of the two 
religions they pleased ; and lastly, all those were declared to be public en 
emies of Germany, who should presume to make war upon others or to 
molest them, on the ground of their religion. (7) Nothing scarcely could 
more clearly demonstrate the superstition, ignorance, and wretchedness of 
that age, and consequently the necessity that existed for a reformation in 
the prevalent views of religion and things sacred, than the fact, that most 
of the Germans needed to be instructed by so many writings, controver 
sies, and wars, before they could assent to regulations so equitable, and so 
consonant to reason and the holy scriptures. 

9. While these events were taking place in Germany, the English 
were deploring the very near extinction of the light of pure religion ; and 
witnessing the continual persecution of their countrymen, they esteemed 
those Germans happy who had escaped from the Romish tyranny. Henry 
VIII., whose vices obstructed the progress of the reformation, died in the 
year 1547. His son and successor Ediuard VI., a child in years but ma 
ture in wisdom, intelligence, and virtue, having collected around him learn 
ed men from every quarter, and particularly some from Germany of the 
mildest character, as Martin Buccr and Paul Fag/us, ordered the kingdom 
to be purged entirely of the popish fictions, and a better religion to be 
publicly taught. But lie was removed by death in 1553, to the immense 
grief of his" subjects. (8) His sister Mary, daughter of that Catharine 

(7) [See Jo. Schiller s tract, de Pace re- controversy, in a general or national council, 

ligiosa, published in 1700, 4to. Chrisfoph. or in a future diet ; yet it contained an ex- 

Lchmanii s Acta publica et originalia dc Pace press stipulation, that the principles here 

religiosa, Frankf., 1707, fol. [The compact settled, should remain inviolate for ever. In 

entitled the religious peace, as extracted from the imperial cities, and wherever the pro- 

the acts of the diet of Anirsburg of Sept. 25, fessors of both religions had hitherto enjoyed 

1555, may be seen at large in B. G. Struve s equal religious liberty, they were to continue 

Corpus Juris Public! Academicum, ed. 2d, to enjoy the same. The pope was exceed- 

Jena, 1734, p. 169-214. It embraces 22 ingly displeased with this peace ; and he 

articles ; and is founded on the treaty of tried to persuade the emperor to renounce 

Passau, described in the preceding note, it, promising to absolve him from his oath. 

It places the believers in the Augsburg Con- But the emperor would not consent. Yet 

fession and the Catholics, on the same ground, the Catholics were never satisfied with it. 

as citizens and as members of the empire ; And some ambiguities in the language of it, 

and forbids all molestation of the one class and some of its odious provisions, sucK as 

by the other; forbids proselyting, but allows excluding all but Lutherans and Catholics 

voluntary transition from one religion to the from a participation in it, and subjecting 

other Yet beneficed Catholics, if they bcneficed Catbolics to the loss of their 

turned Protestants, were to lose their bene- livings if they became Lutherans, led on to 

fices. All other denominations of Christians, contention, and at last produced in the next 

except Catholics and Lutherans, are ex- century, the thirty years war, which nearly 

pressly excluded from the privileges of this ruined Germany. Tr.~] 
compact. (Art. IV " Attamen caeteri tun- (8) [By the act of supremacy, the sole 

nes, qui alter! prsenominatarum harum bina- right of reforming the church was in the 

rum Religionum non sint adhaprentes, sub hac crown. This right the regents claimed and 

pace, non comprche-nsi, aed plane exclusi esse exercised, during the king s minority, not- 

debent") The Zwingl/ans, Cahinists, or withstanding the objections of the opposers 

Reformed, were therefore left in the same of reform. Henry had assigned to his son 

ctate as before. The treaty still contem- sixteen regents of the kingdom, besides 12 

plated a more full adjustment of all points ol privy counsellors ; and a majority of these 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



67 



whom Henry VIII. had divorced, was heiress of the kingdom ; and being 
a woman bigotedly devoted to the religion of her ancestors, and governed 
by her passions, she again obtruded the Catholic religion upon the Britains ; 
nor did she hesitate to put.,to the most cruel death great numbers of such 
as resisted, and even persons of the highest rank, among whom Thomas 
Cranmer archbishop of Canterbury and author of the recent prostration of 
the papal power in England, stood conspicuous. But the death of the 
queen, who departed without issue in 1558, put an end to this scene of 
rage. (9) For her successor on the British throne, Elizabeth, a woman of 



were friendly to the reformation. The lead 
ing reformers at that time were, king Edward 
himself, the duke of Somerset lord protector, 
the archbishops Cranmer and Holgate, Sir 
W. Pagct secretary of state, lord viscount 
Lisle high admiral, and the bishops Holbcac.h, 
Goodrich, Latimer, and Ridley. The lead 
ers in opposition to reform were, the princess 
Mary, earl Wriothesley, and bishops Toa- 
stal, Gardiner, and Banner. The obstacles 
to reformation were, the profound ignorance 
and superstition of the people at large, the 
resistance of the bishops, the incompetence 
and selfishness of the inferior clergy, the want 
of ecclesiastical funds, and the deficiency of 
preachers who could spread the light of truth. 
The court ordered a visitation of all the 
churches ; and forbid any to preach out of 
their parishes without a license, during the 
visitation. The first book of Homilies was 
set forth, to be read in the churches where 
the incumbents were incompetent to preach ; 
and thirty-six royal injunctions, regulating 
worship and religious order, were issued. 
Bishops Banner and Gardiner refused obe 
dience to the injunctions, and were sent to 
prison. The parliament which met in No 
vember, 1547, repealed the laws which sanc 
tioned persecution, and also the statute of 
the six articles which had been a bar to ref 
ormation, ordered the communion to be 
inven in both kinds, empowered the king to 
appoint all bishops, and sequestered what re 
mained of chantry lands and other pious leg 
acies of former days. This year, Peter Mar 
tyr of Florence was made divinity professor 
at Oxford, and Martin Bucer at Cambridge. 
Ochinus and Fagius, also foreigners, were 
employed in the English church. Religious 
controversy grew warm, and was introduced 
into the pulpits. In September the kingfor- 
tiid all preaching, till he should decree what 
might be preached. Some bishops were ap 
pointed to reform the offices of the church, 
or the formulas of worship. This was the 
first liturgy of king Edward. In January, 
1549, parliament ratified the new liturgy, and 
made it penal to use any other. A new vis 
itation was appointed by the court, to see 
that the new liturgy was introduced. Some 



tumults and insurrections ensued, but they 
were soon quieted. The Anabaptists were 
persecuted, and likewise all opposers of the 
new liturgy. In November, 1550, parlia 
ment authorized the king to revise the can 
on law of England. A new digest in 51 tit- 
uli, was formed ; but never sanctioned, be 
ing not completed till just before the king s 
death. The new ritual was pressed. The 
recusants were either papists who were at 
tached to the old ritual, or N on- conformists 
who (like Hooper} objected to the sacerdotal 
garments and wished for a more simple wor 
ship. Both were persecuted. In 1551 Cran 
mer and Ridley drew up new articles of faith, 
42 in number, which the council published. 
In 1552 the Common Prayer Book was again 
revised, and made nearly the same as it now 
is. In January, 1553, it was sanctioned by 
parliament. This year king Edward died, 
and the reformation was arrested, before it 
had obtained a firm establishment or that de 
gree of perfection which its authors designed. 
See Burnet s History of the Reformat., vol. 
ii., part i., book i., and Neat s Hist, of the 
Puritans, vol i., chap. ii. TV.] 

(9) [Queen Mary disguised her intentions, 
till fully established on the throne ; and then 
proceeded to release from prison and restore 
to their sees the popish bishops, Banner, 
Gardiner, Tonstal, &c., and to imprison the 
reformers, Cranmer, Hooper, Coverdalc, 
Rogers, Holgate, and others. Eight hundred 
friends to reformation fled to the Continent, 
and settled chiefly along the Rhine. Among 
these were five bishops, five deans, four arch 
deacons, and above fifty doctors in divinity, 
besides noblemen, merchants, &c. The for 
eigners, Peter Martyr, and John a Lasco 
with his congregation, were expelled the 
country. A compliant parliament, in Octo 
ber, 1553, repealed the laws of king Edward 
in favour of a reformation, restored things 
to the state in which Henry VIII. left them, 
and made it penal to practise the reformed 
religion. The convocation fully agreed with 
the parliament. In 1554 the queen appoint 
ed a visitation of the churches, to restore the 
former state of things. Six bishops were 
turned out, the mass was set up and the 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. IV. 



masculine resolution and sagacity, rescued her country entirely from the 
power of the pontiff, and established that form of religion and worship 
which still prevails in England. This is different from that form which 
the counsellors of Edward had devised, and approaches nearer to the usages 
and institutions of the previous times ; yet it is very far removed from that 
which is held sacred at Rome. (10) 

10. Into the neighbouring kingdom of Scotland the elements of a 
purer religion were early introduced, by certain young noblemen who had 
resided in Germany. But the papal power supported by inhuman laws 
and penalties, for many years prevented it from taking firm root. The prin 
cipal author of the entire abolition of the Romish dominion over Scotland, was 
John Knox a disciple of Calvin, a man of eloquence and of a bold and fearless 
character. Proceeding from Geneva to Scotland in the year 1559, he in a 
short time so roused up the people by his discourses, that the majority of them 
abandoned the institutions of their fathers and destroyed every vestige of 



popish rites every where restored. All the 
married and recusant clergy, to the number 
cf some thousands, were deprived. This 
year the queen married 1 kilip king of Spain. 
"In November an obsequious parliament was 
assembled, cardinal Pole was recalled, and 
as papal legate he fully restored popery, and 
reunited England to the papal throne. The 
parliament proceeded in 1555, to repeal all 
laws in favour of a reformation passed since 
the time Henry VIII. first began his contest 
with the pope, and to revive the old laws 
against heretics. The fires of persecution 
were now kindled. John Rogers was the 
first martyr ; and bishops Ridley, Latimcr, 
and Cranmer, were among the victims. Of 
these executions, bishop Banner was the 
chief agent. The whole number put to death 
during the remainder of this reign, was about 
288, besides those who died in prison and 
great numbers who fled the country. Po 
pery was now completely triumphant ; and 
the reformation seemed entirely suppressed. 
See Burnct, 1. c., book ii., and Ncal, 1. c., ch. 
iii. 7V.] 

(10) [Queen Mary died, November 17th, 
1558, and her sister Elizabeth was imme 
diately proclaimed. She had a vigorous, 
resolute mind, and was friendly to the ref 
ormation. Claiming supreme power both 
in church and state, she determined to re 
store forthwith the reformed religion. In 
December, 1558, she inhibited all preaching 
/or the present. The exiles hastened home, 
and were somewhat divided among them 
selves in respect to their views of discipline 
and rites of worship, in consequence of what 
they had witnessed while abroad. The Eng 
lish bishops were all opposed to reformation. 
The court secured a compliant parliament, 
which met in January, 1559, repealed the 
persecuting laws of queen Mary, invested 
the sovereign with power to regulate the doc 



trine, discipline, and worship of the church, 
to appoint all bishops, and to establish High 
Commission courts, with powers nearly equal 
to the Inquisition. The queen appointed 
doctors Parker, Grindal, Cux, and others, to 
revise king Edward s liturgy ; which being 
slightly altered, was ratified by parliament 
in April, and enjoined upon the whole nation 
by law. On the rise of parliament, the bish 
ops were called upon to take the oath of su 
premacy. All except one, refused ; and were 
turned out, to the number of fourteen. New 
bishops favourable to the reformation, were 
appointed by the queen, and consecrated by 
the ex-bishops of king Edicard s reign. The 
queen now ordered a general visitation of 
the churches ; and issued fifty-two injunc 
tions, regulating worship and discipline, the 
lives and duties of clergymen, rites, cere 
monies, holy days, &c., with penalties against 
recusants. Of the clergy, only about 200 
refused obedience and lost their livings. In 
15G2, the parliament confirmed the reforma 
tion effected by the queen. The convoca 
tion revised the forty two articles of faith of 
king Edward, made some not very impor 
tant alterations, and reduced the number to 
thirty-nine; yet they were not ratified by 
parliament till 157 1. Respecting the forms 
of worship, the convocation were nearly 
equally divided ; and they debated with great 
warmth, the minority urging a greater sim 
plicity of worship. Here the Puritan party 
began to show itself. But the queen was 
fond of a splendid worship, and claiming su 
preme dominion in religious matters, she rig 
orously enforced uniformity. Thus the ref 
ormation was arrested, and the established 
church in England has ever since remained 
substantially the same as ip ihe year 1562. 
See Burnet, 1. c., vol. ii. : pt. i., book iii. ; 
Neat s Hist, of the Puritans, vol. i., ch. iv.- 
2V.] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



ihe Romish, religion. (11) From that time onward, the Scots have per. 
tinaciously held to that form of religion and discipline, which was estab 
lished at Geneva under the auspices of John Calvin, Knox s preceptor; 
nor could any considerations afterwards induce them to adopt the eccle*- 
siastical institutions and forms of worship of the English. 

$ 11. In Ireland, the reformation was exposed to the same fluctuation^ 
and fortur.es as in England. When Henry VIII. upon the abrogation of 
the pontifical power, was declared supreme head of the English church, 
(reorge Brown, an English Augustinian monk whom the king in 1535 had 
created archbishop of Dublin, proceeded to purge the churches of his prov 
ince of their images, relics, and superstitious rites ; and he exerted such 
influence, that the king s supremacy (by which was meant the royal power 
over the church) was acknowledged in Ireland. And hence, the king soon 
after expelled the monks from Ireland, and destroyed their houses. Under 
Edward VI. the reformation in Ireland continued to be urged forward by 
the same archbishop. But Mary the sister of Edward, persecuted with 
fire and sword those who embraced the reformed religion, in Ireland as 
well as in England ; and Brown and the other bishops who favoured the 
reformation, were deprived of their offices. Under Elizabeth however, 
every thing was restored ; and the Irish adopted the form of religion and 
discipline which was established in England. (12) 

(11) Dan. NcuVs History of the Puritans, ted the cardinal in his palace of St. Andrews, 

and then taking possession of the castle, held 
it for some years, and thus afforded a ren 
dezvous for the reformed. In 1547 John 
Knox retired thither with his pupils, and was 
soon made a preacher. St. Andrews was 
afterwards besieged and taken ; and Knox 
with the other prisoners was sent to France, 
and there kept, in confinement. In 1552 the 
queen mother found it necessary to purchase 



vol. i., p. 165, &c., 232, 234, 569, and oth 
ers. Dan. G alder wood s History of Scot 
land s Reformation, Loud., 1680, fol. Gco. 
Buchanan s Ilerurn Scoticarum Historia, lib. 
xvi., 21, &c., p. 361, &c., ed. Ruddimann. 
Jac. MehiVs Memoires, vol. i., p. 73, &.c. 
[Tho. M One s Life of John Knox, New- 
York, 1813, 8vo. W. Robertson s Hist, of 
Scotland, New- York, 1829, 8vo. J. Scott s 



Lives of the Prot. Reformers in Scotland, the support of the reformed now a powerful 

party, by affording them protection ; and fol 
six years they suffered little molestation. 
In 1558 the queen was obliged by her allies 
to withdraw her protection, and the reformed, 
now quite numerous especially in the large 
towns and among the nobles, were again 
persecuted. The burning of Walter Mill, 
induced them to combine and to assert their 
right to believe and to worship according to 
the dictates of their consciences. A civil 
war ensued, and queen Elizabeth of England 
aided the Scotish reformed. In 1559 John 
Knox returned to Scotland, and by his elo 
quence and activity carried forward the ref 
ormation triumphantly. The queen regent 
died in June, and peace was concluded in 
August, 1560. The parliament assembled 



Edinb., 1810, 8vo. The martyrdom of Pat 
rick Hamilton in 1527 at St. Andrews, made 
a deep impression on many of his country 
men. It produced inquiry on religious sub 
jects ; and from that time there were always 
more or fewer Scots who preached against 
the prevailing religion; e. g., friar Seaton, 
one Forest, and others. But the priests fre 
quently brought the reformers to the stake. 
Two were burned in 1534 ; while others fled 
into England. In 1539 five were burned at 
Edinburgh, and two at Glasgow. In the 
same year the famous George Buchanan 
went into exile. In 1542 several Scotish 
noblemen were carried prisoners ot war into 
England, whero some of them imbibed a fa 
vourable opinion of the reformed religion. 



In 1543 Hamilton, earl of Arran and lord soon after, and in this year and the following, 
protector, was friendly to the reformed ; but fully established the Protestant religion, ac 



ne was so vigorously opposed by cardinal 
Belon, that he dared not openly protect them. 
In 1545 George Wishcart was burned by 
cardinal Beton, to the general disgust of the 
nobility. A number of young men of spirit 
and birth, associated together, and assassina- 



cording to the views of John Kn ox, and 
passed laws for the suppression of the Cath 
olic religion throughout, the country. Thus 
was the Scotish reformation at last achieved. 
See the authors above cited. TV.] 

(12) See the life of George Brown, late 



70 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. IV. 



12. Soon after the Scots, the inhabitants of the provinces now called 
the United Netherlands [or the Dutch], revolted entirely from the Roman 
pontiff. Philip II. king of Spain, very anxious for the safety of the Ro 
mish religion among a people so attached to liberty, determined to restrain 
the Belgians and secure their allegiance to the pontiff, by creating an ad. 
ditional number of bishops, by establishing among them the iniquitous 
tribunal of the Inquisition, and by other hard and insupportable laws. But 
this excessive care to preserve the old religion, instead of securing it from 
the dangers to which it was exposed, occasioned its total overthrow. In 
the year 1566 the nobility combined together, and remonstrated strongly 
against these new edicts ; and meeting with repulse and contempt, they in 
conjunction with the people, openly trampled upon the things held sacred 
by the Romanists. (13) As the duke of Alva, who was sent from Spain 
with forces for that purpose, endeavoured to suppress these commotions 
with unparalleled cruelty and with innumerable slaughters, that furious civil 
war was produced to which the very powerful republic of the seven United 
Provinces of Belgium owes its origin. This republic rescued from the 
dominion of the Spaniards by its leader, William of Nassau prince of 
Orange, with the aid of Elizabeth queen of England, and of the king of 
France, adopted in the year 15713 the doctrines, the ecclesiastical organi 
zation, and the worship of the Swiss ; yet gave to all the citizens entire 

only one legally tolerated, it was followed 
bv few except the officers of government, 
and such English families as removed to 
Ireland to enjoy the estates they acquired 
there. In the reign of James ]., many 
Presbyterians from Scotland settled in the 
north of Ireland : and some English Puritans 
also took refuge there. Thus the Protestant 
population became considerably increased. 
But still the pure Irish, as well as the de- 



archbishop of Dublin, London, 1G81, 4to, 
and which is reprinted in the collection called 
the Harleyan Miscellany, vol. v., Loud., 
1745, 4to, No. LXXIII. [The reformed re 
ligion never has had the assent of the Irish 
people at large. Henry VIII. attempted 
little more than to establish his supremacy 
over the church of Ireland. And though he 
succeeded in procuring a major vote in the 
Irish parliament for it, the people and the 
clergy very generally would never admit it. 
He suppressed the monasteries and confis 
cated their funds, but this did not suppress 
popery. Queen Mary easily and at once, 
restored every thing in that country, except 
the confiscated property. She deprived arch 
bishop Brown in 1554, but did not attempt 
to persecute " with fire and su-ord" the hand 
ful of Protestants in that country, until near 
the close of her reign, when she sent over 
Dr. Cole with a commission for that purpose. 
His commission however was stolen from 
him on the way, and he had to return to 
England for another. But before he reached 
Ireland a second time, the queen died, and 
he could not proceed to his bloody work. 
Queen Elizabeth caused herself to be pro 
claimed head of the church in Ireland; and 
undertook to enforce every where the Prot 
estant doctrines and worship. But without 
success. The recusant clergy indeed lost 
their livings, and some Protestant clergymen 
were introduced into the country. But the 
people at large would not attend the Prot 
estant worship. Thus, while Protestantism 
was the only established religion and the 



scendants of those English who settled in 
Ireland prior to the reformation, constituting 
together the majority of the population of 
the country, continued to adhere to the Cath 
olic religion. During the two last centuries, 
the Protestant population and particularly 
the dissenting portion of it, has been con 
siderably increased ; yet the Catholic popu 
lation has also increased ; and it is said, that 
there have been more conversions from the 
Protestant to the Catholic faith in Ireland, 
during the period, than conversions from the 
Catholic faith to the Protestant. Thus Ire 
land is still a Catholic country, if we regard 
the population ; though Protestant and of the 
church of England, if we regard only the re 
ligious establishments of the country TV.] 
(13) [Dr. Maclaine justly remarks, that 
" Dr. Mosheim here seems to distinguish 
too little between the spirit of the nobility 
and that of the multitude. Nothing was 
more temperate and decent than the conduct 
of the former ; and nothing could be more 
tumultuous and irregular than the behaviour 
of the latter." TV.] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 



liberty of opinion on religious subjects, provided they attempted nothing 
against the peace and prosperity of the community. (14) 

13. In Spain and Italy, the reformed religion made great progress, 
soon after the first conflicts between Luther and the pontiffs. Very many 
in all the provinces of Italy but especially among the Venetians, the Tus 
cans, and the Neapolitans, avowed their alienation from the Romish reli 
gion. And in the kingdom of Naples in particular, very great and danger 
ous commotions arose from this source in the year 1536, which were ex 
cited chiefly by the celebrated Bernh. Ochinus, Peter Martyr, and others 
who preached against the superstitions ; and which Charles V. and his vice 
roy for Naples had great difficulty to suppress. (15) The principal instru- 



(14) The noble work of Gerhard Brand 
entitled a history of the Reformation in the 
Netherlands, written in Dutch and printed 
at Amsterdam, 1677, &c., in 4 vols. 4to, is 
especially to be consulted. [The first vol 
ume is properly the history of the Reforma 
tion, coining down to the year 1600 ; the 
other volumes contain a history of the Ar- 
minian controversy, and the events of the 
seventeenth century. There is a translated 
abridgment of Brand both in French and 
English, which gives a good condensed ac 
count. See also Gerties, Historia Evangelii 
renovati, torn, iii., p. 1, &c., and Schroeckli s 
Kirchengesch. seit der Reform., vol. ii., p. 
348-434. Philip II. king of Spain, deter 
mined to purge the Netherlands of heretics ; 
and for this purpose increased the number 
of bishops from four to fourteen ; enacted 
severe laws against heretics ; and determined 
to introduce the Inquisition into the country. 
These measures were generally offensive, 
and to the Catholics nearly as much so as to 
the Protestants. In 1566 most of the no 
bles, though generally Catholics, entered 
into an association to protect and defend the 
liberties of the country. The Protestants 
now 100,000 in number, petitioned the king 
"or toleration ; and though treated with con 
tempt, they ventured to hold their meetings 
for worship openly, instead of meeting in 
private. They had now 50 or 60 places of 
meeting in Flanders, attended by 60,000 
persons. Similar meetings were opened in 
Artois, Brabant, Utrecht, Seeland, Geldres, 
Friesland, &c. Attempts being made by 
the government to disperse their assemblies 
by force, they went armed to their places 
of worship. The same year the rabble first 
in Flanders, and afterwards in the other prov 
inces, broke into the churches and destroyed 
the images, pictures, crosses, &c. Philip 
subsidized 13,000 German troops to support 
the government. Many of the rebellious 
Catholics voluntarily submitted, and the 
Protestants were reduced to great straits. 
Many were put, to death, and many fled the 
country. The association of the nobles melt 



ed away. In 1567 the Netherlands were 
truly a conquered country. But Philip not 
yet satisfied, determined to punish his sub 
jects still more ; and therefore sent the duke 
of Alva with an army of Spaniards and Ital 
ians, to chastise the country. But severity 
only increased the number of Protestants, 
and drove the people to desperation. In 
1568 William prince of Orange, assembled 
an army of refugees, and attacked the coun 
try without success. In 1572, he attacked 
the northern provinces by sea, and presently 
made himself master of Holland and several 
of the other provinces. The Hollanders now 
proclaimed him their stadtholder ; and in 
1573 he was able to attack some of the more 
southern provinces. The war lasted many 
years ; and the united provinces fully set 
up the Protestant religion ; while those that 
remained subject to a foreign jurisdiction, 
were obliged to acquiesce in popery as the 
established religion. Respecting the toler 
ation of other sects in the United Nether 
lands, Dr. Maclaine (who lived long in that 
country, and therefore may be considered 
good authority) observes, that : " It is ne 
cessary to distinguish between the toleration 
that was granted to the Roman Catholics, 
and that which the Anabaptists, Lutherans, 
and other Protestant sects, enjoyed. They 
were all, indiscriminately, excluded from the 
civil employments of the state ; but though 
they were equally allowed the exercise of 
their religion, the latter were permitted to 
enjoy their religious worship in a more open 
and public manner than the former, from 
whom their churches were taken, and whose 
religious assemblies were confined to private 
conventicles, which had no external resem 
blance of the edifices usually set apart for 
divine worship." 7V.] 

(15) See Peter Giannonc, Hist, civile du 
Royaurne de Naples, [lib. xxxii., cap. v., sec. 
i.], torn, iv., p. 108, &c. The life of Galeaci- 
us in the Museum Helvet., torn, ii., p. 524. 
[See Dan. Gerdes, Specimen Italiae Refor 
mats unacum Syllabo Reformatorum Ital- 
orum, Leyden, 1765, 4to, and Dom. Rosiua 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. IV. 



ments used by the Roman pontiffs for repelling this danger were the in 
quisitors, whom they sent into most parts of Italy, and who tortured and 
slew so many people that very many of the friends of the new religion fled 
into exile, and others returned ostensibly at least to the old religion. But 
the pontiff found it utterly impossible to bring the Neapolitans to tolerate 
the tribunal of the Inquisition, or even to admit inquisitors into their coun 
try. Spain became infected with the Lutheran doctrines by different ways, 
and among others by those very theologians whom Charles V. took with 
him to Germany to confute the heretics ; for those theologians returned to 
their country, tainted with the heresy. But the Spanish Inqvisi.li.on by its 
accustomed severities, and especially by condemning to the flr-mes. easily 
extinguished in the citizens all disposition to substitute a bettei religion in 
place of the old one. (16) 

14. It is unnecessary to wage controversy with those who say, that 
some of the persons who took a leading part in these great revolutions, 
were now r and then guilty of grievous faults. For the best informed do 
not deny, that several transactions might have been conducted more dis 
creetly, and that some of the men in power were more solicitous to pro 
mote their own interests than to advance pure religion. But on the other 
hand it is beyond all question, that many things which appear f .uity to us 

de Porta, Hist. Reformat, eccle. Raeticarum, and which on many occasions they had op- 
Cur, 1771, vol. i., lib. ii., ch. ii., &c. TV.] posed with vigour and success. Hostilities 
"It was an attempt to introduce a Roman ensued, which were followed In* an accom- 



inquisitor into the city of Naples, that, prop 
erly speaking, produced the tumult and se 
dition which Dr. Moshriui aitnbutes in this 



modation of matters and a funeral pardon ; 
while the emperor and viceroy, bv this reso 
lute; opposition, were deterred from their de 



section to the pulpit discourses of Ochino sign of introducing this despotic tribunal into 
and Martyr; for these famous preachers, the kingdom of Naples. Several other at- 



and particularly the former, taught the doc 
trines of the reformation with threat art, pru 
dence, and caution, and converted many se 
cretly without giving public oilence. The 
emperor himself, who heard him at Naples, 



tempts were afterwards made, during the 
reigns of Philip II., III., IV., and Charles 
II., to establish the Inquisition in Naples ; but 
bv the jealousy and vigilance of the people, 
they all proved ineffectual. At length the 



declared, that he preached irith such spirit emperor Charles VI. in the beginning of this 



and devotion as was sufficient to in.a!;e the. 
very stones weep. After Och/tto x departure 
from Naples, the disciples he had formed 
gave private instructions to others, among 
whom were some eminent ecclesiastics and 
persons of distinction, who began to form 
congregations and conventicles. This awa 
kened the jealousy of the viceroy, Toledo, 
who published a severe edict against hereti 
cal books, ordered some productions of Mc- 
lancthon and Erasmus to be publicly burned, 
looked with a suspicious eye on all kinds of 
literature, suppressed several academies, 
which had been erected about this time by 
the nobility for the advancement of learning, 



! >rescnt century, published an edict, express 
y prohibiting all causes, relating f o the holy 
faith, to be tried by any persons, except the 
archbishops and bishops as ordinaries. See 
Giannone, Histoire de Naples, liv. xxxii., 
cap. v., sec. 2 and 3. Modern Univ. His 
tory, vol. xxviii., p. 273, &c., cd. 8vo." 
Mad.] 

(10) Michael Gcddcs, Spanish Protestant 
Martyrology, in his Miscellaneous Tracts, 
vol. i., p. 445. [See also note (61), p. 48, 
above. TV. It is noticeable, that all the 
Spanish theologians, who accompanied 
Charles V. to Germany and were associ 
ated with him afterwards in his retirement, 



and having received orders from the emperor fell after his death into the hands of the In 
to introduce the Inquisition, desired pope quisition, and were condemned, some to the 
Paul III. to send from Rome to Naples a flames and others to other kinds of death, 
deputy of that formidable tribunal. It was These were Augustine Casal his court 
this, that excited the people to take up arms, preacher, Constantine Pontius his confes- 
Jn order to defend themselves from this sor, the Dominican Bartholomew Caranza, 
Branch of spiritual tyranny, which the Nea- confessor to king Philip and queen Mary, 
f-olitans never were patient enough to suffer, together with many others. Schl.] 



GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 73 

of the present age, should be classed among noble achievements, if we re. 
gard the times and the places of them and compare them with the frauds 
and the enormities both of the Roman pontiffs and their supporters. 
However, when we go into inquiry respecting the justice of the contro 
versy which Luther first waged with the Roman pontiff, it is not a question 
that relates to the personal acts and virtues of individual men. Let some 
of these be supposed even worse men than they are generally esteemed to 
be, provided the cause for which they contended, be allowed to have been 
just and good. (17) 



SECTION II. 

THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 

() 1. Extension of the Christian Church. <j 2. Zeal of the Pontiff in this respect. $ 3. 
Propagation of Christianity, in India, Japan, and China. 4. Zeal of the Protestants 
on this Subject. 5. The Enemies of Christianity. <J> 6. Advantages of the Revival 
of Learning. ^> 7. The Study of the Greek and Latin Classics every where flourish 
ed. S. The State of Philosophy. 9. Mode of teaching Theology. 6 10. Religion 
Purified, and Morals Reformed. 

1. IN extending the empire of Christ, the Spaniards and Portuguese 
were, if we may believe their own historians, equally active and success 
ful^!) And they carried indeed a sort of knowledge of Christianity to 
both North and South America, to a part of Africa, and to the maritime 
parts and islands of Asia which were subjugated by their fleets. And a 
large number of the inhabitants of these regions, who had before been 
destitute of all religion or were sunk in the grossest superstitions, osten 
sibly assumed the name of Christians. But these accessions to tho Chris 
tian church will not be highly appreciated, or rather will be deplored, by 
those who consider, that these nations were coerced by barbarous and 
abominable laws and punishments to abandon the religion of their ances- 
lors, and that all were enrolled as Christians who had learned to venerate 
.mmoderately their stupid instructors, and to exhibit by gestures and in 
words certain useless rites and forms. Such a judgment has been pro 
nounced, not merely by those whom the Romish church calls heretics, but 
also by several of the best and most solid members of the Romish commu 
nity, Frenchmen, Germans, Italians, Spaniards, and others. 

2. The Roman pontiffs, after losing a great part of Europe, manifest 
ed much more solicitude than before to propagate Christianity in other 

(17) [See Madaine s Appendix No. I. gelii toti orbi exoriens, cap. 42, 43, 48, 49. 

concerning the spirit and conduct of the first [A copious list of authors, who treat of both 

reformers, &c., subjoined to his translation the civil and religious state of Spanish Amer- 

of this section. Tr.~\ ica in particular, may be seen prefixed to 

(1) See, among many others, Jos. Fran. Dr. W. Robertson s History of the discov- 

Lafitau s Histoire des decouvertes et con- ery and settlement of America. Much ful- 

questes des Portugais dans le nouveau ler, and extending to the whole American 

monde, torn. iii.,p. 420. He derives his ac- continent, is 0. Rich s Bibliotheca Ameri- 

counts from the Portuguese writers. The cana Nova, parti., A. 13. 1701-1800. Lort- 

other writers on this si oject are enumerated don, 1834, 8vo., p. 423. TV.] 
by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Lux salutaris Evan- 

" VOL. III. K 



74 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SECTION II. 

parts of the world. For no better method occurred to them, both for re- 
pairing the loss they had sustained in Europe, and for vindicating their 
claims to the title of common fathers of the Christian church. Therefore, 
soon after the institution of the celebrated society of Jesuits in the year 
1540, that order was especially charged constantly to train up suitable 
men, to be commissioned and sent by the pontiffs into the remotest regions 
as preachers of the religion of Christ. With what fidelity and zeal the 
order obeyed this injunction, may be learned from the long list of histories, 
which describe the labours and perils encountered by vast numbers of the 
fraternity while propagating Christianity among the pagan nations. (2) 
Immortal praise would undoubtedly belong to them, were it not manifest 
from unequivocal testimony, that many of them laboured rather to promote 
the glory of the Roman pontiff and the interests of their own sect, than 
the glory and interests of Jesus Christ. (3) It appears also from authors 
of high credit and authority, that the Indians were induced to profess 
Christianity by the Inquisition established by the Jesuits at Goa in Asia, 
and by their arms and penal laws, rather than by their exhortations and 
argumentations. (4) This zeal of the Jesuits excited the emulation not 
only of the Franciscans and Dominicans but likewise of other religious 
associations, and led them to renew this almost neglected work of missions. 
3. Among the Jesuits who took the lead in the arduous work of mis- 
sions, no one acquired greater fame than Francis Xavicr, commonly 
called the apostle of the Indies. (5) Possessing genius in no ordinary de 
gree, and a very high degree of activity, he proceeded to the Portuguese 
East Indies in the year 1542, and in a few years filled no small part both 
cf the continent and the islands with a knowledge of the Christian or rath- 

(2) See Jo. Alb. Fahricius, Lux evan- ola found him teaching with reputation, and 
gtlii toti orbi exoriens, cap. xxxii , p. 550, persuaded him to join his new society ot 
&c. Jesuits. In 1540 the king of Portugal re- 

(3) See Christ. Ebcrh. Weismanris Ora- quested some members of that society to be 
lio de virtutibus et vitiis Missionar, Ro- sent to his capital, Xavier and Simon Rod 
man., in his Oratt. Academics, p. 2SG, &c. riguez were sent the next year; and from 
[Compare also his Introdnct. in Memorabil- Lisbon Xavier shipped in 1541 for the East 
lia eccles. Histor. sacra X. T., torn, ii., p. Indies, with the commission of papal legate 
084, &c Schl. ] and missionary. He arrived at Goa in 1542, 

(4) See the liistoirede la Compagnie de and laboured with success in converting the 
Jesu, torn. ii.. p. 171, 207. &c. natives and reforming the lives of the Por- 

(5) Pope Benedict XIV., at the request tuguese, for about seven years. During this 
of the king of Portuq-al in the year 1747, period he travelled extensively in Hindostan, 
conferred on Xamer the dignity and title of twice visited the pearl fishery on the coast 
Protector of the Indies. See Lettres edifi- of Ceylon, and made repeated and extensive 
antes et curieuses des Missions etrangeres, voyages among the islands to the east of the 
torn, xliii., Pref., p. xxxvi., &c. The body bay of Bengal. At length in 1549 he went 
of Xavier was interred at Goa, and is there to Japan, and there spent two years and a 
worshipped with the greatest devotion, he half with no great success as a missionary, 
being enrolled among the saints. A mag- He then returned to Goa, and immediately 
nificent church is erected to him at Cotata prepared for a mission to China. He ar- 
in Portuguese India, where he is likewise rived on the Chinese coast in the autumn of 
devoutly invoked by the people. See the 1552, full sick of a fever, and there expired. 
Lettres edifiantes des Missions, tome iii., His remains were afterwards removed to 
p. 85, 89, 203 ; tome v., p. 38-48. ; torn. Goa, and there interred. His life was writ- 
vi., p. 78. [Francis Xavier was a. younger ten by the Jesuit Horatii^s Turscllinus, in 
son of a respectable family in the south of 6 Books, Rome, 1594, 12mo. See Schro- 
France, and born about A.D. 1506. He eckWs Kirchengesch. seit der Reform., vol 
was edv rated at Paris, where Ignatius Loy- iii., p. 652, &c. Tr.j 



GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 



75 



ur the Romish religion. Thence he proceeded in the year 1549 to Japan, 
and with great celerity laid the foundation of that very numerous body of 
Christians which flourished for many years in that extensive empire. Af 
terwards, when attempting a mission to China, and already in sight of that 
powerful kingdom, he closed life at the island of Sancian in the year 
1552. (6) After his death, other missionaries of the order of Jesuits en 
tered China ; among whom the most distinguished was Matthew Ricci an 
Italian, who so conciliated the favour of some of the chief men and even 
of the emperor, by his great skill in mathematics, that he obtained for him 
self and companions liberty to explain the doctrines of Christianity to the 
people. (7) He therefore may justly be considered as the founder and chief 
author of the numerous body in China which still worships Christ, though 
harassed and disquieted by various calamities. (8) 

4. Those who had withdrawn themselves from the jurisdiction of the 
pontiffs, possessing no territories beyond the bounds of Europe, could at- 
tempt almost nothing for the extension of the empire of Christ. Yet we 
are informed, that in the year 1556, fourteen missionaries were sent from 
Geneva to convert the Americans to Christ. (9) But by whom they were 
sent, and what success attended them, is uncertain. The English more 
over, who near the close of the century sent out colonies to North Amer- 



(6) See the writers referred to by Jo. Alb. 
Fabricius, in his Lux Evangelii toti orbi ex- 
oriens, cap. xxxix., p. 677, &c. Add, Jos. 
Fran. Lafitau s Histoire des decouvertes et 
conquestes des Portugais dans Ic nouveau 
nionde, torne iii., p. 419, 424; tome iv., p. 
63, 102, &c. Histoire de la Compagnie de 
Jesu, torn, i., p. 92, &c. 

(7) Jo. Bapt. dn Haiders Description de 
/ Empire de la Chine, torn, iii., p. 84, &c., 
ed. in Holland. 

(8) That certain Dominicans had gone into 
China before Ricci, is certain. See Lequi- 
erfs Oricns Christianas, torn, iii., p. 1354. 
But the*e had effected nothing of importance. 
[Three Italian Jesuits, Matthew Ricci of 
Macerata in Ancona, Pasio of Bologna, and 
Roger a Neapolitan, after devoting some 
years to the acquisition of the Chinese lan 
guage in India, were by Alexander Vinig- 
nano. superintendent of the Jesuits missions 
at Macao, in the year 1582 attached to an em 
bassy sent to a governor in China. Ricci was 
acute, learned, modest, of winning address, 
persevering, and active. His knowledge of 
mathematics recommended him to the Chi 
nese. He exhibited a map of the world, with 
which they were much taken. Connecting 
himself with the Bonzes or idolatrous priests, 
he assumed their dress and mariners, and stud 
ied under their guidance seven years. He 
*hen assumed the garb of a Chinese man of 
letters, and wrote tracts on the Christian reli 
gion and particularly a catechism. Many per 
sons of rank put themselves under his instruc 
tion, and he at length gathered a congregation 
of Christians. After twenty years labour he 



gained access to the emperor, to whom he 
presented pictures of Christ and the Virgin 
Mary and a clock, and obtained liberty to 
visit the palace with his associates at pleas 
ure. He now made converts very fast, and 
from all ranks of the people. Siu, one of 
the principal mandarins, and his granddaugh 
ter Candida, with her husband, became con 
verts ; and themselves built thirty churches 
in the provinces where they lived, and as 
sisted the missionaries to procure the erec 
tion of ninety more, besides forty chapels for 
prayer, in another province. They also 
caused numerous religious tracts to be print 
ed, and translations of comments on the 
scripture, and even the great Siimma of 
Thomas Aquinas. They gathered the found 
lings with which China abounded, and brought 
them up Christians. Ricci s two companions 
Pasio and Roger, were early recalled ; but 
when he began to be successful, assistants 
were sent to him, who continued to labour 
after his decease, which took place in the 
year 1610. See Schrocckli s Kirchengesch. 
seit der Reformat., vol. iii., p. 677, &c. 
TV.] 

(9) Bcncd. Pictet s Oratio de Trophceis 
Christi ; in his Oratt., p. 570. I have no 
doubt, that the celebrated admiral Colia-ni 
was the man who sent for these Genevan 
teachers to come to him into France. For 
that excellent man in the year 1555, project 
ed sending a colony of Protestants to Bra7.il 
and America. See Charles oix 1 s Histoire de 
la nonvelle France, tome i., p. 22, &c , [and 
Thuanus, Histor ia Generalis, lib. xvi. 
TV.] 



BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SECTION II. 



ica, planted there the religion which they themselves professed ; and as 
these English colonies afterwards increased and gathered strength, they 
caused their religion to make progress among the fierce and savage tribes 
of those regions. I pass over the efforts of the Swedes for the conversion 
of the Finns and Laplanders, no small part of whom were still addicted to 
the absurd and impious rites of their progenitors. 

5. There was no public persecution of Christianity in this century. 
For those mistake the views and policy of the Mohammedans, who suppose 
that the Turks waged war upon the Christians in this age, for the sake of 
promoting their religion in opposition to that of Christ. But private ene 
mies to all religion and especially to the Christian, (as many have repre- 
sentccl), were lurking here and there in different parts of Europe, and they 
instilled their nefarious dogmas both orally and in books into the minds of 
the credulous. To this miserable class are reckoned, several of the peri- 
patetic philosophers who illumined Italy, and in particular Peter Pomp ona- 
tins ; and besides these, among the French, John Bodin, Francis Rabelais, 
Michael le Montague, Bonaventure dcs P eric res, Stephen Dolet, and Peter 
Charron ; among the Italians, the sovereign pontiff Leo X.. Peter Bembus, 
Angelas Politianiis, Jordan fir units, and Bernardin Oclihi ; among the 
Germans, Theophrastus Paracelsus, Nicholas Taurel/us, and others, (10) 



(10) The reader may consult Jac. Fred. 
Reimmann s Historia Atheism! ct Atheorum, 
Hildesh., 1725, Svo. Jo. Fran. Buddcsus, 
Theses de Atheismo et snperstitione, cap. i. 
Peter Bayle s Dictionnaire histor. et crit. in 
various articles ; and others. [PoMPON/v- 
TIUS was born at Mantua in 14G2, taught 
philosophy at Padua and Bologna, and died 
about A.D. 1526. In a treatise on the im 
mortality of the soul, he denied that reason 
could decide the question, and maintained 
that it was purely a doctrine of faith, resting 
on the authority of revelation. In a treatise 
on incantations, he denied the agency of de 
mons in producing strange occurrences ; and 
explained the efficacy of relics, &c., by the 
influence of the imagination. In a tract on 
fate, free will, and predestination, he declared 
himself utterly unable satisfactorily to solve 
the difficulties of the subject ; commented 
on the usual explanations, showed their in 
sufficiency, and wished others to investigate 
the subject more fully. At the same time 
he pronounced the stoic and the Christian 
exposition of the subject the most plausible, 
and submitted himself to the authority of 
the church. Many account him an atheist; 
and the Inquisition condemned his principles. 
See Baylc s Dictionnaire, art. Pompanace ; 
and Staudliri s Gesch. der Moralphilosophie, 
p. 584. JOHN BODIN was a French jurist, 
civilian, and a man of letters ; and died A.D. 
1596, aged 67. His works were numerous, 
consisting of translations of the Latin clas 
sics, law, and political writings ; and an un- 
printed dialogue between a Catholic, a Lu- 
. heran, an indifferantist, a naturalist, a Re 



formed, a Jew, and a Turk, on the subject 
of religion. He here appears a freethinker. 
See Bay c, 1. c., art. Bud in. RABELAIS was 
a great wit and a distinguished burlesque wri 
ter. Born about A.D. 1500. he became a Cor 
delier, led a scandalous life, became a Bene 
dictine, forsook the monastic life in 1530, and 
studied physic ; was employed as a physician 
and librarian, by cardinal J)u BeHi.ii/ went 
to Rome, returned, and was curate of Men don 
from the year 1545, till his death in 1553. 
His works, consisting of his Pantagruel and 
Gargantua, are comic satires, full of the*bur- 
lesque ; and were printed in 5 vols. Svo, 
Amsterd., 1715 ; and 3 vols. 4u>, ibid, 1741. 
His satire of the monks excited their enmity, 
and caused him trouble. But he does not 
appear to have been in speculation a deist, 
or a heretic ; though his piety may be justly 
questioned. MONTAGNE was a French no 
bleman, born in 1533, well educated in the 
classics at Bourdeaux ; succeeded to the 
lordship of Montagne in Perigord. and to 
the mayoralty of Bourdeaux, where he ended 
his life A.D. 1592. His great work is, his 
Essays, often printed in 3 vols. 4to, and 6 
vols. 12mo. He there appears to be skepti 
cal in regard to scientific or philosophical 
morals, but he was a firm believer in revela 
tion, which he regarded as man s only safe 
guide. See Staudlin, 1. c., p. 606, &c. 
DBS PKRIERES was a valet de chambre to 
Margaret queen of Navarre, and was a wit 
and a poet. A volume of his French poems 
was published after his death, which was in 
1544. Previous to his death, he published 
in French a pretended translation of a Latin 



GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 



77 



Nay, some tell us, that in certain parts of France and Italy there were 
schools opened, from which issued swarms of such monsters. And no one 



work, entitled Cyrnbalum mundi ; which 
consists of four dialogues not very chaste, 
ridiculing the pagan superstitions in the man 
ner of Lucian. See Bayle, 1. c., art. Pe- 
rieres. DOLET was a man of learning, 
though indiscreet and much involved in con 
troversies. After various changes, he be 
came a printer and bookseller at Lyons ; and 
having avowed lax sentiments in religion, 
he was seized by the Inquisition and burned, 
upon the charge of atheism A.D. 1546, at 
the age of 37. What his religious opinions 
were, it is not easy to state. He professed 
to be a Lutheran. See Bayle, 1. c., art. Do- 
let. ; and Recs Cyclopaedia. PETER CHAR- 
RON was born at Paris in 1541, studied and 
practised law several years, and then became 
a Catholic preacher in very high estimation 
for his pulpit talents. He died at Paris, A.D. 
1603. He was a philosophical divine, bold 
and skeptical. He did not discard revela 
tion, yet relied more upon natural religion. 
His most rioted work was, de la Sagesse, in 
three books ; first printed at Bourdeaux, 
1601. See Bayle, 1. c., art. Charron; and 
St dudlm,\. c., p. 612, &c. LEO X. was a 
man of pleasure, and gave no evidence of 
genuine piety. Du Plessis and other Prot 
estants have reported remarks said to have 
been made by him in his unguarded moments, 
implying that he considered the Christian re 
ligion a fable, though a profitable one ; that 
he doubted the immortality of the soul, &c. 
See Bayle, 1 c., art. Leo X., note (1), p. 83. 
BEMBUS was secretary to Leo X., a man 
of letters, a facetious companion, a poet and 
historian. He also is reported to have spo 
ken equivocally of a future state, and to have 
despised PauVs epistles, on account of their 
unpolished style. See Bayle, 1. c., art. Bern- 
bus, and art. Melancfhon, note (P). POLI- 
TIAN was a learned classic scholar in the pre 
ceding century, and is reported to have said 
that he never read the Bible but once, and 
he considered thai a loss of time. He was 
also reported to have given the preference to 
Pindar s poems, before those of David. On 
these rumours, he has been classed among 
freethinkers. See Bayle, 1. c., art. Polatian. 
JORDAN BRUNUS was a Neapolitan freethink 
er. He attacked the Aristotelian philosophy, 
and denied many of the plain truths of reve 
lation. Driven from Italy for his impieties, 
he travelled and resided in Germany, France, 
and England ; and returning to Italy, he was 
committed to the flames in the year 1600. 
See Bayle, article Brunus. BERNARDIN 
OCHIN was an Italian, born in 1487 at Si 
enna. He early became a Franciscan, first 



of the class called Cordeliers, and then a Cap 
uchin, of which last order he was the gen 
eral from A.D. 1537-1542. Ho was then 
a very austere monk, and a distinguished 
preacher. But in the year 1541, meeting 
with John Valdes a Spanish civilian, who 
had accompanied Charles V. to Germany 
and there imbibed Lutheran sentiments, 
Ochin was converted to the same faith. The 
change in his views soon became known ; 
and he was summoned to Rome to give ac 
count of himself. On his way thither he met 
with Peter Martyr, a man of kindred views, 
and they both agreed to flee beyond the reach 
of the papal power. They went first to Ge 
neva, and thence to Augsburg, where Ochin 
published a volume of sermons, married, and 
lived from 1542 till 1 547. From Augsburg, 
both Ochin and Martyr were invited into Eng 
land by archbishop Cranmcr, and were em 
ployed in reforming that country. But on 
the accession of queen Mary in 1553, they 
were obliged to quit England. Ochin re 
turned to Strasburg, and in 1555 went to 
13asle, and thence to Zurich, where he be 
came pastor to a congregation of Italian Prot 
estants till 1563. He then published a vol 
ume of dialogues, in one of which he repre 
sented polygamy as lawful in certain cases, 
and advanced some other opinions which gave 
offence. The magistrates of Zurich banish 
ed him from the canton. He retired to Basle 
in mid-winter, and being refused an asylum 
there, he travelled with his family to Poland, 
where he met the like reception, and set out 
for Moravia ; on his way, he and family were 
taken sick, two sons and a daughter died, he 
recovered so far as to pursue his journey, 
but died three weeks after, at Slawkaw, A.D. 
1564, aged 77. He is said to have impugn 
ed the doctrine of the Trinity, and the An- 
titrinitarians claim him as one of their sect. 
His works were all written in Italian, and 
consisted of six volumes of sermons, com 
mentaries on the epistles to the Romans and 
the Galatians, a treatise on the Lord s sup 
per, another on predestination and free-will, 
&c. See Bayle, 1. c., art. Ochin. THEO- 
PHRASTUS, or, as he called himself, Philippus 
Aureolus Thcophrastus Paracelsus Bombas- 
tus von Hohenheim, was a vain, unlearned, 
but ingenious alchymist, physician, and phi 
losopher of Switzerland, born in 1493. He 
travelled much, was a short time professor 
of physic at Basle, and died at Saltsburg in 
1541. He was the father of the sect of 
Theosophists, a sort of mystics who pre 
tended to derive all their knowledge of na 
ture immediately from God. See Rees Cy- 



78 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SECTION II. 

who is well acquainted with the state of those times, will reject these state, 
merits in the gross ; for all the persons that are charged expressly with so 
great a crime, cannot be acquitted altogether. Yet if the subject be ex- 
amined by impartial and competent judges, it will appear that many indi 
viduals were unjustly impeached, and others merited slighter reprobation. 

6. That all the arts and sciences were in this age advanced to a high 
er degree of perfection, by the ingenuity and zeal of eminent men, no one 
needs to be informed. From this happy revival of general learning, the 
whole Christian population of Europe deiived very great advantages to 
themselves, and afterwards imparted advantages to other nations, even to 
the remotest parts of the world. Princes and states perceiving the vast 
utility of this progress of knowledge, were every where at much expense 
and pains to found and protect learned associations and institutions, to fos. 
ter and encourage genius and talent, and to provide honours and rewards 
for literary and scientific men. From this time onward that salutary rule 
took effect, which still prevails among the larger and better part of the 
Christian community, of excluding all ignorant and illiterate persons from 
the sacred office and its functions. Yet the old contest between piety and 
learning, did not cease ; for extensively, both among the adherents to the 
Roman pontiff arid among his foes, there were persons, good men per 
haps, but not duly considerate, who contended more zealously than ever, 
that religion and piety could not possibly live and be vigorous, unless all 
human learning and philosophy were separated from it, and the holy sim 
plicity of the early ages restored. 

7. In the first rank among the learned of that age, were those who de 
voted themselves to editing, correcting, and explaining the ancient Greek 
and Latin authors, to the study of antiquities, to the cultivation of both 
those languages, and to elegant composition both in prose and verse. Nu 
merous works still exist, the admiration of the learned, from which it ap 
pears, that the finest geniuses in all parts of Europe, prosecuted these 
branches of learning with the greatest ardour, and even considered the 
preservation of religion and civil institutions and the very life of all solid 
learning to depend on these studies. And though some of them might go 
too far in this thing, yet no candid man will deny, that the prosecution of 
these studies first opened the way for mental cultivation, and rescued both 
reason and religion from bondage. 

8. Those who devoted themselves principally to the study and im 
provcment of philosophy, were indeed less numerous than the prosecutors 
of elegant literature, yet they formed a body neither small nor contempti 
ble. They were divided into two classes. The one laboured to discovei 
the nature and truth of things, solely by contemplation or speculation ; the 
other recurred also to experiments. The former either followed their 
chosen guides and masters, or they struck out new paths by their own in- 
genuity and efforts. Those who followed masters, either fixed their eye 

clopasdia, and Schroe.ckJi s Kirchengesch. a man of independence to correct some of 

seitdcr Reform., vol. iii., p. 145, &c. TAU- Aristotle*s opinions concerning God, provi- 

RELLUS (CEchsleiri), a philosopher and phy- deuce, the human soul, &c. He thus be- 

aician of Mompelgard, who taught at Basle came embroiled with the friends of Aristotle 

and Altorf, lived at a time when Aristotle as his opposers, and was suspected of athe- 

reigr ed with boundless sway in all the uni- ism. But Dr. Few 7em"has defended him, 

versities ; and wishing to free himself from in a Dissert, apologetica. See SchlcgcVs 

the tyranny of the Stagyrite, he ventured as note. TV.] 



GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 79 

on Plato, (to whom many in Italy especially gave the preference), or they 
followed Aristotle. The professed followers of Aristotle were moreover, 
greatly divided among themselves. For while many of them wished to 
preserve the oid method of philosophizing, which, by the doctors that still 
reigned in the schools, was falsely called the peripatetic ; others wished to 
see Aristotle taught pure and uncontaminated, that is, they wished to have 
his works themselves brought forward and explained to the youth. Differ 
ent from both, were those who thought, that the marrow only should be ex, 
tracted from the lucubrations of Aristotle, and when illumined with the light 
of elegant literature and corrected by the dictates of reason and sound 
theology, should thus be exhibited in appropriate treatises. At the head of 
this last class of peripatetics, was our Philip Melancthon. Among those 
discarding the dogmas of the ancients and philosophizing freely, were Je 
rome Cardanus, Bernkard Telesius, and Thomas Campanella ; men of great 
and splendid genius, yet too much devoted to the fictions and visions of 
their own fancies. To these may be added Peter Rainus, an ingenious and 
acute Frenchman, who excited great commotion and clamour, by publish 
ing a new art of reasoning opposed to that of Aristotle and better accom 
modated to the use of orators. From nature itself, by experiment, by in 
spection, and by the aid of fire, penetrating into the primary elements of 
things, Theophrastus Paracelsus endeavoured to discover and demonstrate 
latent truths. And his example was so approved by many, that a new 
sect of philosophers soon rose up, who assumed the names of Fire Phi 
losophers and Theosophists, and who, attributing very little to human reason 
and reflection, ascribed every thing to experience and divine illumina- 
tion.(ll) 

9. These efforts and competitions among men of genius, besides being 
highly beneficial in many other respects, corrected in several places, though 
they did not entirely cure, that barbarous, uncouth, and vile method of treat 
ing religious subjects which had prevailed among Christians in the prece 
ding centuries. The holy scriptures, which had been either wholly neg 
lected or interpreted very unsuitably, now held a far more conspicuous 
place in the discussions and the writings of theologians ; both words and 
things were more critically examined, subjects were more justly and lu 
cidly analyzed, and the dry and insipid style which the old schools admi 
red, was exploded by all the better informed. These improvements were 
not indeed carried so far, that nothing was left for succeeding ages to cor 
rect and amend : much remained that was imperfect. Yet he must be un 
grateful to the men of that age, or a very incompetent judge, who shall 
deny, that they laid the foundation of all those excellences by which the theo. 
logians of subsequent times are distinguished from those of the former ages. 
10. Hence the true nature and genius of the Christian religion, which 
even the best and most learned had not before sufficiently understood, were 
placed in a clearer light, being drawn up as it were from a deep pit. There 
is indeed error enough, still existing every where ; yet even those Chris 
tian communities at this day, whose errors are the greatest and most nu. 
merous, have not such crude and inconsistent views of the nature and de 
sign of Christianity and of the duties and obligations of Christians, as were 
formerly entertained even by those who claimed to be rulers of the church 

(11) For the elucidation of these matters ica, will be found very useful. We here 
James Brucker s Historia Phil jsophiae crit- only summarily touch upon the subject. 



80 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 

and cliief among its teachers. This improved state of religion, moreover^ 
had great influence in correcting and softening the manners of many na 
tions, who before were coarse, unpolished, and rude. For although it is 
not to be denied, that other causes also contributed gradually to introduce 
and establish that milder and more cultivated state of society which has 
prevailed in most countries of Europe since the times of Luther, yet it is 
very clear, that the religious discussions and the better knowledge of many 
doctrines and duties to which they gave rise, have contributed very much 
to eradicate from the minds of men their former ferocity of character. Nor 
shall we go wide of the truth when we add, that since that time genuine pi 
ety likewise has had more friends and cultivators ; though they have always 
and every where, been overwhelmed by the multitude of the ungodly. 



SECTION III. 

THE PARTICULAR HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. 



PART I. 

THE HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT CHURCHES. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE HISTORY OF THE ROMISH OR LATIN CHURCH. 

^ 1. The Roman Pontiff, and his Election. $ 2. His Power circumscribed. $ 3 Disa 
greement respecting it. 4. Diminution of the Romish Church. $ 5. Plans of the 
Pontiffs for remedying this Evil. Missions. 6. The Egyptians and Armenians. 
$ 7, 8. IS* estorians. Indians. 9. Internal State of the Romish Church regulated and 
fixed. 10. Loyola, the Founder of the Jesuits. $ 11. Nature and Character of this 
Order. 12. Its Zeal for the Pontiffs. 13. The Roman Pontiffs. $ 14. The Cler 
gy. $ 15. Their Lives. $ 16. The Monks. Old Orders reformed. 17, 18. New 

Orders. $ 19. The State of Learning. 20. Philosophy.*) 21. Theological Writers. 
$ 22. Principles of the Romish Religion. $ 23. The Council of Trent. 24. Sub 
stance of the Catholic Faith. 25. Exegetic Theology. $ 26. Interpreters of Scrip 
ture.^ 27. Dogmatic Theology. $ 28. Practical Theology. $ 29. Polemic Theology. 

$30. Controversies in the Romish Church. $31. Their greater Controversies. $32. 

First Controversy. $ 33. The second. $ 34. The third. $ 35. The fourth. $ 36. 

The fifth. $ 37." The sixth. $ 38. Controversy with Michael Baius. $ 39. Contro 
versy with the Jesuits, Less and Hamel. $ 40. Molinist Controversy. $ 41. Congre 
gations on the Aids. $ 42. Ceremonies and Rites. 

1. THE Romish or Latin church is a community extending very widely 
over the world, the whole of which is subject to the single bishop of Rome ; 
who claims to be hereditary successor to the office and to all the preroga 
tives of St. Peter, the prince of the apostles, or the supreme bishop of the 
Christian church universal, and the legate and vicegerent of Jesus Christ. 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH oHURCH. 



This mighty prelate is chosen, at this day, by a select number of the llo. 
mish clergy ; namely, by six bishops in the vicinage of Rome, fifty lectors 
or presbyters of churches in Rome, and fourteen overseers or deacons of 
Romish hospitals or deaconries ; all of whom are called by the ancient 
appellation of cardinals. These cardinals, when deliberating respecting 
the choice of a new pontiff, are shut up in a kind of prison which is called 
the conclave, that they may the more expeditiously bring the difficult busi 
ness to a close. No one, who is not a member of the college of cardinals 
and also a native Italian, can be made head of the church ; nor can all 
those, who are Italian cardinals.(l) Some are excluded on account of their 
birthplace, others on account of their course of life, and others for other 
causes. Moreover the German Roman emperors, and the kings of France 
and Spain, have acquired either legally or by custom, the right of exclu 
ding those they disapprove from the list of candidates for this high office. 
Hence, there are very few in the great body of cardinals, who are papaUe, 
as the common phrase is; that is, who are so born and of such character 
istics, that the august functions of a pope can fall to their lot. 

2. The Roman pontiff docs not enjoy a power which has no limita 
tions or restraints. For whatever he decrees in the sacred republic, he 
must decree in accordance with the advice of the brethren, that is of the 
cardinals, who are his counsellors and ministers of state. In questions of 
a religious nature likewise, and in theological controversies, he must take 
the opinion and judgment of theologians. The minor matters of business 
moreover, are distributed into several species, and committed to the man- 



(1) The reader may consult Jo. Fred. 
Mayer s Comment, de electione Pontif. Ro 
man., Hamb., 1691, 4to. The cerernoniale 
electionis et coronationis Pontificis Rornani, 
was not long since published by Jo. Gcrh. 
Meuschc.n, Frankf., 1732, 4to. [To be eli 
gible, 1st. A man must be of mature a^e ; 
for the electors then hope, that their turn 
may corne to be elected. Besides, a pope 
50 or more years old, will be more likely to 
rule discreetly and sagaciously. 2dly. He 
must be an Italian ; for a foreigner might 
remove the papal residence out of the coun 
try. 3dly. He must not be the subject of 
any distinguished prince, but must be a na 
tive subject of the holy see ; for otherwise 
he might promote the interests of his hered 
itary prince, to the injury of the holy see. 
4thly. Monks are not readily preferred ; lest 
they should confer too many privileges on 
their own order. 5thly. Nor are those who 
have been ministers of state, ambassadors, or 
pensioners of distinguished princes. 6thly. 
Nor such as have been much engaged in po 
litical affairs. Tthly. No one who has nu 
merous relatives, especially poor ones ; on 
whom he might exhaust the apostolical treas 
ury. From these causes, the choice gener 
ally falls at the present day, upon either 
learned or devout popes. There are four 
methods of choosing a pope. I. By scruti 
ny ; chat is by ballot. A golden cup is 

VOL. III. L 



placed on the altar, into which each cardinal 
casts a sealed vote ; and to make out a reg 
ular choice, one man must have the suffrages 
of two thirds of the cardinals. II. By ac 
cess. This method is resorted to, when a 
candidate has many votes, but not enough to 
constitute a choice, and a trial is made to 
bring some of the other cardinals to ac.ce.de 
to his election. It is properly a new scru 
tiny, though the ballots are of a. different 
form. III. By compromise ; that is, when 
the conclave continues long, and the cardi 
nals cannot agree, they transfer the election 
to two or three cardinals, and agree to abide 
by their choice. IV. By inspiration. When 
the cardinals have become weary of their 
long confinement, sometimes one or more 
of them will clamorously announce an indi 
vidual as pope, and the party in his favour 
being previously apprized of the measure, 
join in the outcry, till the cardinals in oppo 
sition, through fear, join in the general clam 
our. A pope thus chosen by inspiration, is 
particularly revered by the Italians, notwith 
standing their belief that there can be no 
election by inspiration, unless the cardinals 
have previously conducted foolishly. Schl. 
See also Rees Cyclopaedia, art. Conclave : 
and the Ceremonial. <j{ the election of a pon 
tiff, ratified by Gregory XV., A.D. ]62 J, in 
the Bullarium Magnum, torn, iii., p. 454*- 
465. Tr.] 



62 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 

agcmcnl. and trust of certain boards of commissioners called congregations, 
over which one or more cardinals preside. (2) What these boards deem 
salutary or right, is ordinarily approved by the pontiff; and must be ap. 
proved* unless there are very cogent reasons for the contrary. From such 
a constitution of the sacred republic, many things must often take place iar 
otherwise than would meet the wishes of the pontiff; nor arc those well 
informed as to the management of affairs at Rome, who suppose that he 
who presides there, is the cause of all the evils, all the faults, all the con 
tests and commotions that occur there. (3) 



(2) The court of Rome is minutely de 
scribed by Jac. Aymon, in a book enti 
tled, Tableau de la Cour de Rome, Hague, 
1707, Svo ; and by Jerome Liinailoro, Rela 
tion de la ("our de Rome, ct des Ceremo 
nies qui s y observent, \vhich (translated 
from the Italian into French) Jo. BapL 
LalirJ. has subjoined to his Travels in Spain 
and Italy ; Voyages en Espagne ct Italie, 
tome viii., p. 105, &e. On the Romish 
congregations or colleges, besides Doro/heus 
Ascmims, (de Montibus pietatis Romanis, 
]). 510, &C.}, Huni /d I lettcnbiirp has a 
particular treatise, Notitia tribunalium ct 
congregationum curia; Romanae, Hildesh., 
1693, Svo. [The congregations are prop 
erly boards of commissioners, meeting at 
stated times, with full and definitive powers 
within certain limits, to decide summarily 
all controversies, and to control and manage 
all business that falls within their respective 
provinces. They have their own secretaries, 
keep records of their proceedings, may send 
for persons and papers, call on professional 
and learned men for their opinions, and are 
bound in certain cases to consult the pontiff 
before they come to a decision. The num 
ber and the specific duties of the several 
congregations, vary from time to time, as 
the pope and his council see lit. to ordain. 
Besides these permanent congregations, oth 
ers arc created for special occasions, and 
expire when their business is closed. Srx- 
tus V. in the year J587, established fifteen 
permanent congregations, composed most of 
them of five cardinals each, and none of them 
of less than three. They were, I. The con 
gregation of the holy Inquisition ; the su 
preme inquisitorial tribunal for all Christen 
dom. In this the pope presided in person. 
II. The congregation on letters of grace, 
dispensations, &c. III. The congregation on 
the erection, union, and dismemberment, of 
churches, bishoprics, &c. IV. The congre 
gation for supplying the ecclesiastical states 
with corn, and preventing scarcity. V. The 
congregation on sacred rites and ceremonies. 

VI. The congregation for providing and reg 
ulating a papal fleet, to consist of ten ships. 

VII. The congregation on the Index of pro 



hibited books. VIII. The congregation for 
interpreting and executing the decrees of the 
council of Trent, except as to the articles of 
faith. IX. The congregation for relief, in 
cases of oppression in the ecclesiastical 
states. X. The congregation on the uni 
versity of Rome ; with a general inspection 
of all Catholic seminaries. XI. The con- 
ure<_ r ation on the different orders of monks. 
XII. The congregation to attend to the appli 
cations of bishops and other prelates. XIII. 
The congregation on the roads, bridges, 
and aqueducts of the Romish territory. 
XIV". The congregation for superintending 
the Vatican printing establishment. XV. 
The congregation on the applications of all 
citizens of the ecclesiastical states, in civil 
and criminal matters. See the ordinance 
establishing these several congregations, in 
the Bullarium Magnum, torn, ii , p. G77, &c. 
Considerable alterations were afterwards 
made, as to the number, duties, and powers 
of the Romish congregations. 7V.] 

(3) Hence originated that important dis 
tinction, which the French and others who 
have had contests with the Roman pontiffs 
very frequently make, between the Roman 
pontiff, and the Romish court. The cou il 
is often severely censured, while the pontiff 
is spared, and that justly. For the fathers 
and the congregations, who possess rights 
which the pontiff must not infringe, plot and 
effect many things, without the knowledge 
and against the will of the pontiff. [It may 
be worthy of remark, that although the 
Romish church is a political body, which is 
governed like other kingdoms and states, 
yet in this commonwealth every thing is 
called by a different name. The ghostly 
king, is called the pope or father ; his min 
isters of state are called cardinals ; his en 
voys of the highest rank, are called legates 
a laterc, and those of a lower order, apos 
tolical nuncios. His chancery is called data- 
ria ; his boards of commissioners and judica 
tures, are congregations ; his supreme court 
of justice, is named the rota ; and his coun 
sellors of state, are called auditors of the 
rota (auditores rotaj). Schl.] 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 83 

3. Respecting the powers and prerogatives of this spiritual monarchy 
however, its own citizens disagree very much. And hence the authority 
of the Romish prelate and of his legates, is not the same in all countries ; 
but in some it is more circumscribed and limited, in others more extensive 
and uncontrolled. The pontiff himself, indeed, as well as his courtiers 
and friends, claim for him the highest supremacy ; for he contends not 
only that all spiritual power and majesty reside primarily in him alone, 
ind are transmitted in certain portions from him to the inferior prelates, 
but also that his decisions made from the chair, are correct beyond even 
the suspicion of error. On the contrary very many, of whom the French 
are the most distinguished, maintain that a portion of spiritual jurisdiction 
emanating immediately from Jesus Christ, is possessed by each individual 
bishop ; and that the whole resides in the pastors collectively, or in eccle 
siastical councils duly called ; while the pontiff, separately from the body 
of the church, is liable to err. This long controversy may be reduced to 
this simple question : Is the Romish prelate the lawgiver of the church, 
or only the guardian and executor of the laws enacted by Christ and by 
the church 1 Yet there is no prospect that this controversy will ever ter 
minate, unless there should be a great revolution ; because the parties 
are not agreed respecting the judge who is to decide it. (4) 

4. The Romish church lost much of its ancient splendour and glory, 
from the time that the native aspect of the Christian religion and church 
was portrayed, and exhibited before the nations of Europe, by the efforts 
of Luther. For many opulent countries of Europe withdrew themselves, 
some of them entirely and others in part, from adherence to its laws and 
institutions ; and this defection greatly diminished the resources of the Ro 
man pontiffs. (5) Moreover the kings and princes who chose not to abandon 

(4) The arguments used by the friends of chapters by the spiritual founders, with his 
the pontifical claims, may be seen in Rob- bulls of confirmation, which always cost 
ert Bcllarmin, and numerous others, who large sums. 3dly. He draws the annates, 
have written in accordance with the views or the incomes of the first year of incum- 
of the pontiffs ; and whose works form a bency, in bishoprics and archbishoprics, 
huge collection, made by Thomas Rocca- 4thly. He exacts a certain sum for the badge 
berti. Even among the French, Matthew of spiritual knighthood in the Romish church, 
Peti/didier lately defended the pontifical or for the pallium of archbishops and bish- 
power, in his book Sur 1 autorite et infal- ops. This is properly a neckcloth, which 
libilite" des Papes, Luxembourg, 1724, 8vo. answers to the riband or garter of secular 
The arguments commonly employed to sup- knighthood, and is worn by distinguished 
port the opinion adopted by the French cler- prelates when they say mass and on the oth- 
gy and by those who accord with them, may er solemn occasions. Sthly. There are cer- 
be best learned from various writings of tain cases reserved for the popes, (casus 
Edmund Richer and John Launoi. reservati,) in which no father confessor can 

(5) [Yet the popes still have very con- give absolution or a dispensation, and in 
siderable revenues, notwithstanding there is which the granting dispensations brings a 
no country in the world where more beg- large revenue to the pope-* : for example, in 
gars are to be met with than in the ecclesi- matrimonial cases, in the relinquishment of 
astical states, and while the apostolical treas- the clerical office, monastic vows, &c. And 
ury is always very poor : for 1st. The pope finally, the pope has power to impose extra- 
has many clerical livings at his disposal ; ordinary payments and contributions on his 
none of which are readily given away. In clerical subjects ; which are called subsidies. 
particular, he disposes of all the livings The monks also must pay an annual sum to 
whose incumbents happen to die at his the pope for his protection, which is called 
court ; and also the livings of those that die the collects. Thus the pope is in reality ar 
in what are called the pontifical months, opulent lord, even since the reformation 
fcdly. He confirms the eWtin ta cathedral and he does not lack means for enriching 



84 BOOK IV.-CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART. L CHAP. I. 

the old form of religion, learned from the writings and discussions of /h 
Protestants, much more clearly and correctly than before, that the pontiffs 
had set up numberless claims without any right ; and that if the pontifical 
power should remain such as it was before Luther s time, the civil gov 
ernments could not possibly retain their dignity and majesty. And hence, 
partly by secret and artful measures, and partly by open opposition, they eve- 
ry where set bounds to the immoderate ambition of the pontiffs, who wish- 
ed to control all things secular as well as sacred according to their own 
pleasure : nor did the pontiffs deem it prudent to avenge these darings, as 
formerly, by means of interdicts and crusades. Even the countries which 
still acknowledge the pontiff as the supreme lawgiver of the church, and 
as incapable of erring, (and which are called countries of obedience, terras 
obedientise,) nevertheless confine his legislative powers within narrower 
limits. 

5. To repair in some measure this very great loss, the pontiffs la 
boured much more earnestly than their predecessors had done, to extend 
the bounds of their kingdom out of Europe, both among the nations not 
Christian and among the Christian sects. In this very important business, 
first the Jesuits, and afterwards persons of the other monastic orders, 
were employed. Yet if we except the achievements of Francis Xavier 
and his associates in India, China, and Japan, which have been already 
noticed, very little that was great and splendid was accomplished in this 
century, the arrangements for this business being not yet perfected. The 
Portuguese having opened a passage to the Abyssinians who followed the 
dogmas and the rites of the Monophysitcs, there was a fine opportunity for 
attempts to bring that nation under subjection to the Romish see. Hence 
first, John Bermudes was sent to them decorated with the title of patriarch 
of the Abyssinians ; and afterwards, this mission was committed to Igna 
tius Loyola and his associates. (6) Various circumstances, and especially 
the wars of the nation, which the Abyssinian emperor hoped to terminate 
favourably by the aid of the Portuguese, seemed at first to promise suc- 

himself, notwithstanding his public treasury sors to Barrclus. Ten other Jesuits of in- 
is always poor. For the disposal of all these fcrior rank, were joined with them. They 
sums is in his hands ; and he can let a por- all sailed from Portugal in the year 1555 ; 
tion of them flow into his treasury, or he but on their arrival at Goa, they found that 
can bestow them on his relations and de- the Abyssinian emperor Claudius, was not 
pendants, or apply them to establishments disposed to subject his kingdom to the pon- 
that will make his name immortal. Schl.~\ tiff. Barrcius therefore stayed in India, 
(6) [Friendly intercourse between the where he was a successful missionary till 
emperor of Abyssinia and the king of Por- his death. Onicdus went to Abyssinia with 
tugal, commenced as early as the year 1514, a few companions, and was there imprison- 
when the former sent an ambassador to the ed. Claudius had been slain in battle in 
latter. In 1521 the same emperor, David, 1559, and his brother and successor Adamus, 
sent an envoy to the pope at Rome ; who was a violent persecutor of the Christians, 
returned a very kind answer. In 1545 Clnu- After twenty years labour in Abyssinia, Ovie- 
dius the son of David, applied to John III. dus died A.TJ. 1577. His companions died 
king of Portugal, to send him several priests one after another, till, in the year 1597, 
and artists. The king applied to Loyola, to Francis Lupus the last of them expired, 
designate some of his followers for the en- and left the handful of Catholics without a 
terprise. Loyola did so ; and the pope or- priest. See Nic. Godipnus, de Abassino- 
dained John Nonius Barretus of Portugal, rum rebus, deque yEthiopias Patriarchis, Jo. 
patriarch of Abyssinia ; Andrew Oviedus a Non. Barreto et Andr. Oviedo., Lugd., 1615. 
Neapolitan, bishop of Nice ; and Melchior 8vo, and Od. Raynald r s Annales Eccles 
Cornerius of Portugal, bishop of Hierapolis ; on the years specified. TV.] 
the two last to be coadjutors and succcs- 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 85 

cess to the enterprise. But in process of time it appeared, that the at- 
tachment of the Abyssinians to the principles of their progenitors was too 
strong to be eradicated ; and with the elose of this century, the Jesuits 
nearly lost all hope of success among them. (7) 

0. To the Copts or Egyptians, who were closely connected with the 
Abyssinians in religion and ecclesiastical customs, Christopher Roderic, a 
famous Jesuit, was sent by authority of Pius IV. in the year 1562. He 
returned to Rome with nothing but fair words, although he had laboured 
to overcome Gabriel, then the patriarch of Alexandria, with very rich 
presents and with subtle arguments. (8) But near the close of the century, 
in the year 1594, when Clement VIII. was head of the Romish church, the 
envoys of an Alexandrian patriarch whose name was likewise Gabriel, ap 
peared as suiters at Rome ; which caused very great exultation at the 
time among the friends of the Romish court. (9) But this embassy is justly 
suspected by ingenuous men even of the Romish community ; and it was 
probably contrived by the Jesuits, for the purpose of persuading the Abys 
sinians, who generally followed the example of the Alexandrians, to em 
brace more readily the communion of the Roman pontifF.(lO) Nothing 
certainly occurred afterwards in Egypt, to indicate any partiality of the 
Copts towards the Romans. A part of the Armenians had long manifested 
a veneration for the Roman pontiff, without however quitting the institu 
tions and rites of their fathers ; of which more will bo said when we come 
to the history of the Oriental church. A larger accession was anticipated 
from Serapion a man of wealth and devoted to the Romans, who, though 
the Armenians had two patriarchs already, was created a third patriarch 
in the year 1593, in order to free his nation from oppressive debt. But 
he was soon after sent into exile by the Persian monarch, at the instiga 
tion of the other Armenians ; and with him all the delightful anticipations 
of the Romans came to nothing.(ll) 

7. In the year 1551, a great contest arose among the Nestorians, or 
Chaldeans as they arc called, respecting the election of a new patriarch ; 
one party demanding Simeon Barmamas, and another Sulaka. The latter 

(7) See Job Ludolfs Historia JEthio- embassy which Baronius so exultingly ex- 
pica ; and the notes on that history, passim, tols. But he errs very much when he sup- 
Mich. Geddcs, Church History of Ethiopia, poses, that only Richard Simnn relying on 
p. 120, &c. Henry le Grand s Diss. de the fallacious testimony of George Dousa, 
la conversion des Abyssins, p. 25, which is has opposed it. For Thomas a Jcsu a Car- 
the ninth of the IJiss subjoined to Jerome melite, did so ; lib. vi. de conversione om- 
Lobo s Voyage Historique d Abyssinie ; nium gentium procuranda ; and others have 
Matth. Veyss. la Croze, Histoire du Chris- done so. See Mich. Geddcs, Church His- 
tianisme en Ethiopie, liv. ii., p. 90, &c. tory of Ethiopia, p. 231, 232. [Whoever 

(8) Franc. Sachinus, Historia Societat. reads the documents must be sensible that 
Jesu, pt. ii., lib. v. Euscb. Rc/iaudot, His- they all bear the marks of being the compo- 
toria Patriarchar. Alexandrin., p. 611. And sition of one person, though they profess to 
especially, the Histoire de la Compagnie de be the letters of several different jiersons. 
Jesus, torn, ii., p. 314, &c. The reader will also be surprised to find hovy 

(9) The documents of this embassy, em- perfectly at home the writer seems to be, 
blazoned with a splendid exordium, are sub- when trumpeting the claims of the pontiff 
joined by Casar Baronius to the sixth vol- to universal lordship, and when detailing the 
ume of his Annales Eccles., p. 707, &c. affairs of the Romish church. TV.] 

[p. 691-700], ed. Antwerp. (11) See the Nouveaux Memoires des 

(10) EUSCJIUS Rcnaudot, in his Historia Missions de la Compagnie de Jesus dans Je 
Patriarchar. Alexandrinor.,p.611, 612, has Levant, torn, iii., p. 132, 133. 
endeavoured to re-establish the credit of thiiS 



86 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. 1. 

made a journey to Rome, and was there consecrated in the year 1553, by 
Julius III., to whom he swore allegiance. Julius gave to this new patri 
arch of the Chaldeans the name of John ; and sent with him on his return 
to his country, several persons well skilled in the Syrian language, for the 
purpose of establishing the Romish dominion among the Nestorians. From 
that time onward the Nestorians became split into two factions ; and were 
often brought into the most imminent peril, by the opposing interests and 
contests of their patriarchs. (12) The Nestorians on the seacoast of India, 
who are commonly called the Christians of St. Thomas, were cruelly har 
assed by the Portuguese, to induce them to exchange the religion of their 
fathers which was much more simple than the Roman, for the Romish 
worship. The consummation of this business was reserved for Alexius 
Menczes, archbishop of Goa ; who near the close of the century, with 
the aid of the Jesuits, compelled those miserable, reluctating, and unwilling 
people, by means of amazing severities, to come under the power of the 
Roman pontiff. These violent proceedings of Mcnczes and his associates, 
have met the disapprobation of persons distinguished for wisdom and equity 
in the Romish community. (13) 

8. Most of these missionaries of the Roman pontiff, treated the Chris 
tians whom they wished to overcome, unkindly and unreasonably. For 
they not only required them to give up the opinions in which they differed 
from both the Greek and the Latin churches, and to recognise the bishop 
of Rome as a lawgiver and vicegerent of Christ on the earth ; but they 
also opposed sentiments that deserved toleration, nay, such as were sound 
and consonant to the scriptures; insisted on the abrogation of customs, 
rites, and institutions, that hud come down from former times, and were 
not prejudicial to the truth; and in short, required their entire 1 worship to 
be conducted after the Romish fashion. The Romish court indeed found 
at length by experience, that such a mode of proceeding was indiscreet, 
and that it was not suited to the successful extension of the empire of the 
pontiff. Accordingly the great business of missions came gradually to be 
conducted in a more wise and temperate manner ; and the missionaries 
were directed to make it their sole object, to bring these Christians to be 
come subjects of the pontiff, and to renounce professedly at least such 
opinions as had been condemned by the ecclesiastical councils ; while all 
other things, doctrines as well as the practices of their fathers, were 
to remain inviolate. And this plan was supported by certain learned 
divines, who endeavoured to prove though not always successfully and 
fairly, that there was but little difference between the doctrines of the 
Greek and other Oriental Christians and those of the Romish church, pro 
vided they were estimated correctly and truly, and not according to the 
artificial definitions and subtleties of the Scholastic doctors. This" plan of 
using moderation, was more serviceable to the Romish interests than the 
old plan of severity, yet it did not produce all the effects its authors antici 
pated. 

9. In guarding and fortifying the church against the attacks and wiles 

(12) Jos. Simon Asseman s Bibliotheca Christianisme des Tnde^, livr. ii., p. 88, &c. 
Onentalis Clementina- Vatieana, torn, iii., pt. [Claud. Buchanan s Christian Researches 
n.,p.clxiv. See below, in the history of the in Asia, p. 85, &c. M. Geddes, Hist, of 
Oriental church. the Malabar Church, Lond., 1694, 8vo-- 

(13) Matt. Veyss. la Croze, Histoire du Tr.~[ 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 37 

of adversaries without and adversaries within, no little pains were taken 
at Rome, from the age of Luther onward. For that most effectual method 
of subduing heretics, by crusades, being laid aside on account of the alter- 
ed state not only of the Romish authority but of all Europe, recourse to 
other means and other policy for preserving the church, became neces 
sary. Hence the terrible tribunals of the Inquisition, in the countries 
where they were admitted, were fortified and regulated by new provisions. 
Colleges were erected here and there, in which young men were trained 
by continual practice, to the best methods of disputing with the adversaries 
of the pope. The ingress into the church of books that might corrupt the 
minds of its members, was prevented or rendered extremely difficult, by 
means of what were called expurgatonj and prohibitory indices, drawn up 
by the most sagacious men. The cultivation of literature was earnestly 
recommended to the clergy, and high rewards were held out to those who 
aspired to pre-eminence in learning. The young were much more solidly 
instructed in the precepts and first principles of religion, than before : and 
many other means for the safety of the church were adopted. Thus the 
greatest evils often produce the greatest benefits. And the advantages 
arising from these and other regulations, would not perhaps quite, to the 
present times, have been realized by the Romish church, if the heretics had 
not boldly invaded and laid waste her territories. 

] 0. As the Roman pontiffs were accustomed to control, defend, and en- 
large their empire principally by means of the religious orders [or monks], 
who from various causes are more closely connected with the pontiffs than 
the other clergy and the bishops, it became very necessary, after the un 
successful contest with Luther, that some new order should be established, 
whol y devoted to the pontifical interests, and making it their great busi 
ness to recover if possible what was lost, to repair what was injured, and 
to fortify and guard what remained entire. For the two orders of Mendi 
cants, [the Dominicans and Franciscans], by whom especially the pontiffs 
had governed the church for some centuries with the best effects, had from 
several causes lost no small part of their reputation and influence, and 
therefore could not subserve the interests of the church as efficiently and 
successfully as heretofore. Such a new society as the necessities of the 
church demanded, was found in that noted and most powerful order, which 
assumed a name from Jesus, and was commonly called the society of the 
Jesuits ; but by its enemies it was named the society of Loyolltes, or (from 
the Spanish name of its founder) the Inighists .(14) The founder of it, 
Ignatius Loyola, was a Spanish knight, first a soldier and then a fanatic, 

(14) The principal writers concerning the &c. (by Pierre Ques?ie, surnomrne Benard, 
order of Jesuits, are enumerated by Chris- toA.D. 1572), ed 2d, Utretcht, 1741,3vols. 
topherAug. Salig, Historia Augustance Con- 12rno. Histoire generale de la naissanceet 
fessionis, torn ii., p. 73, &c. [Of these, the des progres de la Oomp. de Jesns (by Chris- 
most valuable as general works, are the fol- toph. Coudrette and Louis Adr. IK Paige) 
lowing: Historia Societatis Jesu, to the year 6. vols. 12mo, Amsterd., 1761, 1767. Es- 
1625, in 6 vols. fol., by members of the so- say of a new history of the order of Jesuits 
ciety : viz., part i. by Nic. Orlandinus, (in German: to 1565), Berlin am] Halle. 
Ant., 1620; part ii. by Fr. Sacchinus,ib\d. 1769, 1770, 2 vols. 8vo ; General Hist, of 
part iii. and iv. by the same, Rome, 1649, the Jesuits from the rise of the order to the 
1652; part v. by Pet. Possinus and Jos. present time (in Germ.), by Pet. Phil. Wolf, 
Juvencius, Rome, 1661 and 1710 ; part vi. ed. 2d, Lips., 1803, 4 vols. 3vo. Pragmatic 
byJul. Cordaro, Rome, 1750. Also. His- Hist, of the order of Jesuits from their origin 
tcire des religieux de la Compagnie de Jesus, to the present time, (in Germ.), by Jo. Chr. 



S8 



BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 



an illiterate man, but of an exuberant imagination. (15) After various 
changes, he went to Rome, and it is said, was there trained by the in 

to submit to this restraint, he went to Sala 
manca ; and pursuing the same course there, 
he was again apprehended, and laid under 
the same restriction. He therefore went to 
Paris, where he arrived Feb., 1528. Here 
he lived by begging, spent much time in 
giving religious exhortations, and prosecuted 
a course of philosophy and theology. Sev- 
cra-1 young men of a kindred spirit,, (among 
whom was the celebrated Francis Xavier t 
the apostle of the Indies), united with him 
in a kind of monastic association, in 1534. 
At first they were but seven in number, but 
they increased to ten. At length they 
agreed to leave Paris, and to meet in Janu- 
arv, 1537, at Venice. Loyola went to Spain 
to settle some ailairs ; preached there with 
great effect, and at the time appointed joined 
his associates at Venice. As the\ purposed 
to perform a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, they 
went to Home to obtain the papal benedic 
tion, and returned to Venice. But the war 
with the Turks now suspended ail inter 
course with Palestine, and they could not 
obtain a passage. JNot to be idle, thev dis 
persed themselves ovei the country and 
preached everywhere. Rome now became 
their place of rendezvous. While thus em- 
ployed, Ignatius conceived the idea of form 
ing a new and peculiar order of monks. His 
companions came into the plan ; and in 
1540, they applied to Paul 111., who con 
firmed their institution with some limitations, 
and afterwards, in 1543, without those limit 
ations. Loyola was chosen general of the 
order in 1541 He resided constantly at 
Rome, while his companions spread them 
selves everywhere, labouring to convert 
Jews and heretics, to reform the vicious, and 
inspire men with a religious spirit. His sect 
increased rapidly ; and among the new mem 
bers, were three females. But. they gave 
Loyola so much trouble, that, he applied to 
the pope for a decree releasing them from 
their vow, and ordaining that the society 
should never be cumbered with female mem 
bers any more. After obtaining a confirma 
tion of his order in 1550, from Julius III., 
he wished to resign his generalship over it ; 
but his associates would not, consent, and 
he remained their general till his death, July 
31st, 1556. He wag beatified by Paul V. 
A. 11 1609, and enrolled amomj the saints 
by Grrtrvry XV. A.D. 1622. When Loyola 
died, his society consisted of over 1000 per 
sons ; who possessed about 1 00 houses, and 
\veredivided into 12 provinces, Italy, Sicily, 
Germany, the Netherlands, France, Aragon. 
Castile, the south of Spain, Portugal and 



Harenbcrg, Halle, 1760, 2 vols. 4to. The 
two last are considered the best summaries. 
2V.] 

(15) Many biographies of Loyola have been 
composed by his followers ; most of which 
are raihcr eulogies of the man, than simple 
correct statements of facts. They transmute 
common events into prodigies. [Of this 
class is Jo. Pet. Ma/a, de vita et moribus 
B. P. Ignatii Loyola? ; Douay, IGb l, 12mo. 
Schl.} Recently a Frenchman, who calls 
himself Hcrcule.s Rasicl Jc Sclcc, [an ana 
gram of his real name, Charles Ic Vicr, 
a bookseller at the Hague. 7V.], has com 
posed a history of Loyola, with a good de 
gree of ingenuousness, if we except his own 
witty remarks. It is divided into two parts, 
and entitled : Histoire de 1 adrnirable Dom 
Imiro de Guipuscoa, (which is the Spanish 
name of Ignatius), Chevalier de la vier<je et 
Fondateui de la Monarchic de Iniyhistcs ; 
printed at the Hague, 173G, and again 1739, 
8vo. [Ignatius Loyola was born at the 
castle of Loyola, in the district of Guipus 
coa, in Biscay. Spain, A.D. 1491. Trained 
up in ignorance and in vice, at the court of 
Ferdinand and Isabella, he early became a 
soldier, and bravely commanded Pampeluna, 
when besieged by the French in 1521. 
Here he had his leg broken ; and during a 
long confinement, amused himself with read 
ing romances. A Spanish legend of certain 
saints heni:> put into his hands, led him to 
renounce the world, and become a saint. 
He first visited the shrine of the holy virgin, 
at Montserrat in Catalonia ; hung his arms 
on her altar, and devoted himself to her, as 
her knight, March 21th, 1522. He next 
went in the garb of a pilgrim, to Manresa, 
and spent, a year among the poor in the hos 
pital. Here he wrote his Spiritual Exer 
cises, a. book which was not printed till many 
years after. He next set out for the Holy 
Land. From Barcelona he bailed to Italy, 
obtained the blessing of the pope, proceeded 
to Venice, and embarked for Joppa, where 
lie arrived in August, and reached Jerusalem 
in Sept., 1523. After satisfying his curiosi 
ty, he returned by Venice and Genoa to 
Barcelona, where he commenced the study 
of Latin, and at the end of two years or 
A.D. 1526, removed to Alcala, (Oomplu- 
tum), and commenced reading philosophy. 
His strange appearance and manner of life 
rendered him suspected, and caused him to 
be apprehended by the inquisitors. They 
released him however, on condition that h% 
should not attempt to give religious instruc 
tion till after four years study. Unwilling 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH 



89 



structions and councils of certain wise and acute men, so that he was en 
abled to found such a society as the state of the church then required. (16) 
11. The Jesuits hold an intermediate place between the monks and the 

secular clergy, and approach near to the order of regular canons. For 
while they live secluded from the multitude and are under vows, like monks, 
yet they are exempted from the most onerous duties of monks, the canon 
ical hours, and the like ; in order that they may have more time for the in. 
struction of youth, for writing books, guiding the minds of the religious, 
and other services useful to the church. The whole society is divided into 
three classes ; namely, the professors, who live in houses of the professors ; 
the Scholastics, who teach youth in their colleges ; and the novices, who re 
side in the houses erected especially for them. The professors, in addition 
to the three common vows of monks, are bound by a fourth, by which they 
engage before God that they will instantly go wherever the Roman pontiff 
shall at any time bid them ; and they have no revenues, or are Mendicants 
and live on the bounties of the pious. The others, and especially the resi 
dents in the colleges, have very ample possessions, and must afford assistance 
when necessary to the professors. If compared with the other classes, the 
professors are few in number, and arc generally men of prudence, skilful 
in business, of much experience, learned, in a word, true and perfect Jes 
uits. The others are Jesuits only in a looser sense of the term ; and are 
rather associates of the Jesuits, than real Jesuits. The mysteries of the 
society are imparted only to a few of the professors, aged men, of long ex- 
perience, and of the most tried characters ; the rest are entirely ignorant 
of them. (17) 

Brazil, Ethiopia, and the East Indies. See 
Bayle, Diet. hist, crit., article Loyola, and 
Schroeckli s Kirchengesch. seit der lleform., 
vol. iii., p. 515, &c. 7V.] 

(16) Not only Protestants but also many 
Roman Catholics, and they men of learning 



to reside constantly at Rome ; and had a se 
lect council to advise him, and to execute 
his orders. His authority over the whole 
order, and over every person, business, and 
thing, connected with it, was absolute ; nor 
was he accountable to any earthly su- 



and discrimination, deny that Loyola had perior, except the pope. Over each prov- 

ince was a provincial, whose power was 
equally despotic over his portion of the 
society. He visited and inspected all the 
houses of his province, required regular 
monthly returns to be made to him from 
every section of the province of all that was 
transacted, learned, or contemplated ; and 
then made returns, every three months to 
the general. Every person belonging to the 



learning enough to compose the writings as- 
cribed to him, or genius enough to form 
such a society as originated from him. On 
the contrary, they say. that some very wise 
and superior men guided and controlled his 
rnind ; and that better educated men than 
he, composed the works which bear his 
name. See Mich. Gcddcs, Miscellaneous 
Tracts, vol. iii., p. 429. Most of his wri- 



tings are supposed to have been produced order was continually inspected, and trained 



by Jo. de Palnnco, his secretary. See M. 
V. la Croze, Histoire du Christ. d Ethiopie, 
p. 55, 271. His spiritual Exercises (Exer- 
citia Spiritualia), the Benedictines say, were 
transcribed from the work of a Spanish Ben 
edictine, whose name was Cisneros. See 
Jordan, Vie de Mr. la Croze, p. 83, &c. 
The constitutions of the society, it is said, 



to implicit obedience, secrecy, and fidelity to 
the order. The whole society was like a 
regular army, completely officered, trained to 
service, and governed by the will of one man, 
who stood at the pope s ri<iht hand. See 
the constitution of the society, as published 
by Hospmian, Historia Jcsuitica, lib. i., 
cap. 4, &c. The secret instructions to the 



irere drawn up by Lainez and Salmeron, two provincials, and to subordinate organs and 



learned men who were among his first asso 
ciates. See Histoire de la Compagnie de 
Jesus, torn, i., p. 115, &c 



members of the society, were totally 
known, for the most part, to any persons ex 
cept those to whom they were addressed 



(17) [The general of the order held his The general rules and artifices, by which 
office for life, under certain limitations ; was dividuals were to insinuate themselves everj 

VOL III. M 






90 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. Ill PART I. CHAP. I. 

12. The Romish church since the time it lost dominion over so man} 
nations, owes more to this single society, than to all its other ministers and 
resources. This being spread in a short time over the greater part of the 
world, every where confirmed the wavering nations, and restrained the 
progress of sectarians : it gathered into the Romish church a great multi 
tude of worshippers among the barbarous and most distant nations : it bold 
ly took the field against the heretics, and sustained for a long time almost 
alone the brunt of the war, and by its dexterity and acuteness in reasoning, 
entirely eclipsed the glory of the old disputants : by personal address, by 
skill and sagacity in the management of worldly business, by the knowledge 
of various arts and sciences, and by other means, it conciliated the good 
will of kings and princes : by an ingenious accommodation of the princi 
ples of morals to the propensities of men, it obtained almost the sole direc 
tion of the minds of kings and magistrates, to the exclusion of the Domin 
icans and other more rigid divines :(18) and every where, it most studious. 
ly guarded the authority of the Romish prelate from sustaining farther loss. 
All these things procured for the society immense resources and wealth, 
and the highest reputation ; but at the same time, they excited vast envy, 
very numerous enemies, and frequently exposed the society to the most im 
minent perils. All the religious orders, the leading men, the public schools, 
and the magistrates, united to bear down the Jesuits ; and they demonstrated 
by innumerable books, that nothing could be more ruinous both to religion 
and to the state, than such a society as this. In some countries, as France, 
Poland, and others, they were pronounced to be public enemies of the coun 
try, traitors, and parricides, and were banished with ignominy. (19) Yet the 
prudence, or if you choose, the cunning of the association, quieted all these 
movements, and even turned them dexterously to the enlargement of their 
power, and to the fortification of it against all future machinations. (20) 

where, and obtain for the society dominion tiquites de la Chapelle de France, lib. i., p. 

and control overall persons and transactions, 322, &c. 

were also arnon<x the mysteries of the society. (19) Histoire de la Compacrnie de Jesus, 

Two copies of them however, the one larger tome iii., p. 48, &c. Boul/nfs Historia 

and more minute than the other, entitled Acad. Paris., torn, vi., p. 559-648, and in 

Privata Monita Societatis Jcsu, and Sccreta many other places ; and a great number 

Monita, (Vc., were said to have boon oh- of writers, especially those among the Jan- 

tained, the first from a ship bound to the senists. [The Jesuits were expelled from 

East Indies, and captured by the Dutch, and France A.D. 1594 ; but permitted to return 

the other found in the Jesuits college at again, at the commencement of the next 

Paderborn. But the Jesuits have always century. They were expelled from Venice 

and constantly denied their genuineness; in 1606, from Poland in i607, and from Bo- 

nor have the world the means of substan- hernia in 1618; to the last-named place how- 

tiating their authenticity, except by their ever, they were allowed to return two years 

coincidence with the visible conduct of the after. TV.] 

Jesuits. According to these writings, which (20) [It was under Lainez, the general of 

have been repeatedly published during the the order next after Loyola, that the spirit of 

two last centuries, nothing could be more intrigue entered freely into the society. Lai- 

crafty and void of all fixed moral principle, nez possessed a peculiar craftiness and dex- 

than the general policy of the Jesuits. See terity in managing affairs, and was frequently 

Schroed:h\s Kirchengesch. seit der Reform., led by it into low and unworthy tricks. His 

vol. iii., p. 647, &c. TV.] ruling passion was ambition ; which however 

_(18) Before, the Jesuits arose, the Do- he knew how to conceal from the inexpe- 

minicans alone had the control of the con- rienced most artfully, under a veil of humil- 

sciences of the European kings and princes, ity and piety. Under him the society as- 

But they were superseded in all the courts, sumed a graver and more manly character 

by the Jesuits. See Willh. du Peyrat, An- than under his enthusiastic and often ludi- 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 



91 



13. The pontiffs who governed the Latin or Romish church in this 
century, after Alexander VI. [1492-1503], Pius III. [1503], Julius II. 
[1503], Leo X. [1503-1521], and Adrian VI. [1521-1523], who have been 
already mentioned, were Clement VII. [1523-1534], of the Medicean farn- 
ily;(21) Paul III. [1534-1549], of the illustrious family of Farnese;(22) 
Julias III. [15501555], who was previously called John Maria de 
Monte ;(23) Marcellus II. [1555], whose name, before his pontificate, was 
Marcellus Cervinus ;(24) Paul IV. [1555-1559], whose name was J n hn 
Peter Cara/a;(25) Pius IV. [1560-1566], who claimed to be a descend- 
ant of the Medicean family, and bore the name of John Angelas de Medi- 
cis ;(26) Pius V. [15661572], a Dominican monk, whose name was Mi 
chael Ghislerus, a man of a sour temper and excessive austerity, who is 

and the mother of the last, were his illegiti 
mate children. Schl.~\ 

(23) [" This was the worthy pontiff, who 
was scarcely seated in the papal chair, when 
he bestowed the cardinal s hat on the keeper 
of his monkeys, a boy chosen from among 
the lowest of the populace, and who was 
also the infamous object of his unnatural 
pleasures. See Thuanus, lib. vi. and xv. 
Hottinger, Hist. Eccles., torn, v., p. 572, 
&c., and more especially Sicilian, Historia, 
lib. xxi., folio, rn. 609. AVhcn Julius was 
reproached by the cardinals for introducing 
such an unworthy member into the sacred 
college, a person who had neither learning, 
nor virtue, nor merit of any kind, he impu 
dently replied by asking them, What merit 
or virtue they had found in him, that could 
induce them to place him (Julius) in the 
papal chair 1" Mad. } 

(24) [He reigned only twenty-two days. 
See Sarpi, 1. c., tome ii., p. 139^ Schl.] 

(25) ["Nothing could exceed the arro 
gance and ambition of this violent a)id impet 
uous pontiff, as appears from his treatment 
of queen Elizabeth. See HurncCs History 
of the Reformation. It was he who, by a 
bull, pretended to raise Ireland to the priv 
ilege and quality of an independent kingdom ; 
and it was he also who first instituted the 
Index of prohibited books, mentioned above, 
$ 9._ Mad.] 

" (26) [His family was very remotely, if at 
all, descended from the Medicean family of 
Florence. His character seemed to be to 
tally changed, by his elevation to the papal 
dignity. The affable, obliging, disinterested, 
and abstemious cardinal, became an unsocial, 
selfish, and voluptuous pope. So long as the 
council of Trent continued, which he con 
trolled more by craft and cunning than by 
direct authority, he was very reserved ; but 
after its termination, he showed himself with 
out disguise in his true character. This also 
may deserve notice, that this pope, in the year 
1564, allowed the communion in both kinds, 
in the diocese of Mayence ; which allowance 



crous predecessor ; and its constitution was 
a master-piece of artful policy, rendering it 
a terrible army, that dared to undermine 
states, to rend the church, and even to men 
ace the pope. See the Versuch einer neuen 
Gesch. des Jesuiterordens, vol. ii. Sckl.~\ 

(21) [Clement VII. was a bastard; but 
Leo X. removed this stain, by an act of legiti 
mation. His political sagacity was such as 
would better have adorned the character of 
a minister of state, than a minister of Christ. 
Civil history informs us, on what principles 
he acted with the emperor Charles V. See, 
concerning him, Jac. Zic<rler s Historia 
Clemcntis VII., in Schelhurris Arnoenitat. 
Historian eccles. et litter., vol. i., p. 210, 
&c., and Sarpi s Histoire du Concilc de 
Trente, tome i., p. 61, &c.SchL] 

(22) Respecting Paul III. there has in 
our age been much learned discussion, be 
tween cardinal Quirini, and several distin 
guished men, as Riesling, Schelhorn, and 
others ; the former maintaining that he was 
a good and eminent man, and the latter, that 
he was a crafty and perfidious character. 
See Quinnus de Gestis Pauli III. Farnesii. 
BrixijR, 1745, 4to. [And Schelhorn s Epis- 
tola de consilio de emendanda ecclesia, Zu 
rich, 1748, 4to. Quirini, ad catholicum ae- 
quumque lectorem animadversiones in epis- 
tolam Schelhornii, Brescia?, 1747. Schel- 
horn s second Epistle, 1748, 4to. Kics- 
ling^s Epistola de Gestis Pauli III., Lips., 
1747. Concerning this pope in general, and 
respecting his views in regard to a general 
council, see Sarpi s Histoire du Concile de 
Trente, tome i., p 131, &c. Thus much 
is clear, from the discussions of these learn 
ed men, that Paul III. was an adept in the 
art of dissimulation, and therefore better fitted 
to be a statesman, than the head of the 
church. His whole conduct in regard to 
the council forced upon him by the cardinals, 
proves this. That in his youth he was a 
great debauchee, appears from his two grand 
sons, Farncse and Sforza, whom he created 
cardinals, and of whom the father of the first 



92 



BOOK IV.-CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 



now accounted by the Romanists a saint ;(27) Gregory XIII. [1572-1585], 
previously cardinal Hugo Buoncompagno ;(28) Sixtus V. [1585-1590], 
a Franciscan, called MontaJtus before his advancement to the papal throne, 
who excelled all the rest in vigour of mind, pride, magnificence, and other vir 
tues and vices ; Urban VIII. [1590], Gregory XIV. [1590-1591], Innocent 
IX. [1591] ; (these three reigned too short a time to distinguish them- 
selves) ; {Clement VIII., 1592-1605]. Some of these were more, and oth 
ers less meritorious ;(29) yet if compared with most of those that ruled the 
church brforo the reformation by Luther, they were all wise and good men. 
For since the rise of so many opposers of the Romish power, both within 
and without, the cardinals have deemed it necessary to be exceedingly 
cautious, and not commit the arduous government of the church to a per- 
son openly vicious, or to a rash and indiscreet young man. And since 
that period the pontiffs do not, and cannot, assume such despotic power of 



also the Austrians and Bavarians hat! obtained 
of the pope. (Guthmis, Codex Diplom. Mo- 
gunt., torn, iv., p. 701)). See Sarpi, 1. r,., 
tome ii., p. 183, &c. Schl.~\ 

(27) [/ ///..? V. was of low birth, but had 
risen as a Dominican, to the office of general 
commissary to the Inquisition at Rome. And 
as pope, he practised on the cruel principles 
which he had learned in that school of cru 
elty. For he caused many eminent men of 
learning, and among others the noted Pale- 
anus, to be burned at the stake ; and he 
showed so little moderation and prudence in 
his persecuting zeal, that he not only ap 
proved of all kinds of violence, and let loose 
his warriors on France, but also employed 
the baser methods for the destruction of her 
etics, insurrections, and treason. Yet this 
method of proceeding had the contrary effect 
from what was intended, in France, in I lng- 
land, in Scotland, and in the Netherlands. 
That he also laboured to prostrate entirely 
the civil power before the spiritual, and by 
unreasonably exempting the clergy from all 
civil taxation greatly injured Spain, France, 
and Venice, may be learned from civil his 
tory. By his command, the Tridentine Cat 
echism was composed and published. Clem 
ent X. gave him beatification, and Clem 
ent XI. canonization ; which has occasioned 
many partial biographies to be composed of 
this pope. Schl.] 

(28) See Jo. Pet. Moffei, Annales Greg- 
orii XIII., Rome, 1742, 4to. [He was 
elected by means of the Spanish viceroy of 
Naples, cardinal dc Granville, and was of a 
milder character than Pius V. Yet he openly 
approved the bloody massacre at Paris on 
St. Bartholomew s eve, and participated in 
a treasonable plot against queen Elizabeth. 
His idea of introducing his reformed kalendar 
as pope, drew on him obloquy from the Prot 
estants ; and Ms attempt to free the clergy 

all civil jurisdiction, also from the 



from 



French. He published the Canon Law im 
proved and enlarged. .SYR] 

(29) Pitts V . and Sixtus V. distinguished 
themselves above the rest ; the former, by his 
extreme severity against IK retics, and by pub 
lishing the celebrated bull called In Cczna 
])(imini. which is [w;;s, till the reign of 
Clement. XIV.] annually read at Rome, on 
the festival of the Holy Sacrament ; ;:nd the 
latter, by his many vigorous, splendid, and 
resolute acts for advancing the jj orv and 
honour of the church. The hie of 1 ius V. 
has been written by many persons in onr age, 
since Clement XI enrolled him among the 
saints. On the bull : In Coma Domini, t.nd 
the commotions it occasioned, Ciinmonc has 
treated, in his Hi.stoire civile de Naples, lib. 
xxxni., cap. iv., tome iv., p. 248. t vc., [and 
still more fully and circumstantially, the au 
thor of the Pragmatic History of this bull. 
<SV,/</.] The life of Sixtus V., bv Gregory 
Lcfi, has been often published, and in differ 
ent languages ; but it is in many parts de 
ficient in fidelity. [Sixtus V. was a com 
plete statesman, and possessing a high de 
gree of dissimulation he could play any part ; 
and instead of the fruitless attempt of his 
predecessors to reduce the heretics again to 
obedience, he endeavoured to increase his 
power by conquering the kingdom of Naples, 
by retaining the princes that were still in his 
interests, and by encroachments upon their 
power. The Jesuits, for whom he had no 
partiality, hated him. The splendour of the 
city of Rome, the papal treasury, and the 
Vatican library, owe much to him. He like 
wise promoted the Romish edition of the 
Septuagint in 1587, and the edition of the 
Latin Vulgate, Rome, 1590, in 3 vols. fol. 
\Vhile a cardinal in 1580, he published at 
Rome the collected works,. of Ambrose, in 5 
vols. See Dr. WalMs History of the Popes, 
p. 399. Schl.1 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 93 

deciding on the greatest matters according to their own mere pleasure, as 
their predecessors did; but they must pronounce sentence ordinarily ac 
cording to the decision of their senate, that is of the cardinals, and of the 
congregations to which certain parts of the government are intrusted. 
Moreover neither prudence, nor the silently increasing power of emperors 
and kings, and the continual decrease of ignorance and superstition, will 
permit them to excite wars among nations, to issue bulls of excommunica 
tion and deposition against kings, and to arm the citizens, as they formerly 
did, against their lawful sovereigns. In short, stern necessity has been the 
mother of prudence and moderation, at Rome, as often elsewhere. 

14. The condition of the clergy subject to the Roman pontiff, remain, 
ed unchanged. Some of the bishops at times, and especially at the coun 
cil of Trent, very earnestly sought to recover their ancient rights, of which 
the pontiffs had deprived them ; and they supposed that the pontiff might 
be compelled to acknowledge, that bishops were of divine origin, and deri 
ved their authority from Christ himself. (30) But all these attempts were 
frustrated, by the vigilance of the Romish court, which did not cease to 
repeat the odious maxim, that bishops are only the ministers and legates of the 
vicar of Jesus Christ resident at Rome, and that they are indebted for all 
the power and authority they possess to the generosity and grace of ike 
apostolic see. Yet there were some, particularly among the French, who 
little regarded that principle. And what the Romish jurists call reser 
vations, provisions, exemptions, and expectatives, which had drawn forth 
complaints from all the nations before the reformation, and which were the 
most manifest proofs of the Romish tyranny, now almost entirely cease }. 

15. Respecting the lives and morals of the clergy and the reformation 
of inveterate evils, there was deliberation in the council of Trent : and on 
this subject some decrees were passed, which cannot be disapproved. But 
good men complain, that those decrees have to this day found no executor, 
and that they are neglected with impunity by all, and especially by those 
of more elevated rank and station. The German bishops, as every one 
knows, have almost nothing except their dress, their titles, and certain 
ceremonies, from which the nature of their office could be inferred. In 
the other countries very many of the prelates, with the tacit consent of the 
pope, are more devoted to courts, to voluptuousness, to wealth and ambi 
tion, than to Jesus Christ, to whom they profess to be consecrated : and 
only a very small number care for the interests of the Christian communi 
ty, or of piety and religion. Moreover, those who are most attentive to 
these things, can scarcely escape invidious remarks, criminations, and vex 
ations of various kinds. Many perhaps would be better and more devout, 
were they not corrupted by the example of Rome, or did they not see the 
very heads of the church and their servants, wholly devoted to luxury, 
avarice, pride, revenge, voluptuousness, and vain pomp. The canons as 
they are called, almost everywhere continue to adhere to their pristine 
mode of life, and consume often, not very piously or honestly, the wealth 
which the piety of former ages had consecrated to the poor. The rest of 
the clergy however, cannot at their pleasure everywhere copy after these 
preposterous moral guides. For it must be admitted, that since the refor 
mation by Luther, much more pains is taken than formerly, to prevent the 
lower orders of the clergy from disregarding the rules of sobriety and ex- 
(30) Here may be consulted, Paul Sarpi s Historia Concilii Tridentini. 



94 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 

ternal decency, lest their open profligacy should give offence to the peo. 
pie. 

16. Nearly the same praise belongs to the monks. In most of the 
governors of monasteries, there are things which deserve the severest rep- 
rehension ; nor are idleness, gluttony, ignorance, knavery, quarrels, lasciv- 
iousness, and the other once prevalent vices of the monasteries, entirely ex 
pelled and banished from them. Yet it would be uncandid to deny, that in 
many countries the morals of the monks are subjected to stricter rules; 
and that the remaining vestiges of the ancient profligacy, are at least more 
carefully concealed. There have also arisen some, who have laboured to 
restore the almost extinct austerity of the ancient rules ; and others who 
have attempted to establish new fraternities lor the public benefit of the 
church. Matthew de Basclii, an Italian, an honest but simple man, of that 
society of Franciscans who supposed they obeyed the precepts of their 
founder more religiously than the others, and who arc commonly called 
Observant Friars (Fratres dc Observantia), thought himself called of God 
to restore the institutes of St. Francis to their original and genuine integ 
rity. His design being approved by Clement VII. in the year 1525, gave 
rise to the fraternity of Capuchins ; which experienced the bitter indigna 
tion of the other Franciscans, and exhibited a great appearance of gravity, 
modesty, and disregard for worldly things. (31) The fraternity derived its 
name from the cowl, (cMpMtium), a covering for the head sewed to the 
Franciscan coat, which St. Francis himself is said to have worn. (32) 
Another progeny of the Franciscan order, were those called Recolhts in 
France, Reformati in Italy, and Barefooted (Discalceati) in Spain : and 
who likewise obtained tin; privileges of a separate association distinct from 
the others, in the year 1532, by authority of Clement VII. They differ 
from the other Franciscans, by endeavouring to live more exactly accord 
ing to the rules of their common lawgiver. (33) St. Thcrcsia, a Spanish 
lady of noble birth, aided in the arduous work by P. John dc Matthia, who 
was afterwards called John de St. Cruce, endeavoured to restore the too 
luxurious and almost dissolute lives of the Carmelites to their pristine grav 
ity. Nor were these efforts without effect ; notwithstanding the greatest 
part of the Carmelites made opposition. Hence the order was divided du 
ring ten years, into two parties, the one observing severer and the other 
laxer rules. But as this difference as to their mode of life among members 
of the same family, occasioned much animosity and discord, Gregory XIII. 
in the year 1580, at the request of Philip II. king of Spain, directed the 
more rigid Carmelites who were called Barefooted (Discalceati) from their 

(31) See Luc. Wadding s Annales Ordi- out mother. The order had the misfortune, 

nis Minorum, torn, xvi., p. 207, 257, &c., that its first vicar-general Bernhard Or/////, 

fd. Rome. Hipp. He.lyoCs Histoire des and afterwards the third also, turned Prot.- 

Ordres Monastiques, tome vii., cap. xxiv., estants ; which wellnigh worked its ruin. 

p. 264. And especially, Zac.h. Boverius, Yet it afterwards spread itself over Italv. 

Annales Capucinorum. [The founder of France, Spain, and Germany, with extraor- 

the order of Capuchins, is not well known, dinary success. Schl.~] 

Some give this honour to Matthew Bas~ (32) See /)// Fresne s Glossarium Latin- 

chr, and others to the famous Lewis de Fos- itat. medii rpvi, torn, ii., p. 298, ed. Bened., 

sembrun. Borer supposes, that Baschi de- [art. Caputium.] 

vised the cowl, but that Fosscmbrun was (33) Luc. Wadding s Annales, torn, xvi., 

the author of the reform ; and he thence in- p. 167. HelyoCs Histoire des Ordres, tome 

fers, that his order was not the work of men, v : i., cap. xviii., &c., p. 129, &c. 
but like Melchizedek vithout father and with- 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 95 

going with naked feet, to separate themselves from the more lax. Sixtus 
V. confirmed and extended this separation, in 1587 ; and Clement VIII. 
completed it in 1593, by giving to the new association an appropriate chief 
or general. A few years after when new contests arose between these 
brethren, the same pontiff in the year 1600, again separated them into two 
societies, governed by their respective generals. (34) 

17. Of the new orders that arose in this century, the most distinguish. 
eel was that which proudly assumed the name of Jesus ; and which has 
been already noticed among the props of the Romish power. Compared 
with this, the others appeared ignoble and obscure. The reformation af 
forded occasion for various societies of what arc called Regular Clerks. 
As all these professed to aim at imitating and restoring the ancient virtue 
and sanctity of the clerical order, they tacitly bear witness to the laxity of 
discipline among the clergy, and the necessity of a reformation. The first 
that arose were the Theatins, so named from the town Theate or Chieti 
(in the kingdom of Naples], whose bishop at that time was John Peter Ca- 
rajfa, afterwards pope Paul IV., who, with the aid of Cajetan de Thienms 
and some others, founded this society in the year 1524. Destitute of all 
possessions and all revenue, they were to live upon the voluntary bounties 
of the pious ; and were required to succour decaying piety, to improve the 
stylo of preaching, to attend upon the sick and dying, and to oppose man- 
fully and vigorously all heretics. (35) There were also some convents of 
sacred virgins connected with this order. Next in point of time to them, 
were those that assumed the name of Regular Clerks of St. Paul whom 
they chose for their patron, but who were commonly called Barnabiles, 
from the temple of St. Barnabas at Milan which was given to them in the 
year 1535. This fraternity was approved by Clement Vll. in 1532 ; and 
confirmed by Paul III. in 1535. It honoured as its founders Antony Ma- 
via Zacharias a knight of Cremona, and Bartholomew) Ferrarius a knight 
of Milan, also Jac. Antony Morigia of Milan. At first they renounced all 
possessions and property, like the Theatins, living solely upon the gratui 
tous gifts of the pious ; but afterwards they deemed it expedient to hold 
property and have certain revenues. Their principal business was, to la 
bour as preachers in reclaiming sinners to their duty. (36) The Regular 
Clerks of St. Majoli, also called the Fathers of Somasquo, from the town 
Somasquo where their first general resided, had for their founder Jerome 
JEmilianus, and were approved by Paul III. in the year 1540, and then 
by Pius IV. in 1543. (37) These assumed the office of carefully instruct 
ing the ignorant and especially the young, in the precepts of Christianity. 
The same office was assigned to the Fathers of the Christian doctrine, 
both in France and in Italy. A distinguished society of this name, was 
collected in France by Casar de Bus ; and it was enrolled among the le 
gitimate fraternities by Clement VIII. in the year 1597. The Italian soci 
ety owed its birth to Marcus Cusanus a knight of Milan, and was approved 
by the authority of Pius V. and Gregory XIII. 

(34) Hclyot, Histoire des Ordres, tome L, Helyol with great industry and accuracy, 
;ap. xlvii., p. 340, &c. prosecutes the history of the other sects 

(35) Hclyot, Histoire des Ordres, tome which we have here mentioned. 

iv., cap. xii., p. 71, &c. (37) See the Acta Sanctor., Februar., 

(36) Helyol, 1. c., tome iv., c. xv., p. 100. torn, ii., p. 217, &c. 
T n this part of his noted and excellent work, 



96 



BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 



18. It would occupy us too long and would not be very profitable, to 
enumerate the minor fraternities which originated from the perturbation 
excited in the Romish church by the heretics of Germany and other coun 
tries. For no age produced more associations of this kind, than that in 
which Luther held up the Bible, against ignorance, superstition, and papal 
domination. Some of them have since become extinct, because they had 
no solid basis ; and others have been suppressed by the will of the pontiffs, 
who considered the interests of the church as retarded rather than advan 
ced by the multitude of such societies. We also omit the societies of 
nuns ; among whom the Ursulines were distinguished for their numbers 
and reputation. (38) But we must not pass over the Fathers of the Ora 
tory, founded in Italy by Philip Nerius, and publicly approved by Gregory 
XIII. in 1577 ; because they have had not a few men distinguished for 
their erudition and talents, (among whom were Cocsar Baronius, and af 
terwards Odoric Eayna/d, and in our age James Laderchius, the celebra 
ted authors of the Annals of the Church), and because they have not yet 
ceased to flourish. The name of the sect is derived from the chapel or 
oratory, which Nerius built for himself at Florence and occupied for many 
years. (39) 

19. That both sacred and secular learning were held in much highei 
estimation amuig the Romish Christians after the time of Luther, than be 
fore, is known very generally. In particular, the Jesuits glory, and not 
altogether without reason, that the languages and the arts and sciences 

(38) [The foundress of this order was 
Angela de Brescia, an Italian lady of Lorn- 
bardy, who belonged to the third order of St. 
Francis. In the year 1537, she thought her- 
self guided by a revelation to form a new 



was introduced into France in 1 Gil, where 
it, acquired a high reputation, a>;d could soon 
number more than 300 cloisters distributed 
into several congregations. The kind of- 
fices of these sisters to all who needed th^ir 



order of nuns, for relieving the sufferings of services, arid their attention to the education 

mankind, and with a special view to confute of females, caused them to be held in high 

the vulgar charge against nunneries, that estimation. From France the order was 

they are mere houses of impurity. The 

name ot Ursulines she borrowed from St. 

Ursula, a legendary British saint of the fourth 

or fifth century, who with her companions 

suffered death at Cologne, rather than allow 

their chastity to be violated. (Sec Adr. 

Baillct, Vies des Saints, torn, iii., Octob. 21, 

p. 330, &.c.) At first she proposed that her 

nuns should not be cloistered, but should 

reside in the private families to which they 

belonged, so that their devout and virtuous 

hves might be open to the inspection of all. 

But she afterwards allowed them to live in 

communities or nunneries. Their monastic 

rule was that of St. Augustine. They were 

to search out the afflicted and unfortunate, 

to administer to them instruction and con- 

solation, to relieve the poor, to visit hospi- 

tals, and to wait on the sick, and ever 



extended to Canada, and also to the United 
States, in both which it still exists and is in 
reputation. See Srhroeckh, Kirchengesch. 
s. d. Reform., vol. iii., p. 503, &c., who re- 
fers us to Hclynt, Hist, des Ordres, tome iv., 
p. 150-223, and to the Gesch. der vornehm- 
stcn Monchsorden. b. vi., s. 203, &c. TV.] 
(39) Hfh/ot, Histoiie des Ordres, tome 
viii., cap. iv., p. 12. [Rayvahrs Annales 
Ecclcs., ad aim. 1564, 5. The exercises 
in the Oratory were these. When the as- 
sociatcs were collected, a short time was 
spent in prayer, ordinarily silent prayer. 
Then Nerhis addressed the company. Next 
a portion of some religious book was read, 
on which Nerius made remarks. After an 
hour occupied in these exercises, three of 
the associates successively mounted a "little 
rostrum, and gave each a discourse about 



here afford their personal services to such half an hour long on some point in theology, 



as needed them. The foundress died in 
1540. Cardinal Borromeo archbp. of Milan, 
was a great patron of this order, which was 
first legalized by Paul III. in 1544, and 
afterwards by Gregory XIII. in 1571. It 



. , 

flourished much in the north of Italy, and der. TV.] 



or on church history, or practical religion ; 
and the meeting closed for the day. See 
Baronius, Annales Eccles?, torn, i., p. 555. 
Baronius was himself an early pupil of Nc- 
rius, and succeeded him as head of the or- 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 97 

.. c more cultivated and advanced by their society, during this century, 
than by the schools and by the other religious fraternities. The schools 
and universities, (whether designedly or from negligence, I will not say), 
were not disposed to abandon the old method of teaching, though rude and 
tedious, nor to enlarge the field of their knowledge. Nor would the monks 
allow a more solid and elegant culture to be given to their minds. Hence 
there is a great diversity in the Romish writers of this century ; some ex- 
press themselves happily, methodically. and properly; others barbarously, 
irnrnethodically, and coarsely. Ecclesiastical history was a subject which 
Casar Baronius undertook to elucidate, or to obscure : and his example 
prompted many others to attempt the same thing. This labour was ren 
dered necessary by the temerity of the heretics ; for they with Matthias 
Flacius and Martin Chemnitz at their head, (40) having demonstrated that 
not only the sacred scriptures but also the voice of ancient history were 
opposed to the doctrines and decrees of the Romish church, prompt resist 
ance became necessary, lest the ancient fables on which a great part of the 
claims of the pontiffs rested, should lose all their credit. 

20. The improvement of philosophy was attempted, by several men of 
fine talents both among the French and Italians, whose names have already 
been given. But their efforts were rendered ineffectual, by the excessive 
attachment of the scholastic doctors to the old Aristotelian philosophy, and 
by the cautious timidity of many who were apprehensive that such free 
dom of thought and discussion might subvert the tottering interests of the 
church, and open the way for other and new dissensions. The empire of 
Aristotle therefore, whose very obscurity rendered him the more accepta 
ble, continued unshaken in all the schools and monasteries. It even be. 
came more firmly established, after the Jesuits saw fit to subject their 
schools to it, and showed by their discussions and their books, that the 

(40) The former in the Centuries Mag- clesiastici, and was published at Rome, bo 
deburgiccE, and the latter in his Examen Con- tween the years 1588 and 1607; and after- 
cilii Tridentini. [Matthias Flacius, after wards at Mentz, with the approbation of the 
his removal from Wittenberg to Madgeburg, author. The latest, most splendid, and most 
with the aid of the two Madgeburg preach- complete edition, was published with Ante- 
ers, John Wipand and Matthew Judex, the ny Pagi a French Franciscan s corrections, 
jurist Basil Faber, and Andrew Corvinus, (entitled, Critica Historico-chronologica in 
Thomas Hollkuters, and others, published Annales Baronii, 4 vols. fol.), and the con- 
the Madgeburg Centuries between the years tinuation of Odoric Raynald, (in 10 vols. 
1559 and 1574, in thirteen volumes folio, fol.) at Lucca, 1738-1756, in 38 vols. fol. 
each volume containing one century. Its These ecclesiastical annals are by no means 
proper title is, Historise ecclesiastics? per ali- impartial ; yet they contain numerous docu- 
quot studiosos et pios viros in urbe Magde- ments, which cast light on both ecclesiastical 
burgica Centurise xiii. A new edition was and civil history. Raynald s continuation 
commenced in 1757, at Nuremberg; [but reaches to the year 1565. James de Lader- 
was carried only to the sixth volume, in 4to. chi, likewise a father of the oratory, extend- 
An edition with some abridgment, was pub- ed the Annals to the year 1572. The apos- 
lished by Lucius, Basil, 1624. 13 vols. in tate Reformed, Henry de Sponde or Span- 
3, large folio. This edition is most current danus, bishop of Pamiers, likewise compo- 
among the Reformed, though disapproved sed a continuation of Baronius to the year 
by the Lutherans. TV.] C&sar Baronius, 1640, in three volumes fol. So also the 
a father of the oratory, [at the instigation of Polish Dominican, Abraham Bzovius, con- 
Philip Nerius, founder of the society of the tinued Baronius to the year 1572, in eight 
oratory], undertook to confute this work vols. folio ; but he is the most faulty of all 
which contained strong historical proofs that have been named, both in respect to the 
against popery, in a work of twelve volumes matter and the spirit of his performance. * 
folio, each volume likewise embracing one Schl.] 
centuiy. His work is entitled Annales ec- 

VOL. III. N 



98 



BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 



Aristotelian scholastic subtilties, equivocations, and intricacies were better 
suited to confound the heretics and to carry on controversy with some ap 
pearance of success, than the simple and lucid mode of arguing and deba 
ting, which sound reason left to herself would dictate. 

21. Of the theological writers in the Romish church during this 
century, a very large catalogue might be made out. The most famous 
and most competent among them, were, Thomas de Vio Cajetan, John Eck, 
John CochlcEus, Jerome Emser, Laurence Surius, Stanislaus Hosius, John 
Fdber, James Sadolet, Albert Pighi, Francis Vatablus, Melchior Canus, 
Claudius Espencaus, Bartholomew Caranza, John Maldonate, Francis Tur- 
rianus, Benedict Arias Montanus, Ambrose Catharinus, Reginald Pole, Six- 
tus Senensis, George Cassander, James Paya Andradius, Michael Baius, 
James Pamelius, and others. (41) 



(41) Concerning these, and others design 
edly omitted, the reader may consult Louis 
Ellics du Pin, a doctor of the Sorbonne, in 
his Bibliotheque des Auteurs Ecclesiast., 
tome xiv. and xvi., and the other writers of 
biography. [The following brief notices of 
the writers mentioned by Mosheim, may not 
be unacceptable. 

Of Cajctan, see above, p. 23, notes (21), 
(22). 

John Rckius or John Mayer, was born at 
Eck, a village in Swabia, A.D. 1483 ; was 
professor of theology at Ingolstadt, vice- 
chancellor, inquisitor, and canon of Eich- 
stadt ; and died 1543. He disputed and 
wrote much against Luther and the Protes 
tants. 

The real name of Cochl&us was John 
Dobencck, surnamed Cochl&us from the Lat 
inized name of his birthplace, Wcndelstein 
in Nuremberg. He was a dean at Frank 
fort, and a canon at Mentz and Breslau, and 
died in 1552 ; a most rancorous and uncan- 
did opposer of the reformation. 

Emser was of Ulm in Swabia, and died 
in 1527. He was a licentiate of canon law, 
criticized Luther s version of the New Tes 
tament, and undertook to make a better. 

Surrus was a laborious Carthusian monk 
of Lubec, and died at Cologne in 1578. 
Besides his translations, he published four 
volumes of the Councils, and seven volumes 
of lives of the saints ; and wrote a concise 
general history, from A.D. 1500 to 1574, in 
opposition to Sleidan s Commentaries. 

Hosius was of Cracow, and at his death 
in 1579, was bishop of Ermeland, cardinal, 
and grand penitentiary to pope Gregory XIII. 
He acted a conspicuous part in the council 
of Trent, was a manly opposer of the refor 
mation, and left works in 2 vols. fol. 

Faber was a Swabian, named Hcigerlin, 
but was called Faber from his father s oc 
cupation. He was a Dominican, and op- 
]>osed the sale of indulgences in Switzer 
land ; yet aided the pope against the Prot 



estants, and became bishop of Vienna. 
None of his writings are now read. 

Sadolet was a mild, liberal divine, secre 
tary to Leo X., bishop of Carpentras, and a 
cardinal. His works were printed at Vero 
na, 1737, 4 vois. fol. 

Pighi was a Dutchman, archdeacon at 
Utrecht, a mathematician, and a man of 
more reading than judgment ; and died iii 
1542. 

VataUus of Picardy, was a learned pro 
fessor of Hebrew at Paris, in the reign of 
Francis I. 

Canus, a Spanish Dominican, professor 
of theology at Salamanca, bishop of the Ca 
nary Inlands, provincial of his order in Cas 
tile, and died in 1560. His chief work was 
his Locorum communium libri xii. 

Espencaus was a famous Parisian divine 
of great erudition, who died in 1571. 

Caranza was a Dominican, confessor to 
Philip II. of Spain, to queen Mary of Eng 
land, and to Charles V. ; also archbishop of 
Toledo ; yet he was charged with heresy, and 
suffered ten years in the Inquisition ; and 
died almost as soon as released, A.D. 1576, 
He wrote Summa Conciliorum et Decret 
Pontificum. 

Maldonate was a Spanish Jesuit, a distin 
guished theologian, and Scriptural expositor ; 
born 1534, died 1582. 

Turrianus was also a Spanish Jesuit, but 
of less talents. He died in 1584. 

Montanus was a Spanish Orientalist, and 
editor of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible. He 
also wrote commentaries on the Scriptures ; 
and died in 1598. 

Catharinus of Sienna in Italy, was first a 
jurist, then a Dominican, bishop of Minor 
ca, and lastly archbishop of Conza in the 
kingdom of Naples. He wrote against the 
Protestants, commented on Paul s epistles, 
and died in 1553. 

Cardinal Po/c was of royal English blocxl, 
opposed king Henry VIII. in the matter of 
his divorce, an I left England ; but returned 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 



22. The religion which Rome would have men regard as the only 
true religion, and which she enjoins on all Christians universally, is de 
rived as all their writers tell us, from two sources, the written word of God. 
and the unwritten, or the holy scriptures and tradition. But as there are warm 
contests among the leading divines of that church, respecting the legitimate 
interpreter of this twofold word of God, it may be justly said, that it is 
not yet clear whence a knowledge of the Romish doctrines is to be learned, 
or by what authority controversies on sacred subjects are to be decided. 
The Romish court indeed, and all that favour the absolute dominion of the 
pontiff, maintain that no one can interpret and explain the import of either 
divine word in matters relating to salvation, except the person who gov 
erns the church as Christ s vicegerent ; and of course, that his decisions 
must be religiously obeyed. To give weight to this opinion, first Pius 
IV. and afterwards Sixtus V. established at Rome the congregation styled 
the Congregation for interpreting the council of Trent (de interpretando 
Tridentino concilio) ; which decides in the name of the pontiff, the smallei 
questions respecting points of discipline ; but the weightier questions touch 
ing any point of doctrine, it refers to the pontiff himself as the oracle. (42) 
But a very different opinion is entertained both by the greatest part of the 
French and by other men of great learning, who maintain, that individual 
doctors and bishops may go directly to both sources, and from them obtain, 
for themselves and for the people rules of faith and practice ; and thui 
the greater and more difficult questions of controversy, are to be submit - 

as papal legate, on the accession of queen of state to Charles V. He died on his wav 

to take possession of his new office of bishop 
of St. Omers, A.D. 1587. He edited the 
works of Tcrtullian arid of Cyprian. 7V. 1 
(42) Jac. Aymon, Tableau de la cour de 
Rome, part v., cap. iv., p. 282, &c. [This 
congregation affords the pope a fine oppor 
tunity to obtrude his court decisions on the 
Catholic world, under the pretence of the 
council of Trent. It is the duty of the car 
dinals to explain the language of the council, 
only in doubtful cases ; but they often ex 
tend the import of the words so far, that the 
pope finds the way open to introduce new 
laws into the church. See Fcbronius, de 
Statu ecclesiae, cap. v., 3, no. 7. Schl. 
The canonists long debated, whether the 
decisions of this congregation formed a part 
of the ecclesiastical law of the Catholic 



Mary, was made archbishop of Canterbury, 
and died on the very day his sovereign did, 
A.D. 1558. He was learned, discreet, and 
inclined to moderation. His letters were 
published by cardinal Quirini, at Brescia, 
in 1744. 

Sixtus of Sienna was born a Jew, became 
a Franciscan, was accused of heresy, joined 
the Dominicans, and died in 1569. His 
Bibliotheca Sancta, or Introduction to Bib 
lical literature, is the chief foundation of his 
reputation. 

Cassander was born on the island of Cas- 
sand, near Bruges, and was a modest, in 
genuous divine, who studied to bring the 
Catholics and Protestants to a better agree 
ment, and incurred the ill will of both. He 
died in 1566 ; and his works were printed 
at Pans, in 1616, fol. 

Andradius was a Portuguese theologian, 
who attended the-council of Trent, and at 
tempted to vindicate its proceedings against 
Chemnitz s attack. 

Baius was doctor and professor of the 
ology at Louvain, chancellor of the univer 
sity, general inquisitor for the Netherlands, 
and a strong adherent to the doctrii.es of 
Augustine ; which brought him into diffi 
culty, as we shall see presently, 38. He 
died in 1589. 

Pamdius was a modest and honest the- 
slogian of the Netherlands, whose father 
Adolphus, baron of Pamele, was counsellor 



church. Those who maintained that they 
were not law, urged unanswerably, that those 
decisions were not published ; and that rules 
of conduct not made known, could never be 
considered as laws by which men were to 
be judged. To remove this objection, in 
the year 1739 formal reports of the decisions 
of the congregation began to be published, 
reaching back to the year 1718;. and the 
publication of these reports was continued 
to the year 1769, when thirty-eight volumes 
4to had been issued, embracing all the de 
cisions of importance from the year 1718 tc 
the year 17G9, inclusive. TV.] 



100 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 



ted to the examination and decision of councils. There is no judge that 
can terminate this controversy ; and hence there is no prospect that the 
Romish religion will ever obtain a stable and determinate form. 

23. The council of Trent, which is said to have been summoned to 
explain, arrange, and reform both the doctrine and the discipline of the 
church, is thought by wise men to have rather produced new enormities, 
than to have removed those that existed. They complain that many opin 
ions of the scholastic doctors, concerning which in former times men 
thought and spoke as they pleased, were improperly sanctioned and placed 
among the doctrines necessary to be believer], and even guarded by anath 
emas :(43) they complain of the ambiguity of the decrees and decisions 
of the council, in consequence of which, controverted points are not so 
much explained and settled as perplexed and made more difficult ;(44) they 
complain that every thing was decided in tin; council, not according to 
truth and the holy scriptures, but according to the prescriptions of the Ro 
man pontiff, and that the Romish legates took from the fathers of the 
council almost all liberty of correcting existing evils in the church :(45) 
they complain that the few decisions which were wise and correct, were 
left naked and unsupported, and arc neglected and disregarded with impu 
nity; in short, they think the council of Trent was more careful to sub 
serve the interests of the papal dominion, than the general interests of the 

(43) [Here belong, for example, Peter 
Lombard s doctrine of seven sacraments, the 
necessity of auricular confession, the canon 
ical authority of the apocryphal books, eve. ; 
md by the anathema pronounced against the 
opposite doctrines, the reintroduction of these 
supposed heresies into the church, and all 
attempts at a religious union in future, are 
rendered impossible. ScfiL] 

(44) [The reader need only consult the 



God, and regret for having sinned -n^ainst 
him This dispute is not decided i"v the 
council ; for one passage appears to deny, 
what another asserts. And hence John 
Launoi wrote a book, de iiiente concilii 
Tridentini circa contritionem, attritionem, 
ct satisfactionern, in Sacramento pceniten- 
tiae ; and he there shows, that the words of 
the council maybe fairly construed as every 
one pleases. The doctrines concerning the 



.second article, concerning justification and church, and concerning the power of the 

free-will. The council here frequently ex- pope and its limits, are for good reasons left 

presses itself according to the views of Lu- undecided. So also the contested doctrines 

tkcr but presently, it takes back with one concerning the conception and birth of the 

hand what it had given with the other. This virgin Mary, and the real nature of the wor- 

arose from the disputes of the fathers in the ship to be paid to images and to the saints. 



council among themselves. The only way 
to quiet their contentions, was to publish ar 
ticles of faith so ambiguous that each party 



The doctrine respecting tradition, is likewise 
made very equivocal and obscure. >SW<Z.j 
(45) [No pope indeed was personally pres- 



could construe them to agree with their own ent in the council, but they still governed it 
opinions. Hence it is, that to this day the by their legates. Nothing was permitted to 



council is so differently interpreted in the 
Romish church. Hence the Spanish Do- 



be discussed, without the consent of the le 
gates ; and no conclusion was made, which 



minican, Dominic Soto, wrote three books to had not been previously prepared and shaped 
prove that the council was of his opinion, on in the particular congregations [or coinmit- 
the subject of grace and justification ; while tees], in which the legates always presided. 

Hence the satirists said, that the Holy Ghost 
(by whom, according to the court language 
of the church, such councils are always gui- 



the Franciscan, Andrew Vega whose opin 
ions were very different, wrote fifteen to 
prove directly the contrary. So is it also in 



regard to the doctrine respecting the peni- ded)was brought from Rome in a portman 



tence necessary to repentance. The Jesuits 
say, this penitence consists in an internal 
fear of God and a dread of divine punish 
ments, which they call attrition. Their op- 



teau. in order to enlighten the fathers. 
There were in fact several intelligent and 
thinking men amoi.g the fathers of the coun 
cil ; but they were outvoted by the multi- 



posers maintain, that this is not sufficient, but tude of Italians and dependants of the pope. 
ii at true penitence must arise from love to Schl.] 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 



101 



Christian church. And hence it is not strange that there should be some 
among the sons of the Romish church, who choose to expound the decrees 
of the Tridentine council itself according to the sense of the sacred vol 
ume and tradition, and that the authority of those decrees should be differ 
ently estimated in the different Catholic countries. (46) 

24. Recourse must be had to the decrees of the council of Trent, to 
gether with the brief confession of faith which Pius IV. caused to be drawn 
up, by all those who would gain a tolerable knowledge of the Romish re 
ligion. A full and perfect knowledge of it, is not in this way to be expect 
ed. For in the decrees of the council, and in the confession of faith 
above mentioned, many articles are so nerveless and without joints, that 
they reel hither and thither; and they were designedly left in this dubious 
state, on account of the intestine dissensions of the church. Moreover, 
not a few tilings were passed by, in both those works, which yet must not 
be denied nor even called in question without giving offence ; and some 
tilings are there expressed more decently and better, than daily practice 
and public usage authorize. Hence reliance must not always be placed 
on the language used by the council ; but rather the import of that lan- 



(46) Some provinces of the Romish 
ehurch, as Germany, Poland, Italy, [and 
Portugal], have received the council of Trent 
and its decrees, entire, and without excep 
tions or conditions. But others, only under 
certain limitations and conditions, would 
subject themselves to it. Of these the prin 
cipal were, the countries subject to the king 
of Spain, which were long in controversy 
with the Roman pontiff respecting the coun 
cil of Trent, and at last embraced it with a 
salvo of the rights of the Spanish kings (sal- 
vis Regum Hispaniae juribus). See Gian- 
none, Histoire civile du Royaume de Na 
ples, [lib. Ixxxiii., cap. 3., sec. 1], tome iv., 
p. 235, &ic. Others again could never be 
induced o adopt it. Among these was 
France. See Hector Godfr. Masius, Diss. 
de contemptu concilii Tridentini in Gallia ; 
which is one among his collected Disserta 
tion* ; and Peter Francis Ic Courayer s Dis- 
couis sur la reception du concile de Trente, 
particulierment en France, which is subjoin- 
to the second volume of his French trans 
lation of Paul Sarpi s History of the council 
of Trent, p. 775-789. Yet that part of the 
council which embraces the doctrines of re 
ligion, was tacitly and by practice admitted 
as a rule of faith among the French. But 
the other part, which relates to discipline and 
ecclesiastical law, has been constantly re 
jected both publicly and privately ; because 
it is deemed hostile to the authority and 
power of kings, no less than to the rights 
and liberties of the French church. See 
Louis Eliies du, Fin, Bibliotheque des Au- 
teurs ecclesiastiques, torn, xv., p. 380, &c. 
Hungary also is said to have never publicly 
received this council. See Lorand Samuel- 



p/, Vita Andr. Dudithii, p. 56. As for the 
literary history of the council of Trent, the 
writers of its history, editions of its decree?, 
&,c., see S aligns History of the council of 
Trent, (in German), vol. iii., p. 190-320., and 
Jo. Chr. Kochcfs Bibliotheca Theol. Sym- 
bolica, p. 325, 377, &c. [As to the recep 
tion of the council of Trent in Germany, it 
did not take place at once. The pope Pvu$ 
IV. sent the bishop of Vintimiglia Visconti, 
to the emperor Ferdinand I. to persuade 
him to receive it. But the emperor consent 
ed only on two conditions ; that the pope 
should allow his subjects the use of the cup 
in the sacred supper, and should not debar 
the clergy from marriage. The same indul 
gence was craved by the Bavarians. Pius 
allowed the first, but denied the second ; and 
Ferdinand acquiesced, and received the 
council for himself and his hereditary domin 
ions. The whole German nation has never 
received it ; and the popes have never dared 
to submit its decrees to the consideration of 
the diet, and to ask their sanction of them. 
This probably will have been the last gen 
eral council of Christendom ; for it is not 
probable that the opposing interests of the 
great, with good policy, will ever again allow 
of a general council, since the weakness and 
intrigues of such bodies have been so clearly 
exhibited by this. The popes would also 
show themselves not very favourable to an 
other general council, since the right of sum 
moning such a council to meet, and that oi 
presiding in it, would be contested witb 
them ; and as so many appeals would bo 
likely to be made to the proposed general 
council, from their own decisions. Schl.] 



LO-2 BOOX IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. Ill PART I CHAP. I 

guage must bo qualified and measured, by the practices and the institutions 
that generally prevail. (47) Add to these considerations, that since the 
time of the council of Trent, some of the pontiffs have explained more 
clearly and unequivocally in their particular constitutions or bulls, certain 
doctrines which were stated less clearly by the council : in which thing, no 
one appears to have acted more audaciously and unsuccessfully, than Clement 
XI. in his famous bull called Unigenitus. 

25. To the correct interpretation and the knowledge of the holy scrip 
tures, the Roman pontiff opposed all the obstacles in his power, from the 
time that he learned what very great damage and loss accrued to him from 
this source. In the first place, disputants are allowed the shocking license 
of treating the scriptures with contumely, and of publicly declaring their 
authority to be inferior to that of the pontiff and tradition. Next, the 
old Latin version called the Vulgate, though it abounds with innumerable 
faults and in very many places is quite barbarous and obscure, was by a 
decision of the assembly at Trent, recommended as authentic, that is, as 
faithful, exact, and accurate, and therefore not liable to be impugned. How 
much this contributed to conceal from the people the true meaning of the 
scriptures, must be manifest. In the same assembly, this hard law was 
imposed on interpreters, that in matters of faith and morals they must not 
venture to construe the scriptures differently from the common opinion of 
the church and the consent of the ancient doctors ; nay, it was asserted 
that the church alone, or its head and governor the sovereign pontiff, lias 
the right of determining the true sense of the scriptures. Finally, the 
Romish church has persevered in strenuously maintaining, sometimes more 
explicitly and sometimes more covertly, that the sacred scriptures were 
written for none but the teachers ; and in all places where it would bear,(48) 
i: has ordered the people to be restrained from reading the Bible. 

2(3. For these reasons, the multitude of expositors, who were excited 
by the example of Luther and his followers to engage eagerly in the work 
of biblical interpretation, are for the most part dry, timid, and obsequious 
to the will of the Romish court. Nearly all of them are extremely cau 
tious, lest they should drop a single word at variance with the received 
opinions ; they always quote the authority and the names of the holy fa 
thers as they call them, and do not so much inquire what the inspired wri 
ters actually taught, as what the church would have them teach. Some of 
them tax their ingenuity to the utmost, to force out of each passage of scrip 
ture that fourfold sense which ignorance and superstition devised, namely the 
literal, allegorical, tropological, and anagogical. And with good reason ; 
for this mode of interpretation is most convenient for artfully eliciting from 
the divine oracles whatever the church wishes to have regarded as truth. 

(47) [" This is true, in a more especial many places. But this circumspection does 

manner, with respect to the canons of the riot appear in the worship of the Roman 

council of Trent relating to the doctrine of Catholics, which is notoriously idolatrous in 

purgatory, the invocation of saints, the iror- both the senses of that word." MacL] 
ship of images and relics. The terms em- (48) This could not be done in all coun 

ployed in these canons are artfully chosen, tries. The French, and some other nations, 

so as to avoid the imputation of idolatry, in read the Scriptures in their native language ; 

ine philosophical sense of that word ; for in notwithstanding the warm supporters of the 

the scripture-sense they cannot avoid it, as Romish supremacy, are bitterly opposed to 

all use of images in religious worship is ex- the practice, 
pressly forbiddp^ i" the sacred writings in 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 103 

Yet we can name some, who had wisdom enough to discard these vain 
mysteries, and to labour solely to ascertain the literal import of the scriptures. 
In this class the most eminent were the following : Erasmus of Rotterdam, 
who is well known to have translated the books of the New Testament into 
neat and perspicuous Latin, and to have explained them in a pleasing man. 
ner ; Thomas de Vio Cajetanus. the cardinal who disputed with our Luther 
at Augsburg, and whose brief notes on nearly all the sacred books are bet 
ter than many longer commentaries ; Francis Titelmann, Isidorus Clarius, 
John Maldonat, Benedict Justinian, (who was no contemptible interpreter 
of St. Paul s epistles), John Gagnaus, Claudius Espencaus, and some 
others. (49) But these laudable examples ceased to have influence, sooner 
than might be expected. For at the close of the century, there was only 
one in the university of Paris, namely Edmund Richer the celebrated de 
fender of the Gallic liberties against the pontiffs, who investigated the liter, 
al meaning of the scriptures ; all the other doctors despised the literal sense, 
and in the manner of the ancients searched after recondite and concealed 
meanings. (50) 

27. Before Luther s time, nearly all the schools were occupied by the 
philosophical theologians, or what are called the Scholastics ; so that even 
at Paris, which was considered as the seat of all sacred knowledge, persons 
could not be found competent to encounter our divines in reasoning from 
the scriptures and the writings of the ancient doctors. And even in the 
council of Trent, this extreme penury of dogmatic and biblical theologians 
often produced singular difficulties, as the Scholastics were accustomed to 
measure and define all doctrines according to the precepts of their lean 
and meager philosophy. Pressing necessity therefore, urged the restora 
tion and cultivation of that mode of treating religious doctrines, which 
makes more use of the holy scriptures and of the decisions of the fathers, 
than of metaphysical reasoning. (51) Yet the Scholastics could not be di- 

(49) Concerning these, the reader may (50) Adr. Baillct, Vio de Edmund Rich- 
consult Richard Simon s Histoire critique du er, p. 9, 10, &c. [Richer was an eminent 
Vieux et du Nouveau Testament. [TiTEL- theological writer, well acquainted with the 
MANN was of Hasselt, in the bishopric of antiquities of the church, and a bold defender 
Liege, a Capuchin monk, skilful in Oriental of the rights of bishops against the pope, 
literature, and died provincial of his order in But he suffered persecution, which ruined 
1553. He left many commentaries on the his health; and he died in the year 1631. 
books of Scripture, particularly one on the Tr.] 

Psalms, which is not entirely useless. See (51) See C. E. de Boulai/s Reformatio 

Rich. Simon, Hist. crit. du Vieux Test., 1. iii., Facultatis theol., Paris., anno 1587, in his 

c. 9, p. 422. ISIDORUS CLARius(Je Chiara) Historia Acad. Paris., torn, vi., p. 790, &c. 

was bishop of Fuligno in Umbria, attended In this reformation, the Baccalaurei Senten- 

the council of Trent, and belonged to the tiarii are distinguished from the Baccalaurei 

Dominican order. He published notes on Biblici ; and what deserves particular notice, 

fche Holy Scriptures, in which he attempts the Augustinian monks (Luther s fraternity) 

to correct the Vulgate. Rich. Sim.on, 1. c., were required, (p. 794), annually to present 

p. 320, expresses an unfavourable opinion of to the theological college a Biblical Bache- 

him, and pronounces him a plagiary. BEN- lor : from which it may be inferred, that the 

EDICT JUSTINIANUS (Justiniani} was a Jes- Augustinian family (to which Luther once 

uit of Genoa, and died at Rome in the year belonged) gave more attention to the study 

X 622. He left expositions of Paul s and the of sacred literature, than the other orders of 

Catholic Epistles. JOHN GAGN^EUS, a Pa- monks. But as the work of Boulay is in the 

rieian chancellor, published notes on the N. hands of but few, it may be proper to quote 

T. and a paraphrase on the Epistle to the the statute entire : Augustinenses quolibet 

Romans, of no great value. He died in the anno Biblicum praesentabunt, secundum sta- 

vear 1549. Schl.] tutum fol. 21, quod sequitur : Quilibet Ordo 



104 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC 111. PART 1. CHAP. I. 

vested of that ascendency which they had long maintained in the schools , 
nay, they seemed to have acquired new strength, alter the Jesuits joined 
them and had decided that dialectics was more efficacious for confronting 
heretics than the holy scriptures and the authority of the fathers. The 
Mystics, as they were not very offensive to the enemies of the church, and 
were not much inclined to engage in controversy, lost nearly all their influ- 
ence after the era of the reformation. Yet they were allowed to philoso 
phize in their own way, provided they did it cautiously, and neither attack, 
ed too freely the decrees and the vices of the Romish church, nor inveigh, 
ed too vehemently against either the futility of external devotion, or the 
metaphysical and polemic divines. 

28. Practical theology, no one among the Catholics of this centun 
improved successfully ; nor could any one improve it, without incurring the 
greatest opposition. For the safety of the church was supposed to forbid 
such attempts. And in reality, many doctrines and regulations on which 
the prosperity of the Romish church depends, would he brought into the 
greatest danger, if Christian piety in its true nature were uniformly held up 
to the view of the people. On the other hand, many honest men and cul 
tivators of piety even in the Romish church, complain, (how truly and just 
ly in all cases, I will not here inquire), that the Jesuits, as soon as they 
arose and began to have the ascendency in courts and in the schools, first 
sapped the foundations of ail correct practical theology by their subtle dis 
tinctions, and then opened the door for all ungodliness and vice by the lax 
and dissolute morality which they inculcated. This infection indeed spread 
unobserved in this century, but in the next it appeared more manifest, and 
gave rise to the greatest commotions. The moral writers of the Romish 
church moreover, may al! he distributed into three classes, the Scholastic, 
the Dogmatic, and the Mystic. The first expounded the virtues and duties of 
the Christian life by knotty distinctions and phraseology, and obscured them 
by multifarious discussions ; the second elucidated them by the language of 
the Bible, and the sentiments of the ancient doctors ; the third recommend 
ed exclusively, withdrawing the thoughts from all outward objects, compo 
sing the mind, and elevating it to the contemplation of the divine nature. 

29. Of the vast multitude of papal polemic theologians, and of their 
capital faults, no one is ignorant. Most of them were abundantly fraught 
with all that is accounted criminal, in those whose sole object is victory and 
plunder. The numerous Jesuits who took the field against the enemies of 
the Romish church, excelled all the others in subtlety, impudence, and in 
vective. But the chief and coryphaeus of the whole, was Robert Bellar- 
min, a Jesuit, and a cardinal or one of the pontifical cabinet. Fie embra 
ced all the controversies of his church, in several large volumes ; and uni 
ted copiousness of argument with much perspicuity of style. As soon 
therefore as he entered the arena, which was towards the close of the cen 
tury, he drew upon himself alone the onsets and the strength of the great- 

Mendicantium et Collegium S. Bernard! ha- reformation of the college, the duty was re- 
beat quolibet anno Biblicum, qui legal ordi- quired of none but the Augustinians. Who 
narie, alioqui priventur pro illo anno Dacca- then, will not make the inference, that the 
laureo Sententiario. It appears from this Dominicans, the Franciscans, and the other 
statute, that all the mendicant orders were mendicant orders wholly neglected biblical 
bound, according to a decree of the college studies, and therefore had no Biblical Bache- 
of theologians, to present annually a Biblical lors and that the Augustinians alone, were 
Bttchdor Csuch as Luther was) Yet in this able to fulfil this statute of the Sorbonne 1 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 105 

est men among the Protestants. Yet he displeased many of his own party, 
and chiefly because he carefully collected all the arguments of his antag 
onists, and generally stated them correctly and fairly. He would have 
been accounted a greater and better man, had he possessed less fidelity and 
industry, and had he stated only the feebler arguments of his opposers, and 
given them mutilated and perverted. (52) 

30. The Romish community, though it.proudly boasts of its peaceful 
and harmonious state, is full of broils and contentions of every kind. The 
Franciscans and Dominicans contend vehemently, respecting various sub- 
jects. The Scotists and Thomists wage eternal war. The bishops never 
cease t j wrangle with the pontiff and his congregations, respecting the or- 
igin and limits of their power. The French, the Flemings and others 
openly oppose the Roman pontiff himself, and his supremacy : and he in 
veighs against them as often as he deems it safe and necessary, with ener 
gy and spirit, and at other times cautiously and circumspectly. The Jes 
uits, as they from the beginning laboured successfully to depress all the 
other religious fraternities, and also to strip the Benedictines and others 
that were opulent of a part of their wealth, so they inflamed and armed all 
the fraternities against themselves. Among these, the Benedictines and 
the Dominicans are their most virulent enemies ; the former fight for their 
possessions ; the latter, for their reputation, their privileges, and their opin 
ions. The contentions of the schools respecting various doctrines of faith, 
are without number and without end. All these contests the sovereign pon 
tiff moderates and controls, by dexterous management and by authority, so 
that they may not too much endanger the church ; to adjust and terminate 
them, which would perhaps be the duty of a vicegerent of our Saviour, 
he has neither power nor inclination. 

31. Besides these minor controversies which have slightly disturbed the 
peace of the church, other and greater ones since the times of the council 
of Trent, have arisen, chiefly through the influence of the Jesuits ; which, 
being gradually increased and continued down to our times, violently agi 
tate the whole Romish community, and rend it into numerous factions. 
These indeed the Roman pontiffs labour most earnestly, if not to extinguish, 
yet to quiet in a degree, so that, they may not produce excessive mischief: 
but minds warmed not so much by zeal for the truth, as by the heat of con- 
troversy and the love of party, will not coalesce and become united. 

32. Whoever considers these controversies with attention and impar 
tiality, will readily perceive that the Jesuits, that is, the greater part of 
them or the fraternity in general, for in so very extensive a society there 
are those of different views, guard and defend that ancient and rude but 
to the pontiffs and the church very useful system of faith and practice, 
which prevailed and was inculcated every where in the Romish church be 
fore the times of Luther. For those very sagacious men, whose office it 
is to watch for the safety of the Romish see, perceive clearly that the au 
thority of the pontiffs and the emoluments, prerogatives, and honours of the 
clergy depend entirely on this ancient system of religion ; and that if this 
was subverted or changed, the church must unavoidably suffer immense in 
jury and gradually crumble to the dust. But, in the Romish church and 
especially since the reformation by Luther, there are not a few wise and 

(52) See Jo. Fred. Mayer s Ecloga de fide Baronii et Bellarmini ipsis Pontificiis dubia, 
Amsterd., 1698, 8vo. 

VOL. III. O 



106 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 

good men, who, having learned very clearly from the sacred scriptures and 
tiie writings of the ancient doctors, the deformities and faults of this an- 
cient and vulgar system of religion, wish to see it corrected and amended, 
though in a different way ; and who urge the extirpation of that mischiev 
ous darnel from the field of the church, which has armed the heretics 
against her. And hence those eternal contests and collisions with the Jes 
uits, on various subjects. All these contests however, may be reduced to 
the six following heads. 

There is debate (I.) respecting the extent and magnitude of the power of a 
Roman pontiff. The Jesuits and their numerous friends, contend that a 
pontiff cannot possibly err, that he is the fountain and source of all the pow 
er which Jesus Christ has imparted to the church, that all bishops and re 
ligious teachers are indebted to him for whatever authority and jurisdiction 
they may possess, that lie is not bound by any enactments of the church 
and its councils, and that he is the sovereign lawgiver of the church, whose 
decrees no one can resist without incurring the greatest guilt. But others 
hold, that he may err, that he is inferior to councils, that he is bound to 
obey the church, and its laws as enacted by councils, and that if he offends, 
lie may be deprived of his rank and dignity by a council ; from which it 
follows, that inferior prelates and teachers receive the authority which 
they possess from Jesus Christ himself, and not from the Romish prelate. 

33. There is debate (II.) respecting the extent and the prerogatives 
of the church. For the Jesuits and those who follow them, extend wide the 
bounds of the church. They contend that many among those who have 
no connexion with the Romish worship,(53) nay, among the nations that 
are wholly ignorant of Christ and the Christian religion, may be saved, and 
actually are saved : they also hold, that sinners living within the church, 
are nevertheless its real members. But their adversaries circumscribe the 
kingdom of Christ within much narrower limits, and not only cut off from 
all hope of salvation those who live out of the Romish communion, but sep 
arate from the church all the vicious and profligate, though they live in it. 
The Jesuits moreover, not to mention other differences of less moment, 
hold that the church never can pronounce an erroneous or unjust decision, 
either as to matters of fact, or matters of doctrine and right (sive de facto, 
sive de jure) ; but their opposers believe, that the church is not secured 
from all clanger of erring, in deciding on matters of fact. 

34. There is very warm debate (III.) respecting the nature, operation, 
and necessity of that divine grace, without which as all agree, no one attains 
to eternal salvation ; respecting what is called original sin, the natural pow 
er of man to obey the divine law, and the nature of God s eternal decrees in 
regard to the salvation of men. For the Dominicans, the Augustinians, 
the followers of Jansenius and likewise many others, deny, that divine 
grace can possibly be resisted ; deny, that there is any thing sound and 
uncorrupted in man ; deny, that there is any condition annexed to the eter 
nal decrees of God respecting the salvation of men ; deny, that God wills 
the salvation of all men, and other kindred doctrines. On the other hand, 
the Jesuits and with them many others, would have it believed, that the ex 
tent and influence of the sin which lies concealed in man s nature, are not 

(53) [" They were accused at Spoleto, in the salvation of many heretics. See 7 -. 
the year 1653, of having maintained, in their Clerc, Biblioth. Univers. et Historique, ton:. 
public instructions there, the probability of xiv., p. 320." Mad. ] r 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 107 

so great ; that not a little power to do good is left in man ; that so much 
divine grace is proffered to all men, as is necessary for the attainment of 
eternal salvation, and that by it no violence is offered to the mind ; that 
God has from eternity, allotted eternal rewards and punishments, not ac 
cording to his arbitrary pleasure, but according to the foreseen conduct and 
merits of individuals. 

35. There is debate (IV.) respecting various points of morality and 
rules of conduct ; all of which as it would be difficult to enumerate partic 
ularly, and would besides be out of place here, we shall only state the com- 
mencement of the long controversy. (54) Those who take sides with the 
Jesuits, maintain that it is of no consequence by what motives a person is 
actuated, provided he in fact performs the deeds which the law of God re 
quires ; and that the man who abstains from criminal actions through fear 
of punishment, is no less acceptable to God than the man who obeys the 
divine law through the influence of love to it. But this doctrine appears 
horrible to very many, who deny that any services are acceptable to God, 
unless they proceed from love to him. The former assert that no one can 
properly be said to sin, unless he violates some known law of God, which 
is present to his mind, and correctly understood by him ; and therefore, 
that no one can be justly charged with criminality and sin, who is either 
ignorant of the law, or doubtful as to its import, or who does not think of 
it at the time he transgresses. From these principles originated the cele 
brated doctrines of probabilism(55) and of philosophical sm,(56) which have 
brought so much ill-fame upon the schools of the Jesuits. The adversa 
ries of the Jesuits detest all these principles strongly, and contend, that nei 
ther ignorance, nor doubts, nor forgetfulness, will afford any protection to 
the sinner at the bar of God. This controversy respecting the fundamen 
tal principles of morals, has given rise to numberless disputes concerning 
the duties we owe to God, to our fellow-men, and to ourselves ; and has 
produced two sects of moralists, which have greatly disturbed and distract 
ed the whole Romish church. 

30. There is debate (V.) respecting the administration of the sacra 
ments, especially those of penance and the Lord s supper. The Jesuits, 

(54) No one has treated of all the points (55) [Moral probalilism is properly the doc- 
objected against in the Jesuits moral doc- trine of the Jesuits, that no action is sinful, 
trines, with more clearness, neatness, and when there is the slightest probability that it 
dexterity, and no one has plead the cause of may he lawful ; and even when it has the ap- 
the Jesuits with more ingenuity, than the el- probation of any single, respectable teacher ; 
oquent and well-known Jesuit Gabriel Dan- because it maybe supposed that he saw rea- 
iel, in his Entretiens de Cleandre et d Eu- sons for his opinions, though ?/;e know not 
doxe ; which is among his collected Essays, what they were, and can see so many reasons 
tome i., p. 351, &c., and was composed, for a contrary opinion. Sc/tl.] 
in answer to that great man and powerful (56) [Philosophical sins in opposition to 
adversary of the moral doctrines of the Jes- theological, according to the Jesuits, are 
uits, Blaise Pascal, whose Lettres Provinci- those in which a man at the time of commit- 
ales inflicted so great a wound on the Jesuits, ting them, has not God and his law before 
Daniel treats very acutely on probabilism, p. his mind ; and therefore, without thinking 
351 ; on the me/hod of directing the intention, of God, transgresses natural or revealed law. 
p. 556 ; on equivocations and mental rcscrva- These sins, the Jesuits held to be venial; 
lions allowed of by the Jesuits, p. 562 ; on that is, such as do not draw after them a loss 
sins of ignorance and forgetfulness p. 719, of divine grace, and do not deserve eternal 
&c., and on some other subjects. If the cause but only temporal punishment. Schl.] 
of the Jesuits can be defended and rendered 
pltMsible, it certainly is so by this writer. 



108 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 

with whom very many agree, maintain that the sacraments produce their 
salutary effects, hy virtue of the mere external act (ex opere operato) aa 
the schools express it ; and hence, that no great preparation is necessary 
to the profitable reception of them ; and that God does not require purity 
of heart and a soul filled with heavenly love, in such as would derive ben 
efit from them ; and they infer of course, that the priests should at once 
absolve such as confess their sins to them, and then admit them immedi 
ately to the use of the sacraments. Far different were the views of all 
those who had at heart the advancement of true piety. They thought, 
that the priests should long and carefully try those that applied lor absolu 
tion and admission to the sacraments, before they complied with their 
wishes ; because these divine institutions profit none but persons that are 
purified, and filled with that divine love which casteth out fear. And thus 
originated that noted controversy in the Romish church, respecting fre 
quent communion ; w 7 hich in the last century, Antlwny Arnaud (Arnaldus), 
author of the celebrated book on frequent communion [do la frcquente 
communion], and the Janscnists, waged with the Jesuits ; and which in our 
times has been renewed by the French Jesuit Piclum, to the great, dissat 
isfaction of the French bishops. (57) For ihe Jesuits are very careful to 
urge upon all who intrust the guidance of their minds to them, the fre 
quent use of the Lord s supper, as a sure and safe method of appeasing 
God and obtaining from him remission of their sins. But for this conduct 
they are strongly censured, not only by the Jansenists, but by many other 
grave and pious men ; who inculcate that the sacred supper profits no one, 
unless his soul is united to God by faith, repentance-, and love ; and thus 
they condemn the famous opus operatum [or efficacy of the more external 
act of communion]. 

37. There is debate (VI.) respecting the right method of training 
Christians. While those who are anxious to advance religion, wish to 
have people imbued with a correct knowledge of religion from their very 
childhood ; they who look rather to the interests of the church, recommend 
a holy ignorance, and think a person knows enough, if lie only knows that 
he ought to obey the commands of the church. The former think nothing 
is more profitable than reading the inspired books, and therefore wish to 
see them translated into the popular or vulgar language : the latter pro 
hibit the reading of the Bible, and esteem it pernicious, if published in any 
other than a learned language unknown by the people. The former com 
pose various books to nourish a spirit of devotion and to dispel errors 
from the minds of men, they express and explain the public prayers and 
the solemn formulas of religion in a language understood by the commu 
nity, and they exhort all to learn from these books how to be wise and to 
worship God rationally and properly ; but the latter are displeased with all 
this, for they are apprehensive, the more light and knowledge people have 
the less obedience and submission will be found in them. (58) 

(57) See the Journal Universe!, tome erlands, by the Jansenists, the Dominicans, 
xiii., p. 148 ; tome xv., p. 363 ; tomexvi.,p. the Jesuits, and others. Nearly all those. 
124. &c. that attack the doctrines of the Jesuits and 

(58) What we have said on the greater other partisans of the Roman pontiff, are 
controversies in the Romish church, may be enumerated by the celebrated French Jesuit 
illustrated and confirmed from numberless Dominic Colonia : for it is ascertained that 
books, published in the last and the present he composed the book, published without 
centuries especially in Fra ice and the Neth- naming the place where, in the year 1735t 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. 109 

38. Those of the preceding controversies which we have placed under 
the third head, namely, concerning divine grace, the natural power of men 
to do good, original sin, and predestination, actually exploded in this [six- 
teenth] century ; the others were agitated more in private, and did not 
excite public notice till the next century. Nor will this surprise us, if 
we consider that the controversies moved by Luther respecting grace and 
free-will, were not explicitly decided in the Romish church, but were in a 
manner hushed and concealed. Luther s doctrines indeed were condemn 
ed ; but no definite and fixed form of doctrine in regard to these subjects, 
was set up in opposition to them. Augustine s sentiments were also ap 
proved ; but what the difference was between his sentiments and those of 
Luther, was never stated and explained. The commencement of this sad. 
controversy may be traced to Michael Baius, a doctor in the university of 
Louvain, no less eminent for his piety than for his learning. (59) As he, 
like the Augustinians, could not endure that contentious and thorny method 
of teaching which had long prevailed in the schools, and as he in follow 
ing Augustine, who was his favourite author, openly condemned the com 
mon sentiments in the Romish church respecting man s natural ability to 
do good and the merit of good works, he fell under great odium with some 
of his colleagues and with the Franciscans. Whether the Jesuits were 
among his first accusers or not, is uncertain ; but it is certain, that they 
were then violently opposed to those doctrines of Augustine, which Baius 
had made his own. Being accused at Rome, Pius V., in the year 1567, 
in a special letter, condemned seventy-six propositions extracted from his 
books ; but in a very insidious manner and without mentioning the name 
of Baius, for a recollection of the evils which resulted from the rash con 
demnation of Luther, was a dissuasive from all violent proceedings. By 
the instigation of Francis Tolet a Jesuit, Gregory XIII., in the year 1580, 
renewed the sentence of Pius V. ; and Baius subscribed to that sentence, 
induced either by the fear of a greater evil, or by the ambiguity of the 
pontifical rescript, as well as of the propositions condemned in it. But 

Svo, under the title : Bibliotheque Janseniste born at Melin in the territory of Aeth, in the 
ou Catalogue Alphabetique des principaux year 1513, and educated in the university 
livres Jansenistes ou suspects de Jansen- of Louvain, where he was elected in 1541 
isrne, avec des Notes Critiques. His ex- principal of a college, and in 1544 lecturer 
cessive zeal for the Roman pontiffs and for in philosophy. In 1550 he took his doctor s 
the opinions of the Jesuits, impaired his degree, and was appointed professor of the 
discretion ; yet his book is very service- Scriptures. In 1563 he was sent bv the 
able for acquainting us with those contro- king of Spain to the council of Trent, where 
versies which so greatly disturb and afflict he acted a conspicuous part. Soon after, 
the Romish church. The book was con- charges of heresy were brought against him ; 
demned by the Roman pontiff Benedict XI V., which were renewed from time to time, not- 
yet it was republished not long ago, in a new withstanding his patient submission and si- 
form and one fifth larger, with this title : lence, and must have givon him much in- 
Dictionnaire des livres Jansenistes ou qui fa- quietude. Yet he retained his office through 
vorisent le Jansenisme ; in four volumes, life, and was even promoted, for he became 
Antwerp, 1752, Svo. Undoubtedly the book dean of St. Peter s at Louvain, and chan- 
is very useful, for acquainting us with the cellor of the university. He died in 1589, 
intestine divisions of the Romish church, the aged 76. Tolct, a Jesuit, and his enemy, 
religious tenets of the Jesuits, and the nu- said of him : Michaele Baio nihil doctius, 
merous books published on the controversies nihil humilius. His works, chiefly relating 
I have mentioned; at the same time, it is to the doctrines of grace, free-will, &c., were 
full of gall and of unjust aspersions on many reprinted at Cologne, 1694, 4to. See 
learned and excellent men. Bayle s Dictionnaire hist, crit., art. Baius. 
(59) [Michael de Bay or Baius, D.D., was Tr.l 



110 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 

others who embraced the sentiments of Augustine, would not do so. (60) 
For to the present time great numbers in the Romish community, in par 
ticular the Jansenists, strenuously maintain that Baius was unjustly treated, 
and that the decrees of both Pius and Gregory are destitute of all author- 
ity, and were never received by the church. (61) 

39. It is at least certain, that the doctrines of Augustine in regard to 
grace, were as much esteemed and defended in the low countries, and es 
pecially in the universities of Louvain and Douay, after this controversy 
with Baius as they were before. This appeared at once, when the two Jes 
uits, Leonard Less and Hamel at Louvain, were found teaching differently 
from Augustine on the subject of predestination. For the theologians of 
Louvain and of Douay, forthwith, publicly disapproved their sentiments, 
the former in 1587 and the latter in 1588. And as the Belgian bishops 
were about to follow their example, and consulted about calling councils on 
the subject, the pontiff Sixtus V. interposed, asserting that the cognizance 
of religious controversies belonged exclusively to the vicar of Jesus Christ 
resident at Rome. Yet this crafty and sagacious pontiff prudently decli 
ned exercising the prerogative which he claimed, lest ho should provoke a 
worse controversy. Hence his legate in the year 1588, terminated the 
disputes at Louvain by allowing each party to retain its own opinions, but 
absolutely prohibited all discussion respecting them either in public or in 
private. And the Romish church would have been more tranquil at, the 
present day, if the succeeding pontiffs had imitated this prudence of Sixtus 
in silencing all discussion of the subjects, and had not assumed the office of 
udges in this dubious controversy. (62) 

40. The Romish community had scarcely tasted of this repose, when 
new and far more: terrible commotions of a similar nature broke out. 
Lewis MoUna t (63) a Spanish Jesuit who taught in the Portuguese univer 
sity of Evora, in a book which he published in 1588 on the union of grace 
and free-will, (64) endeavoured to clear up in a new manner the difficulties 
in the doctrines concerning grace, predestination, and free-will, and in 
some sort to reconcile the discrepant sentiments of Augustine, Thomas 

(60) Here should he consulted especially, 1 Eglise, tome i., p. 104. Jean Ic Clerc, 
the Baiaua sen scripta quae controversies Mcrnoircs pour servir a 1 Histoire des con- 
spectant. occasione sentcntiarum Bail exor- troverses dans TEglise Romaine, sur la pre- 
tas ; subjoined to the works of Baius, as a destination et sur la grace ; dans la Bibli- 
second part of them, in the edition of Co- otheque Univcrselle et Historique, tome xiv., 
.ogne, 1696, 4to. Add also Peter Baylc, p. 211, &c. 

Dictionnaire, [art. Bains ], tome i., p. 457. (63) From him the name of MoJinists 

Louis EH. du Pin, Bihliotheque des Auteurs quite to our times, has been given to all 

Ecclesiastiqnes, tome xvi., p. 144, &c. His- such as seem inclined to sentiments opposed 

toire de la Compagnie de Jesus, tome iii., to those of Augustine, respecting grace and 

p. 161, &c. free-will in man. Many however, unjustly 

(61 ) To demonstrate this, is the professed bear this name, as they differ much from the 
object of the anonymous author of the Dis- opinions of Molina. 

sertation sur les Bullcs contre Baius, ou Ton (64) The true title of this celebrated book 

rnontre qu elles ne sont pas revues par is, Liberi arbitrii concordia cum gratia? donis, 

1 Eglise, Utrecht, 1737, 2 vols. 8vo. divina prsescientia, providentia, prsedestina- 

(62) See the Apologie Historique des tione et reprobatione ; auctore Lud Molina. 
deux censures de Louvain et de Douay, par It was first printed at Lisbon, 1588, fol. 
Mr. Gcry, 1688, 8vo. That the celebrated Then, with enlargement, Antwerp, 1595, 
Paschasius Qucsnelliiis (Pasquier Quesncl) 4to, and at Lyons, Venice, and elsewhere, 
was the author of this book, has been shown The third edition, farther enlarged, was 
by the author of the Catechisrne Historique printed at Antwerp, 1G09, 4to. 

st Dogmatique sur les contestations de 



HISTORY OF THE ROMISH CHURCH. Ill 

dquinas, the Semipelagians, and others. (65) The attempt of this subtle 
author, gave so much offence to the Dominicans who followed implicitly 
the teachings of St. Thomas, that they roused up all Spain, in which their 
influence was exceedingly great, and charged the Jesuits with a design to 
recall and give currency to the Pelagian errors. As a general tempest 
was evidently gathering, the pontiff Clement VIII., in the year 1594, en- 
joined silence on both the contending parties, and promised that after ex- 
amining carefully the whole subject, he would judge and decide the contro 
versy. 

41. The pontiff doubtless expected, that the evil would yield to these 
milder remedies, and that time would calm the feelings of the excited par- 
ties. But his hopes were entirely disappointed. The exasperated Domin 
icans, who had long indulged great hatred of the Jesuits, did not cease to 
harass the king of Spain, Philip II., and the pontiff, Clement VI JT., until 
the latter, wearied with their importunate clamours, assembled a sort of 
council at Rome, to take cognizance of the dispute. Thus in the begin 
ning of the year 1598, commenced those celebrated consultations on the 
contests between the Dominicans and the Jesuits, which from the principal 
topic of controversy, were called Congregations on the Aids, that is, of 
grace (Congregationes de Auxiliis, i. e., gratise). The president of them 
was Lewis Madrusius [Madrucci], a cardinal of the Romish court and 
bishop of Trent ; with whom there were ten assessors or judges, namely, 
three bishops and seven theologians of different fraternities. These occu 
pied the remainder of this century in hearing the arguments of the par 
ties. (66) The Dominicans most strenuously defended the opinion of their 

(65) [The first congregation at Rome for lives will be present to their minds, and 
examining the sentiments in Molina s book, thus foreseeing and knowing how they will 
in their third session Jan. 16, 1598, thus act. This is God s scicntia media, on which 
state the fundamental principles of his work, he founds his decrees of election and rep- 
(I.) A reason or ground of God s predestina- robation.) (IV.) Predestination may be con 
(ion, is to be found in man s right use of sidcred as cither general, (relating to whole 
his free-will. (II.) That the GRACE winch classes of persons), or particular, (relating 
God bestou s to enable men to persevere hi to individual persons). In general prcdes- 
religion, may become the GIFT of pcrsm-c- tinntion, there is no reason or ground of it 
ranee, it is necessary that, the:/ be foreseen as beyord the mere good p/cusnrc of God, or 
consenting and co-operating with the divine none on the part of the persons predesti- 
assistance offered them, which is a thing nn.tr i; but in particular predestination (or 
within their power. (III.) There is a me- that of individuals), there is a cause or 
diate prescience, which is neither the free ground of it in the foreseen good use of free- 
nor the natural knowledge of God, and by will. From this statement of the funda- 
which he knows future contingent events, mental errors of Molina, it would appear 
before he forms his decree. (Molina divi- that he embraced substantially the leading 
ded God s knowledge into natural, free, and principles of the Semipelajjians and of the 
mediate, according to the objects of it. Remonstrants at Dort. His scientia media 
What he himself effects or brings to pass, was a new name for a thing well known be- 
by his own immediate power or by means fore. See Fleurifs Histoire Ecclesiastique, 
of second causes, he knows naturally, or Continue, livr. clxxxiii., 5, vol. lii., p. 
has natural knowledge of ; what depends on 273, ed. Augsb., and Schroeckli s Kirchen- 
his own free-will or what he himself shall gesch. seit der Reform., vol. iv., p. 296, 
freely choose or purpose, he has a free &c. Tr.~\ 

knowledge of: but what depends on the vol- (66) The history of these Congregations 

untary actions of his creatures, that is, fu- has been repeatedly written, both by Jesuits 

ture contingencies, he does not know in and by Dominicans and Jansenists. Among 

either of the above ways, but only mediate- the Dominicans, Jac. Hyacinth Scrris, 

ly by knowing all the circumstances in which under the fictitious name of Aiigustinua 

tbse free agents will be placed, what mo- le Blanc, published his Historia Congrega 



112 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. I. 

Thomas, as being the only true opinion. The Jesuits, although they refu 
sed to adopt the sentiments of Molina as their own, yet felt that the repu 
tation and the honour of their order required, that Molina should be pro- 
nounced free from any gross error and untainted with Pelagianism. For 
it is common with all the monastic- orders, to regard any disgrace which 
threatens or befalls a member of the fraternity, as bringing a stigma upon 
the whole order ; and they will therefore exert themselves to the utmost, to 
screen him from it. 

42. Of the multitude of vain and useless ceremonies with which the 
Romish public worship abounded, the wisdom of the pontiffs would suffer 
no diminution, notwithstanding the best men wished to see the primitive 
simplicity of the church restored. On the other regulations and customs 
of the people and the priests, some of which were superstitious and others 
absurd, the bishops assembled at Trent, seem to have wished to impose some 
restrictions ; but the state of things, or rather I might say, either the policy 
or the negligence of the Romish court and clergy, opposed their designs. 
Hence in those countries where nothing is to be feared from the heretics, 
as in Italy, Spain, and Portugal, such a mass of corrupt superstitions and 
customs and of silly regulations obscures the few and feeble rays of Chris 
tian truth yet remaining, that those who pass into them from the more im 
proved countries feel as if they had got into midnight darkness. (07) Nor 
are the other countries, which from the proximity of the heretics or their 
own good sense are somewhat more enlightened, free from a considerable 
Bhare of corruptions and i llics. If to these things, we add the pious or 
rather the impious frauds, by which the people in many places are deluded 
with impunity, the extreme ignorance of the mass of the people, the devout 
farces that are acted, and the insipidity and the puerilities of their public 
discourses, we must be sensible, that it is sheer impudence to affirm that 
the Romish religion and ecclesiastical discipline have been altogether cor 
rected and reformed, since the time of the council of Trent. 

tionum dc auxiliis gratice divinas ; Louvain, Histoire des congregations de auxiliis, par 

1700, fol. In reply to him, the Jesuit Li- un Docteur de la Faculte de Theologie de 

mnus dc M>ycr, assuming the name of Paris; Louvain, 1702, 8vo. But this, be- 

Theodorus Elutherius, published his His- ing written by a Jansenist and a bitter en- 

toria controvcrsiarum dc divinss gratia? aux- emy of the Jesuits, states every thing just 

iliis ; Antwerp, 1705, fol. The Dominicans as the Dominicans would wish to have it 

also published the work of Thomas dc Lc- stated. [Two of the continuators of Fleu- 

rnos, (a subtle theologian of their order, who ry s Ecclesiastical History, namely, John 

defended in these Congregations me reputa- Claude Fabcr (a father of the oratory) and 

tion of $ . Thomas [Aquinas] against the R. P. Alexander (a barefooted Carmelite) 

Jesuits), entitled : Acta congregationum et have also given a tolerably full, and appa- 

disputationnm, qua; coram Clemente VIII. rently a candid account of the proceedings 

et Paulo V. de auxiliis divincn gratiae sunt in these congregations. TV.] 
celebratae; Louvain, 1702, fol. From these (67) The French who travel in Italy, often 

historians, a man who possesses the power laugh heartily at the monstrous superstition 

}f divination may perhaps learn the facts of the Italians. And on the other hand, the 

that occurred. For here are. arrayed, records Italians look upon the French that come 

against records, testimonies against testi- amoncj them as destitute of all religion. This 

monies, narrations against narrations. It is may be clearlv perceived, among others, from 

therefore still uncertain whether the Romish the French Dominican John Bapt. Labafs 

court favoured most the Jesuits, or the Do- Travels in Spain and Italy; who neglects 

minicans ; nor is it more clear, which of them no opportunity of satirizing the religion of the 

most wisely and successfully managed their Spaniards and Italians, nor does he conceal 

cause. There is also a French history of the fact that he an/l his countrymen were con- 

.hese congregations, written with ability ; sidered by them as very ^irreligious. 



HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. J13 



CHAPTER II. 

HISTORY OF THE GREEK AND ORIENTAL CHURCH. 

1. Division of the Oriental Chiirch. 2. The proper Greek Church. 3,4. Is chief 
ly under the Patriarch of Constantinople, and divided into four Provinces. 5. The 
Patriarch. 6. The Religion of the Greeks. 7. They were in vain solicited to unite 
with the Protestants. 8. Their wretched State 9. The independent Greek Church: 
that of Russia. 10. The Georgian-s and Mingrelians. 11. The Oriental Churches 
not connected either with the Greek or the Latin Church. The Jacobites. 12. The 
Copts and Abyssinians. 13. Doctrines and Rites of the Monophysites. <j 14. The 
Armenians. 15. The Nestorians or Chaldeans. 16. Their Patriarchs. <J 17. 
Remains of the Ancient Sects. The Sabians. 18. The Jasidians. 19. The Du- 
ruzi or Druzi. <J> 20. The Greeks who have revolted to the Romans. 21. Vain At 
tempt to unite the Russian Church with the Roman. 22. Romish Christians among 
the Monophysites, Nestorians, and Armenians. $ 23. The Romish Missionaries effect 
little among them. 24. The Maronites. 

1. WHAT is commonly called the Oriental church, is dispersed over 
Europe, Asia, and Africa, and may be distributed into three parts: (I.) 
That which is in communion with the Greek patriarch of Constantinople, 
and refuses the jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff: (II.) That which diners 
in opinions and in customs, both from the Latin and the Greek patriarchs, 
and has its own peculiar patriarchs : (III.) That which is subject to the au 
thority of the Roman pontiff. 

2. The church which is in communion with the Constantinopolitan 
patriarch, is properly called the Greek church ; though it calls itself the 
Oriental church. It is moreover divided into two parts ; one of which 
bows to the sovereign power and jurisdiction of the patriarch of Constan- 
tinople, while the other though it is in communion with him, yet will not 
admit his legates nor obey his decrees and commands, but is free and inde 
pendent, and has its own rulers who are subject to no foreign jurisdiction, 

3. The church of which the Constantinopolitan patriarch is the head, 
is divided, as it was anciently, into four great provinces, those of Constan 
tinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem ; over each of which is a pre 
late of the first rank called a patriarch, whom all the inferior bishops as 
well as the monks, honour as a father. Yet the chief of all the patriarchs 
and the supreme pontiff of the whole church, is the patriarch of Constan 
tinople ; by whom the other patriarchs at the present day, though still elect 
ed, are designated or nominated for election, and approved ; nor dare they 
project or attempt any thing of great importance, without his sanction and 
permission. These well-disposed men however, though bearing the splen 
did title of patriarchs, are not able to attempt any thing great, as things 
are now situated, on account of the feeble state and the slender revenues 
of the churches they govern. 

4. The jurisdiction of the patriarch of Constantinople extends widely 
over European and Asiatic Greece, the Grecian islands, Wallachia, Mol 
davia, and many other provinces in Asia and Europe now subject to the 
Turks. The patriarch of Alexandria, at present, generally resides at 
Cairo or Misra, and governs the Christian, church in Egypt, Nubia, Libya, 

VOL. III. P 



114 BOOK H CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. II. 



and a part of Arabia.(l) The patriarch of Antioch resides for the most 
part at Damascus, and governs Mesopotamia, Syria, Cilicia, and other prov 
inces. (2) The patriarch of Jerusalem styles himself patriarch of Pales- 
tine, Syria, Arabia, the region beyond Jordan, Cana in Galilee, and Mount 
Sion.(3) But these three patriarchs have very slender and poor dominions. 
For the Monophysites have long occupied the sees of Alexandria and An 
tioch, and have left very few members of the Greek church in the coun 
tries where they have dominion. And Jerusalem is the resort of Chris. 
tians of every sect and doctrine, who have their respective prelates and 
priests ; so that the dominion of the Greek patriarch there, is confined 
within moderate limits. 

5. The right of electing the patriarch of Constantinople, belongs at 
this day to the twelve bishops nearest to that city ; the right of approving 
the election, and of imparting to the prelate authority to use his powers, be 
longs to the Turkish emperor. (4) But the corrupted morals of the Greeks, 
and the avarice of the ministers who under the emperor manage their pub 
lic affairs, if they do not entirely subvert, greatly impair the effects of these 
regulations. For the lust of pre-eminence leads many of the bishops, to 
endeavour to obtain that patriarchal dignity by bribery, which they could 
never attain by the suffrages of their brethren. Thus, not unfrequently, 
men regularly elevated to the office, are deprived of it ; and by the emper 
or s viziers, that candidate is generally esteemed most worthy of the office, 
who exceeds his competitors in the magnitude of his presuits. Yet of 



(1) Of the patriarchate and the patriarchs 
}f Alexandria, the Jesuit Jo. Bupt. Snllrrins 
reats professedly in his Commentarius de 

Patriarchis Alexandrinis ; prefixed to the 
fifth vol. of the Acta Sanctor. mensis Junii ; 
and Mich. Lcqiiien, Oriens Christianus, torn. 
ii.. p. 329, &c. Respecting their office, 
authority, and election, see Euseb. Renau- 
dot, Diss. de Patriarcha Alexandrine ; in the 
1st vol. of his Liturgia? Orientales, p. 365. 
The Greek patriarch [of Alexandria] at the 
present day, has no bishops subject to him, 
but only chorepiscopi. All the bishops are 
obedient to the Monophysite patriarch, who 
is the real patriarch of Alexandria. 

(2) Concerning the patriarchs of Antioch 
the Jesuits have inserted a particular treatise 
in the 4th vol. of the Acta Sanctor. mensis 
Julii ; which however is considerably de 
fective. On the territory of this patriarch 
and other things pertaining to him, see 
Mich. Lcquitn, Oriens Christianus, torn, 
ii., p. 670, &c., and Blasius Tertius, Siria 
sacra o Descrittione Historico-Geofjrafica 
delle due Chiese Patriarcali, Antiochia et 
Gerusalemme ; Rome, 1695, fol. There 
are three prelates in Syria, who claim the 
title and the rank of patriarchs of Antioch. 
The first is of the Greeks or Mclchitcs, (for 
thus those Syrian Christians are called, who 
follow the institutions and the religion of the 
Greeks) ; the second is of the Syrian Mo- 
\op\<sites; the third is of the Maronites. 



For this last also claims to be the true and 
legitimate patriarch of Antioch. and the 
Roman pontiff addresses him with this title. 
And yet the Roman pontiff creates a sort of 
patriarch of Antioch at Rome ; so that the see 
of Antioch has at this day four prelates, one 
Greek, two Syrian, and one Latin or Roman 
in partibus as the term at Rome is. [This 
phrase is elliptical ; entire, it is, in partibus 
infidcliitm. Patriarchs, archbishops, and 
bishops in partilnis infuhlium, are such as 
are created for places that are at present 
under the power of unbelievers. Schl.] 

(3) See Blasius Tertius, Siria sacra, lib. 
ii., p. 165. There is also a tract of Daniel 
Papebroch, de Patriarchis Hierosolymatinis, 
in the third vol. of the Acta Sanctor. mensis 
Maii. Add Mich. Lcr/uicn, Oriens Christia 
nus, torn, iii., p. 102, &c. [It is well known, 
from other accounts, that these patriarchs 
contend with each other about the limits of 
their respective dominions. Hence it should 
not be regarded as an historical contradiction, 
that the patriarch of Jerusalem should in 
clude Syria in his title, while that province 
stands under the authority of the patriarch 
of Antioch. Schl. This is a sufficient an 
swer to Dr. Maclains criticism on this pas 
sage of Moxhcim. 7V.] 

(4) See Jac. Eisner s Beschreibnng der 
Griechischen Christen in der Tiirckey. chap. 
iii., sec. vi., p. 54, &c. Lequicn, Orient 
Christianus, torn, i., p^ 145, &c 



HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 115 

late things are said to be changing for the better, and the patriarchs are 
represented as living more securely than formerly ; since the manners of 
the Turks have gradually assumed a milder tone. Moreover this patriarch 
possesses great authority among a people oppressed, and in consequence 
of their extreme ignorance, sunk in superstition. For he riot only sum- 
mons councils, and by them regulates and decides ecclesiastical affairs and 
controversies, but by permission of the emperor he holds courts, and tries 
civil causes. His power is maintained partly by the authority of the eiTi- 
peror, and partly by his prerogative of excluding the contumacious from 
the communion ; which is a punishment immensely dreaded by the Greeks. 
His support is derived principally from contributions imposed on the church 
es subject to his jurisdiction, which are sometimes greater and sometimes 
less, according to the varying state of things, and the necessity for them. (5) 
6. The Greeks acknowledge as the basis of their religion, the holy 
scriptures, together with the six first general or oecumenical councils. 
Yet it is a received principle, established by long usage, that no private 
person may presume to expound and interpret those sources of knowledge 
for himself, but all must regard as divine and unalterable, whatever the pa- 
triarch and his assistants sanction. The substance of the religion profess 
ed by the modern Greeks, is contained in The Orthodox Confession of ike 
Catholic and Apostolic Oriental, church ; which was first composed by Pe 
ter Mogilaus bishop of Kiow, in a council held at Kiow ; and was after 
wards translated from Russian into Greek, and then publicly approved and 
adopted by Parthenius the patriarch of Constantinople, and by all the pa 
triarchs, in the year 16 13 : and subsequently, Panagiota, an opulent man 
and interpreter to the emperor of Turkey, caused it to be printed at his own 
expense, in Greek and Latin, with a long recommendation by Nect.ariv.-s 
patriarch of Jerusalem, and gratuitously distributed among the Greeks. (6) 
From this book it is manifest, that the Greeks differ as much from the ad 
herents to the Roman pontiff whose tenets they often reject and condemn, 
as from other Christians ; so that those are greatly deceived, who think 

(5) William Cuper a Jesuit, not long since author. But this is refuted by Nectarius 
composed Ilistoria Patriarcharum Constan- himself, in his epistle subjoined to the preface, 
tinopolitanorum, which is printed in the Acta Equally false is the statement, both on the 
Sanctor. mcnsis Augusti, torn, i., p. 1-257. title-page and in the preface, that the book 
Mich. Lequien also, in the whole first volume was now printed for the first time. For it 
of his Oriens Christianas, treats very fully of had been previously printed in Holland, in 
the patriarchate and the patriarchs of Con- the year 1662, at the expense of Panagiota. 
stantinople ; and in vol. iii., p. 786, &c., he A German translation of it, was published 
gives an account of the Latin patriarchs of by Jo. Lconh. Frinch, Frankf. and Leipsic, 
Constantinople. [In the Turco-Graecia of 1727, 4to. Jo. Christ. Kochcr treats di- 
Martin Crusius, vol. ii., p. 105, &c., there rectly and learnedly of this Confession, in his 
is a history of the Constantinopolitan pa- Biblioth. Theoloiria? Symbol., p. 45, &c., and 
triarchs, from the year 1454 to 1578, written also speaks with his usual accuracy, of the 
in modern Greek by Manuel Malaxi, with other Confessions of the Greeks, ibid., p. 53 
a translation and notes by Crusius. Schl. A new edition of the Orthodox Confession, 
" See also a brief account of the power and with its history prefixed, was published by 
revenues of the present patriarch, and of the Chas. Gottl. Hoffmann, primary professor of 
names of the several sees under his spiritual theology at Wittemberg, Breslaw, 1751, 8vo. 
jurisdiction, in Smith, de EcclesifE Grsecae Of Panagiota, to whom this confession is in- 
Hodierno Statu, p. 48-59." Mad ] debted for much of its credit, and who was 

(6) Lawrence Normann caused this con- a man of eminence and a great benefactor to 
fession, accompanied with a Latin transla- the Greeks, Cantimir treats largely, in his 
lion, to be printed at Leipsic, 1695, 8vo. In Histoire de 1 Empire Ottomann, tome iii , p. 
*ue preface, Nectarius is represented as its 149, <kc. 



116 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. II. 



there are only slight impediments to a union of the Greeks with either the 
Romish or other Christians. (7) 

7. This the Catholics have often found to be fact ; and the Lutherans 
also found it so, in this century, when they invited the Greeks to a reli 
gious union with them. First, Philip Mehmcthon sent a copy of the Augs 
burg confession in a Greek translation by Paul Dolscius, accompanied 
with a letter to the Constantinopolitan patriarch ; hoping that the naked 
and simple truth would find access to his heart. But he did not even ob 
tain an answer. (8) After this, between the years 1576 and 1581, the di 
vines of Tubingen laboured to make impressions on the Greek patriarch 
Jeremiah II., both by letters and by sending him a second copy of the 
Augsburg confession, together with Jac. Hcerbrand s Compendium of the 
ology translated from Latin into Greek by Martin Crusius. This attempt 
drew from Jeremiah some letters, written indeed in a kind and gentleman 
ly style, yet of such a tenour as clearly indicated, that to induce the Greeks 
to abandon the opinions and practices of their ancestors would be a very 
difficult thing, and could not be effected by human efforts, in the present 
state of that people. (9) 

8. Ever since the greatest part of the Greeks fell under the hard 
bondage of the Turks, nearly all learning human and divine, has become 
extinct among them. They are destitute of schools, and of all the means 
by which their minds might be improved and enlightened with scientific 



(7) A full and accurate catalogue of the 
\\ritcrs from whom may be derived a knowl 
edge both of the state and the doctrines of 
the Greek church, is given by Jo. Alb. Fa- 
bricius, Bibliotheca Cinrca, vol. x., p. 441, 
&,c. [To this list, may now be added arch 
bishop Pinion s Orthodox Doctrine, or Sum 
mary of Christian divinity ; in, The present 
state of the Greek church, by Rob. Pinker- 
ton, New- York, 1815, 12mo, p. 29, &c. 
TV.] 

(8) See Lfo All at nit, de pcrpetua con- 
sensione ecclesiae Orient, ct Occident., lib. 
ni., cap. viii., $ ii.,p. 1005, &c. [The pa 
triarch of Constantinople, Josrph, sent a 
(Ieaco:i of his church named Demetrius to 
Wiltemberg, to procure correct information 
respecting the reformation of which he had 
heard reports. Demetrius, after a half year s 
residence at Wittcmberg. returned to Con 
stantinople in the year 1559 ; and by him it 
was, that Melanclhon sent the confession and 
letter to the patriarch. The letter may be 
seen in Hot li tiger s Historia Eccles. [Pars 
v. sen] saecul. xvi., sec. ii., p. 51, and in 
Martin Cnisius, Turco-Graecia, p. 557. 
See also SaUg s Gesch. der Augsb. Confess., 
vol. i., p. 721, 723. ,S rA/.] 

(9) All the Acts and papers relating to this 
celebrated correspondence, were published in 
Dne Yol. fol, Wittcmb., 1584. See Christ. 
Matth. Pfaffs Tract, de Actis et Scriptis 
publicis ecclesiap; \Vittemberg., p. 50, &c. 

lo. Alb. Fubricius, Biblioth. Graeca, vol. x., 



p. 517, &.c., and others. Emm. a Schclstrate t 
Acta eccles. Orientalis contra Lutheri ha>rc- 
sin ; Rome, 1739, fol. Ju. I, mini also, has 
much to say on this subject, while treating 
of the Greek patriarch Jeremiah If in his 
Dclicis! Eruditorum, torn, viii , p 1/fi, &c. 
[This correspondence with the patriarch was 
much facilitated by Stephen Gcr/ac/i., chap 
lain to David Ungnad the imperial German 
ambassador at Constantinople. Its com 
mencement however was not in 1570, but 
two years earlier. Indeed some private let 
ters were sent as early as the year 1573 ; for 
in that year, Crusius wrote to Jeremiah by 
Gcrlach. who also carried a letter of intro 
duction to the patriarch, dated April, 1573. 
The public or official correspondence was 
commenced by Jar. Andrcax, chancellor ol 
the university of Tubingen, in a letter to 
the patriarch/dated Sept. 15th, 1574. The 
patriarch expressly declared his agrecmenl 
with many articles in the Augsburg Con 
fession ; but he also declared his dissent 
from many others ; for example, in regard 
to the procession of the Holy Ghost from 
the Son, justification, the worship of images, 
the number of the sacraments, &c., and he 
broke off the correspondence, when the di 
vines of Tubingen began to adduce scriptu 
ral proofs respecting the disputed articles. 
See SchlegeVs note here ; and SchrocckH 1 * 
Kirchengeschichte seit der Reform, vol. v., 
p. 386, &c. TV.] 



HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 117 

and religious knowledge. That moderate degree of learning which some 
of their teachers possess, is either brought home with them from Sicily 
and Italy, to which they frequently resort and where some love of learning 
still exists, or it is drawn from the writings of the ancients, and from the 
Summa theologise of St. Thomas [Aquinas] which they have in a Greek 
translation. (10) Hence, not only the people but also those called their 
watchmen, for the most part, lead licentious and irreligious lives ; and 
what is much to be deplored, they increase their wretchedness by their 
own contentions and quarrels. Nearly the whole of their religion consists 
in ceremonies, which are in general useless and irrational. Yet in guard 
ing and maintaining these they are far more zealous, than in defending the 
doctrines which they profess. Their condition however would be still more 
wretched, if individuals of their nation, who are employed in the umporor s 
court either as interpreters or as physicians, did not check their contentions 
and still the impending storms by their wealth and their influence. 

9. The Russians, the Georgians or Iberians, and the Colchians or 
Mingrelians, all embrace the doctrines and rites of the Greeks, yet are 
independent, or not subject to the authority of the patriarch of Constan 
tinople. The Russians indeed formerly received their chief prelate at the 
hand of the Constantinopolitan patriarch. But towards the close of this 
century, when the Constantinopolitan patriarch Jeremiah II. made a journey 
to Muscovy, in order there to raise money with which he might drive 
Metrophanes his rival from the see of Constantinople, the Muscovite monks, 
by direction undoubtedly of the grand-duke Theodore son of John Basilidcs, 
beset him with entreaties and menaces to place over the whole Russian 
nation a patriarch, who should be independent or dvroK(pa^og as the 
Greeks express it. Jeremiah was obliged to consent ; and in a council 
assembled at Moscow in the year 1589, he proclaimed Job, the archbishop 
of Rostow, first patriarch of the Russians ; yet under these conditions, that 
in future every new patriarch should apply to the patriarch of Constanti 
nople for his consent and suffrage, and at stated periods should pay to him 
five hundred Russian ducats. The transactions of the council of Moscow, 

(10) Such is the opinion of all European arts and sciences. These things are un- 

Christians, both Catholics and others, respect- doubtedly true; but they only show, that in 

ing the knowledge and learning of the mod- this very widely-extended nation, and which 

ern Greeks ; and they support their opinion, embraces many ancient, noble, and opulent 

by the evidence of numerous facts and testi- families, there is not an entire destitution of 

monies. But a number of the Greeks, most literary and scientific men. And this fact 

strenuously repel the charge of ignorance and was never called in question : but it does not 

barbarism brought against their nation ; and prove that the nation at large, is rich in the 

maintain, that all branches of literature and liberal arts and in secular and religions learn- 

learningare equally flourishing in modern, as ing. For a people generally barbarous, may 

they were in ancient Greece. The most dis- still contain a small number of learned rnen. 

tinguished of these vindicators of the modern Moreover this academy at Constantinople. 

Greeks, is Demetrius Cantimir, in his His- is unquestionably a recent institution ; and 

toire de TEmpire Ottomann, tome ii., p. 38, therefore it confirms, rather than confutes, 

&c. To prove, that it is a gross mistake to the opinion of the other Christians respecting 

represent modern Greece as the seat of bar- the learning of the Greeks. [What is said 

barism, he gives a catalogue of learned above of the want of schools among the 

Greeks in the preceding century ; and states Greeks, must undoubtedly be understood of 

that an academy had been founded at Con- colleges and higher scHools, and not of the 

tantin:ole by a Greek named Mnnolax, in inferior and monastic schools. For that the 

which persons very learned in the ancient Greeks of the sixteenth century had schools 

Greek teach with success and applause all of the latter description, is clearly to be seen 

branches of philosophy, as well as the otker from Crusius 1 Turco-Graecia. Schl.~\ 



118 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. 111. PART I. CHAP. II 

wore afterward in the year 1593, confirmed in a council at Constantinople, 
called by this same Jeremiah with the consent of the Turkish emperor.(ll) 
And a little past the middle of the next century, Dionysius being patriarch 
of Constantinople, all the four Oriental patriarchs again conceded to the 
grand-duke of Muscovy, that the patriarch of Moscow should be exonera 
ted from the tribute, and from applying for the confirmation of his election 
and consecration. (12) 

10. The Georgians and Mingrelians, or as they were anciently called, 
the Iberians and Cokhians, are so fallen, since the Mohammedans obtained 
dominion over those countries, that they can scarcely be numbered among 
the Christian nations. This is more true however, of the Cokhians who 
inhabit the woods and the mountains almost in the manner of wild beasts, 
than it is of the Iberians, among whom there are some slight remains of 
civilization arid piety. These nations have a patriarch whom they style a 
Catholic, and also bishops and priests ; but these are extremely ignorant, 
vicious, sordid, and worse almost than the common people ; and as they 
know not themselves what is to be believed, they never think of instruct 
ing others. Hence it is rather to be conjectured than positively known, 
that the Colchians and Iberians at the present day do not embrace either 
the sentiments of the Monophysites or of the Nestorians, but rather hold 
the same doctrines with the Greeks. What little religion remains among 
them, consists wholly in their feast-days and their ceremonies ; and even 
these are destitute of all gravity and decorum, so that it is hard to say, 
whether their priests appear most solemn when eating and drinking and 
sleeping, or when administering baptism and the Lord s supper. (13) 

11. The Christians of the East, who have renounced the communion 
of the Greeks, and who differ from them both in doctrine and in rites, are 
of two kinds. The one contend, that in our most holy Saviour there is but 
one nature ; the other conceive, that there arc two persons in him. The 
former are called Monophysites, and also Jacobites, from Jacobus Baradceus, 
who resuscitated nnd regulated this sect in the sixth century when it was 
nearly extinct. (14) The latter arc called Nestorians, because they agree 

(11) See Anthony Posscvirfs Moscovia ; who endeavours [and not unsuccessfully, 
near the beginning. Mich. Lcquierfs Oriens 7V.] to wipe off some of the infumy cast 
Christianas, toin. i., p. 1292, and the Narra- upon the Georgians and Mingrelians. The 
tive of this transaction, by the patriarch Jcr- Catholtci of Georgia and Mingrclia are at 
emiah II. himself, published in the Catalogus this day uvTOK<f>a2,oi or independent; yet 
Codic. MSS. Biblioth. Taurinensis, p. 433- they pay tribute to the patriarch of Constan- 
469. tinople. [Their priests read the whole bap- 

(12) Lcquien^ Oriens Christianus, torn, i., tismal service through, and then apply the 
p. 155, &c. NIC. Bcrgius, de ecclesia Mos- water, without repeating the words requisite, 
coritica, pt. i., sect, i., cap. xviii., p. 164, &c. They consecrate the eucharist in wooden 

(13) See Clemens Galanus, Conciliatio chalices; care not if crumbs fall on the 
ecclesias Armenicae cum Rornana, torn, i., ground ; put the host into leather bags, and 
p. 156, &c. Jo. Chardhi, Voyages en Per- tie them to their girdles ; send it by laymen 
se et autres lieux de 1 Orient, torn. i.,p. 67, to the sick; and do not accompany it with 
&c., where is Jos Maria Zampi s Relation wax candles, processions, &c. Such are 
de la Colchide et Mingrellie. Add Archan- the indecorums complained of by the popish 
gel Lambert s Relation de la Colchide ou writers. TV.] 

Mingrellie; which is in the Recueil des Voy- (14) Wecommonly use the name Jacobites 

ages au Nord, tome vii., p. 160. Lcquicn, in a broad sense, as including all the Monoph- 

Onens Christianus, torn i., p. 1333, 1339, ysites except the Armenians ; but it properly 

&c. Yet consult also Rich. Simon s His- belongs only to those Asiatic Monophysites, 

toire Critique des dogmes et ceremonies des of whom Jacobus Baradaus was the head 

Chretiens Orientaux, cap. v-vi., p. 71, &c., and father. See Rich. Simon s Histoire des 



HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 119 

in sentiment with Nestorius ; and also Chaldeans, from the country in 
which they principally reside. The Monophysites are again divided into 
those of Asia, and those of Africa. The head of the Asiatic Monophysites, 
is the patriarch of Antioch, who resides generally in the monastery of St. 
Ananias, now called the Zapharanensian monastery, not far from the city 
Marde ; but sometimes at Amida, Marda (which is properly his episcopal 
seat), Aleppo, or other cities in Syria. (15) As he cannot alone govern 
conveniently the very extensive community, he has an associate in the 
government, to whose care are intrusted the eastern churches situated 
beyond the Tigris. This assistant is called the maphrian or primate of 
the East; and he formerly resided at Tagrit, on the borders of Armenia, 
but now resides in the monastery of St. Matthew, near the city Mosul in 
Mesopotamia. (16) At this day all patriarchs of the Monophysites assume 
the name of Ignatius. 

12. The African Monophysites are subject to the patriarch of Alexan 
dria, who commonly resides at Cairo ; and are divisible into the Copts and 
the Abyssinians. The Copts are those Christians who inhabit Egypt, Nu 
bia, and the adjacent regions. Being oppressed by the power and the in 
satiable avarice of the Turks, they have to contend with extreme poverty, 
and have not the means of supporting their patriarch and bishops : yet 
these obtain a scanty living from such Copts as are taken into the families 
of the principal men among the Mohammedans, on account of their skill in 
domestic affairs and other useful arts, of which the Turks are ignorant.(lT) 
The Abyssinians, though far superior to the Copts in numbers, power, and 
worldly circumstances, since their emperor is himself a Christian, yet rev 
erence the patriarch of Alexandria as their spiritual father ; and do not 
create their own chief bishop, but always allow a primate styled by them 
abuna to be placed over them by the Alexandrine patriarch. (18) 

13. The Monophysites differ in many points both of doctrine and of 
rites, from the Greeks, the Latins, and other Christians : but the principal 
ground of their separation from other Christians, lies in their opinion con 
cerning Jesus Christ our Saviour. With Dioscorus, Barsumas, Xenaias, 
Fullo, and others whom they regard as the founders and lights of their sect, 
they believe, that the divine and human natures in Christ so coalesce as to 
become one ; and therefore they reject the decrees of the council of Chal- 
cedon, and the noted epistle of Leo the Great. Yet to avoid the appear- 

Chretiens Orientaux, cap. ix., p. 118, whose Coptic church, are described by Jo. Mich. 

narrative however needs many corrections. Vansleb, in his Histoire de 1 Eglise d Alex- 

(15) See Jus. Sim. Assemari s Dissertatio andrie, qne nous appellons celle dcs Jacob- 
de Monophysitis, viii., &c., in the 2d vol. of ites-Coptes, Paris, 1667, 8vo. Add his Re- 
his Biblioth. Oriental. Clementino-Vaticana. lation d un voyage en Egypte, p. 293, &c., 
Faustus Nairobi s Euoplia fidei Catholics where he treats expressly of the monks and 
ex Syrorum monumentis, pt. i., p. 40, &c. monasteries of the Copts. Nouveaux Me- 
Leqmen s Oriens Christianus, torn, ii., p. moires des Missions de la Compagnie de 
1343, &c. Jesus dans le Levant, tome ii., p. 9, &c., 

(16) Asseman s Diss. de Monophysitis, tome v., p. 122. Bcned. Maillefs Descrip- 
() viii., &c. tion de 1 Egypte, tome ii., p. 64, &c. 

(17) Euscbius Renaudot published at Par- (18) See Job Ludolfs Comment, in His- 
is, 1713, in 4to, his very learned Historia toriam ^Ethiopicam, p. 451, 461, 466. Je- 
Alexandrinorum Patriarcharum Jacobitarum. rome Lobo s Voyage d Abissinie, tome ii., 
He also published Officium ordinationis hu- p. 36. Nouveaux Mernoires des Missions 
jus Patriarchs, with notes ; in his Liturgias dans le Levant, tome iv., p. 277. Mich. 
Oriental., tm. i., p. 467. The state and Lequicn s Oriens Christianus, torn, ii., p. 
internal conditf n of the Alexandrine or 641, &c. 



120 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. II. 



ance of following Eutyches, with whom they profess to have no connexion, 
they cautiously define their doctrine, and denying all confusion and inter 
mixture of the two natures, represent the nature of Christ as being indeed 
one, yet at the same time compound and double. (19) And this explanation 
shows us, that it is no rash opinion of some very learned men, that the 
Monophy sites differ from the Greeks and Latins more in words than in sub 
stance. (20) The modern Jacobites both of Asia and of Africa, are in gen- 
eral so ignorant and illiterate, that they defend their distinguishing doctrine 
rather by blind pertinacity and the authority of their fathers, than by ra 
tional arguments. (21) 

14. The Armenians, though they hold to the same opinions with the 
other Monophysites respecting [the nature of] our Saviour, yet differ from 
them as to many practices, opinions, and rites ; and hence, there is no 
communion between them and those who are appropriately called Jacob- 
ites.(22) The whole Armenian church is governed by three patriarchs. 
The chief of these, who governs the whole of the greater Armenia and the 
neighbouring provinces, has forty two archbishops under him, and resides in 
a monastery at Echmiazin. He might if he were disposed, live splendidly 
and luxuriously on the very ample revenues he receives ;(23) but he is fru 
gal in his table and plain in his dress, nor is he distinguished from the 
monks among whom he resides except by his power. Pie is usually elect 
ed by the suffrages of the bishops assembled at Echmiazin ; and is appro 
ved by the king of Persia. The second patriarch or catholic of the Arme 
nians, resides at Sisi a city of Cilicia, and governs the churches in Cappa- 
docia, Cilicia, Cyprus, and Syria. He has twelve archbishops under him. 



(19) Jos. Sim. Asscman, Biblioth. Ori 
ent. Clementino- Vaticana, torn, ii., p. 25, 26, 
29, 34, ] 17, 133, 135, 277, 297, &c. Sec 
the acute defence of the doctrine of his sect 
by Abulpharajvs, ibid., torn. ii.,p. 288, &c. 
The system of religion embraced by the 
Abyssinians in particular, may be best learn 
ed in all its parts from the Theologia ^Ethi- 
opica of Gregory the Ethiopian, published 
by Jo. Alb. Fabricius in his Lux Evangelii 
toti orbi exoriens, p. 716, where also the 
other writers concerning the Abyssinians, 
are enumerated. 

(20) M. V. la Croze, Histoire du Chris- 
tianisme des Indes, p. 23. Asscman, loc. 
cit., torn, ii., p. 291, 297. Rich. Simon, 
Histoire dcs Chretiens Orientaux, p. 119. 
Jo. Joach. Schroder, Thesaurus lingua? Ar- 
menicse, p. 276. 

(21) The Liturgies of the Copts, the Sy 
rian Jacobites, and the Abyssinians, have 
been published with learned notes, by Ease- 
bins Rcnaudot, in the first and second vol- 
umes of his Liturgia? Orientales. 

(22) The chief writer concerning the Ar 
menians, as well in regard to their religion 
as other matters, is Clemens Galam/s, an 
Italian Theatine monk ; whose Conciliatio 
tcclesiae Armenicae cum Romana, was pub- 
ished at Rome, 1650, &c., in 3 vols. fol. 
The other writers are mentioned by Jo. Alb. 



Fabricius, in his Lux Evangelii toti orbi ex 
oriens, cap. xxxviii., p. 640. &c. To his 
list, must especially be added Lequien, Ori- 
ens Christianus, torn, i., p. 1362, &c. The 
recent Histoire da Christianisme d Armcnie, 
\>j M. V. la. Croze, subjoined to his Histoire 
du Christianisme d Abessinie, a 1 Haye, 
1739, 8vo, does not correspond with the 
magnitude and importance of the subject. 
A far better account would have been given 
by this gentleman, who was so well informed 
on such subj cis, if he had not been labour 
ing under the infirmities of age. Respecting 
the singular customs and rites of the Arme 
nians, see Gcmc/li Carrcri, Voyage du tour 
du Monde, tome ii., p. 146, &c. 

(23) A notice of all the churches subject 
to the chief patriarch of the Armenians, as 
communicated by Uxcan, an Armenian bish 
op, is subjoined by Rich. Simon, to his His 
toire critique dcs Chretiens Orientaux, p. 
217, [in the English translation, by A Lov- 
ell, Lond., 1685, p. 184, &c.j But we have 
noticed many defects in it. Respecting the 
seat, and the mode of life, of the patriarch of 
Echmiazin, see Paul Lucas, Voyage au Le 
vant, tome ii., p. 347, and Gemclli Carreri, 
Voyage du tour du Monde, tome ii., p. 10, 
&c. See also the other travellers in Arme 
nia and Persia. 



HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 121 

This patriarch of Sisi, at present, acknowledges himself inferior to the 
patriarch at Echmiazin. The third and least of their patriarchs, who has 
only eight or nine bishops under him, resides on the island of Aghtamar in 
the great lake Varaspuracan, [or Van,] and is accounted by the other 
Armenians an enemy of the church. Besides these who are properly and 
truly called patriarchs, there are others among the Armenians who are 
patriarchs in name only, rather than in reality and in power. For the 
Armenian archbishop residing at Constantinople, whose authority is ac. 
knowledged by the churches in the neighbouring regions of Asia and Eu 
rope, is called a patriarch. So also the Armenian prelate at Jerusalem, is 
saluted with the same title ; and likewise the prelate that resides at Ka- 
miniec in [Russian] Poland, and who governs the Armenian churches in 
Russia, Poland, and the neighbouring countries. And these claim the title 
and the rank of patriarchs, because they have received from the great pa 
triarch of Echmiazin, the power of ordaining bishops, and of consecrating 
and distributing every third year among their churches the sacred chrism 
or ointment, which none but patriarchs among the Oriental Christians, have 
a right to do. (24) 

15. The Nestorians, who are also called Chaldeans, reside principally 
in Mesopotamia and the adjacent countries. These Christians have many 
doctrines and customs peculiar to themselves : but they are chiefly distin 
guished from all other sects, by maintaining, that Nestorius was unjustly 
condemned in the council of Ephesus, and by holding with him, that there 
were not only two natures but also two persons in our Saviour. In ancient 
times this was regarded as a capital error ; at this day it is considered by 
the most respectable men even among the Roman Catholics, as an error 
in words rather than in thought. For these Chaldeans affirm indeed, that 
Christ consists of two persons as well as two natures ; but they add, that 
these two persons and natures are so closely united, as to constitute one 
aspect, or as they express it, one barsopa ; which is the same with the 
Greek TrpocrwTrov [person]. (25) From which it appears clearly, that by as 
pect they mean the same as we do by person ; and that what we call natures, 
they call persons. It is to the honour of this sect, that of all the Christians 
resident in the East they have preserved themselves the most free from 
the numberless superstitions, which have found their way into the Greek 
and Latin churches. (26) 

16. Formerly all the Nestorians were subject to one patriarch or cath 
olic ; who resided, first at Bagdat, and then at Mosul. But in this [six- 

(24) SeetheNouveaux MemoiresdesMis- Vaticana, torn, iii., pt. ii., p. cmxlviii. See 
fiions de la Compagnic de Jesus dans le Le- also, ibid., p. 210, &c. Rich. Simon s His- 
vant, tome iii., where is given (p. 1-218) toire de la creance dcs Chretiens Orientaux, 
a long narrative respecting both the religious cap. vii., p. 94, &c. Peter Strozza, de 
and the civil affairs of the Armenians ; and dogmatibus Chaldseorum ; first published at 
which la Croze (than whom, no man within Rome, 1617, 8vo. 

our knowledge has bestowed more attention (26) Here should especially be consulted, 

on these subjects) very highly commends, the very learned and copious dissertation of 

for fidelity, accuracy, and research. See his Asseman de Syris Nestorianis ; which fills 

Histoire du Christianisrne d Ethiopie, p. the whole of the fourth volume of his Bibli- 

345, &c. otheca Orient. Vaticana. It was from this 

(25) It is thus that the inscriptions, which chiefly, that Mich. Lcquientook, what he says 
adorn the sepulchres of the Nestorian patri- in his Oriens Christianus, torn, ii., p. 1078, 
archs in the city of Mosul, express their sen- &c. 

timents. See Asscmari s Biblioth. Oriental. 

VOL. III. Q 



122 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHLA l. II 

teenth] century, they became divided into two parties. In the fust place, 
as we have already noticed, in the year 1552 two patriarchs were elected 
by opposite factions, Simeon Barmama and John Sulaka or Siud. The 
latter of these, in order to obtain firm support against his antagonist, re- 
paired to Rome and swore allegiance to the Roman pontiff. (27) To the 
party of this patriarch who stood connected with the Romish church, was 
added in the year 1555, Simeon Denha archbishop of Gelu ; and when he 
afterwards succeeded to the patriarchate, he removed its seat to Ormia, 
in the mountainous parts of Persia ; where his successors, all of whom 
assume the name of Simeon, have continued to reside till the present time. 
In the last [or seventeenth] century, they remained still in communion 
with the Romish bishop ; but in this [eighteenth] century, they seem to 
have renounced that communion. (28) The greater patriarchs of thcNes- 
torians, who stood opposed to this lesser patriarch, have since the year 
1559, all borne the name of Ellas, and had their residence at Mosul. (29) 
Their dominion spreads widely in Asia ; and embraces the Nestorians in 
Arabia, and also those on the coast of Malabar, who are called Christians 
of St. Thomas. (M) 

17. Besides these sects of Christians, in which was something or at 
least some appearance of the religion taught by Christ, there were other 
far worse sects, scattered over a large part of Asia ; which were undoubt 
edly descended from the Ebionites, the Manichseans, the Valentinians, the 
Basilidians, and other parties that in the early ages set up churches within 
the church, but which, through the common hatred against them of both 
Mohammedans and Christians, had sunk into such barbarism, ignorance, 
and superstition as to lose nearly altogether the reputation and the rights 
of Christians. The Salians as they are called by the Orientals, or the 
Mendai Ijahi, i. e., Disciples of St. John, as they call themselves, or the 
Christians of St. John as they arc called by Europeans, though they per- 
haps have some imperfect knowledge of Christ, seem to be a Jewish sect, 
and the descendants of the ancient Hemerolaptists mentioned by the early 
Christian writers. At least, that John whom they call the founder of 
their sect, was altogether unlike John the Baptist, and bore a far stronger 
resemblance to the John whom the ancients represented as tbe father of the 
Jewish Hemerobaptists.(3I) They live in Persia and Arabia, especially at 
Bassora; and regard religion as consisting principally infrequent, solemn 
ablutions of the body, which their priests administer with certain ceremo- 
nies.(32) 

18. The Jasidians, Jasid&ans or Jezdccans, of whom many uncertain 

(27) [He planted himself at Cavamit in ii., p. cml. Add Lcquieri s Oriens Christi- 
Mesopotamia, and styled himself patriarch anus, torn, ii., p. 1078, &c. 

of the East. His successor Ebcdjcsu, at- (30) Of these, Mat. Vcyss. la Croze treats 

tended the council of Trent. The next sue- expressly, in his Histoire du Christianisme 

cessor was Abathalla ; and after him, was dcs Indes : with which should be compared, 

Simeon Dcnha, who was obliged to quit Car- Joseph Sim. Asseman, loc. cit., torn, iii., pt. 

ftmit. Von Ein.~\ ii., cap. ix., p. ccccxiii. 

(28) See Jos. Sim. Assouan s Biblioth. (31) See what I have written on this sub- 
Orient. Vaticana, torn, i., p. 538, and torn, ject, in my Commentaries, de Rebus Chris- 
ii., p. 436. tian. ante Constantinum Mag., p 43, &c. 

(29) A catalogue of the Nestorian patri- (32) See the treatise of Ignatius a Jcsu, 
archs, is given by Jos. Sim. Asseman, Bib- a Carmelite who resided long among these 
liotheca Orient. Vaticana, torn, iii., pt. i., p. Mendseans, entitled : Narratiooriginis, ntuum 
611, &c., which he corrected, in torn. iii.,pt. et errorum Christianorum S. Johamiis : cui 



HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 



123 



accounts are extant, are a vagrant branch or tribe of the fierce and uncul 
tivated nation of the Kurds who inhabit the province of Persia called Kur 
distan. They roam among the Gordian mountains and the desert parts 
of the country, and are divided into the black and the white Jezdseans. 
The former are the priests and the rulers of the sect, and always dress in 
black ; the latter are the common people, whose dress is white. They 
have a singular religion, and one not yet sufficiently explored ; yet it is 
clear, that it is a compound of Christian principles, with numerous fictions 
originating from other sources. They are especially distinguished from 
other classes of corrupted Christians, by their sentiments concerning the 
evil spirit ; whom they call Karubin or Cherubin, that is, one of the great 
er ministers of God ; and if they do not actually worship him, they at 
least treat him with respect, neither offering him any insult or contumely 
themselves, nor suffering others to do it. In this matter they go so far, 
that no tortures will induce them to express detestation of the evil spirit ; 
and if they hear any other person curse him, they will kill him if they 
can.(33) 

As these books were introduced a few years 
since into the library of the king of France, 
it may be expected that from them, in due 
time, a better knowledge of this people will 
be obtained. [See the first volume of these 
Institutes, p. 35, note (7). Tr.] 

(33) See Tho. Hyde s Historia relig. vete- 
rum Persar. in the Append., p. 549. Otter, 
Voyage en Turquie et en Perse, tome i., p. 
121 ; tome ii., p. 249, &c. To impart a 
better knowledge of religion to this people, 
journeys were made with great peril in the 
seventeenth century, by the celebrated and 
learned Jesuit Michael Nau, (Laur. cTAr 
vicux, Mernoires ou Voyages, tome vi., p. 
362, 377) ; and after him, by another Jesuit, 
Monicrius, (Memoires des Missions de Jesu- 
ites, torn, iii., p. 291) ; but how these travel 
lers were received, and what they accomplish 
ed, does not appear. Jac. Rhcnfcrd consider 
ed the Jczd&ans as the offspring of the ancient 
Sethians : (see G tsb Cupcr s Epistles, pub 
lished by Bayer, p. 130), but in my opinion 
as groundlessly, as those who judge them to 
be Manichceans, a supposition which is suf 
ficiently refuted by their opinion concerning 
the evil spirit. The name of this sect, Isaac 
de Beaitsobre among others, derives from the 
name Jesus. See his Histoire du Mani- 
cheisrne, tome ii., p. 613. I should conjec 
ture that it is derived rather from the word 
Jazid or Jezdan, which in Persian signifies 
the good God ; to whom is opposed Ahn- 
man, or the evil deity : (See Herbelot, Bib- 
liotheque Orientale, p. 484, &c. Cherefed- 
din Aly, Histoire de Timurbec, tome iii., p. 
81, &c.) ; so that Jazidceans denotes worship 
pers of the good or true God. Yet they may 
have derived their appellation from the cele 
brated city Jezd; of which Otter treats, Voy 
age en Turquie et en Perse, tome i , p. 383, 



adjungitur Discursus per modum Dialogi, in 
quo confutantur xxxiv. errores ejusdem na- 
tionis ; Rome, 1652, 8 vo. Engelb. Kamp- 
fer s Amoenitates Exotics, fascic. ii., relat. 
xi., p. 435, &c. George Sale s Introduction 
to his English version of the Koran, p. 15. 
Jos. Sim. Assonants Biblioth. Oriental., 
torn, iii., pt. ii., p. 609 Thevcnofs Voya 
ges, tome iv., p. 584, &c. Barthol. Herbe- 
lot s Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 725. The- 
cph. Sicgcfr. Bayer composed a particular 
treatise concerning the Mend<zans, filled 
with much excellent matter ; which, when 
he was about to commit to me for publica 
tion, he was suddenly cut off by death. It 
was Bayer s opinion, (as appears from the 
Thesaurus Epistolicus Crozianus, torn, i., p. 
21). that they were a branch from the ancient 
Manichruans ; which opinion was also ap 
proved by La Croze. See his Thesaurus 
Epistol., torn, iii., p. 31, 52. But there is 
nothing in their opinions or customs, that 
savours of Manichaeism. Hence other learn 
ed men, (to whose opinion the celebrated 
Fourmont a few years ago acceded ; in a 
paper published in the Memoires de 1 Acad. 
des Inscript. et des Belles Lettres, tome xviii., 
p. 23, &c.), suppose them descended from 
the ancient worshippers of a plurality of 
gods, and especially of the stars, whom the 
Arabs call Sabii, or Sabi and Sabiin. But, 
except the name which the Mohammedans 
are wont to give them, there is nothing at all 
to support this opinion. The Mendceans 
themselves say, that they are Jews ; and pro 
fess to have been removed from Palestine, 
to the places which they now inhabit. This 
sect has some sacred books which are very 
ancient ; among others, what they call The 
book of Adam, and a book written by John 
the founder of their sect, and some others. 



124 BOOK IV. CICNT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. II. 

^ 19. The Duruzi, Dursi, Druzi, [or Druses ], for their name is written 
nuiously, ;m: a fierce and warlike people, inhabiting a largo part, of the 
rugged mountains of Lihanus. They represent themselves (how justly, 
is uncertain) to he descended from those Franks, who waged war in the 
eleventh century \\ il.h the Mohammedans. (34) As they cautiously conceal 
their religious creed, it is very duhioua what their faith and worship are. 
Yet there are vestiges of Christ ianiiy sufficiently manifest in their customs 
and opinions. Learned men have suspected that, the Druzi,ns well as the 
Kurds thai inhahit Persia, formerly held and perhaps still hold ihe doc 
trines of the Manicha3ans.(35) The Chamsi or Solares inhahit a certain 
district of Mesopotamia, and are supposed hy some, to he descendants of 
the SdttiA dCdiis nieni ioiied \>\ l*] ].)iptiiinius,(J&ty There are many olln r 
semi-Christian sects in the Kast :(37) and whoever \\ ill accurately traci 
them out, and introduce their sacred hooks into Kurope, will doubtless re- 

iVc. [ U . Jinri /t, in his < hnsl i.m Research- The Ycsidicns practise circumcision like the 

es m Syria, iVc, ed. Moston, lSt:(i, p. r>. r ), Mohammedans." M c/w/ir, Voyage en Ara- 

ove.. gives ii.. iVoni l\if/nilir, the following bic, vol. ii., p J7 .), "SO. From this account, 

account uf 1.1ns people, whom he met. \\itli, it. ;ip|)e;irs, that the Jt^ilti iin.^ aie. not. th;it 

inhabiting ;i \\hole village near Mosul, roaming, s,iva^(! race, l>i. jMox/inni snppo- 

" Tliey are calh il Ycsnliftis, anil also !><n< .-cd ; hut that they are a plain, frugal, con- 

dxin : hut as Ihe Turks do not. allow the In c scient ions people, who are alraul to avo.v 

exercise ol any religion in their countr\, e.\- their religions sentiments, because thev have 

cept t( those who possess sacred hook:-, (as no sacnd hooks, uhlch would entitle th( in 

the Mohainmedans, ( hristiaiis, and Jew;-), to lolerat ion under the Turkish <_>o\ erninen! 

the Vi-sidirns arc ohh;jed to keep the pun- See .1. IT. Lut/ani** Nilie\al;,V ISiil/n. Tr.\ 
ciple.s ol their religion extremely .-cent. ( !M ) [ See I he Let I res Kdiluntes ct, ( nn- 

They, therelore, pass themselves oil lor Mo- euses, toini i., p. ^ JS \\ .\\], ed u I.\on, 

liammedans, Christians, (.r .lews; !o!lo\Mii : r 1H 1 ., H\o.- 7V. ] 

tin; parly ol whatever person makes nnpiirv ( " ) See Adrian s Narrative; coneertnn; 
into their relij ion. 1 hey speak uilli veil- the I (ruses; in I unl Lncux Voyage en 
e rat ion ol the Koran, ol the ( Jo- pel, ol the ( Jiece el Asie Mine me, tome i>., p. .!(>, iVc 
1 entateuch, and ihe I salms ; and when con- I /m:,,. Il,/,i,- s Ili.-tona reh-Monis Vel.er. 
vicled of heini( \ esidiens, they will then I ersarum," p. -l!)l, . r ). )-l. I nul Hyctntt x 
maintain that they are of the same religion Ilistoire de 1 1 linpire ( (tlomanli, lome I., p 
as the Sonnites Hence il. is almost an mi- . Mil, iVc. | Modern researches particularly 
possibility to (cam any tiling certain on the hy ( hiinlin, I>< Sun/, and Hit i l./ui/dt, cle.irly 
suh|ect Some charge them with adoring show, that the /h//.vr.v are \\llli nopropnet\ 
(he devil, under the name of 7 .sr///<7>/, th;:t reckoned aiiionr ( hristian sects. Theyaic 
is to say, Lord. Others say that, they ex- apostate Mtihanitnctlans, followers of the 
Inhit. a marked veneration lor the sun, and false prophet Ilii/,iin, who pretended to IK 
lor lire; that, they are downright, pagans; an incarnate deity. lie was horn at ( am. 
and that lheyha\e hornhle ceremonies I A.I). l)Sf>, henan to rei^n ill I ^ Vpt A.I) 
have heen assured that, the I )aiiasins do not !) .Hi, and was assassinated in !(CJ() Ihv 
invoke the devil; lull that they adore < iod ( Imitrr or commands to his followers, to- 
only, as the creator and Item-factor of all men. Aether with their oath of allegiance to him, 
They cannot, however, hear to speak ol Sa- are published hv J)( Hacy, in his ( liresto- 
tan, nor even to hear his name mentioned. mathie Arahe, tome ii., p. .V,M, A c. See a 
When the Yesuliens come to Mosul, they lull account of them in VV. ,/;/v// .v ( hris- 
are not apprehended by the magistrate, al- lian Researches in Syria, ed. Jioslon, 1H2 J, 
though known: but the people often endeuv- ]> :?. r >, iVc ., 70, 83. TV.] 
our to trick them ; for when these poor Ycsi- (:i() Hi/tlc, Hisloria relig. v<>ter. lYrsarnm, 
diens come to sell their eggs or butter, the p. r>. r >. r >, iVc. 

purchasers contrive first, to get their articles (M) The Jesuit, /)/H.VAT, (Lettres edif. et 

into their possession, and then begin uttering curieuses des Missions etrangeres, tome i., 

n thousand foolish expressions against Satan, p. li!J), relates that, in the mountains which 

with a view to lower the price ; upon which separate Persia from India, there resides a 

the Yesidiens are content to leave their sect of Christians, who brand themselves 

goods, at a loss, rather than be witnesses of with the ligiire of a cross, impressed with 

euch contemptuous language about the devil, a hot iron. 



HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 125 

ceivc the grateful thanks of all that take an interest in Christian antiqui- 
ties, for the various accounts we have of them at present, are contradic 
tory and cannot be depended on. 

20. Among most of these sects [of Oriental Christians], the mission- 
aries of the Roman pontiff have with great labour and expense established 
societies, which acknowledge the jurisdiction of the Latin pontiff. Among 
the Greeks, both those that are subject to the Turks and those that are 
subject to the Venetians, to the Roman emperor, and to other Christian 
princes, as is generally known, there are here and there Greeks that be 
long to the Romish church, and whose bishops and priests are approved at 
Rome. For the sake of preserving and enlarging these societies, a college 
is established at Rome, in which Greek youth that appear to possess genius 
and a disposition to study, are supported and instructed in the useful arts 
;uid sciences, and arc especially taught to reverence the authority of the 
Roman pontiff. But the most respectable men, even among the friends ol 
the Romish court, do not deny that these Greeks who are united with the 
Latins, if compared with those who hold the Latin name in abhorrence, 
are few and poor, and in a wretched condition ; and that among them are 
persons of Grecian faith, who whenever opportunity is presented, repay to 
the Latins the greatest kindnesses with the greatest injuries. They also 
tell us, that the Greeks who arc educated with great care at Rome, by 
witnessing the faults of the Latins, often become the most ungrateful of 
all, and the most strenuously oppose the advancement of the Latin interests 
among their countrymen. (38) 

21. For uniting or rather subjecting to the Romish , church, the Rus 
sian which is the noblest portion of the Greek church, there have been 
frequent deliberations at Rome ; but without success. In this [sixteenth] 
century, John Bas didcs grand-duke of the Russians, in the year 1580, 
sent an embassy to Gregory XIII. , by which he seemed to exhort the pon 
tiff to resume and to accomplish this business. The next year therefore, 
Anlh. Possevin a learned and sagacious Jesuit, was despatched to Musco 
vy. But he, although he spared no pains to accomplish the object of his 
embassy, yet found himself unable to effect it : nor did the Russian am- 
bassadors who a little after were sent to Rome, present any thing to the 
pontiff but vague and inefficient promises. (39) Indeed the result showed, 
that Basilides aimed only to secure by flatteries the favour of the pontiff, 
in order to succeed better in his unfortunate war with the Poles. But the 
arguments of Possevin and others, had so much effect upon the Russians 
that inhabit Poland, that some of them in the convention of Bresty, A.D. 
1590, entered into an alliance with the Latins. These were subsequently 
railed the United Greeks ; while the other party, which still adhered to the 

(38) Here may be consulted, besides hereafter. A catalogue though an imperfect 

others, Urb. Cerri s Etat present de 1 Eglise one, of the Greek bishops who folbw the 

Rornaine, p. 82, &c., where, among other Latin rites, is given in Lequien s Orieng 

things, it is said : Tls deviennent les plus Christianus, torn iii., p. 800. 

violens etinemis des Catholiques, lorsq ils (39) See the Colloquia Possrvini cum 

out appris nos sciences et q ils ont connois- Moscormn duce : and his other writings re- 

sance de nos imperfections. [They become lilting to this subject, which are annexed to 

the most violent enemies of the Catholics, his Moscovia, p. 31, cVc , and John Dorig- 

when they have been instructed in our sci- ny s Vie du Pere Possevin, livr. v., p. 351, 

ences, and have knowledge of our imperfec- &e. 
lions.] Other testimonies will be adduced 



126 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART I. CHAP. [I 

patriarch of Constantinople, were called the Ununited.(4:Q) Moreover a 
Kiow, ever since the fourteenth century, there has been a society of Rus 
sians subject to the Roman pontiff, and which has had its own metropoli 
tans or bishops, distinct from the Russian bishops of Kiow. (41) 

22. Among the Monophysites both the Asiatic and the African, the 
preachers of the Romish religion have effected but little that deserves at 
tention. Among the Chaldean or Nestorian Christians, a small society 
subject to the Roman pontiff, was collected near the middle of the prece 
ding century. Its patriarchs, all of v/hom take the name of Joseph, reside 
in the city Amida, which is also called Caraxiit and Diarbeker.(4:2) A 
part of the Armenians, as early as the fourteenth century in the pontificate 
of John XXII., embraced the Romish religion ; and over them the pontiffs 
placed an archbishop in 1318, who was a Dominican monk and resided at 
Soldama,(43) a city of Aderbeitzan. The archiepiscopal residence was 
afterwards removed to Naxivan ; and to this day, it is occupied exclusive 
ly by the Dominicans. (44) The company of Armenians resident in Po 
land and embracing the Romish doctrines, have also their bishop, who re 
sides at Lemberg.(45) Some of the Thcatin and Capuchin monks visited 
the Georgians and Mingrclians ; but the ferocity and ignorance of those 
nations opposed such obstacles to the counsels and admonitions of the mis 
sionaries, that their labours were attended with almost no success. (46) 

23. The pompous accounts of their success among these sects given 
by the Romish missionaries, lack ingenuousness and truth. For it is as 
certained by unquestionable testimony, that all they did in some countries, 
was merely to brspli/ - by stealth certain infants, whom their parents com 
mitted to their care; because they professed to be physicians ;(47) and in 
other countries, they only gathered a poor, miserable company, who gen 
erally forsook them as soon as their money was gone, and returned to the 
religion of their fathers. (48) Likewise here and there a prelate among 
the Greeks or the other nations, would sometimes promise obedience to the 
Roman pontiff, and even repair to Rome in order to manifest his submis 
sion : but these were actuated only by avarice or by ambition. And there 
fore on r, change in their circumstances, they would at once relapse, or 
would d Teive the Romans with equivocal professions. Those who, like 
the Nestorian prelate at Amida, continue steadfast in their profession and 

(40) Ailr. Rcffnivolscius, Historia Ecclc- (40) Urb. Ccrri, Etat present de 1 Eglise 
siarum Sluvonicarum, lib. iv., cap. ii., p. 465, Romaine, p. 162, &c 

&c., [and 470, etc. 7V.] (47) Urb. Ccrri, Etat present de 1 Eglise 

(41) See Mich. Lequien s Oriens Christi- Romaine, p. 164. Gabr. de Chinon, Rela- 
anus, torn, i., p. 1274, and torn, iii., p. 1126. tions nouvelles du Levant, pt. i., cap. vi., p., 
Acta Sanctor., torn, ii., Februar., p. 639, 174. This Capuchin monk speaks very in- 
&c. gennously on many subjects. 

(42) See Assemarfs Bibliotheca Orient. (48) See Jean Chardin, Voyages en Perse, 
Vaticana, torn, iii., pt. i., p. 615. &c. Lc- tome i., p. 186; tomeii.,p. 53,75, 206, 271. 
(/uicn s Oriens Christianas, torn, ii., p. 1084, 349, and especially torn, iii., p. 433, &c., of 
&c. the last edition in Holland, 4to. For in the 

(43) Odor. Raynald s Annales Eccles., previous editions, every thing dishonourable 
torn, xv , ad ann. 1318, 4. to the Romish missions among the Arme- 

(44) Lcijuien, Oriens Christianus, torn, nians, the Colchians, the Iberians, or the 
iii , p. 1362 and 1403, &c. Clemens Gala- Persians, was omitted. Gabr. de Chilian, 
nus, Conciliatio ecclesiae Armenae cum Ro- Relations du Levant, pt. ii , p. 308. &c... 
rnana, torn, i., p. 527. &c. where he treats of the Armenians. Bencd. 

(45) Memoires des Missions de la Com- Mail-Jet, Description d Egypte, tome ii , p. 
nagnie de Jesus, torn, iii., p. 54, &c. 65, &c., who speaks of the Copts. 



HISTORY OF THE GREEK CHURCH. 



12? 



propagate it to succeeding generations, persevere from no other cause than 
the uninterrupted liberality of the Roman pontiff. The pontiffs, moreover, 
are astonishingly indulgent to those sons whom they adopt from among the 
Greeks and other Oriental Christians. For they not only suffer them to 
worship according to the rites of their fathers, rites the most diverse from 
those of the Romans, and to follow customs abhorred among the Latins ; 
but they do not even require them to expunge from their public books those 
doctrines which are peculiar to them as a Christian sect. (49) At Rome, 
if we are not greatly mistaken, a Greek, Armenian, or Copt, is esteemed 
a good member of the Romish church, provided he does not call in ques 
tion, but will acknowledge, the sovereign authority of the Romish prelate 
over the whole Christian church. 

24. The whole nation of the Maronites, who reside principally on the 
mountains of Libanus and Antilibanus, came under the dominion of the 
Roman pontiff from the period of the invasion of Palestine by the Lat 
ins. (50) But as they did this, on the condition that the Latins should 
change nothing of their ancient rites, customs, and opinions ; hence al 
most nothing Latin can be found among the Maronites, except their attach 
ment to the Romish prelate. (51) Moreover this friendship costs the pon- 

(1-9) Jos. Sim. Asseman complains, here a Maronite, advances a sort of intermediate 

and /.here in his Bibliotheca Oiientalis Vat- opinion ; Bibliotheca Orient. Vaticana, torn, 

icana, that not even the books printed at i., p. 496. Mich. Leqmcn leaves the ques- 

Rome for the use of the Nestorians, Jacob- tion dubious ; Oriens Christianus, torn, in., 

ites, and Armenians, are purged of the er- p. 1, &c., where he treats professedly of the 

rors peculiar to those sects ; and he con- Maronite church, and of its prelates. In 

tends, that this is the reason why those peo- my opinion, no one will readily put confi- 

ple renounce the Romish religion, after hav- dence in the Maronites, who like all Syrians 

ing adopted it. Add Rich. Simon s Lettres are vainglorious, if he considers, that all 



Choisies, tomeii., lettre xxiii., p. 156, &c., 
who excuses this negligence or imprudence 
of the Romans. 



the Maronite nation have not yet subjected 
themselves to the Roman pontiff. For 
some of this nation in Svria, stand aloof 



(50) The Maronite doctors, and especially from communion with the Latins ; and in 

such as reside at Home, take the utmost the last century, not a few of them in Italy 

pains to prove, that the Romish religion has itself, gave the court of Rome no little trou- 

always been held and preserved by their na- ble. Some of them went over to the Wal- 

tion, pure, and uncontaminated with any denses, inhabiting the valleys of Piedmont : 

error. Besides others, Faustus Natron has others to the number of six hundred, with 

done this very elaborately, in his Dissertatio a bishop and many priests, went over to 

de origine, nomine ac religione Maronita- Corsica, and implored the aid of the repub- 

rum ; Rome, 1679., Svo. From this book, lie of Genoa against the violence of the In- 



and from other Maronite authors, DC la Roque 
composed his long and well-written essay : 



quisition. See Urb. Ccrri, Etat present de 
1 Egiise Romaine, p. 121, 122. I know not 



Sur 1 origne des Maronites et Abrege de what could have excited these Maronites to 
leur Histoire ; which is printed in his Voy- make such opposition to the Roman pontiff, 
age de Syrie et du Mont Liban, tome ii., p. 
28-128, ed. Amsterd., 1723, Svo. But the 



they did not dissent at all from his doc 
trines and decrees ; for the Romish church 



most learned men among the Catholics, do allows them freely to follow the rites and 
not give credit to this statement ; but main- customs and institutions of their fathers. 
tain, that the Maronites are the offspring of See the Thesaurus Epistol. Crozianus, torn, 
the Monophysites, and were addicted to the i., p. 1 1, &c., [and vol. i. of these Institutes, 
opinions of the Monothelites down to the 
twelfth century, when they united with the 
Latins. See Rich. Simon s Histoire crit 
ique des Chretiens Orientaux, cap. xiii., p. 
J46, &c. Eusebius Renaudot, Historia Pa- 



tnarchar. Alexandrinorum ; preface, p. iii., 



p. 427. Tr.] 

(51) Here consult, especially, the Notes 
which Rich. Snrton has annexed to his 
French translation of the Voyage of Jerome 
Dandmi, an Italian Jesuit, to Mount Li oa- 
nus, written in Italian; Paris, 1685, J2mo. 



z., and the history itself, p. 49 : and many See also Euseb. Renaudot, Historia Patriar- 
other writers. Jos. Sim. Asseman, himself char. Alexandrinor., p. 548. 



128 BOOK III. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. I. 

tiff dear. For as the Maronites live in extreme poverty under the tyran. 
ny of the Mohammedans, the pontiff has to relieve their poverty with his 
wealth ; in order that their prelate and leading men may have the means 
of appeasing their cruel masters, supporting their priests, and defraying 
the expenses of public worship. Nor is the expense small, which is requi 
red by the college for Maronites established at Rome by Gregory XIII., in 
which Syrian youth are imbued with literature and with love to the Romish 
see. The Maronitc church is governed by a patriarch, residing at Canno- 
Mn on Mount Libanus ; which is a convent of monks that follow the rule 
of St. Anthony. Ho styles himself Patriarch of Antioch, and always takey 
the name of Peter, to whose see he claims to be the successor. (52) 



PART II. 

II I S T O K Y OF MODERN CHURCHES. 



CHAPTER I. 

HISTORY OF Ti:E EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHURCH. 

$ I. Commencement of the Lutheran Church. $ 2- Its Faith. <) 3. Public Worship and 
Ceremonies. 9" 4. Ecclesiastical Laws and Government. 5. Liturgy : public Wor 
ship : Education. 9" 6. Feast Days: Discipline. ^7. Prosperous and adverse Events. 
t) 8. Cultivation of Learning among the Lutherans. 9. Polite Learning and Langua 
ges. 10. Philosophy. 11. Philosophical Sects: Aristotelians: Kamisis <$>12. 
Fire Philosophers. ^ 13. Hofmann s Controversy with his Colleagues. $ 14. Theol 
ogy gradually improved and perfected. 9" 1 ; >- State of exegetic Theology. 9" 16. Mer 
its of the Biblical Expositors. 17. Dogmatic Theology. 18. Practical Theology. 
19. Polemic Theology. $ 20. Three Periods of the Lutheran Church. $ 21. 
Contests in Luther s Lifetime with Fanatics. ^ 22. Carolostadt. 23. Schwenckfeld. 
<J> 24. His Opinions. 25. Antinornians. 6 26. Estimate of the Sentiments of 
Agricola. 27. Contests after Luther s Death, under Melancthon. 28. Adiapho- 
ristic Controversy. 29. That of George Major, respecting good \Vorks. 30. Syn- 
ergistic Controversy. 9 31 . Flacius, the Author of many Dissensions. 32. His Con 
test with Strigelius. $ 33- His Disputation. 34. Effects of his Imprudence. 9" 35. 
Controversy with Osiander. 36. Controversy with Stancarus. 37. Plans for 
settling these Disturbances. 38. Crypto-Calvinists in Saxony. 39. The Formula 
of Concord. 9" 40. It produces much Commotion, on the Part of the Reformed. 41. 
Also, on the Part of the Lutherans. 9 42. Proceedings of Duke Julius. 43. New 
Crypto-Calvinistic Commotions in Saxony. 44. Huber s Contest. 9" 45. Estimate 
of these Controversies. 46. The principal Divines and Writers. 

1. The origin and progress of the church, which assumes the name 
of evangelical, for having rescued from oblivion the Gosj)eL or the doc 
trine of salvation procured for men solely by the merits of Christ, when 
it was smothered in superstition ; and which does not reject the appellation 

(52) See Pc.titqucux, Voyage a Cannobin 10. Laur. D" 1 Arvieux, Memoirs ou Voyages, 

dans le Mont Liban ; in the Nouveaux Me- tome ii., p. 418, &c., and others. [See W 

moires des Missions de la Compagnie de Je- JowctCs Christian Researches in Syria, &c., 

sus, tome iv., p. 252, and tome viii., p. 355. p. 23, &c., ed. Boston, 1826, 12mo. T- ] 
La Rocque, Voyage de Syrie, tome ii., p. 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH, 129 

of Lutheran, as it would not be ungrateful to the man who first dissipated 
the clouds that obscured the gospel, and taught his followers to place no 
reliance on themselves and none on glorified saints, but to give all their 
confidence to Christ ; we have already described, according to the method 
proposed. Its commencement is to be dated, from the time when LeoHL. 
expelled Martin Luther and his adherents and friends from the bosom 
of the Romish church [A.D. 1520]. It acquired a stable form and con 
sistency in the year 1530, when the public confession of its faith was 
drawn up, and was presented to the diet of Augsburg. And it finally ob 
tained the rank of a legitimate and independent community in Germany, 
and was entirely freed from the laws and jurisdiction of the Roman pon 
tiff, in the year 1552, when Maurice of Saxony formed the religious pa 
cification with Charles V. at Passau. 

2. According to the opinion of this church, the entire rule for a cor 
rect religious faith and for a holy life, is to be drawn exclusively from the 
books dictated by God himself; and it believes that these books, of course, 
are so plain and so easy to be understood in respect to the way of salva 
tion, that every man who possesses common sense, and who understands 
their language, can ascertain their meaning for himself, or without an in 
terpreter. This church has indeed certain books usually called symbolical, 
in which the principal truths of religion are collected together and per 
spicuously stated: but these books derive all their authority from the sa 
cred volume, the sense and meaning of which they exhibit ; nor may theo 
logians expound them differently from what the divine oracles will permit. 
The first of these [symbolical] books, is the Augsburg Confession, with the 
Apology, Then follow what are called the Articles of Smalcald ; and 
next the Catechisms of Luther, the larger for adults and persons more 
advanced in knowledge, and the shorter intended for children. To these, 
very many add the Formula of Concord : which however some do not re 
ceive ; yet without any interruption of harmony, because the few things 
on account of which it is disapproved, are of minor consequence, and nei 
ther add anything to the fundamentals of religion nor detract from them. (1 ) 

3. Concerning ceremonies and forms of public worship, at first there 
was some dissension in different places. For some wished to retain more 
and others fewer, of the immense multitude of the ancient rites and usages. 
The latter, after the example of the Swiss, thought that every thing should 
give way to the ancient Christian simplicity and gravity in religion: the 
former supposed, some allowance should be ma de for the weakness and in 
veterate habits of the people. But as all were agreed that ceremonies de 
pend on human authority, and that there is no obstacle to the existence of 
diversity as to rites in the churches and countries professing the same re 
ligion ; this controversity could not long continue. All usages and regu 
lations both public and private, which bore manifest marks of error and 
superstition, were every where rejected : and it was wisely provided, that 
the benefits of public worship should not be subverted by the multitude of 
ceremonies. In other respects, every church was at liberty to retain so 
many of the ancient usages and rites as were not dangerous, as a regard 

(1) On the symbolical books of the Luther- also J. G. Watch s Introductio Historica et 

in church and the expounders of them, Jo. Theologica in libros symbolicos ecclesiae 

Christ. Kocher treats expressly, in his Bib- Lutherans, Jena, 1732, 4to, p. 1008. TV.) 
iothecaTheol. symbolicae, p. H4,&c. [See 

VOL. III. R 



130 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. l. 

to places, the laws, and the character and circumstances of the people 
seemed to require. And hence, quite down to our times, the Lutheran 
churches differ much in the number and nature of their public rites : and 
this is so far from being a dishonour to them, that it is rather good evi 
dence of their wisdom and moderation. (2) 

4. In the Lutheran church, the civil sovereigns possess the supreme 
power in ecclesiastical affairs. This power is secured to them in part by 
the very nature of the civil government; und in part, I conceive, it is sur 
rendered to them by the tacit consent of the churches. Yet the ancient rights 
of Christian communities, are not wholly subverted and destroyed; but in 
some places more, in others fewer, in all some traces of them remain. 
Besides, the civil sovereigns are prohibited by the fundamental principles 
of the religion they profess, from violating or changing at their own pleas 
ure, the system of religion or any thing essential to it, or from legislatively 
imposing such creeds and rules of life upon the citizens as they may see 
fit. The boards, which in the name of the sovereigns watch over the in 
terests of the church and direct ecclesiastical affairs, are composed of 
civil and ecclesiastical jurists, and bear the ancient name of Consistories. 
The internal regulation of the church, is in form intermediate between 
the Episcopal and the Presbyterian systems ; except in Sweden and Den 
mark, where the ancient form of the church, with its offensive parts lop 
ped off, is retained. For while the Lutherans are persuaded, that by di 
vine right there is no difference of rank and prerogatives among the min 
isters of the gospel ; yet they suppose it to be useful, and indeed necessa 
ry to the preservation of union, that some ministers should hold a rank 
and possess powers superior to others. But in establishing this difference 
among their ministers, some states are governed more, and others less, by 
a regard to the ancient polity of the church. For that which is determined 
by no divine law, may be ordered variously, without any breach of harmo 
ny and fraternal intercourse. 

5. Each country has its own liturgy or form of worship ; in accord 
ance with which, everything pertaining to the public religious exercises 
and worship, must be ordered and performed. These liturgies are fre 
quently enlarged, amended, and explained, as circumstances and occasions 
demand, by the decrees and statutes of the sovereigns. Among them all, 
there is no diversity in regard to things of any considerable magnitude or 
importance ; but in regard to things remote from the essentials of religion, 
or from the rules of faith and practice prescribed in the sacred scriptures, 
there is much diversity. Frequent meetings for the worship of God, are 
every where held. The services in them consist of sermons, by which the 
ministers instruct the people and excite them to piety, the reading of the 
holy scriptures, prayers and hymns addressed to the Deity, and the admin 
istration of the sacraments. The young are not only required to be taught 
carefully the first principles of religion in the schools, but are publicly train 
ed and advanced in knowledge by the catechetical labours of the ministers. 
And hence in nearly all the provinces, little books, commonly called Cate 
chisms, are drawn up by public authority, in which the chief points of re 
ligious faith and practice are explained by questions and answers. Theso 
ihe schoolmasters and the ministers follow, as guides in their instructions. 

(2) See Balth. Meisner, de Lejribus. lib. Adam Schcrtcr s Brcviarium Hiilsemami. 
" ., art. iv., quaest. iv., p. 662-666. Jo. enucleatum, p 1313-1321. 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 131 

But as Lu her left a neat little book of this sort, in which the first elements 
of religion and morality are nervously and lucidly expressed, throughout 
the church, the instruction of young children very properly commences 
with this ; and the provincial catechisms are merely expositions and am 
plifications of Luther s shorter catechism, which is one of our symbolical 
books. 

6. As to holy days, in addition to the weekly day sacred to the mem 
ory of the Saviour s resurrection, the Lutheran church celebrates all the 
days which the piety of former ages consecrated to those distinguished 
events on which depend the divine authority of the Christian religion :(3) 
and also, that it might not ofTend the weak, it has retained some of those 
festivals which superstition, rather than religion, appears to have created. 
Some communities likewise observe religiously the days anciently devoted 
to the ambassadors of Jesus Christ, or to the Apostles. The ancient reg 
ulation, which has come down to us from the earliest age of the church, 
of excluding the ungodly from the communion, the Lutheran church at 
first endeavoured to purify from abuses and corruptions and to restore to 
its primitive purity. And in this [sixteenth] century, no one opposed the 
wise and temperate use of this power by the ministers of our church. But 
in process of time, it gradually became so little used, that at the present 
uay scarcely a vestige of it in most places, can be discovered. This 
change is to be ascribed in part to the fault of the ministers, some of whom 
have not unfrequently perverted an institution in itself most useful, to the 
gratification of their own resentments, while others either from ignorance 
or indiscretion, have erred in the application of it ; in part also to the 
counsels of certain individuals, who conceived that for ministers to have 
the power of excluding offenders from church communion, was injurious 
10 the interests of the state and to the authority of the magistrates; and 
lastly, in part to the innate propensity of mankind to licentiousness. This 
restraint upon wickedness being removed, it is not strange that the morals 
of the Lutherans should have become corrupted, and that a multitude of 
persons living in open transgressions should every where lift up their heads. 

7. The prosperous and adverse events in the progress of the Lutheran 
church, since the full establishment of its liberties and independence, may 
be stated in a few words. Its growth and increase have been already sta 
led ; nor could it easily, after what is called the religious peace, go on to 
enlarge its borders. Towards the close of the century, Gelhard, count of 
Truchsess and archbishop of Cologne, was disposed to unite with this [or 
rather with the Reformed ] church ; and he married, and attempted the re 
ligious reformation of his territories. But he failed in his great design, 
which was repugnant to the famous Ecclesiastical Reservation among the 
articles of the religious peace ; and he was obliged to resign his electoral 
dignity and his archbishopric. (4.) Neither on the other hand, could its 

(3) [" Such, for example, are the nativity, Unschuldige Nachrichten, A.D. 1748, \>. 
death, resurrection, and ascension of the Son -484. [Gflhard was of Truchsess inWaki- 
of God ; the descent of the Holy Spirit upon buKg. After his change of faith he married, 
the apostles, on the day of Pentecost," &c. privately at first, Agnes countess of Mane- 
Mad.] field ; and he allowed the Protestants the 

(4) See Jo. Dan. Kohler s Diss. de Geb- free use of their religion, yet with the pro- 
hardo Truchsessio ; and the authors he cites, viso that the rights of the archiepiscopal sec 
Add Jo. Peter a Ludewig s Reliquiae Man- should remain inviolate. But the chapter 
uscriptor. 3mnis sevi, tt m. v., p. 383, &o. at the head of which was Frederic of Saen- 



132 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II.- CHAP. I 



enemies greatly disturb the peace and prosperity of the church. Yet il 
was apparent from various indications, that a new war upon them was se 
cretly plotted ; and that the principal object aimed at, was to annul the 
peace of Passau confirmed at Augsburg, and to cause the Protestants to be 
declared public enemies. Among others, Francis Burckhard sufficiently 
manifested such a disposition, in his celebrated work de Autonomia, writ 
ten in 1586 ; and also John Pistorius, in his Reasons by which James 
marquis of Baden professed to be influenced in abandoning the Lutheran 
party. (5) These writers and others of the like character, commonly assail 
the religious peace as being an iniquitous and unjust thing, because extort 
ed by force and arms, and made without the knowledge and against the 
pleasure of the Roman pontiff, and therefore null and void ; they also at 
tempt to demonstrate, from the falsification or change of the Augsburg 
confession, of which they say Mclancthon was the father, that the Protest 
ants have forfeited the rights conferred on them by that peace. The lat 
ter of these charges gave occasion in this century and the following, to 
many books and discussions, by which our theologians placed it beyond all 
doubt, that this Confession had been kept inviolate nnd entire, and that the 
Lutherans had not swerved from it in the least. (6) But none felt more 
severely the implacable hatred of the papists against the new religion, (as 
they call that of the Lutherans), than those followers of this religion, who 
lived in countries subject to princes adhering to the Romish religion ; and 
especially the Lutherans in the Austrian dominions, who, at the close of 
this century, lost the greatest part of their religious liberties. (7) 

senlauenburg, refused obedience to him in 
the year 1583 ; and they were supported in 
their disobedience by the Spaniards. On 
the other hand, (Ic uhard obtained the prom 
ise of assistance from the Protestants assem 
bled at Heilbron and Worms ; yet only the 
palsgrave John Casimir, fulfilled the prom 
ise. For Gebhard was of the Reformed re 



ligion, and the contention between the Re- 



(5) See Christ. Aug. Satins Geschichte 
der Augsburgischen Confession, vol. i., book 
iv.,c. iii., p. 767. 

(0) Here Salt" especially may be consult 
ed, Gesch. der Augsb. Confess., vol. i. It 
must be admitted, that Melancfhon did alter 
the Augsburg confession in some places. It 
is also certain, that in the year 1555 he in 
troduced into the Saxon churches, in which 



formed and the Lutherans was then carried his influence at the time was very great, b 
to a great height: otherwise, probably this form of the confession very different from its 

original form. But the Lutheran church [in 
general] never approved this rashness or im 
prudence of Mclancthon ; nor was his altered 



business would have had a very different 
termination. The chapter applied to pope 
Gregory XIIL, and having obtained the de 



position of their archbishop, made choice of confession ever admitted to a place amon 
prince Ernest of Bavaria, who was already the symbolical books. [Mclancthon doubt- 
bishop of Freysingen, Hildeshiem, and less looked upon the confession as his own 
Liege. The archbishop indeed sought to production, which he had a right to correct 



ipport himself. But Augustus elector of 
Saxony, hated the Reformed too bitterly, 
and needed the aid of the imperial court in 



and improve ; and he altered in particulai 
the tenth article, which treats of the Lord s 
supper, from a love of peace, and an hones . 



the affair of the Henneberg inheritance too desire to bring the Protestants into a closer 

much, to be disposed to aid the archbishop ; union with each other, so that they might op- 

and John Casimir, who was threatened with pose their common enemies with their united 

the ban of the empire, dared not lead out all strength. But his good designs were fol- 



rtis forces, for fear of being abandoned by the 
other Protestant princes and becoming- a prey 
to the Spanish and Bavarian army. Gclhard 



lowed by bad consequences. Schl. ] 

(7) See Bernhard Raupach s Evangelical 
Austria, written in German, [Evangelis- 



was therefore compelled, as he would not ches Oestcrreich], vol. i., p. 152, &c., vol. 



accept the terms proposed in the congress 
at Frankfort, to retire from the territory of 
,he archbishopric ; and he died in Holland, 
A.D. 1601. Schl .] 



11., p. 287, &c. [This was attributable e*- 
pecially to the influence of the Jesuits, who 
found ready access to the Austrian and Ba 
varian courts. At Vienna, Peter Canisius 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 133 

fy 8. While the adherents of the Roman pontiff were thus plotting the 
destruction of the Lutherans by force and stratagems, they omitted nothing 
which might contribute in any way to strengthen and establish their own 
church. Their recent calamities were fresh in their recollection, which 
led them to the greater solicitude to prevent their recurrence : and to con- 
fess the truth, there was at that day more zeal for religion among men of 
distinction and high rank, than at the present day. Hence the confedera 
cy for the defence of religion, which had been formed among the German 
princes, and of which the elector of Saxony was the head, was peculiarly 
strong and efficient ; and foreigners, especially the kings of Sweden and 
Denmark, were invited to afford it their support. And as all were sensi 
ble that the church could not exist and prosper, unless its teachers were 
educated men, nor unless literature and science every where flourished ; 
hence nearly all the princes set themselves to opposing the strongest bar 
riers against ignorance the mother of superstition. Their zeal in this 
matter, is evinced by the new universities founded at Jena, Hehnstadt, and 
Altorf, and among the Reformed at Franeker, Leyden, and other places ; 
also by the old universities reformed, and adapted to the state and necessi 
ties of a purer church ; by the numerous inferior schools opened in nearly 
all the cities ; and by the high salaries for those times, given to literary and 
scientific men, as well as the high honours and privileges conferred upon 
them. The expense of these salutary measures was defrayed, for the most 
part, out of the property which the piety of preceding ages had devoted to 
churches, to convents of monks and canons, and to other pious uses. 

9. Hence almost every branch of human science and knowledge, was 
cultivated and improved. Greek, Hebrew, and Latin, all who aspired to 
the sacred office were required to study : and in these languages, it is well 
known, great men appeared among the Lutherans. History was greatly 
advanced by Melancthon, John Carlo, David Chytr&us, Reinerus Reinecci- 
us, and others. Of ecclesiastical history in particular, Matthias Flacius 
may properly be called the father ; for he and his associates, by composing 
that hmnorta, work the Magdeburg Centuries, threw immense light on the 
history of the Christians ; which before was involved in darkness, and mix 
ed up with innumerable fables. With him is to be joined Martin Chemnitz, 
to whose Examination of the Council of Trent, the history of religious opin 
ions is more indebted than many at this day are aware. The history of 
literature and philosophy, the art of criticism, antiquities, and other kindred 
studies, were indeed less attended to ; yet beginnings were made in them, 
which excited those who came after to prosecute successfully these pleas 
ing pursuits. Eloquence, especially in Latin, both prose and poetic, was 
pursued by great numbers, and by those worthy of comparison with the 
best Latin writers ; which is proof that genius for the fine arts and litera 
ture was not wanting in this age, but that it was the circumstances and 
troubles of the times, which prevented genius from attaining the highest ex 
cellence in every species of learning. Philip Melancthon, the common 
teacher of the whole Lutheran church, by his instructions, his example, and 

rendered himself very conspicuous ; and, on ty, called him the second Apostle of the Ger- 

account of his great pains to hunt up here- mans. See Versuch einer neuen Geschichte 

tics and drive them to the fold of the church, des Jesuiterordens, vol. L, p. 372, 407, 468 

the Austrian Protestants called him the Aus- and vol. ii. in various places. Schl.] 
trian hound : but those of his own communi- 



134 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. I. 

his influence, enkindled the ardour of all those who acquired fame in the 
pursuit of literature and the fine arts ; nor did scarcely an individual of 
those who prosecuted either divine or human knowledge, venture to depart 
from the method of this great man. Next to him, Joachim Camerarius, a 
doctor of Leipsic, took great pains to perfect and to bring into repute all 
branches of learning, and especially the fine arts. 

10. Philosophy met with various fortune among the Lutherans. At 
first, both Luther and Melanctlion seemed to discard all philosophy. (8) 
And if this was a fault in them, it is chargeable to the account of the doc- 
tors of the schools, who had abused their barbarous method of philosophi 
zing as well as the precepts of Aristotle, to pervert and obscure exceedingly 
both human and divine knowledge. Soon however, these reformers found, 
that philosophy was indispensably necessary to restrain the licentiousness 
of the imagination, and to defend the territories of religion. Hence, Me- 
lancthon explained nearly all the branches of philosophy in concise treati 
ses written in a neat and perspicuous style; and these treatises were for 
many years read and expounded in the schools and universities. Melanc 
thon may not improperly be called an eclectic philosopher. For while in 
many things he followed Aristotle, or did not utterly despise the old philos 
ophy of the schools, he at the same time drew much from his own genius, 
and likewise borrowed some things from the doctrines of the Platonics and 
Stoics. 

11. But this simple mode of philosophizing, devised by Melancthon, did 
not loiiL T bear exclusive sway. For some acute and subtle men, perceiving 
that Melancthon assigned the first rank among philosophers to Aristotle, 
thought it, best to go directly to the fountain, and to expound the Stagyrite 
himself to the students in philosophy. Others perceiving that the Jesuits 
and other advocates for the Roman pontiffs, made use of the barbarous 
terms and the subtilties of the old scholastics in order to confound the Prot 
estants, thought it would be advantageous to the church, for her young men 
also to be initiated in the mysteries of the Aristotelico-scholastic philosophy. 
Hence near the alose of the century, there had arisen three philosophical 
sects, the MclanctJionian, the Aristotelian, and the Scholastic. The first 
gradually decayed ; the other two insensibly became united, and at length 
got possession of all the professorial chairs. But, the followers of Peter 
Ramus sharply attacked them in several countries, and not always without 
success ; and at last, after various contests, they were obliged to retire 
from the schools. (9) 

($) See Christ. August. Hen mannas Acts at Paris, and wished to combine eloquence 

of the philosophers ; written in German ; with philosophy. But as it would not coa- 

art. ii., part x , p. 579, &c. Jo. Hcrm. ab lesce with the scholastic philosophy, he de- 

Elswich, Dissert, de varia Aristotelis fortuna vised a new species of philosophy, one which 

in scholis Protestantium ; which he has pre- might be used in common life, at courts, and 

fixed to Jo. Launoi, de fortuna Aristotelis in worldly business. He separated from phi- 

In Acad. Parisiensi ; viii., p. 15 ; xiii., losophy all the idle speculations which are 

p. 36, &c. useless in common life, and rejected all met- 

(9) Jo. Herm. ab Elswich, de fatis Aris- aphysics. This innovation produced great 

totelis in scholis Protestantium, 21, p. 54, disturbance at Paris. The Aristotelians op- 

&c. Jo. Gco. Walch s Historia Logices, posed it most violently. And the kin<r ;u>- 

lib. ii., cap. i., sec. iii., 5, in his Parerga pointed a commission to investiture it e i-on- 

Academica, p. 613, 617, &c. Otto Fred, troversy ; from which Aristcllr o)>t^:i ( d i\w 

Schutzius, de Vita Chytrsei, lib. iv., <j 4, p. victory. From France this philosophy ?pmi<] 

\9, &c. [Ramus was professor of eloquence into Switzerland and Germany. AtGci;;va. 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 



12. The same fate was afterwards experienced by the Fire Philoso 
phers (Philosophi ex igne), or the Paracelsists and the other men of like 
character, who wished to abolish altogether the peripatetic philosophy, and 
to introduce their own into the universities in place of it. At the close of 
the century, this sect had many eloquent patrons and friends in most of the 
countries of Europe, who endeavoured by their writings and their actions 
to procure glory and renown to this kind of wisdom. In England, Robert 
a Fluctibus, or Fludd, a man of uncommon genius, adorned and illustrated 
this philosophy by extensive writings, which to this day find readers and 
admirers. (10) In France, one Riverius, besides others, propagated it at 
Paris, against opposition from the university there.(ll) Through Germa 
ny and Denmark, Severinus spread it with uncommon zeal;(12) in Ger 
many also, after others, Henry Kunrath, a chymist of Dresden, who died in 
1605 ;(13) and in other countries, others established it and procured it ad- 
he rents. As all these combined the precepts of their philosophy with a 
great show of piety towards God, and seemed to direct all their efforts to 
glorifying God and establishing harmony among disagreeing Christians, 
they of course readily found friends. Just at the close of the century, they 
drew over to their party some persons among the Lutherans, who were 
very zealous for the promotion of true religion, as Valerius 



John Arndt,(I5) and others ; who feared, lest too much disputing and rea- 



Beza would have nothing to do with it. At 
Basil it found more patrons. The most 
zealous adherents to Luther, who imitated 
him in hating Aristotle, nearly all took the 
side of Ramus. Hence, in our universities 
there was often fierce war between the Ar 
istotelians and the Ramists, and it frequent 
ly cost blood among the students. Indeed 
the Calixtine contest originated from Ra- 
mism. Schl.] 

(10) See Anth. Wood s Athens) Oxoni- 
ens., vol. i., p. 610, and Historia et Antiq. 
Academiae Oxoniensis. lib. ii., p. 390. Pe 
ter Gassendi s examination of F/udd s phi 
losophy ; an ingenious and learned perform 
ance, in his Opp., torn, iii., p. 259, &c. 
[Fludd s appropriate work is entitled, His 
toria Macrocosm! et Microcosmi ; Oppenh., 
1617, 1619, 2 vols. fol. ; and another, Phi 
losophi a Mosaica, Gouda, 1638, fol. He was 
a doctor of physic at Oxford ; and died in 
1637. Fludd and those of his class, assu 
med as a first principle, that men can never 
arrive at true wisdom, until they learn the 
ways of God in his works of nature ; and 
that nature can be learned only by the anal 
ysis of fire. Hence they were called Fire 
philosophers ; and they were all chymists. 
They combined their philosophical wisdom 
with theology. God who is unchangeable, 
said they, acts in the kingdom of grace, just 
as he does in the kingdom of nature ; so that 
whoever understands how natural bodies are 
changed, in particular the metals, understands 
also what passes in the soul in regeneration, 
sanctification, renovacicn &c. Thus they 



erected a sort of theology upon the basis of 
their chymical knowledge ; and of course, no 
one can understand them, unless he is a 
chymist, or at least has a chymical diction 
ary before him. Schl.] 

(11) Boulay s Historia Acad. Paris., torn. 
vi., p. 327, and passim. 

(12) Jo. Mailer s Cimbria Litterata, torn, 
i., p. 623, &c. [This Danish physician who 
spent a great part of his life in travelling, was 
one of the strongest supporters of Paracelsus, 
and first reduced his ideas to a system in a 
work entitled : Idea medicinae philosophies. 
Schl.] 

(13) Jo Holier s Cimbria Litterata, torn. 
ii., p. 440, &c. [His principal work is enti 
tled : Amphitheatrurn sapientife aeternae, so- 
lius, verse, Christiano-Kabbalisticum, Divi- 
no-Mawicum, Physico-Chymicum, &c. Ha- 
nau, 1609, fol., and Frankf., 1653. ScA/.] 

(14) [This singular man was pastor of 
Tsclioppau in Meissen, and died in 1588. 
After his death he was, perhaps unjustly, 
pronounced a heretic ; partly because his 
language was not understood, and partly be 
cause much that appeared in his writings was 
not his, but was added by his chantor, who 
published his works after his death. He ap 
pears to have been an honest, conscientious 
man, without bad intentions, yet somewhat 
superstitions. See, respecting his life and 
writings, Godfrey Arnold s Kirchen-und 
Ketzerhistorie, vol. ii., book 7, ch. 17, and 
Zach. HUUger s Diss. de vita, fatis, et scrip- 
tis Weigelii ; Wittemb., 1721. Schl.] 

(15) [Of the history and life of this diyine 



136 BOOK IV. -CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. I. 

sonmg should divert men from the true worship of God, to run after the 
noisy and perplexing trifles of the ancient schools. 

13. Towards the same party also, leaned Daniel Hoffmann, a celebra 
ted theologian in the university of Helmstadt, who in the year 1598 openly 
assailed all philosophy with great violence, and relying principally on cer 
tain passages and sentences in Luther s works, maintained that philosophy 
was the enemy of all religion and all piety, and moreover that there was 
a twofold truth, philosophical and theological, and that philosophical truth 
was falsehood in theology. Hence arose a fierce contest between him and 
the philosophers of the university in which he taught, namely Owen Gun- 
ther, John Caselius, Conrad Martini, and Duncan Liddel ; and some out of 
the university, likewise took part in it by their writings. Henry Julius, 
duke of Brunswick, to put an end to the commotion, took cognizance of 
the cause, called in the divines of Rostoc for counsel, and ordered Hoff 
mann in the year 1601, to retract what he had written and spoken disre 
spectfully of philosophy and the philosophers, and to acknowledge publicly, 
that sound philosophy was in harmony with theology. (16) 

14. The theology which is now taught in the Lutheran schools, did 
not at once attain its present form, but was improved and perfected pro 
gressively. Of this fact those are aware, who understand the history of 
the doctrines concerning the holy scriptures, free-will, predestination, and 
other subjects, and who ha^e compared the early systems of theology writ 
ten by Lutherans with those of more recent date. For the vindicators of 
religious liberty did not discover all truth in an instant ; but like persons 
emerging from long darkness, their vision improved gradually. Our theo 
logians were also greatly assisted in correcting and explaining their sen- 
timents, by the controversies in which they were involved, by their exter 
nal conflicts with the papists, with the disciples of Zwingle, Calvin, and 

to whom our church and the cause of piety ists use ; and to which Arndt had accus- 
are so much indebted, nothing need here be tomcd himself, having been a physician in 
said, since his writings are in every one s early life, and retaining in after hie a fond- 
hands, and many editions of them contain a ness for chymical writings. And for this 
biography of him. It is well known, that his reason, it is probably not so wise in our 
writings gave occasion for violent contests; times, when we have so many ascetic works 
and for a long time, public opinion was divi- that arc more easy of comprehension and 
ded respecting his orthodoxy and his merits, better adapted to our age, to always rec- 
The chancellor of Tubingen, Lucas Osiandcr, ommend to n rnmon Christians the writings 
and many others, could find gross heresies of Arndt. For the people of his times, his 
in his writings ; but the provost Bcn^d, saw books were very valuable; but we should 
in him the Apocalyptical angel, with the not therefore be ungrateful for those of our 
everlasting Gospel. Iliacos intra muros pec- own age, which God has vouchsafed to us. 
catur et extra. If a man will read Arndfs Respecting him, see Godfr. Arnold s Kir 
writings with the feelings of a dispassionate chen-und Ketzerhistorie, vol ii., book xvii., 
historian, he will hear one speaking in them, ch. vi., 5, &c., and Weismann s Historia 
who is full of the spirit of Christianity, who Eccles. N. Test , torn, ii., p. 1174, &c. 
abhors scholastic theological wrangling, and Schl~\ 

tvho speaks for the most part more forcibly, (16) An accurate account of this contrc- 

and more like the Bible, on practical Chris- vcrsy, and a list of the writings published 

tlanity, than his contemporaries do ; yet he on both sides, are given by Jo. Moller, in 

often sinks into a mysticism, which is not his life of Oii cn Gunther, Cimbria Litterata, 

the mysticism of the Bible but of Valerius torn, i., p. 225, &c. See also Jo. Hcrm. ab 

Wicgel and of Angela dc Foligny, from E/swich, de fatis Aristotelis in Scholis Prot- 

Tvhose writings he borrows largely. In proof estant., xxvii , p. 76, &c. Godf. Arnold s 

of this, read only the third and fourth books Kirchen-mid Ketzerhistorie, book xvii., ch 

of his True Christianity ; where also many vi., $ 15, p. 947, &c. 
cbymical terms occur, svch as the Theosoph- 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 137 

others: and by their internal contests, of which we shall speak hereafter. 
Those who like James Benignus Bossuet and others, make this a reproach 
against the Lutherans, do not consider that the founders of the Evangeli 
cal church never wished to be regarded as inspired men, and that the first 
virtue of a wise man is to discover the errors of others, and the second is, 
to find out the truth. 

15. The first and principal care of the teachers of the reformed reli 
gion, was, to illustrate and explain the sacred scriptures ; which contain, 
in the opinion of the Lutheian church, all celestial wisdom. Hence there 
were almost as many expositors of the Bible among the Lutherans, as there 
were theologians eminent for learning and rank. At the head of them all, 
stand Luther and Melancthon; the former of whom, besides other portions 
of the divine records, expounded particularly the book of Genesis, with 
great copiousness and sagacity ; the expositions of the latter on Paul s 
epistles, and his other labours of this kind, are well known. Next to 
ihese, a high rank among the biblical expositors was attained by Matthias 
Flacius, whose Glosses and Key to the holy scriptures were very useful for 
understanding the sacred writers ; by John Bugenhagius, Justin Jonas, 
Andrew Osiander, and Martin Chemnitz, whose Harmonies of the Gospels 
were of great value ; by Victorinus Strigelius ; and by Joachim Camera- 
rius, who in his Commentary on the New Testament, acted the part merely 
of a grammarian, as he himself informs us ; or in other words, calling in 
the aid of polite literature in which he was well versed, he investigated 
and explained simply the import of the words and phrases, neglecting all 
theological discussions and controversies. 

16. All these interpreters of the holy volume, abandoned the uncer 
tain and fallacious method of the ancients, who neglected the literal sense, 
and laboured to extort from the holy oracles by the aid of the fancy a kind 
of recondite meaning, or in other words, to divert them without reason, to 
foreign applications. On the contrary, it was their first and great aim, to 
ascertain the import of the words, or what it is they express ; adopting 
that golden rule of all sound interpretation which Luther first introduced, 
namely, that all the sacred books contain but one single meaning. Yet it 
must be confessed, that very many did not wholly lay aside the inveterate 
custom of extracting secret and concealed meanings from the language of 
the inspired writers, but were over wise in applying the oracles of the Old 
Testament prophets to our Saviour, and in eliciting from ancient history 
prefigurations of future events. Moreover, all the expositors of this cen 
tury, may be divided, I conceive, into two classes. Some followed the ex 
ample of Luther, who first explains in a free and familiar manner the im 
port of the sacred text, and then makes application of it to theological 
controversies, to doctrines, and to practical duties. But others were bet 
ter pleased with Melancthon s method; who first divides the discourses of 
the inspired writers into their constituent parts, or analyzes them according 
to rhetorical principles ; and then closely and minutely surveys each part, 
rarely departing from the literal meaning, and but sparingly touching 
upon doctrines and controversies. 

17. Philip Melancthon first reduced the theology of the Lutherans to 
a regular system, in his Loci Communes : and this work, afterwards enlar. 
ged and amended by the author, was in such estimation, during this cen 
tury, and even longer, that it served as the common guide to all teachers 

VOL. III. S 



138 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. I. 

of theology, both in their lectures and their written treatises.(17) The 
very title of the book shows, that the doctrines of revealed religion are 
not here arranged artificially, or digested into a philosophical system ; but 
are proposed in that free and artless manner, which the genius of the au 
thor preferred. His mode of stating and explaining truth, especially in 
the earlier editions, is very simple and unencumbered with the terms, f he 
definitions, and distinctions of the philosophers. For this first age of the 
Lutheran church, as well as Luther himself, wished to discard and to avoid 
altogether, the subtiltics and syllogisms of the dialectic and scholastic doc 
tors. But the sophistry of their adversaries and the perpetual contests 
with them, in process of time, caused this artless mode of teaching to be 
almost wholly laid aside. Even Melancthon himself led the way, by intro 
ducing gradually into his Loci Communes many things taken from the ar 
mory of the philosophers, with a view to meet the fallacies of opposers. 
And afterwards, when the founders of the church were no more, and when 
the Jesuits and others resolutely attacked the purified church with the old 
scholastic arms, this crafty mode of warfare had such influence upon our 
theologians, that they restored the thorny mode of explaining divine truth, 
which Luther and his companions had discarded ; and employed in the ex 
plication of religious doctrines, all the intricacies and barbarism of the 
scholastic philosophy. Several very distinguished and excellent men near 
the close of the century, were exceedingly dissatisfied with this change, and 
bitterly lamented the loss of the ancient simplicity ; but they could not per 
suade at all the teachers in the universities, to return to Luther s sober and 
artless method of teaching. For they said, necessity must govern us, 
rather than examples and authorities. 

18. That practical theology should be restored to its purity, by the 
same persons who exploded a corrupt doctrinal theology, might readily be 
supposed by such as understand the intimate natural connexion between 
them. And in fact, more may be learned respecting real piety, from the 
few writings of Luther, Melancthon, HW/er,(18) and the two Rniers,(l9) 
not to mention others, than from all the volumes of the casuists, and the 
morahzers (moralisantes) as they were barbarously called. Arid yet, in 
this department also, all the truth did not at once show itself to those 
excellent men. It appears rather, from the various controversies agitated 
in this century respecting the extent of Christian duties, and from the an 
swers which even great men gave to questions proposed to them respect 
ing the divine law, that all the first and fundamental principles of Christian 
duty were not fully settled ; nor was it universally understood, how far the 
lav/ of nature and the precepts of Christianity coincide, and wherein they 

(17) See Jo. Fran. Buddcus, Isagoge ad famous schoolmaster of his times, who taught 
Theologiam, lib. ii., cap. i., 13, vol. i., p. at Cologne, Zwickau, Annaberg, Schnee- 
381, and the authors named by him. berg, and Freyberg ; and was afterwards in- 

(18) [Jerome Welle.r was born at Frey- formator and counsellor to Augustus, elec- 
berg in Meissen, was long familiar with tor of Saxony ; and at last inspector of 
Luther at Wittemberg, and died, the super- schools at Meissen. He died in 1553, and 
intendent and inspector of schools in his na- left many moral writings in Latin. The 
tive place, A.D. 1572. He was a practical other John Rivicr was of Venice, and lived 
theologian, and left many edifying and en- near the same time ; but whether he wrote 
lightened writings, which prove him a man anything on morals, 1 know not. See Teis- 
of great experience. SchL] sicr s Eloges des hommes savans, tome i., 

(19) [There were two Rivicrs, both called p. 153, &c., and Much. Adam s Vitae Ger- 
John: the one was of Westphalia, and a manor, philosophorum, p. --60, &c. SchL] 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 139 

differ, or what there is in revealed religion consonant to the dictates of 
reason, and what that lies beyond the province of reason. If the fury of 
their numerous enemies had allowed the Lutheran doctors more leisure, 
and more opportunity to cultivate and diffuse religion, they would doubt 
less have been free from these faults, and would not have fallen below the 
more modern teachers. And the same answer may be given, to those who 
think it strange that no one, among so many excellent men, not even Me- 
lancthon, who seemed formed by nature for such an undertaking, should 
have thought of collecting and arranging the first principles of morals, and 
forming a system of practical religion, but should have included all his in 
structions under the heads of the law, sin, free-will, faitJi, hope and charity. 

19. To designate any one as a noted theologian of that age, is the 
same as to say, he was an ardent and energetic polemic. For the misfor 
tunes of the times, and the multiplicity of contests both internal and exter 
nal, required all to take up arms. Among these defenders of the truth, 
all that were contemporary with Luther, or who lived near his times, stud 
ied simplicity ; nor did they assail their adversaries, except with the argu 
ments afforded by the holy scriptures, and with the authority of the early 
fathers of the church. Those who flourished in the latter part of the cen 
tury, came forth armed with the weapons of the Aristotelian philosophy ; 
and therefore are less lucid. The cause of this change is to be sought for, 
in their adversaries, especially the papists. For these, having learned by 
sad experience that the plain and explicit mode of reasoning was ruinous 
to their cause, involved themselves and their opinions in all the absurdities 
and artifices of the scholastic doctors. And this led our theologians to 
think, that they must fight with the same weapons, with which they were 
attacked. Moreover all disputants of this age, if we except Melancthon, 
to whom Providence had given a mild and modest spirit, are thought at 
this day to have been much too bitter and acrimonious : and no one more 
so, than Luther himself, who inveighed against his adversaries, as is mani 
fest, in the coarsest manner, and without regard to rank or dignity. Yet 
this fault will appear much alleviated, if it be estimated according to the 
customs of those times, and if compared with the ferocity and cruelty of 
his opposers. Is it not allowable to designate malignant railers and fero 
cious tyrants, who labour to destroy, and actually do destroy, with fire and 
sword, the holy souls which they cannot vanquish in argument, by applying 
to them the epithets appropriate to their crimes ? 

20. The internal history of the Lutheran church, and of the changes 
that took place in it, if we would render the subject easy of comprehen 
sion and make the causes of events intelligible, must be divided into three 
periods. The first extends from the commencement of the reformation, 
to the death of Luther in 1546. The second embraces what occurred, be 
tween the death of Luther, and that of Melancthon in 1560. The third 
period contains the remainder of the century. In the first period, every 
thing among the Lutherans took place according to the will and pleasure 
of Luther ; who being a man of great energy of character, and possessing 
unbounded influence every where, suppressed without difficulty all commo 
tions and disturbances that arose, and did not suffer nascent sects to attain 
maturity and acquire strength in his new community. Hence, so long as 
Luther lived, the internal state of the church was tranquil and peaceful ; 



140 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. 1. 

and such as were disposed to foment divisions, had to be still, or else to re 
tire beyond the bounds of the church, and seek residence elsewhere. 

21. The infancy of the new church was disturbed by a set of deliri- 
ous fanatics, who turned the world upside down, and who imagined that 
they were moved by a divine afflatus to set up a new kingdom of Christ 
free from all sin. The leaders of this turbulent and discordant tribe, were 
Thomas Munzcr, Nicholas Storck, Mark Stubner, and others, partly Ger 
mans and partly Swiss ; who greatly disquieted some parts of Europe, es 
pecially Germany, and raised tumults among the ignorant multitude, in 
some places very great, in others less, but every where formidable. (20) 
The history of these people, is very obscure and perplexed : for it has not 
been methodically written, nor could it easily be so, if one were disposed 
to narrate it ; because men of this sort, of dubious sanity, and diHering vari 
ously from each other in opinions, every where roamed about ; nor did the 
state of the times produce diligent recorders of such tumultuous proceed 
ings. This however is certain, that the worst members of this motley com- 
pany constituted that seditious band which produced the rustic war in Ger 
many, and also that which afterwards disturbed Westphalia and settled it 
self at Munstcr ; while the better members terrified by the miseries and 
slaughter of their companions, joined themselves at last to the sect called 
Mennonitcs. The resolution, vigilance, and zeal of Luther, prevented his 
community from being rent asunder by this ^ori. of people, and kept the 
fickle and credulous populace from being deceived and led astray bv them, 
as they would undoubtedly have been if he had possessed less energy of 
character. 

22. Andrew Carolostadt, a Frenchman and colleague of Lutlicr, a mar, 
neither perver.se nor unlearned though precipitate, was too ready to listen 
to this sort of men ; and therefore in the year 1522, while Lvlfirr was ab 
sent, he raised no little commotion at Witternbcrg, by casting the images 
out of the churches, and by other hazardous innovations. But Luther sud 
denly returned, and his presence and discourses calmed the tumult. Re 
turning now from Wittemberg to Orlamund, Carolostadt not only opposed 
Luther s opinions respecting the Lord s supper, but in many other things 
also, showed a mind not averse from fanatical sentiments. (21) lie was 
therefore expelled from Saxony, and went over to the Swiss ; among whom 
he taught, first at Zurich and then at Bask; : and as long as he lived, he 
showed himself inclined to the side of the Anabaptists, and of the men 
that made pretensions to divine visions. (22) This second commotion 
therefore Luther happily terminated in a short time. 

(20) Jo. Baptist Ott has collected much dii, in his Miscell. Grb ningens. DOVER, toni. 
relating to these events, in his Annales An- i., and most of the historians of the Refor- 
abaptist., p. 8, Ac , and with him, may be mation. [See above, p. 35, note (45). 7V.] 
Joined nearly all the historians of the Refor- (22) ["This affirmation of Dr. Moshcim 
mation. [The irar of the peasants in 1525, wants rmich to be modified. In the original 
was noticed in sec. i, ch. ii., 21, p. 37, it stands thus : Dum vixit vero Anabaptista- 
&c., above : and that of the Anabaptists in rvm, ct hominitm d-ivnia visa jactantium par- 
Westphalia, A.D. 1533, ibid., ch. iii., f) 10, films urine-urn scse ostcndit ; i. e , as long as 
p. 58. The rise of the sect of Mennonitcs he livfd, he showed himself a friend to the 
will be considered in the 3d chapter of this Anabaptists, arid other enthusms s. who pre- 
second part of the present section. Tr.] tended to divine inspiration But how could 

(21) See Val. Ern. Lb scher s Historia our historian assert this without restriction, 
motuum inter Lutheranos et Reformatos, p. since it is well known that Carolostadt, after 
i . cap. i. Daniel Gerdes, Vita Carolosta- his banishment fom Saxony, composed :i 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 



141 



23. A man of similar turn of mind, was Casper Schwcnckfeld of Os. 
sigk, a Silesian knight, counsellor to the duke of Liegnitz ; who, with Val 
entine Craulwald a learned man living at the court of Lieguitz, saw many 
deficiencies in Luther s opinions and regulations ; and undoubtedly, if Lu 
ther and others had not strenuously resisted him, he would have produced a 
schism and a sect of considerable magnitude. For he led a blameless and 
upright life, recommended and laboured to promote piety among the peo 
ple, with peculiar earnestness ; and by these means so captivated very 
many even learned and discreet men, both among the Lutherans and the 
Zwinglians, that they thought it their duty to patronise him, and to defend 
him against his opposers.(23) But in the year 1528 he ws banished by 
the duke, both from the court and the country ; because Zwingle had de 
clared, that Schwenckf eld s sentiments respecting the Lord s supper were 
not different from his own. From this time he wandered through various 
provinces, and experienced various fortunes, till his death in 1561. (24) 



treatise against enthusiasm in general, and 
against the extravagant tenets and the violent 
proceedings of the Anabaptists in particular. 
Nay more ; this treatise was addressed to 
Luther, who was so affected by it, that, re 
penting of the unworthy treatment he had 
given to Carolosladt, he pleaded his cause, 
and obtained from the elector a permission 
lor him to return into Saxony. See Gerdcs, 
Vita. Carolostadii, in Miscell. Gronirigens. 
After this reconciliation with Luther, he com 
posed a treatise on the eucharist, which 
breathes the most amiable spirit of modera 
tion and humility ; and, having perused the 
writings of Zuingle, where he saw his own 
sentiments on that subject maintained with 
the greatest perspicuity and force of evi 
dence, he repaired, a second time, to Zurich, 
and from thence to Basil, where he was ad 
mitted to the offices of pastor and professor 
of divinity, and where, after having lived in 
the exemplary and constant practice of every 
Christian virtue, he died, amidst the warmest 
effusions of piety and resignation, on the 25th 
of December, 1541. All this is testified sol 
emnly in a letter of the learned and pious 
Grynaus of Basil to Piliscus, chaplain to 
the elector Palatine, and shows how little 
credit ought to be given to the assertions of 
the ignorant Moreri, or to the insinuations of 
the insidious Boss-net." Mad.] 

(23) See Jo. Conrad Fueslin s Centuria 
I. Epistolarum a Rcformator. Helvet. scrip- 
tarum, p. Ifi9, 175, 225. Museum Helvet., 
torn, iv., p. 445, &c. 

(24) Jo. Wigand s Schwenckfeldianismus, 
Lips., 1586, 4to. Conrad Schlusselburg s 
whole tenth Book of his Catalogus Haereti- 
corum, Frankf., 1599, 8vo. But the history 
of Schwcnckfeld is most studiously investi 
gated, and accompanied with vindications of 
him, by Godfrey Arnold, Kirchen-und Ket- 
7.erhistorie, book xvi., ch. xx., p. 720, &c., 



[vol. i., p. 835-850, and p. 1246-1292, ed. 
Schaffhausen, 1740, fol. Tr.], and by Chr. 
Aug. Salig, Geschichte der Augsb. Con 
fession, vol. iii., book xi., p. 951, &c. 
[Schwenckfeld was born in the year 1490, 
and was employed in the courts of Miinster- 
berg and Liegnitz, and held a canonry at 
Liegnitz. He aided the reformation in Si 
lesia : but Luther s reformation, in his view, 
did not go far enough. He not only wished 
for a stricter church discipline, but he also 
found some fault with certain points of doc 
trine. As early as the year 1524, he com 
menced an attack upon the Evangelical 
church, by his essay on the Abuse of the 
Gospel to carnal security ; and the year fol 
lowing, he brought forward his new opinion 
respecting the eucharist. According to the 
epistle of the superintendent of Liegnitz, 
Simon GruncEus, to Abraham Scultetus of 
Heidelberg, (in the Supplem. ad Ind. i. his- 
tor., No. 28, of Seckertdorfs Historia Lu- 
theranismi), it was not merely the duke that 
banished Schwenckfcld from Silesia, but also 
Ferdinand, king of the Romans. He seems 
to have drawn on himself the hatred of this 
lord, chiefly, by his opinion concerning the 
eucharist ; which he defended in the year 
1529, by a writing printed at Liegnitz, with 
a preface by Capita. From Silesia he re 
tired to Strasburg, where lie was supported 
for some time by the preachers, Matthew 
Zcll and Capita. Afterwards he resided 
in several imperial cities of Swabia ; and 
died at Uhn, in 1561, after having obtained 
many followers in Alsace, the territory of 
"Wiirternberg, and other places. His wri 
tings were at first printed separately ; but 
after his death, collectively, at two different 
times, namely in 1564, in two Parts, or 4 
vols. fol., and in 1592, in 4 large vols. 4to. 
The greater part of them were also published 
in 1566, fol., under the title of Epistolar des 



142 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. 1. 



He left a little community in his native Silesia ; whom the papists, in our 
own times, ordered to quit the country, but whom the king of Prussia in 
the year 1742, permitted to return to their former habitations. (25) 

24. Schwenckfeld merits the praise of good intentions, piety, and zeai 
for promoting religion ; but not the praise of discretion, sound judgment, 
and intelligence. The good man inclined towards what is called fanati 
cism ; and he supposed that he was taught by the Spirit of God. From 
Luther and the other professors of the reformed religion, he differed prin 
cipally on three points : for I pass over inferences from his principles, and 
minor points of doctrine. (I.) In regard to the Lord s supper : he invert 
ed the words of Christ, This is my body ; and would have them understood 
thus : My body is this, that is, is such as this bread which is broken and 
eaten ; or, it is real food for the soul, nourishes, satisfies, delights it. Arid, 
my Mood is this, namely, like wine, which refreshes and strengthens the 
soul. And this singular doctrine, he said, had been divinely communica 
ted to him ; which alone shows how weak his mind and discernment, 
were. (26) (II.) In regard to the efficacy of the word of God : lie denied 



ed!cn von Gott hochbcgnadigten thcueren 
Cannes Caspar Schwenckfeld von Ossmg. 
&c. Besides, these, he k ft various manu 
scripts, which arc in the Wolfenbuttle library, 
and which Sali<r consulted. One tolerable 
and devotional tract, is on the Love of God, 
and was printed at Amsterdam, 1594, Svo. 
Crautwald was a professor and a pastor at 
Liegnitz, a promoter of the reformation, but 
who afterwards took sides with Schwenck 
feld, participated in his views of the eucha- 
rist, and published various writings, under the 
name of Valentine Craloald. Other adhe 
rents to Schwenckfeld, were Jo Ki(.gm. 
Werner, court preacher to the duke of Lieg 
nitz ; who was displaced in 1540, after be 
ing sent by the duke to Wittemberg to bo 
better instructed by Luther and Mclancthon. 
He now retired to the county of Glat/, where 
he established a school at Ixengersdorf, and 
composed a Catechism and a Postille, under 
the name of Sicgm. Itengcrsdorfcr. The 
catechism is still regarded by the Schwenck- 
felders as one of their best elementary books ; 
and the postille is often used in (heir religious 
worship. Besides these, in the middle of the 
following century lived one Daniel Frederic, 
who in 1643 published the Secret of self-ex 
amination. See concerning him, Godfrey 
Arnold, 1. c., vol. iv., ii., No. 24. Schl.~\ 
(25) On the Confessions of the Schwenck- 
felders, see Jo. Chr. Kochcr s Biblioth. 
Theol. Symbolical, p. 457. [Most of the 
Schwenckfelders joined the body, after the 
death of Schwenckfeld, when the concealed 
Protestants in Bohemia, the county of Glatz, 
end Silesia, obtained possession of his wri 
tings, which were spread abroad in great 
numbers ; and they established congrega 
tions, principally, in the territories of Lieg 
nitz, Hirschberg, and Goldberg. But as 



they were often severely persecuted under 
the Austrian government, especially since 
the year 1718, and were harassed by the 
Jesuit missionaries; hence the greater part 
of them retired to Pennsylvania, where they 
set up congregations, and held communion 
\\ith other fanatical parties. Others who 
remained in the vicinity, being invited back, 
returned when the country IV 11 under the 
Prussian government See Baumgarten s 
Gescbichte der Religions-Parte\en, p. 1059, 
& c .Schl. ] 

(26) [He also discarded infant naptism ; 
though lie did not require those baptized in 
infancy, to be rebaptized ; and therefore dif 
fered in this from the Anabaptists. Hence 
(iri tm HH informs us, (in ftcckcndorfs Hist. 
Lutheranismi, Supplem. ad Ind. i., No. 28), 
that in the y ar 15*20, infant bapti.-m \v;.s 
nearly done awav among the Schwenck 
felders. *SV7</. The Lutheran writers thus 
tax Schiccnckfddvi\\\\ discarding infant bap- 
tism. The fact was, he placed no reliance 
upon any outward rites, for the salvation of 
the soul; and was strongly opposed to the 
prevailing idea, that water baptism was ne 
cessary to the salvation of any one. Bap 
tism in the blood of Christ, or spiritual bap 
tism, was everything, in his estimation. And 
he deemed it proper, though not essential, 
that this spiritual baptism should precede 
water baptism. See Godfr. Arnold s Kir- 
chen-und Ketzerhistorie, book xvi., ch. xx., 
$ 13, 14, vol. i , p. 842, &c., and p. 1271. 
Neither does Grunaus, (in the passage in 
Scckendorf, mentioned by Schlegel), inti 
mate that Schwentkfdd treated infant bap 
tism with any greater neglect or disrespect, 
than he did the Lord s Supper and other ex 
ternal rites. His words are these: Eo vero, 
anno 1526, progredi coepit fanaticorum in 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 



143 



that there is efficacy in the external word, as written down in the inspired 
books, to heal, illuminate, and regenerate the minds of men. This effica- 
zy he ascribed to the internal word, which he said was Christ himself. But 
of this internal word, he expresses himself in his usual manner, without 
uniformity and clearness ; so that it is not easy to decide, whether he held 
the same views with the Mystics and the Quakers, or differed from them. 
(III.) In regard to the human nature of Christ : it displeased him to hear 
the human nature of Christ denominated a creature or created existence, in 
what theologians call its state of exaltation : for this language, he thought, 
below the dignity and majesty of Christ s human nature, since it had be 
come united with the divine nature in one person. This opinion appeared 
to resemble what is called the Eutychian doctrine. But Schwenckfeld 
would not be considered a Eutychian ; and on the contrary, accused those 
of Nestorianism, who called the human nature of Christ a creature. (27) 

25. As Luther taught, that the gospel or the doctrine of a salvation 
procured for mankind by Jesus Christ, should be inculcated on the people, 
and censured and chastised the papists for confounding the law and the gos 
pel, and, for promising men salvation by obedience to the law ; John Agri- 
cola, a native of Eisleben and a celebrated divine of the Lutheran church, 
though an ostentatious and fickle man, thence took occasion in the year 
1538, to teach that the law should be wholly excluded from the church, and 
never be taught to the people ; and that the gospel alone should be taught, 
both in the schools and from the pulpit. Those who agreed in this with 
Agricola, were called Antinomians or enemies of the law. But this sect 
also was suppressed in its very origin, by the energy and the influence of 
Luther : and Agricola, through fear of so great a man, confessed and re 
nounced his error. It is said however, that the lion whom he dreaded, or 
Luther, being dead, he returned to the opinion he had renounced, and drew 
some persons to embrace it. (28) 



sania, ut administratio sacrce ccena aliquan- 
diu plane intcrmissa, p&dobaptismus quoque 
peritus prope fuerit exterminatus. 7V.] 

(27) [Likewise in respect to the church, 
he held singular opinions. He regarded it 
as a visible community of believers only ; 
and therefore held, that no hypocrite should 
be tolerated in the Christian church ; that an 
absolute purity, not only of the church gen 
erally or as a body, but also of all the indi 
vidual members of it, was possible ; and he 
therefore wished to restore the ancient church 
discipline, in all its rigour. He likewise 
taught, that all the ministrations of uncon 
verted preachers, were inefficient ; and that 
the whole efficacy of the sacred ministry, de 
pended on the gracious state of the preachers, 
or on the Spirit and internal word of God 
residing in them. On the whole, Schwcnck 
feld possessed too little true philosophy, to 
state correctly and to substantiate his own 
riews ; and too little acquaintance with their 
original languages, to expound the scriptures 
correctly. He firr.t learned Greek from 
Craut wald. Schl. ] 

(28) See Caspar Sagittarius, Introductio 



ad historiam ecclosiast., torn, i., p. 838, &c 
Peter Baylc, Dictionnaire, art Islebien*. 
torn, ii., p. 1567, [and art. Agricola, tome 
i., p. 100]. Conrad Schlussdburg, Catalo- 
gus Hsereticor., lib. iv. Godfr. Arnold .s 
Kirche\ -und Ketzerhistorie, book xvi , ch. 
xxv., p. 813, &c. [By the writers of those 
times, he is generally called Master Eisleben 
He was a pupil of Luther; and in 1530, 
when the Augsburg confession was present 
ed, he aided Luther in defending it. His 
character was not the best. He was a rest 
less, fiery, contentious man, negligent in duty, 
and more of a courtier than was becoming in 
a minister. He was a rector and preacher : 
and after his dismission, read lectures at 
Wittemberg. Perhaps, rivalship between 
the two colleagues, Mdancthon and Agrico 
la, and the desire of the latter to obtain the 
pre-eminence, rather than honest zeal foi 
rescuing the truth from perversion, occasion 
ed this contest. Auricula thought, that Me- 
lancthon in the articles which he drew up 
for visitation of the churches, had deviated 
from the sentiments of Luther and other re 
formers ; that he held the use of the law un- 



144 BOOK IV. -CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. I. 

26. The opinions of the Antinomians were most pernicious, if we may 
believe their adversaries. For they are said to have taught, that a person 
may live as he lists, and break the law by sinning at his pleasure, provided 
he holds to Christ, and has faith in his merits. But if we consider the 
whole subject with candour, we may readily believe, that Agricola did not 
teach such impious and absurd doctrines, though he might sometimes utter 
harsh expressions which were liable to misinterpretation and perversion. 
By the law, Agricola understood the ten commandments of Moses ; which 
he supposed were a law enacted especially for the Jews, and not for Chris- 
tians. The term gospel he used in a broad sense, as including not only the 
doctrine of Christ s merits, and of salvation by faith, but likewise all that 
Christ and his apostles inculcated respecting holiness of life and the duties 
of men. Removing therefore the unsuitable modes of expression and the 
integuments of his doctrine, he seems to have held merely this ; that the 
ten commandments of Moses were promulged especially for the Jews, and 
of course might be neglected and laid aside among Christians ; and that it 
would be sufficient to explain distinctly and to inculcate on the people, what 
Christ and his disciples had taught us in the books of the New Testament, 
respecting both the way of salvation, and repentance and a holy life. Most 
of the doctors of that age express their views with little precision and uni 
formity, and do not give us accurate definitions ; and hence it often hap 
pens, that they are understood by others, differently from their real meaning. 

27. On the death of Luther in 1546, Philip Mdancthon became the 
head and leader of the theologians of the Lutheran church. lie was un 
doubtedly a great and excellent man, but much inferior to Luther in 
many respects, (29) especially in strength of mind, fortitude, and influence 
over others. For he was mild and gentle, excessively fond of peace and 
tranquillity, timid and shrinking before the resentment or wrath of the 
powerful ; in short, one that could secure the attachment and love of oth 
ers, but who was not competent to terrify, to repress and hold in awe the au 
thors of disturbance and of new opinions. He also dissented from Luilier 
on some subjects. For (I.) he thought that for the sake of peace, many 
things might be given up and be borne with, in the Romish church, which 
Luther thought could by no means be endured ; indeed he did not hesitate 
to admit, that the ancient form of church government, and even the suprem 
acy of the Roman pontiff, might be retained, on certain conditions; and 

der the N. Test, to be indispensable for con- dismissed in 1538, on account of bis Antino- 

version ; and he wrote some propositions in mian opinions, when, appearing to retract, he 

opposition, which arc printed in Luther s was callt-d to Leipsic ; but aira-in bringing 

Works, (cd. Altenb., vol. vii., p. 310), and them forward, he was dismissed the second 

bear the title : Positiones inter fratres sparsos. time. See also Jo. Geo. Watch s Kinlcitnng 

Luther confuted them, in six discussions; in die Streitigkeiten der Evangelischluth. 

and A (rrircla was now held to retract ; which Kirche, ch ii., x., p. 115. SchL] 

he did at Wittemberg. But on leaving Wit- (29) [" It would certainly be very difficult 

temberg in 1540, and retiring to Berlin, to point out the many respects, in which Dr. 

where he possessed the good will of the elec- Mosheirn affirms that Luther was superior to 

toral prince in a high degree and was em- Mc/ancthon. For if the single article of 

ployed in furthering the reformation, he did courage and firmness be excepted, I know 

not cease occasionally to advance his propo- no other respect in which Melanclhon is not 

sitions. Upon occasion of the Interim, he superior, or at least equal, to Luther. He 

fell into the opposite error of the meritorious was certainly his equal in piety and virtue, 

nature of good work; Among his adherents, and much his superior in learning, judgment, 

James Schenk, superintendent at Freyberg in meekness, and humanity." Mad ] 
Meissen, was the most famous. He wa 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 145 

provided the truth as clearly taught in the holy scriptures might be main- 
tained. (II.) He supposed that certain opinions maintained by Luther 
against the papists, for instance, concerning faith as the sole ground of 
justification, the necessity of good works in order to salvation, and the in- 
ability of man to convert himself to God, might be softened down a little, 
so as not to give occasion to others to mistake. (III.) Though he believ 
ed with Luther in regard to the Lord s supper, yet he thought the contro 
versy with the Swiss on that subject, was not of such moment that the par 
ties could not maintain brotherly affection ; that it would be a sufficient 
provision for peace and concord, if the doctrine in regard to the Lord s 
supper were stated in ambiguous terms and phrases, on which each party 
could put his own construction. These opinions he did not indeed wholly 
dissemble and conceal during Luther s lifetime, but he proposed them with 
modesty, and always succumbed to Luther, whom he honoured and feared. 
But when Luther was dead, all that he had before taught cautiously and 
timidly, he now brought forward much more openly and explicitly. And 
all these things caused the Lutheran church, while he stood at the head of 
her theologians, to lose that peace which had been enjoyed under Luther, 
and to become in some measure the scene of many and fierce contests and 
commotions. 

28. The commencement of these calamities was in the year 1548, 
when Maurice the new elector of Saxony, directed Melancthon and the di 
vines of Wittcmberg and Leipsic to assemble at Lcipsic, and to consider 
how far the noted Interim which Charles V. would obtrude upon Germany, 
might be received. Melancthon, partly through fear of the emperor and 
partly from his native mildness and moderation, here decided with the con 
currence of ihe other divines, that in things indifferent (in rebus adiapho- 
m), the will of the emperor might be obeyed. (30) Among things indiffer 
ent or adiaphora, Melancthon and his associates reckoned many things, 
which Luther deemed of great importance, and which therefore his genu 
ine followers could not account indifferent ; for instance, the doctrine o 
justification before God by faith alone, the necessity of good works in order 
to salvation, the number of the sacraments, several ceremonies contaminated 
with superstition, extreme unction, the dominion of the Roman pontiff and; 
of bishops, certain feast days long abrogated, and other things x Hence 
arose the violent contest, called the Adiaphoristic controversy ; -(3.1) which 
was protracted many years, and in which the defenders and advocates of 

(30) The paper containing the opinion of live of worship paid to the host, such as toll- 

Melancthon and the other divines respecting ing and ringing hells at the elevation of the 

things indifferent, or the result of their de- host. Besides Melancthon, there were pres- 

libcrations, is commonly called The Lcip- ent at this diet, Paul Ehcr. Bugenkagen, 

sic Interim (Das Leipziger Interim) ; and and George Major of the Witternherg di- 

was republished by Jo. Erdm. Bicck, in his vines, and Pfeffmger of Leipsic ; likewise 

work entitled Das dreyfache Interim, Leip- the bishop of Merseberg, prince Gtorge of 

sic, 1721, 8vo. [This Interim is properly Anhalt, and Justus Menius. This Leipsic 

an appendage to the result of the diet of Interim must be distinguished from that of 

Leipsic, Dec. 22, 1548. In it the theologi- Augsburg, and from the still older one of 

ans define what they regard as indifferent Regenspurg, of both which, notice has al- 

liturgical matters, which might be admitted, ready been taken. SckL] 
to please the emperor and at his command. (31) [Adiaphoristic, fromdfiid(f>opo,indif- 

Among them were the papal dresses for fercnt. Melancthon, and those who thought, 

priests, the apparel used at mass, the sur- with him, were G-aiJed; A diaphoris.ts. TV.] 
plice ; and many customs evidently indica- 

VOL. III. T 



146 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. I. 



the old doctrines of Luther, (at the head of whom was Matthias Flacius ol 
Illyricum), opposed with immense fervour the Wittemberg and Leipsic 
divines, especially Melancthon, by whose council and influence the whole 
had been brought about ; and accused them of apostacy from the true re- 
ligion. On the other hand, Melancthon and his disciples and friends, de 
fended his conduct with all their strength. (32) In this sad and perilous 
controversy, there were two principal points at issue. First : whether 
the things that Melancthon deemed indifferent, actually were so ; which 
his adversaries denied. Secondly : whether it is lawful, in things indiffer 
ent and not essential to religion, to succumb to the enemies of truth. 

29. This adiaphoristic controversy was the fruitful parent of other and 
equally pernicious contests. In the first place, it produced the contest with 
George Major, a divine of Wittemberg, respecting the necessity of good 
works to salvation. Melancthon had long been accustomed to concede, 
and in the consultation at Leipsic in 1548 respecting the Inter hn, he with 
his associates confessed, that it might be said without prejudice to the 
truth, that good works are necessary to salvation. But as the defenders of 
the old Lutheran theology censured this declaration, as being contrary to 
the doctrine of Luther and highly useful to the popish cause ; Major in the 



(32) Conrad Schlusselburg, Catalogus 
Haereticorum, lib. xiii. Godfr. Arnold s 
Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, book xvi., ch. 
xxvi., p. 816. Chr. Aug. Salig s Historic 
der Augsburgischen Confession, vol. i., p. 
611, &c. Unschuldige Nachrichten, A.I). 
1702, p. 339, 393. Lucas Osiandcr, Epit 
ome Historiae Ecclcs., cent, xvi., p. 502, 
&c. [From the records of these contests, 
(many of which are given by Schlusselburg 
especially), it appears that, besides the points 
already mentioned, they contended about the 
use of Latin formulas of worship, and about 
chanting them ; whether the prayers in pub 
lic worship and particularly at the celebration 
of the Lord s supper, should be read, or be 
sung ; respecting the observance of various 
times of worship, as vespers, matins, the 
canonical hours, and the days devoted to 
St. Mary and the Apostles. The most of 
these, though previously abolished, had al 
ready been again introduced in electoral Sax 
ony and Brandenburg, by prince Maurice, in 
order to please Charles V ., and likewise in 
most of the imperial cities ; among which 
Nuremberg stood prominent, because there 
most of the preachers were Philippists. 
Schl. The representations of Dr. Moshcim 
in the text, would seem to imply, what was 
by no means the fact, that Melancthon re 
jected the doctrine of justification by faith 
alone, held to salvation by works, and admit 
ted seven sacraments, &c. SchlegePs rep 
resentations, on the contrary, would seem to 
imply, that Melancthon only conceded the 
lawfulness of yielding to the imposition of 
certain ceremonies and forms of worship. 
According to Schrocckh, (Kirchengesch. seit 



der Reformation, vol. iv., p. 690, &c.), the 
Augsburg Interim, which the emperor would 
force upon his subjects, contained nearly the 
whole system of the Romish theology, both 
as to faith and practice ; yet expressed 
throughout in the most accommodating and 
unexceptionable language. Melancthon, and 
the other divines, endeavoured so to modify 
this Interim, that the Protestants might con 
scientiously yield to it, under the existing 
circumstances. They therefore altered and 
interpolated the doctrinal articles, and sifted 
and modified those relating to worship and 
ceremonies. They allowed the pope to re 
main at the head of the church ; but without 
conceding to him a divine right, and without 
allowing him to be the arbiter of faith. The 
seven sacraments were permitted to remain, 
as religious rites ; but not under the denom 
ination of sacraments, nor as efficacious to 
salvation, in the popish sense. The mass 
was represented, as merely a repetition of 
the Lord s supper. Good works were al 
lowed to be . ecessary to salvation ; yet not 
as the meriton.us ground of justification, but 
only as an essential part of the Christian 
character. Salvation was wholly by grace, 
through faith in the merits of Christ. Thus 
they supposed, they secured all the essential 
articles of religion, and only consented to be 
saddled with a load of cumbersome and in 
judicious ceremonies, rather than incur the 
vengeance of the emperor, and expose the 
whole reformation to danger. Melancthon s 
actual belief is to be learned from his Loci 
Communes, or System of theology ; no es 
sential part of which, as he supposed, was 
given up in the Leipsic interim. TV.] 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 147 

year 1552, defended it against Nicholas Amsdorf, in a tract expressly on 
the subject of the necessity of good works. And now broke out again a 
fierce and bitter contest, such as all the religious controversies of that age 
were, between the more rigid Lutherans and the more lax. And in the 
course of it, Nicholas Amsdorf, a strenuous vindicator of Luther s doctrines, 
was carried so far by the heat of controversy, as to maintain that good 
works are pernicious to salvation : which imprudent admission furnished 
fresh matter for controversy. Major bitterly complained that his opinion 
;vas misrepresented by his opponents ; and at last, that he might not ap 
pear to continue the war and disturb the church unreasonably, he gave it 
up. Yet the dispute was continued, and was terminated only by the Form 
of Concord. (33) 

30. From the same source arose what is called the synergistic( 34] 
controversy. The Synergists were nearly the same as the Semipelagi- 
ans ; i. e., they wore persons who supposed, that God is not the sole au 
thor of our conversion to him, but that man co-operates with God in the 
renovation of his own mind. On this subject also Melancthon differed, at 
least in words, from Luther; and in the Leipsic conference, he did not 
hesitate to say, that God so draws and converts adults, that some agency of 
their wills accompanies his influences. The pupils and friends of Melanc 
thon adopted his language. But the strenuous Lutherans conceived, that 
this sentiment contravened and subverted Luther s doctrine of the servi- 
fude of the will, or of man s impotence to regenerate himself and to per 
form any good actions ; and they therefore violently assailed the persons 
whom they denominated Synergists. In this contest, the principal cham 
pions were Victorinus Strigel, who the most openly and ingeniously defend 
ed the Melancthonian doctrine, and Matthias Flacius, who defended the 
old opinion of Luther. Of these men we shall give account shortly.(35) 

31. In the midst of these tumults and commotions, the dukes of Saxe- 
Weimar (the sons of that John Frederic whose unsuccessful war with 
Charles V. brought on him so many evils and the loss of his electoral dig- 

(33) Schliisselbur^, Catalog. Haereticor., lect. in Formarn Concord., p. 88. [Me- 
!ib. vii. Arnold s Kirchen-und Ketzerhis- lancthon in his first writings, as well as Lu- 
torie, book xvi., chap, xxvii., p. 822, &c. thcr at first, maintained with St. Augustine, 
Jo. Musaus, Pra^lect. in Form. Concord., an irresistible operation of divine grace, ac- 
p. 181, &c. Am. Grcvius, Memoria Jo. cording to God s unconditional decrees ; and 
Westphali, p. 166, &c. [Schlcgel here in- he so taught in the first edition of his Loci 
eerts a long note, showing that neither Me- Communes. But afterwards, in the third 
tancthon nor Major held to justification on and eighteenth articles of the altered Augs- 
the ground of merit, or of good works, burg confession, he taught that for our con- 
though they held good works to be necessa- version, we need only the assistance of God 
ry, in some sense, to a man s salvation. It and his spirit ; arid that though weak and 
seems, the parties misunderstood each other ; hard pressed, we can ourselves commence it 
and that both used very unguarded language, and effect it. In his Examen Ordinando- 
which led them into furious conflicts, for rum he maintains, that there are three causes 
which there was no sufficient cause. TV.] of conversion, God, the word of God, and 

(34) [From avvspyeia, co-operation. free-will ; and he seems to ascribe to free- 
Tr.] will and to human ability, an appropriate 

(35) See SMusselburg, Catalogus Hae- natural power, though feeble in its operation, 
reticor., lib. v. Godfr. Arnold s Kirchen- to bring about conversion. Many of his 
und Ketzerhistorie, b. xvi., ch. xxviii., p. pupils hereupon went still farther; and es- 
826, &c. Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Syner- pecially Victonn Strigel, one of his most 
gistes, tome iii.,p. 2898. Christ. Avg. Sa- able pupils, distinguished himself in this 
lig, Historic der Augsb. Confession, vol. controversy. Sckl.] 

iii., p. 474, 587, 880, &c. Musaus, Prae- 



148 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART 11. CHAP. i. 

nity), founded and opened a new university at Jena. And as the founders 
wished this school to be the seat of the true reformed religion of Luther, 
they called to it eminent teachers and theologians, who were distinguished 
for their attachment to the genuine theology of Luther, and for their ha 
tred of all more moderate sentiments. And as none was more celebrated 
in this respect than Matthias Flacius, a most strenuous adversary of Philip 
Melancthon and of all the Philippists or moderate party, he was made 
professor of theology at Jena, in the year 1557. But this turbulent man, 
whom nature had fitted to sow discord and to promote contention, not only 
cherished all the old controversies with vast zeal, but likewise stirred 
up now ones, and so involved the divines of Weimar and those of electoral 
Saxony with each other, that the discerning were afraid of a permanent 
secession and schism among the Lutherans. (36) And undoubtedly the 
Lutheran church would have been split into two communities, if his coun 
cils had had the effect intended. For in the year 1559, lie advised his 
lords, the dukes of Weimar, to order a confutation of all the errors that had 
been broached among the Lutherans, and especially of those with which 
the Melancthonians were taxed, to be drawn up, published, and annexed to 
the formulas of faith in their territories. But this attempt to rend the Lu 
theran church into opposing parties, proved abortive, because the other 
princes who were truly Lutheran, disapproved the book, and feared it 
would be the cause of greater evils. (37) 

32. This extremely contentious man threw the Weimari;;n church, 
and the university of Jena of which he was a professor, into commotion, 
by his attacks upon Victor in Strigel, his colleague, who was a pupil and 
friend of Melancthon. (^S) Strigcl taught in many points, according to the 
prescriptions of Melancthon ; and especially, he denied that the human 
mind is altogether inactive, while God moves and draws it to repentance. 
Flacius therefore so successfully accused him of synergism before the 
court of Weimar, that Strigel was put into close custody by order of the 
prince. From this calamity he delivered himself in 1562, by publishing 
an exposition of his views ; and he was restored to liberty and to his office. 
Yet the- contest did not subside here ; because it was thought, that he con- 
cealcd his errors under ambiguous expressions, rather than discarded them. 

(36) See the memorable epistle of Angus- a continued scene of altercation ; for Flacius 
tvs, the prince elector, respecting Flacius and others found much to censure in the con- 
and his attempts ; published by Am. Crcvi- futation, and the writers of it would not al- 
vs, Memoria Joh. Westphali, p. 393, &c. low it to be altered. The superintendents 

(37) See Chr. Aug. Sali^s Historic der next collected together various confutations, 
Augsb. Confession, vol. iii., p. 476, &c. out of which an abstract was afterwards 
[A confutation was actually drawn up by made, which being amended by Flacius, 
Strigcl, Erhard Schncpf, and a preacher of Erasmus Sarcarius, Joachim Mbrlin, and 
Jena. When it was ready, the theologians John Aurifabcr, was printed in 1559, with 
of Jena and the superintendents of the whole an edict of the duke, and was afterwards ad- 
land were called to Weimar, to examine it. milted into the Corpus doctrinae Thuringi- 
Flacius advised, that the writers of it should cum : but Strigcl, from the first, strenuously 
not be admitted into the assembly, urging opposed this form of a confutation. See 
that the theologians would then express their Narratio Action, et certain Matth. Flacii, in 
opinions more freely, and that the presence Schlussclburg s Catal. Hsreticor., torn, xiii., 
of the writers, whose opinions might easily p. 802, &c. Schl.] 

be known from the book itself, might occa- (38) See the biographers of Strigcl ; and, 

sion controversy and disunion. But the duke besides the others above mentioned, Bayle, 

A ould not follow this advice, and the writers in his Dictionnaire, torn iii., p. 1262 
were called to the council. There was now 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. U9 

Therefore, to escape being involved in new troubles, he retired from Jena 
first to Leipsic and then to Heidelberg ; where he died, leaving posterity 
in doubt, whether he ought to be classed among the true followers of Lu 
ther or not. 

33. But Flacius blew up this controversy with Strigd greatly to his 
own injury, and likewise to the great injury of the whole Lutheran church. 
For while pursuing his adversary intemperately, he fell himself into a sen 
timent so monstrous and wrong, that his own friends regarded him as a 
heretic and a corrupter of true religion. In the year 1560, there was a 
formal dispute between him and Strigel at Weimar, respecting the natural 
power of man to regenerate himself and to do good, which Strigel seemed 
to exalt too much. In this conference, Strigel who was well skilled in philos 
ophy, with a view to cramp F latins, asked him whether original sin or the 
vitiosity of the human soul, was to be classed among substances or among 
accidents ? Flacius most imprudently replied, that it should be reckoned 
among substances ; and thenceforth to the end of his life, he maintained 
the portentous sentiment, that original sin is the very substance of a man ; 
and with so much zeal and pertinacity, that he would sooner part with all his 
honours and privileges than with this error. The greatest part of the Lu 
theran church condemned this Flacian doctrine, and judged it to be nearlv 
allied to Manichseism. But the high rank of the man, his learning, and 
his reputation, induced many, and even some very learned men, to em 
brace and eagerly defend his cause ; among whom, Cyriac Spangeriberg, 
Christopher Irenaus, and Gcelestine were the most celebrated. (39) 

34. It is almost impossible to express, how much this new contest af 
flicted those Lutheran countries in which it raged, and how much detriment 
it brought to the Lutheran cause among the papists. For it spread also 
to the churches that had a dubious toleration in papal lands, especially in 
the Austrian dominions ; and it so excited the teachers who were surrounded 
by papists, that they were regardless of all prudence and all danger. (40) 
There are many who think, that Flacius fell into this error through ignorance 
of philosophical distinctions and ideas, and that he failed more in propriety 
of language than in point of fact. But Flacius himself seems to refute this ; 
for in numerous passages, he declares that he understood well the force of 
the word substance, and that he was not ignorant of the consequences of 
his doctrine. (41) Be this as it may, it is beyond all doubt that unbridled 
obstinacy was in the man, who would rather ruin his own fortune and dis 
turb the peace of the church, than discard an unsuitable term and a senti 
ment made up of contradictions. 

35. Finally, the well-known mildness of Mclancthon, which Andrew 

(39) See Conrad Schlussellurg s Catolo- zu dem Evangelisch. CEsterreich, p. 25, 29, 

Eis Hrereticor., lib. ii. Jo. Balth. Ri tier s 32, 34, 43, 64, who treats of the Austrian Fla- 

ife of Flacius, in German, Frankf., 1725, cians, and particularly of Ircnccus ; Presby- 

8vo. Christ. Aug. Salig s Historic der terol. Austrian, p. 69, &c. Respecting 

Augsb. Confess., vol. iii., p. 593. Godfr* C&lcstinc, see Unschuldige Nachrichten, 

Arnold s Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, b. xvi., A.D. 1748, p. 314, &c 

ch. xxix., p. 829. Jo. Musteus, Preelection. (41) See the Letters of Jo. Weslphal, (a 

in Forrnulam Concord., p. 29, &c. Jo. Geo. friend of Flacius, and who endeavoured to 

Leuckf eld s History of Spangenberg, in Ger- persuade him to give up the term substance], 

man, 1728, 4to. On the dispute at Weimar, addressed to Flacius , and the answers ol 

see Unschuldige Nachrichten, A.D. 1740, p. Flacius; published by Arnold Grcvius, in 

383, &c. his Memoria Joh. Westphali, p 180. &c. 

(40) Bernh. RaupadCs zwiefache Zugabe 



150 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. I. 

Osiander contemned, gave rise to those contests which the latter in 1549, 
excited in the Lutheran church. For if Luther had been alive, Osiander 
would doubtless have not dared to bring forward and defend his new opin 
ions. This arrogant and eccentric man, after removing from Nuremberg 
where he had been a pastor to the university of Konigsberg, on account of 
the Interim, first publicly taught opinions very different from Luther s re 
specting penitence and the divine image ; and afterwards, from the year 
1550. he did not hesitate to correct the public opinion of the Lutheran 
church, respecting the mode of our obtaining justification before God. 
Yet it is easier to tell what, he did not believe, than what he did believe ; 
for according to the custom of the age, Osiander expressed his views nei 
ther with clearness nor in a uniform manner. Comparing all that he has 
said, it seems to have been his opinion : That the man Christ Jesus could 
not. by his obedience to the divine law, have merited for us righteousness 
before God. And therefore it cannot be, that we can become righteous be 
fore God, by apprehending with faith and applying to ourselves this righ 
teousness of the man Christ Jesus. But a man obtains righteousness, by 
that eternal and essential righteousness which resides in Christ, as God. or 
in that divine nature which was united to the human. And of this divine 
righteousness, a man becomes partaker by faith. For by faith Christ dwells 
in the man, and together with Christ also his divine nature : and this righ 
teousness being present in the regenerate, God on account of it regards 
them as righteous, although they arc sinners. The same divine righteous 
ness of Christ moreover, excites believers to cultivate personal righteous 
ness or holiness. The principal theologians of the Lutheran church, and 
among them Melanctlion especially, and his colleagues, impugned this doc 
trine. Yet Osiander had also great men to support his cause. But after 
his death, [A.D. 1552], the controversy gradually subsided. (42) 

(12) Sec Conrad Sr.hlussclliurg s Catalo- respected, notwithstanding he advanced some 
gus Haereticor., lib. vi. Arnold s Kirchen- singular opinions. He supposed, the second 
nnd Ketzerhist., b. xvi., ch. xxiv., p. 804, &c. person in the trinity was that image of Gcd, 
Christ. Hartknoch s Preussische Kirchen- after which man was fashioned ; that the Son 
historic, book ii.. ch. ii., p. 309, &c. Chr. of God would have become incarnate, if man 
Aug. ISaliff s Historic der Augsb. Confcs- had riot sinned ; and that repentance consist- 
sion, vol. ii., p. 922. The opinion of the ed in abhorrence of sin and forsaking it, with- 
divines of Witternberg respecting this con- out including faith in the Gospel. He also 
t.rovcrsy, may be seen in the Unschuldige refused to pronounce the general absolution 
Nachrichten, A.D. 1739, p. 141, &c., and in public worship; which involved him in con- 
that of the divines of Copenhagen, in the troversy. While at Nuremberg he wrote his 
Danischen Bibliothek, pt. vii., p. 150, &c., famous Harmony of the Gospels. The mar- 
where is a long catalogue of the writers on grave Albrccht of Brandenburg had been con- 
this controversy. Add pt. viii., p. 313, &o verted by his preaching, and therefore be- 
On the arrogance of Osiander, see Hirsch s came strongly attached to him. Having 
Nuremberg. Interims- Historie, p. 44, 59, 60, founded the university of Konigsberg in 
&c. [Andrew Osiander, or Hosemann as 1544, Albrccht placed Osiander nt the head 
his name was in German, was born at Sun- of the theological department in 1548. His 
zenhausen in Franconia, 1498; studied at colleagues disliked having a foreigner placed 
Leipsic and Altenburg under great poverty, above them ; and his bold avowal of singu- 
and then at Ingolstadt. He possessed supe- lar opinions soon gave them occasion to 
rior native talents, and became very learned, break with him. He considered the justifi- 
particularly in Hebrew, mathematics, and cation spoken of in the N. Testament, to be 
theology. He was eloquent, yet proud, self- equivalent to sanctification ; or to be, not a 
sufficient, and contentious. In 1522. he be- forensic act of God acquitting men Irom h- 
came first preacher in a church at Nurem- ability to punishment, but a gracious opera- 
"serg ; and was there very active, and highly tion, which conferred personal holiness. And 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 151 

36. His colleague Francis Stancarus, an Italian, and professor of He- 
brew at Konigsberg, a turbulent and passionate man, in attempting to con. 
fute the error of Osiander respecting the mode of obtaining justification 
before God, fell into another opinion which appeared equally false and dan 
gerous. Osiander maintained, that the man Christ was under obligation 
to keep the divine law, on his own account ; and therefore that he could 
not, by obeying the law, procure righteousness for others ; and of course, 
H was not as man, but only as God, that Christ expiated the sins of man- 
Kind and procured us peace with God. Stancarus on the contrary, exclu 
ded the divine nature of Christ from the work of redemption and atone- 
ment, and maintained that the office of a mediator between God and men, 
pertained exclusively to the human nature of Christ. Finding himself to 
be odious on account of this doctrine, he left Konigsberg, and retired first 
to Germany and then to Poland, where he died in 1574. He likewise ex 
cited considerable commotion in Poland. (43) 

37. All good men friendly to the new church, were the more desirous 
of a termination of so many bitter contests, because it was manifest that 
the papists turned them to their own advantage. But while IMclanctlion, 
the principal cause of the disputes, continued alive, nothing scarcely could 
be done to terminate them. But when he died in 1560, something could 
be attempted with more safety and better prospects. Therefore after oth 
er efforts, Augustus prince elector of Saxony and John William duke of 
Weimar, in the year 1568, ordered the best theologians of both parties to 
assemble at Altenburg, and there discuss in a friendly manner their prin 
cipal controversies ; so that it might better appear, in what way they could 
be settled. But the warmth of the disputants, and other causes, prevent 
ed any good effects from this conference. (44) It was therefore thought 
best, to try some other method of restoring harmony ; and it was resolved, 

in this sense he used the term, in his theo- 1556, see Bullingcr, in Jo. Conr. Fucsliri s 
logical writings. Legal justification through Centuriai. Epistolar. a Reformator. Helvet. 
the imputed righteousness of Christ, he would Scriptarum, p. 371, 459, &c. [Stancarus 
denominate redemption ; and this he sup- is said to have contributed to the spread of 
posed always preceded what he called justi- Socinian sentiments in Poland ; by main- 
fication. The mode of justification, in his taining that it was only the human nature of 
sense of the term, he supposed to be, by the Christ that made the atonement, and by ar- 
indwelling of Christ in the soul, producing guing, that if the divine nature of Christ me- 
there a moral change. See Arnold, 1. c., dialed between God and man, then his di- 
and Schrocckh s Kirchengesch. seit der Ref- vine nature must have been inferior to that 
ormat., vol. iv., p. 572, &c. Tr.~\ of God. From the first, the Socinians in- 
(43) See Clvr, Harfknoch s Preussische ferred that there was no need of any nature 
Kirchengeschichte, b. ii.,ch. ii.,p. 340, &c. but the human in the Mediator; and from 
Schliissdburg s Catalogus Hsereticor., lib. the second, they inferred that he could not 
ix., the whole of it. Peter Bayle, Diction- at any rate be equal with God the Father, 
naire, art. Stancarus, tome iii., p. 2649, &c. See Baylc, 1. c., note G. TV.] 
Before he came to Konigsberg in 1548, he (44) See Casp. Sagittarius, Introductio 
lived a while among the Orisons and the ad Histor. Ecclesiast., pt. ii., p. 1542. [The 
Swiss ; and among them he occasioned dis- subjects discussed were, the Majoristic, Syn- 
putes ; for he approved several Lutheran sen- ergistic, and Adiaphoristic contests. The 
timents, particularly those respecting the ef- debaters were in part Misnian, and in part 
ficacy of the sacraments, which were offen- Thuringian divines. As all the transactions 
sive to the Orisons and the Swiss. See were in writing, the conferences were pro- 
Museum Helveticum, torn, v., p. 484, 490, tracted to a great length ; and on one single 
491, [and De Porf.a s Historia Reformat, ec- expression in the article on justification, th? 
clesiar. Raeticar., lib. ii., p. 89, 121. Tr.~\ discussion lasted five months. SchL] 
On the commotions he excited in Poland in 



152 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. I. 

that a formula or book should be drawn up by wise and moderate theolo 
gians, in which all those controversies should be examined and decided ; 
and that this book, when approved by all the Lutheran princes and church 
es, should be annexed to the Symbolical books of the Lutheran church. 
To this great and difficult work, James Andrea, a theologian of Tubingen 
at that time in very high estimation, was appointed in the year 1569, by 
authority of his prince the duke of Wiirtemberg, and of Julius duke of 
Brunswick. With these princes, Augustus of Saxony and other princes 
of the Lutheran communion, concurred : and supported by such authority, 
Andrea repeatedly travelled over Germany, and consulted with the minis 
ters of the courts and with theologians, respecting the best method of 
drawing up l\\e formula so that it might secure the assent of all. 

38. This business was hastened forward by the rash temerity of Cas 
per Pcucer, the son-in-law of Melancthon. a physician and professor of 
physic at Wittemberg,(45) and by others, theologians at Wittemberg and at 
Leipsic, who were pupils of Melancthon : for they, relying on the approba 
tion and countenance of George Cracovius, the chancellor of Dresden, and 
of others in the Saxon court both civilians and clergymen, endeavoured by 
various clandestine arts, in the year 1570, to abolish throughout Saxony 
the doctrine of Luther concerning the holy supper, and to introduce in its 
stead the opinion of Calvin respecting both the Lord s Supper and the per- 
son of Christ. What Melancthori s final sentiments concerning the eucha- 
rist were, appears uncertain ;(46) though it is abundantly proved, that he 
would willingly have united the Saxons and the Calvinists, but was prevent 
ed by his timidity from directly attempting such a union. His son-in-law, 
with his associates above named, openly assented to [the doctrines of] 
Calvin, as appears from their writings; and thus they showed more cour 
age and resolution than their father-in-law and preceptor, but less of pru 
dence. Therefore in the year 1571, in a German book entitled The Foun 
dation (die Grundfeste), and afterwards by other writings, they explicitly 
declared their dissent [from Luther] respecting the doctrine of the sacred 
supper and the person of Christ : and the more readily to accomplish their 
wishes, they introduced into the schools a new Catechism drawn up bv 
PezeL favourable to the doctrine of Calvin. These measure s having pro 
duced commotions and disputes in the Lutheran church, Augustus of Saxo 
ny ordered iiis theologians and superintendents to assemble at Dresden in 

(45) [" This Pcucer, whom Dr. Moshcim the supper : Verum est, filium Deum adesse 
mentions without any mark of distinction, mysterio et in to efficacern esse, Kal TOV 
was one of the wisest, most amiable, and uprov Kotvuviav hi>ai T ao^mroc, ut Paulus 
most learned men that adorned the annals of diserte locutus est Scio enim, te virum 
German literature during this century, as doctum recte cogitare. quid Koivuvia signif- 
the well-known history of his life, and the icet. Hajc mine breviter scripsi. nee rolo 
considerable number of his medical, mathe- spargiin populum. And in p 390, writing 
matical, moral, and theological writings, to Abraham Hardcnberg, he cites a passage 
abundantly testify." Mad.] from Macarius" 1 Homilies, which he thus 

(46) [This is certain, that in his last years, translates: In ecclesia offertur panis et vi- 
Mda.ncthon was more inclined towards the num antitypon carnis et sanguinis ipsius : et 
doctrine of the Reformed respecting the holy accipientes de pane visibili spiritualiter com- 
supper : but it is also equally certain, that edunt carnem Domini. And he subjoins : 
he did not receive their whole doctrine on Scio te libenter tain vctus testimonium lec- 
this subject. See his Reflections, in Latin, turum. This letter is dated Feb. 9, 1560. 
published by Pezel, Neustadt, 1600, 8vo. See also Loscher s Historia Motuum, vol. 
Here he writes, one year before his death, in ii., p. 30, and especially, p. 39, &c. Sc.ld.} 
letter to Dr. Jo. Crato, p. 385, concerning 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 



153 



1571, and declare their sentiments respecting the sacred supper. They 
did so ; but deceitfully : and returning home, they zealously pursued the 
plan they had formed, and by teaching and writing, and in other ways, en. 
deavoured to extinguish the old Saxon doctrine concerning the sacred sup. 
per. The prince elector Augustus, when fully informed of this by numer 
ous witnesses, summoned the celebrated convention of Torgau, in 1574 ; 
and having clearly learned the views of those Crypto -Calvinists as they 
were generally called, imprisoned some of them, banished others, and com 
pelled others to change their sentiments. On none of them did he ani 
madvert with greater severity, than on Peucer, who had acted a leading part 
in the transaction. He was kept in constant and close prison, till the year 
1585 ; and then, being liberated at the intercession of the prince of Anhalt, 
whose daughter Augustus had married, he retired to Zerbst.(47) 

39. The plans of the Crypto -Calvinists being frustrated, the prince 
elector, and those who agreed with him, urged forward more anxiously and 
pressingly the business of the Formula of Concord already mentioned. 
[See 37.] After various consultations therefore, in the year 1576, James 
Andrea especially, in a convention of many divines assembled at Torgau 
by order of Augustus^ drew up the treatise which was intended to give 
peace to the Lutheran church and to guard it against the opinions of the 



(47) See Com. Schlusselburg s Calvin- 
istic Theology, in German, book ii., p. 207, 
b. iii., Pref , and p. 1-22, 52, 57, 69, b. iv., 
p. 246, &c. Lconh. Butter s Concordia 
Concors, cap. i.-viii. Godf. Arnold s Kir- 
chen-und Ketzerhist., book xvi., ch. xxxii., 
p. 389-395. Val. Ern. Loschcr s Historia 
motuum inter Lutheranos et Reform., pt. ii., 
p. 176, pt. iii., p. 1, &c. Add, on the other 
side, Casper Fencer s Historia carcerum et 
liberations divinae ; published by Christ. 
Pezel Tiguri, 1605. 8vo. [Likewise, Jo. 
Rudolph Riesling s Continuation of the His 
toria motuum, Schwabach, 1770, ch. i., 9, 
10. The Catechism of Pczcl, was printed 
at Wittemb., 1571, and entitled; Cateche- 
sis, continens explicationem Decalogi, Sym- 
boli, orationis dominicse, doctrinae de pceni- 



elector. Upon this, in 1574, followed the 
Exegesis perspicua controversial de coena 
Domini ; in which indeed they sought to 
keep up an appearance of coincidence with 
our symbolical books ; but very manifestly 
took pains to defend the Melancthonian doc 
trine concerning the holy supper. The elec 
toral prince, prompted by so many com 
plaints o" foreign princes, who were appre 
hensive th. v eligious peace might be assailed 
by the Catholics under the pretence of this 
contest, at last took measures to check the 
evil. He commanded certain articles to be 
drawn up, by the general adoption of which 
the religious contests might be terminated. 
These were actually formed in the diet of 
Torgan, 1574 ; and may be found in Hutter s 
Concordia concors, p. 184, &c. They were, 



tentia et sacramentis. The theologians of however, by the foreign theologians to whom 



Jena and lower Saxony, wrote against this 
catechism. See Watch s Bibliotheca The- 
ol. Selecta, torn, i., p. 485. The Crypto- 
Calvinists defended it the same year, in a 
treatise entitled : Grundfeste von der person 
und menschwerdung unseres herrn Jesu 
Christi, wider die neuen Marcioniten, Sam- 
osatener, &c. In reply, the divines of lower 
Saxony wrote : die wiedcrhohlte christliche 
gemeinc Confession und Erklarung, &c. 
At the convention of Dresden, the Consensus 
Dresdensis was drawn up, through the inter 
vention of the court party and especially of 
the court preacher Schiltze or Sagittarius. 
It met with the greatest opposition from the 
foreign churches ; and the nouses of Bruns- 



they wei 3 sent for examination, deemed 
insufficient to remove the contests. But 
mild as these first articles were, (and they 
must not be confounded with the articles of 
Torgau of 1576), yet many hesitated to sub 
scribe to them ; and many that did subscribe, 
afterwards revoked their subscription. And 
now resort was had to those harsh measures, 
which never can be justified ; to imprison 
ments and banishments, and to the forcible 
introduction of certain theological statements 
which were opposed to the statements of the 
Philippists. For Philippists [or Melanctho- 
nians] is the proper appellation for these 
Crypto- Calvinists ; since they for the most 
part, admitted the real presence in the en 



wick, with the duke of Wiirternberg, made charist, and questioned only the omnip 



strong representations against it to the prince 

VOL. III. U 



ence of Chiist s human nature. Schl.] 



154 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. I. 



Reformed, and which from the place received the name of the Book of 
Torgau. This book, after being examined, amended, and elucidated, by 
most of the theologians of Lutheran Germany, was again submitted to 
certain select divines assembled at Bergen, (an old Benedictine monastery 
near Magdeburg), and when all the suggestions from various quarters had 
been carefully weighed, the famous Formula of Concord was brought to its 
perfected state. James Andrea had for assistants at Bergen, at first 
Martin Chemnitz and Nicholas Selnccker, and afterwards, also Andrew 
Musculus, Christopher Corner, and David Cliytraius. The Sax ms first re 
ceived this new rule of the Lutheran religion, by order of their prince Au 
gustus ; and the greatest part of the Lutheran churches afterwards follow 
ed their example, some sooner and some later. (48) The effect of this 

(48) The writers on the formula of Con 
cord, are mentioned by Jo. Gco. Walch, In- 
troductio ad Libros Symbolicos, lib. i., c. 
vii., p. 707, and by Jo. Christ. Kochcr, Bib- 
liotheca theologian symbol., p. 188. A cat 
alogue of unpublished documents relating to 
its history, is extant in den Unschuld. Na- 
chricht. A.D. 1753, p. 322. The principal 
historians of it, are Rudolph Hospinian a 
Swiss theologian, Concordia Discors ; and 
Leonh. Huttcr, Concordia Concors : and by 
comparing the accounts of both, it will be 
easy to discriminate the true from the false, 
and to understand the reasons of what took 
place. [See J. F. Balthazar s Geschichte 
des Torgischen Buches nebst andern zur His 
toric des Concordiensbuches gehb rigen Na- 
chrichten, Greifsw., 1741, &c., 4to, and 
Sender s edition of the Book of Torgau, 
from a contemporary manuscript document, 
with a compendium of the most noticeable 
parts of that manuscript collection ; 1760, 
8vo. In tracing the history of the Formula 
of Concord, we should consider the prepar 
atory events. These were (I.) The Swa- 
bian Concord, or Formula concordia? inter 
Suevicas et Saxonicas ecclesias ; which was 
formed in 1574. By the Saxon churches, 
must here be understood those of lower Sax 
ony, and in particular the ecclesia? Tripoli- 
tanse, or the churches of Hamburg, Lubec, 
and Luneburg, whose preachers were stren 
uous Lutherans ; together with the duchies 
of Brunswick and Luneburg, and the cities 
of Brunswick and Magdeburg. All these 
united with the Swabian and especially with 
the Wurtemberg theologians, against those 
of electoral Saxony ; and they sent their 
Formula to the prince elector of Saxony, in 
crder to show him that his theologians had 
departed from the Lutheran doctrine, and 
that he could no longer be the chief director 
of the affairs of the Protestants. Then fol 
lowed (TI.) The convention at Torgau, in 
1574. Next followed, by order of Lewis 
ike of Wurtemberg, (III.) The convention 
9f Maulbronn, in 1576 ; where the Wur 



temberg divines Lucas Osiander and Ballh. 
Bidcnbach, with the concurrence of some 
foreign divines, drew up what is called the 
Formula of Maulbronn ; in which the or 
thodox ministers of our church state on what 
conditions they would unite with the divines 
of electoral Saxony, and recognise them as 
members of our church. Afterwards came 
(IV.) The Lichtenberg convention, in Feb., 
1576, in electoral Saxony ; at which the 
Formula of Maulbronn was examined, and 
pronounced too rigorous. Then followed 
(V.) The convention of Torgau, in June of 
the same year, after the suspected divines of 
electoral Saxony were removed. Here the 
Book of Torgau was compiled from the Swa 
bian Concord and the Maulbronn Formula ; 
and this was the real basis of that Formula 
of Concord, which was afterwards sent to 
all the German courts and churches to collect 
suggestions and amendments. After the 
suggestions of the foreign theologians were 
received, in the year 1577 and at the cloister 
of Bergen, the proper Formula of Concord 
was formed from the Book of Torgau. The 
principal person concerned in it, was Janus 
Andrea, who was occupied many years in 
the business, took a number of journeys and 
showed extraordinary zeal in the whole af 
fair, yet incurred many reproaches, by the 
ambiguous expressions which he employed. 
And by his influence it was, that the opin 
ions of the Swabian divines respecting the 
person of Christ, the communication of the 
attributes [of Christ s divine nature to his 
human] (communicatio idiornatum), and the 
omnipresence of Christ s human nature, 
which before had been only private opinions, 
were received into the Formula of Concord 
as doctrines of the whole Lutheran church. 
With him was joined Nicholas Selnecker, a 
native Frenchman of Herspruck, and at that 
time superintendent at Leipsic ; a learned and 
persevering man, who had endured much per 
secution from the Philippists. The two oth 
ers that were associated with James Andrea, 
were still more learned, and at the same time 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH 



155 



celebrated Formula, as is well known, was, to decide and terminate the 
many controversies which had drawn the Lutherans especially after Lu 
ther s death, into disagreeing parties ; and also, to exclude from the Luther 
an community the opinions of the Reformed respecting the holy supper and 
the person of Christ. 

40. Yet the book, which was to have restored harmony among the 
Lutherans, and which actually did so in many places, furnished also new 
ground of discord. In the first place the Reformed, and those who either 
favoured the Reformed or at least wished to bo at peace with them for the 
sake of the common good, when they perceived that by this Formula all 
hope of healing the schism was at an end, and that the Reformed were en- 
tirely excluded from all communion with the Lutherans, violently attack- 
ed and in bitter terms censured both the Formula and its authors. Be 
yond the bounds of Germany, the Swiss (of whom Rudolph Hospinian was 
the chief) and the Belgians ;(49) and in Germany, those of the Palati- 
nate,(50) of Anhalt, of Baden, and others, waged furious war upon the 
Formula. This imposed upon the Lutheran divines and especially upon 
those of Saxony, the disagreeable task of defending it and its framers in 
various treatises. (51) 

41. Even among the Lutherans themselves, some of the most distin- 
guished churches could not be persuaded either by entreaties or arguments, 
to receive the Formula and to add it to their guides in doctrinal instruction. 
It was therefore rejected by the Hessians, the Pomeranians, the Nurem- 
bergers, the Holstenians, (through the influence of Paul von Eitzen the 
superintendent general), by the Silesians, the Danes, the Brunswickers or 
Julians, and others. (52) But all these were not influenced by the same 

much disposed to peace, namely, Martin 
Chemnitz and David Chytraus, both pupils 
of Melancthon. The first was then superin 
tendent at Brunswick, and had few equals 
in learning and facility in writing. He was 
a venerator of Melancthon, and endeavoured 
in many respects to find out a middle path, 
and to check the violence of Andrea. Hence, 
he and Andrea, may be considered as the 
proper composers of the instrument. Chy- 
traiis was of Rostock. Musculus and 
Corner were of Frankfort on the Oder, and 
were famed for their zeal for Luther s doc 
trines ; yet these had no great concern with 
the Book of Torgau. Schl] 

(49) Peter Vilier s Epistola Apologetica 
Reformatarurn in Belgio ecclesiarum ad et 
contra auctores libri Bergensis dicti Concor- 
diae, with the notes of Lew. Gerh. a Renesse ; 
republished by Daniel Gcrdes, in his Scrini- 
um Antiquarium, or Miscellaneae Groningens. 
novse, tome i.,p. 121, &c. Add Unschuld. 
Nachricht., A.D. 1747, p. 957, &c. 

(50) The palsgrave Jo. Casimir, in the 
year 1 577, forthwith called a convention of 
the Reformed at Frankfort, for the purpose 
of repelling this Formula. See Henry Al- 
ting s Historia eccles. Palatinae, <j clxxix., 
p. 143, &c. 

(51) See Jo. Geo. Watch s Introductio in 



libros symbolicos Lutheranor., lib. i., c. vii., 
p. 734, &c. 

(52) On the fate of the Formula of Con 
cord in Holstein, see die Danische Bibliothek, 
vol. iv., p. 212, &c. ; vol. v., p. 355; vol. 
viii., p. 333-468 ; vol. ix., p. 1, &c. Hen 
ry Muhlius, Dissertt. Histor. Theolog , Diss. 
i. de Reformat. Holsat., p. 108, &c. Am. 
Grevius, Memoria Pauli ab Eitzen ; who 
however, only touches upon this subject. 
The transactions in Denmark relative to the 
Formula and the causes of its rejection, may 
be learned from the above-mentioned Da- 
nische Bibliothek, which contains numerous 
documents, vol. iv., p. 222-282 : and from 
Eric Pontoppidan s Annales eccles. Danicae 
diplomatici, torn, iii., p. 456, &c., who also 
shows, (p. 467, &c.), that what Jo. Hcrm. 
von Elswich and others endeavour to make 
doubtful, was a rerd fact, namely, that king 
Frederic II. on receiving a copy of the For 
mula, threw it into the fire and burned it. 
Respecting the rejection of the Formula by 
the Hessians, see the documents in der Da- 
nischen Bibliothek, vol. vii., p. 273-364, vol. 
ix., p. 1-87. Add Tidc.manri s Vitoe Theol- 
ogor. Marpurgens., p. 99, &c. Respecting 
the countries of Liegnitz and Brieg, see the 
Unschuld. Nachricht., A.D. 1745, p. 173, 
&c. [It cannot be denied, that there wer 



156 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. I. 

motives and arguments. Some of them, as the Holstenians, were led by 
their high respect and reverence for Melancthon, to abhor a book in which 
the opinions of so great a man were censured and exploded. Others were 
not only partial to Melancthon, but they also believed that some of the 
sentiments condemned in the Formula, were nearer the truth than the pre 
vailing views. Some were kept from approving the Formula, by their se 
cret attachment to the opinions of the Reformed ; and some by the hopes 
they had indulged, that the Reformed and the Lutheran churches might 
form an alliance. (53) Some either actually feared or at least pretended to 
fear, that the peace and harmony of the Lutheran church might be injured, 
by adding a new symbolical book to their old ones. And others offered 
other reasons for their dislike of it. 

42. Julius duke of Brunswick, had been a kind of second father of the 
Formula of Concord ; and had contributed to the fabrication of it, both by 
his counsels and by liberal expenditures. And when drawn up. lie had 
commanded all the ministers of religion in his dominions, to receive it, and 
to subscribe their names to it. But after the Formula was published, Ju 
lius changed his mind, and permitted his divines at Helnista<it, Tickmann 
Heshusius and the others, to oppose it and to exclude it from a place 
among the symbolical books of his territories. The principal grounds on 
which the divines of Julius rejected the Formula, were : (1.) That the 
printed copy differed in some parts from the written Formula, which the 
Brunswickers had approved. (II.) That the doctrine of live-will was in 
correctly explained in the Formula; and that some of the harsh and very 
unsuitable phrases of Luther were employed in it. (111.) That the uli- 

faults preceding this Formula of Concord, solely from the scriptures. And if, when 
which gave to many Lutheran churches a Zwmglc (who would parry his proofs from 
reasonable excuse for procrastinating or even scripture) brought him on to the subject ol 
refusing to subscribe to it. It was published the person of Christ, he derived the ubiquity 
too hastily, and before the suggestions of all of Christ s human nature from its personal 
the churches had been received ; whence union with the divine nature ; yet he never 
many, as e. g., the churches of Pomerania maintained, that the man Christ was always 
arid Holstein, believed that the Formula was and every where present; but merely that 
sent to them only for form s sake. It was he could lie present, wherever the execution 
thought that the Saxons assumed a power in of his mediatorial office and the fulfilment of 
the whole transaction, which did not belong his promises, required ; and of course, at the 
to them ; and that they sought a kind of con- celebration of the holy supper. And in this, 
trol over the Lutheran churches, which no the theologians of upper and lower Saxony 
one would in this sense concede to them followed him. But the theologians of Swa- 
Schl.~\ bia and Alsace maintained an absolute om- 
(53) [It was the fact, that the Formula of nipresence ; and their statements were trans- 
Concord cut off all prospects of a union of ferrcd to the Formula of Concord, (yet so 
our church with the Reformed, and opposed that the other opinion was not explicitly ex- 
a bar to all attempts at pacification. At eluded), and thus were made articles of 
that time, the points in controversy with the faith : (just as the doctrine of election by 
Reformed, were only two ; namely, respect- grace, was previously a private opinion of 
ing the doctrine of the supper, and the per- Calvin, and was transformed by the syncd 
son of Christ. The first pervaded the whole of Dort into an article of faith, to all that re- 
Lutheran church ; the second did not; for ceived the decrees of that synod). Thus the 
before the Formula of Concord, it was only points of controversy between us and the Re- 
the Swabian divines that defended the om- formed, were increased by the Formula of 
nipresence of Christ s human nature, on the Concord. They were also rendered more 
ground of a communication of attributes, virulent, because we censured and condemn- 
Luther never attempted to prove his doc- ed as heretical a church that hitherto wished 
trine concerning the supper, from the doc- to be a sister to us. Schl.~[ 
trine de communicatione idiomatum ; but 



HISTORY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 157 

quity (as it was then termed) or the boundless presence of Christ s human 
nature, which the Lutheran church had never adopted as her doctrine, was 
taught in it. Besides these reasons, perhaps other and secret ones influ 
enced duke Julius not to adopt the Formula. There were various ne- 
gotiations with him and his theologians, to remove these difficulties ; and 
particularly in the year 1583, a convention of theologians from the electo 
ral Palatinate, Saxony, Brandenburg, and Brunswick, was held at Qued- 
linburg for the purpose of terminating this dissent : but Julius remained 
inflexible in his purpose, and wished to have the cause of the Formula re 
ferred to a council of the whole Lutheran church. (54) 

43. In Saxony itself, not a few detested in their hearts, that Formula 
which they subscribed with their hands; holding fast the doctrines which 
they had received from Melancthon and his friends. And these, on the 
death of Augustus and the accession of Christian I., who from his child 
hood had been imbued with the milder sentiments of Melancthon, and is 
said to have been too friendly to the doctrines and institutions of the Swiss 
no;ain lifted up their heads, and seemed to be plotting against the Formula 
of Concord, in order to open the way for Calvinistic opinions and regula 
tions to be introduced among the Saxons. And they found much support 
from men of the first rank, and especially from Nicholas Crell, the prime 
minister of state. Through their influence, first some laws were enacted 
which might prepare the minds of the people to acquiesce in the contem 
plated revolution ; and then, in the year 1591, the formula of exorcism as 
it is called, was required to be omitted in the administration of baptism. (55) 
Moreover, not only was there a new German catechism published, which 
was favourable to the designs of these patrons of the Reformed doctrines, 
but likewise a new edition of the German Bible with the notes of Henry 
Sahnuth, adapted to the object in contemplation, was prepared in 1591 at 

(54) See Leonh. flutter s Concordia con- trine in both was the same. So that if they 

cors, cap. xlv., p. 1051. Phil. Jul. Rcht- had been disposed, they might easily have 

meyer s Braunschweig. Kirchenhistorie, vol. compromised this point. So also the two 

iii., ch. viii., sect. 1, p. 483, and the wri- other points were not so very important, 

ters mentioned by Christ. Matth. Pfaff, de The Helmstadt theologians would not con- 

Actis et scriptis ecclesise Wiirtemberg., p. cede the ubiqviity: yet they held it possible 

62, and in his Historia litterar. Theolog., that Christ, as man, should be in various 

pt. ii.. p. 423. On the conference at Qued- places at the same time. Now, how far is 

linburg and its Acts, see also the Danische one who concedes this, from believing the 

Bibliothek, part viii., p. 595, &c. [The ubiquity 1 The grand difficulty was this, 

court appears to have been actuated in this The electoral Saxons had, in the whole bu- 

matter, by political considerations. For the siness, assumed txo much to themselves, 

objections of the theologians to the Formu- and had acted as lawgivers to the church 

la, might admit an answer. The first ob- It was perceived that if this matter was al- 

jection, respecting the discrepance between lowed to pass thus, the elector of Saxony 

the printed and the written copies of the would personate the pope, and his principal 

Formula, was founded on fact. There clergy the cardinals ; and they would in 

really were words and phrases interpolated future prescribe laws to the whole Lutheran 

in some of the statements, which were not church. They would therefore maintain, 

in the written copy. The other party did against the Saxons, their right to think for 

uot deny the fact; but said, they were themselves in matters of religion, and would 

minute things, and not alterations of the show, that they conceded to Saxony the 

doctrine, but merely changes in the phrase- direction of religious affairs, only under cer- 

ology, introduced for the sake of perspicuity, tain restrictions. Schl.] 
And this was actually true. Dr. Mosheim (55) See Jo. Mclchwr Kraft s Geschichte 

once compared the subscribed copy with dcr Exorcism!, p. 401, &c. 
the printed ; and, as he asserted, the doc- 



158 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. I. 

Dresden. And as violent commotions and seditions of the people now 
broke out every where, the government animadverted severely on those 
ministers of religion who opposed the designs of the court. But the sud 
den death of Christian, which took place this very year, frustrated all these 
machinations. The theologians by whom the business had been princi 
pally managed, were, after the death of the elector, punished with impris 
onment and exile ; and Crell the prime director of it, received in 1601 the 
fruit of his temerity, by being brought to a capital punishment. (50) 

44. At the end of the century, Samuel Huber a Swiss of Bern, indis 
creetly awakened a new controversy at Wittemberg where he taught the 
ology. Fired with hatred of the Calvinistic doctrine of absolute decrees, 
he maintained, that the whole human race were from eternity elected of 
God to salvation ; and he accused his colleagues, together with all the di 
vines of the Lutheran church, of being Calvinists ; because they taught 
that those only are elected, whom God foresaw would die in faith. Learn 
ed men arc at this day agreed, that Huber swerved from the common Lu 
theran doctrine, in words rather than in meaning : for what the Lutherans 
maintain respecting the love of God as embracing the whole human race, 
and excluding no one absolutely from eternal salvation, this lie would ex- 
plain in a new manner and in new phraseology. But this aij;e having 
learned from numerous examples, that new phraseology and new ru^des of 
explaining doctrines produced as lasting and as pernicious disturbance as 
new errors, urged Huber to adopt the old and universal method of teach 
ing, in preference to his own. And when he declared that he, could riot 
do so, and his patrons here and there threatened to produce disturbance, 
he was compelled to relinquish his office, and go into exile-. (57) 

45. That the controversies here recounted, and others of less magni 
tude, were very injurious to the public interests of the church founded by 
Luther, no one who is well informed in the history of those times, will deny. 
The method also of discussing and terminating controversies, in that age, 
if estimated according to the modern views of good men, contained much 
that was inconsistent with equity, moderation, and charity. And while 
they are unjust, who load with reproaches the authors of those evils, indis 
criminately, and boldly pronounce them destitute of all reason and all vir 
tue ; those are still more unjust, who cast all the blame on the victors, and 
pronounce the vanquished to be saints and deserving of a better fate. 
That men recently led out of the thickest darkness into the light, should 
not at once discern and distinguish all objects, as they are able to do who 
have long been in the light, is not at all strange. Besides, that was an un- 

(56) See Godfr. Arnold s Kirchen-nnd cree and election, as equivalent to gracious 
Ketzerh storie, pt. ii., book xvi., ch. xxxii., invitation. This he supposed, in the eter- 
p. 863, and the writers mentioned by Herm. nal counsels of God, extended to all men 
Ascan. Engelcken, Diss. de Nic. Crellio, equally, and without distinction. But to 
cjnsque supplicio : Kostoch, 1724. make their culling and election sine, they 

(57) The writers on this controversy are must repent and believe ; which, he sup- 
mentioned by Christ. Maith. Pffijf, Intro- posed, the greater part of mankind will not 
ductio in Histor. litterar Theolog., pt. ii., do, and of course will be damned to all 
lib. iii., p 431, &c. [See, in particular, eternity. This he expressly stated in the 
Godfr. Arnold s Kirchen-und Ketzerhisto- confession of his faith, which he published in 
rie, book xvi , ch. xxx., vol. i., p. 952, &c. 1595. See Arnold, 1. c., p. 953, and 
It must not be supposed by the incautious Schroeckh, Kirchengescrl. seit der Reform., 
reader, that Huber believed in the final sal- vol. iv., p. 664. TV.] 

vation of all men. He used the words de- 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 159 

polished age, and one that not only tolerated but applauded many things in 
morals and in the modes of living, acting, and contending, which modern 
times, improved by experience and education, disapprove and reject. But 
with what views and intentions the individuals contended, whether they 
acted maliciously or ingenuously and in good faith, belongs not to us to 
decide, but to Him who knows the hearts of men. 

46. The theologians among the Lutherans, who illustrated the various 
branches of sacred learning, form a very long list. Besides Luther and 
Melancthon, who excelled all the rest in genius and learning, the more dis 
tinguished were, Hieronymus Wellcr, Martin Chemnitz, John Brentius, Mat 
thias F/acius, Urban Regius, George Major, Nicholas Amsdorf, Erasmus 
Sarcerius, John Matthesius, John Wigand, Francis Lambert, James Andrew, 
David Chytraus, Nicholas Se/necker, Martin Bucer, Paul Fagius, Casper 
Cruciger, Victorin Strigelius, Cyriacus Spangenberg, Matthew Judex, Tiele- 
mann Heshusius, Joachim Westphal, John JEpinus, Andrew Osiander, and 
many others. (58) 



CHAPTER II 

HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 

Q 1. General Character of the Reformed Church. 2. Causes of this Character. 
() 3. Origin of this Church. 4. Zwinglian Contests respecting the Lord s Supper. 
5. History of them, till Luther s Death. 6. Transactions after his Death. 7. 
Controversy respecting Predestination. 8. The Height of it. 9. Two Periods in 
the early History of this Church. 10- Points of Difference between the Swiss and 
the Lutherans. 11. John Calvin a principal Founder of this Church 12. The 
Doctrine and Discipline inculcated by Calvin. 13. All the Reformed did not em 
brace his Views. 14. Progress of this Church in Germany. 15. Progress in 
France. 16. Progress in England and Scotland. 17. Rise of the Puritans." 18, 
19. Their Opinions. 20. Their Fundamental Principles. 21. Sects among them. 
Brownists. 22. The Dutch Reformed Church. 23. Reformed Church of Poland. 
24. The Bohemian Brethren. 25. Waldensians : Hungarians: Transylvanians. 
26. Churches which joined the Reformed. 27. Diversity among the Reformed. 
28 Their Doctrines. 29. Their Dissent from the Lutherans. 30. Irnportanoe 
of the Difference. 31. Ecclesiastical Power. 32. Organization of the Church, 
33 Church Discipline. 34. State of Learning. 35. Biblical Expositors. 36. 
Dogmatic Theology. 37. Practical Theology. 38. Calvin s Contest with the 
Spiritual Libertines. 39. His Contests with the Genevans. 40. Castalio. 41. 
Bolsec. 42. Ochin. 43, 44. Controversy between the Puritans and the Episco 
palians. 

1. THE church which chooses to be called the Reformed, or the Evan- 
gelical Reformed church, and which was formerly by its opposers called 
the Zwinglian or the Calvinistic church, and is now by many called the 

(58) For an account of these, Mtlchior arately written, with care, in our age ; e. g. 
Adam s Vitse Theologorum, the histi-rical the life of Hieronymus Wel/cr, by Laemmel, 
and literary [and biographical] Dictionaries, ofFlacivs by Rifter, of Heshusius and Span- 
Lewis Elies du PnCs Bibliotheque des Au- genberi? by Leuckfeld, of Fagius by Feuer- 
teurs separes de la communion de 1 Eglise lin, of Chytr&us by Schii(~e, of Wes/phal by 
Romaine, and others, may be consulted. Arn. Grevius. of Buccr by Verporlen, of 
The lives of many of them have been sep- JEpinus by Grei-ius, &c. 



160 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 



Calmnistic Reformed^} differs in character from nearly all others. For 
all others stand united by the bond of a common system of doctrine and 
discipline ; but this is not the case with the Reformed church. It neither 
holds to one system of faith, for it has many creeds considerably variant ; 
nor adopts the same modes and forms of worship ; nor has it every where 
the same constitution and government. Of course, this church does not 
require of its ministers, that they should all hold and teach the same 
things ; but allows very many points of doctrine and those of no little con- 
sequence to be variously stated and explained, provided the great first prin 
ciples of religion and piety remain inviolate. This church may therefore 
be called a great community, made up of various kinds of churches ; 
which the moderation of all in tolerating dissent, keeps from splitting into 
various sc cts.(2) 

2. Such was not the original character of this church, but it was 
thrown into this state by the force of circumstances. The Swiss with 
whom it originated, and especially John Calvin who was the second father 
of it, spared no pains to bring all the congregations that united with tiu m, 
to adopt the same, (orms of fUith and practice and the same mode of gov 
ernment ; and while they looked upon the Lutherans as brethren that 
were in error, they were not disposed to grant indulgence and impunity 
themselves, nor were they willing their associates should grant, it, to those 
who openly favoured the Lutheran views of the Lord s supper, the person 

the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, 
yet frequent separate places of worship, 
and have each a visible cei^ro of external 
union peculiar to themsehrs, which is form 
ed by certain peculiarities in their respect 
ive rules of public worship and ecclesiasti 
cal government. An attentive examination 
of the discipline, polity, and worship of the 
churches of England, Scotland, Holland, 
and Switzerland, will set this matter in the 
clearest light. The first of these churches, 
being governed by Ins/tups, and not admit 
ting the valadity of Presbyterian ordination, 
differs from the other three, more than any 
of these differ from each other. There are. 
however, peculiarities of government and 
worship, that distinguish the church of Hol 
land from that of Scotland. The institution 
of deacons, the use of forms for the cele 
bration of the sacraments, an ordinary form 
of prayer, the observation of the festivals 
of Christmas, Easter, Ascension Day, and 
Whitsuntide, are established in the Dutch 
church ; and it is well known, that the 
church of Scotland differs from it extremely 
in these respects. But after all, to what 
does the pretended uniformity among the 
Lutherans amount 1 are not some of the 
Lutheran churches governed uy bishops, 
while others are ruled by elders ! It shall 
moreover be shown in its proper place, that, 
even in point of doctrine, the Lutheran 
churches are not so --very remarkable for 
their uniformity." MacL] 



(1) [In "England and America, the term 
Reformed is commonly applied to all the 
different sects, which in this century separa 
ted from tin- Komish church ; and the term 
Protestant, is used with the same latitude. 
But the Lutheran writers use the term 
Reformed, to denote all the larger sects ex 
cept their own, which separated from the 
Romish church during this century. In 
this sense Dr. Mas/it im here uses it. It 
would have been more accurate however, 
had he said the Rcfonnrd. Churches; for 
the sects he includes, do not pretend to be 
one church or one ecclesiastical body. They 
are, and thev profess to be. as distinct from 
each other, as any or all of them are from 
the Lutheran church. See the following 
note. Tr.] 

(2) [" These observations are designed to 
give the Lutheran church an air of unity, 
which is not to be found in the Reformed. 
But there is a real fallacv in this specious 
representation of things. The Reformed 
church, when considered in the true extent 
of the term Reformed, comprehends all 
those religious communities that separated 
themselves from the church of Rome, and, 
in this sense, includes the Lutheran church, 
as well as the others. And even when this 
epithet is used in opposition to the com 
munity founded by Luther, it represents, 
not a single church, as the Episcopal, Pres 
byterian, or Independent, but rather a col 
lection of churches ; which, though they be 
invisibly united bv a belief and profession of 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 161 

of Christ, predestination, and the kindred subjects. (2*) But when fierce 
contests arose in Britain, both respecting the form of church government, 
and respecting rites and some other subjects, between what were called 
the Episcopalians and the Puritans, it seemed to be necessary to expand 
the arms of the church, and to reckon among genuine brethren such as 
might deviate from the opinions and the regulations of the Genevans. 
And after the Synod of Dort, much greater moderation ensued. For al 
though the opinions of the Arminians were rejected and condemned, they 
found their way into the minds of great numbers. The English church, 
in the time of Charles I., publicly renounced the opinions of Calvin respect 
ing the divine decrees ;(3) and studied entire conformity with the opinions 
and practices of the first ages of Christianity. Some German churches 
dared not publicly assent entirely to the Genevan views, lest they should 
be declared to have cut themselves off from the privileges of the Augsburg 
Confession. Finally, the French exiles who had long been accustomed to 
milder views, and had philosophized in the free manner of their country, 
men, having become dispersed over the whole Reformed world, by their 
eloquence and their talents allured many to imitate them. All these and 
some other circumstances have gradually instilled such a spirit of gentle 
ness and patience, that at the present day all, except such as either adhere 
to the Roman pontiff or fiercely defend the errors of the Socinians, Ana 
baptists, or Quakers, can hold their place among the members of the re 
formed church. This has taken place contrary to the wishes and against 
the opposition of many ; but they are far inferior in numbers and influence 
to the others, who suppose there are but few things necessary to be be 
lieved in order to salvation, who allow many doctrines to be variously ex 
plained, and who wish to extend the Reformed church as widely as possi 
ble.^) 

[(2*) This sentence in connexion with what other, and to call each other heretics, on ac- 

loilows, seems to charge the Reformed of this count of the difference between them in re- 

centnry with excommunicating the Lutherans gard to the real presence. See Hospinian 

as heretics, or with refusing to have any Chris- 1. c.,p.311. And in the year 1631, the sub- 

tian fellowship with them so long as they re- ject carne before the Reformed national Syn- 

tained their peculiar opinions. Veniam ta- od of France at Lyons ; and they decided 

men et impunitatem nee ipsi dabant, nee a explicitly, that their churches might consist- 

suis dari volebant illis, &c. But on what ently admit open and avowed Lutherans to 

grounds can Dr. Mosheim assert this 1 That enjoy the privileges of members in their re- 

the Reformed would not give up their own be- spective bodies. See Jo. Aymon, Syncdes. 

lief, nor admit that the Lutherans were free Nationaux des Egl. Ref. de France, tome ii,. 

from all error, is certain. But that they re- p. 500, &c., in Schroeckh, Kirchengesch. seit 

fused all communion with their Lutheran der Ref., vol. v., p. 194. See also cent 

brethren, is, I believe, the direct opposite of xvii., sect, ii., pt. ii., ch. i., 4., p. 358, &c.,, 

the truth. In the conference at Marpurg in of this vol. TV.] 

1529, of which some notice is given above, (3) ["Many members of the church, of 

p. 37, note (45), and p. 43, 27, the Reform- England, with archbishop Laud at their 

ed divines begged the Lutherans to allow them head, did, indeed, propagate the doctrines 

mutually to regard each other as brethren, not- of Arminius, both in their pulpits, and in 

withstanding their difference in opinion as to their writings. But it is no,t accurate to 

theeucharist. But Luther absolutely refused, say that the Church of England renounced 

See the statements of Melancthon, Bucer, publicly, in that reign, the opinions of Cal- 

and others quoted by R. Hospinian, Histo- vin. See this matter farther discussed, in 

ria Sacramentaria, pt. ii., p. 131, 133, 135, the note (m), [note (49)], cent, xvii., sec 

136. So also Calvin in the year 1546, ex- ii., pt. ii., ch. ii., 20." Ma$l.] 

pressly declared, that the Lutherans and the (4) There has never yet bepn published a 

Reformed ought not to separate from each full and accurate Histosv o the, Reformed 
VOL. III. X 



162 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II 

3. The founder of the Reformed church was Ulric Zwingle, a Swi&s, 
an acute man and a lover of truth. (5) He not only wished to have 
many things suppressed in the public worship and in the churches, which 
Luther thought might be borne with, images for instance, altars, candles, 
the formula of exorcism, the private [auricular] confession of sins, &c., and 
prescribed the most simple forms of worship ; but he likewise taught on 
some points of doctrine, in particular respecting the Lord s supper, very 
differently from Luther. And those who laboured with him in banishing 
the popish superstitions among the Swiss, approved these singular opinions 
of Zwingle. From these men, all the churches of Switzerland which 
separated from the Romish communion, received those opinions. From 
Switzerland, by the preaching and writings of his pupils and friends, the 
same tenets spread among the neighbouring nations. Thus the Reformed 
church of which Zwingle was the parent, was at first small and of limited 
extent, but by degrees became an extensive body. 

4. The principal cause of the separation of the Lutherans from the 
Swiss, was Zwingle s doctrine concerning the Lord s supper. While Lu 
ther maintained that the body and blood of Christ are truly, though in an 
inexplicable manner, present in the holy supper, and are presented along with 
the bread and wine in that ordinance, Zwingle held on the contrary that 
the bread and wine are only signs and symbols of the absent body and 
blood of Christ; and he so taught in his public writings, from the year 
1524 onward. (6) The next year, John (Ecolampadius, a theologian of 
Basil and one of the most learned men of that age, did the same thing. (7) 
Both were opposed by Luther and his friends, and especially by the Swa- 
bians, with great firmness and resolution. Philip the landgrave of Hesse, 
fearing much injury to the incipient cause of the Protestants from these 
contests, endeavoured to put an end to them by a conference hold at Mar- 
purg in the year 1529, between Zwingle, Luther, and some others. But 
he could obtain only a truce, not a peace. Luther and Zwingle came to 
agreement on many points ; but the controversy respecting the Lord s 
supper, was left for God and time to heal. (8) 

5. Zwingle had but just settled his church, when, in 1530, [1531] he fell 
in a battle of the Zurichers with the Roman Catholic Swiss, the defenders 
of the old religion. He marched out to this war, not for the purpose of 

church. Abraham Scultetus would have giv- (6) Yet before that year, Zwingle had so 

en us one, down to his times, in his Annales believed and taught, in private. See Dan. 

Evangelii renovati ; but only a very small Gerdes, Ilistoria Evangelii renovati, torn, 

part of that work has been preserved. The- i.. Append., p. 228. 

odore Hasans, who projected Annales EC- (7) See Jo. Conrad Fucslin, Centuria i. 

clesise Reformats, was cut off by a prema- Epist. thcol. Reformatorum, p. 31, 35, 44, 

ture death. James Basnage s famous work, 49, &c. [See also, above, sect, i., ch. ii., 

which was last published, Rotterdam, 1725, p. 35, and note (45). Tr.~\ 
2 vols. 4to, entitled : Histoire de la Reli- (8) Abrah. Ruchat, Histoire de la Refor- 

gion des Eglises Reformees, is not a histo- mation de la Swisse, vol. i., passim, vol. 

ry of this church, but merely shows that the ii., livr. vi., p. 463, &c. Jo. Henry Hot- 

peculiar doctrines of the Reformed church finger s Helvetische Kirchengeschichte, pt. 

are not novel, but very ancient, and have iii., lib. vi., p. 27, 51, &c., p. 483. Vol. 

been held in all ages of the church. Louis Em. Loschn; Historia Motuum, pt. i., cap. 

Maimbourg s Histoire du Calvinisme is ii., iii., p. 55, &c., cap. vi., p. 143, &c. 

filled with innumerable errors, and written Jo. Conr. Fucsliii s Beytraige zur Schweit- 

with the pen of partiality. zer-Reformation.. torn., iv., p. 120, &c., 

(5) See above, sec. i., History of the [and above, p. 35, (fee., note (45), and p. 13, 

Reformation, p. 27, &c. ^ 27. 7V.] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 153 

fighting, but for the sake of encouraging and comforting the soldiers, though 
he went armed, according to the customs of his country. (9) After his 
death, certain good and moderate men among the Lutherans, especially 
Martin Bucer, laboured with all zeal and diligence, by exhortations, expla 
nations, and perhaps also by shrouding the opinions of both parties in ambig 
uous language, to bring about a compromise of some sort. (10) That those 
who undertook this difficult task had good intentions and designs, no one who 
is himself honest and candid, will call in question ; but whether they took 
the right and proper method to accomplish their object, is less clear. In 
Switzerland, some commotions resulted from these movements of Bucer. 
For some refused to eive up the opinion of Zwingle ; while others embraced 
the explanations and the modified views of Bucer. (11) But these commo 
tions had no influence to bring about a peace with Luther. But out of 
Switzerland, and among the theologians of upper Germany who had in 
clined to the side of the Swiss, Bucer s efforts to settle the controversy had 
such effect, that in the year 1536 they sent a deputation to Wittemberg 
and connected themselves with Luther, abandoning the Swiss. (12) The 
Swiss he coujd not persuade to do so ; yet for some years afterwards the 
prospect of an agreement was not absolutely desperate. But in the year 
1544, when Luther published his Confession of faith respecting the Lord s 
supper, in direct opposition to the opinions of the Swiss, the Zurichers the 
year following, publicly defended their cause against him ; and by these 
movements all the efforts of the pacificators were rendered nugatory.(13) 
6. The happy death by which Luther was removed in 1546, seemed 
to dispel this cloud, and again to inspire the hope that a compromise might 
take place. For Melancthon and his friends and disciples so eagerly de 
sired to have the Lutherans and Zwinglians unite, that he did not refuse 
even a dissembled peace, and would turn every way to accomplish it. On 
the other side, John Calvin, a native of Noyon in France and a teacher at 
Geneva, a man venerated even by his enemies for his genius, learning, el 
oquence, and other endowments, and moreover the friend of Melancthon, 
tempered the offensive opinion of Zwingle, and endeavoured to prevail 
with the Swiss, and especially with those of Zurich among whom his in- 
fluence was very great, to adopt his views. (14) He rejected indeed the 
idea of the actual presence of the body and blood of Christ in the holy 
supper ; but he supposed, a certain divine influence from Christ accom 
panied the bread and wine, to those who received them with full faith and 

(9) Those of our church, who formerly tuum, pt. i., lib. ii., cap. i., p. 181, and pt. 
reproached Zwingle and the Reformed ii., ho. Hi., cap. ii., p. 15. 

church with this death, did not consider the (11) See Fuesliri s Centuria i. Epistolar. 
Customs of the Swiss nation in that age. Theol.,p. 162,170,181,182,190,192,215. 
For all the Swiss, when summoned to de- (12) Loscher, loc. cit., cap. ii., p. 205. 
fend their country, were at that time obliged Atnah. Ruchat, Histoire de la Reformation 
to march, and not even the religious teach- de la Swisse, tome v., p. 535, &c. Hol 
ers and ministers were excused. And in lingers Helvet. Kirchen., vol. iii., book vi., 
the very battle in which Zwingle fell, there p. 702, &c. [See p. 54, above, note. TV.] 
fell likewise a doctor of Bern, Hieronymus (13) Loscher, 1. c., pt. ii-, lib. ii., cap. 
Pontanus. See Fucsliri s Centuria i. Epis- iv., p. 241, &e. [This Confession is a dif- 
tolar. theol. Reformator., p. 84, &c. ferent work from Luther s large Confes- 

(10) See Alb. Menon. Verpoorteris Com- sion, published in the year 1528. Tr.~\ 
ment. de Martino Bucero et ejus sententia (14) Christ. Avgust. Salig s Historic der 
de Ccena Domini, $ ix., p. 23, &c., Co- Augsburg. Confession, vol. ii., book vii., ch. 
burg, 1709, 8vo. Loscher 1 s Historia Mo- iii., p. 1075. 



164 BOOK IV CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 

an honest heart : and to render this doctrine the more acceptable, he ex- 
pressed it in nearly the same phraseology in which Luther expressed his 
doctrine. For it was the common error of all who assumed the office of 
pacificators in this contest, or who attempted to restore harmony, that they 
endeavoured rather to produce agreement in words than in sentiment. But 
Melanctlwn, though extremely desirous of peace, neither had fortitude 
enough openly to engage in this perilous enterprise ; nor would his oppo- 
sers allow him tranquillity enough, after the death of Luther, to collect 
himself and begin the arduous business. Besides, the contention which 
had been intermitted, was renewed in 155*2, by Joachim Wcstphal, a pas 
tor at Hamburg ; than whom, after Flacius there was no more strenuous 
vindicator of the sentiments of Luther. For to the Mutual Consent of the 
Genevans and Zurichers in regard to the doctrine of the sacrament, he op 
posed a book written in the caustic style of Luther, entitled, a Farrago of 
confused and discordant opinions respecting the sacred supper, collected from 
the books of the Sacramcntarians ; in which he bitterly taxed the Ueionnecl 
with their disagreements on the doctrine of the supper, and most earnest 
ly contended for the opinion of Luther. In a style no less harsh, Calvin 
first replied to him; and soon after, some joining Westplial and others 
joining Calvin, the parties became insensibly excited, and the contest raged 
even worse than before, and no human power seemed adequate to check 
it.(15) 

7. To these controversies an immense accession was made afterwards, 
by the contest respecting the decrees of God in relation to the eternal sal 
vation of men ; which was moved by John Calvin, and was very fruitful in 
abstruse and dark questions. The first teachers among the Swiss, were 
so far from the views of those who hold that God by his supreme and ab 
solute sovereignty, appointed some to everlasting joy and others to ever 
lasting pain, from all eternity, and without any regard had to their condi 
tion and conduct, that they seemed not far removed from the sentiments of 
the Pelagians ; nor with Zwingle, did they hesitate to promise heaven to all 
who lived according to right reason. (16) But Calvin differing widely 
from them, supposed that God by his sovereign pleasure, assigns to man 
kind their future condition, and that his absolute decree is the only cause 
both of the eternal felicity and the eternal misery of all men. (17) And 
this opinion was in a short time, propagated by his writings and his pupils 

(15) Loscher s Historia Motuum, pt. it ., Groningcns., torn, ii., p. 476, 477, seems 
lib. iii., cap. viii., p. 83, &c. Jo. Mailer s to teach the contrary; namely, that Cuhm 
Cimbria Litterata, torn, iii., p. 642, &c. held the same opinions as the first teachers 
Arnold Grcvius, Memoria Joachimi West- among the Swiss. But he may be refuted 
phah, p. 62, 106, &c. by what he himself adduces concerning the 

(16) See this demonstrated by many disturbances in Switzerland produced by 
proofs, in John DaUWs Apologia pro duabus Calvin s opinions. 

ecclesiarum Gallicarum Synodis, adversus (17) [This statement appears quite toe 

Frider. Spanhemium, pt. iv., p 946. Jo. strong. Neither Calvin nor Augustine noi 

Alphon. Turettin, Epistola ad antistitem any other distinguished teacher of the di- 

Cantuariensem ; which is printed in the vine decrees in ancient times, maintained 

Bibliotheque Germanique, tome xiii., p. 92. that God s absolute decree is the onhj 

Rich. Simon, Bibliotheque Critique, under cause of eternal felicity and eternal misery." 

the fictitious name of Saniore, tome iii., On the contrary, they maintained that the 

cap. xxviii., p. 292, 298. The author of sinfulness of men is the sole cause of their 

the French notes to the Formula Consen- eternal misery. Neither did they suppose, 

sus Helvetica, p. 52, &c. The very learned that the righteous are saved, without anv 

Danit\ Gerdes, indeed, in his Miscellanea acts or agency of their own. 7V,] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 165 

throughout the whole body of the Reformed, nay, was added to the public 
doctrines of the church in some regions. The Italian, Jerome Zanchius, 
who was devoted to the views of Calvin, first moved sad controversy on 
this subject at Strasburg, in the year 1560 ; and the controversy soon 
grew to such a height in the hands of various persons, that it may be 
questioned whether this, or the former controversy respecting the Lord s 
supper, contributed most to exasperate feelings and to confirm the schism 
[between the Lutherans and the Reformed]. (18) 

8. The only prospect remaining to the Helvetians, that these animos 
ities would be calmed and these great contests subside, depended on the 
Saxons, the pupils and followers of MelanctJwn, who after his death, as it 
was well known, laboured to find out some means of reconciliation. But 
being destitute of a leader of forecast, who could seize favourable opportu 
nities, they applied remedies to the apparently mortal wound which render 
ed it absolutely incurable. For while they, as has been stated, endeavour 
ed by means of certain publications, to corrupt the public teachers and the 
youth, or at least to induce them to tolerate the opinions of the Swiss, 
they drew ruin upon themselves and their project, and gave occasion for 
the formation of the noted Formula of Concord, which condemned the doc 
trines of the Reformed respecting the sacred supper and the person of 
Christ. And this, being received by the greatest part of the Lutherans 
among th<dr rules of faith, was an insurmountable obstacle to all efforts of 
the pacificators. 

9. Thus far we have attended to the origin, causes, and progress of 
the schism, which separated the Reformed from the Lutherans. We must 
next look into the internal state, the history, and the growth of the Reform 
ed church. The history of the Reformed body during this century, should 
be divided into two periods ; of which the first extends from the year 
1519, when Zwingle began to form a church separate from the Romish 
community, on to the time when John Calvin settled at Geneva, and ob 
tained an absolute ascendency among the Reformed. The latter period 
embraces the remainder of the century. In the first period, the church, 
(which afterwards assumed the title of Reformed, in imitation of their 
neighbours the French, who distinguished themselves from the Roman 
Catholics by this title), was of no great extent, being almost confined to 
Switzerland. Some small states indeed in the adjacent countries of Swa- 
bia and Alsace, as Strasburg and a few others, adhered to the side of the 
Swiss :(19) but these in the year 1536, by the influence of Bucer, aban 
doned the Swiss, reverted back to the Saxon community and became rec- 

(18) See Loscher s Historia Motuum, religion ; Memmingen and Lindau, which 
pt. iii , lib. v., cap. ii., p. 27, &c., cap. x , p. with Strasburg and Constance, at first re- 
227. Salig s Historic der Augsburg. Con- fused to subscribe to the Augsburg Confes- 
fession, vol. i., book ii., ch. xiii., p. 441, &c. sion, and presented a separate one called 

(19) [Among these states, besides Stras- Tetrapolitana, (that of the four cities). But 
burg where Wolfgang Fabricius, Capita, all these were persuaded by Buccr, to sub- 
and Martin Bucer were entirely on Zwin- scribe to the Augsburg confession, and to 
gle s side, were the following : Reutlingcn, accept the Wittemberg agreement. In 
where the pastor Conrad Herman was of Strasburg especially, the Reformed lost all 
Zwingle s opinion ; Ulm, where the preach- public offices, after the contests of Jerome 
er Conrad Somius, and Constance, where Zanchius with John Mari<ich, John Sturm, 
Ambrose Blaucr adhered to Buccr ; Augs- and John Pappus ; and their community at 
burg, where Martin Cellarius and Wolf- last fell to the ground. See Loscher^s His- 
gang Musculus adhered to the Reformed toria Motuum., vol. ii., p. 283, &c. Schl.] 



16G i300K IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 



onciied with Luther. The other churches that revolted from the Romish 
pontiff, had cither embraced openly the sentiments of Luther, or were 
composed of persons of diverse sentiments, who may be considered as of 
neither party. And within these narrow 7 limits, the church collected by 
the efforts of Zwingle, would perhaps have remained stationary, had not 
John Calvin arisen. For as the Swiss are contented with their own coun 
try, and not solicitous to extend their empire, so they seemed not anxious 
for the extension of their church. (20) 

10. In this first age of the Reformed church, nothing else separated 
it from the Lutheran, but the controversy respecting the Lord s supper : 
out of which arose another, respecting the person of Jesus Christ ; which 
however the whole Lutheran church never made its own controversy. 
For when the Swabian divines in their disputes with the Swiss, drew an 
argument in proof of the real presence of the body and blood of Christ in 
the sacred supper, from the doctrine of the communication of the divine 
attributes (omnipresence in particular) to the liuman nature of Christ, in 
Consequence of the hypostatic union ;(21) the Swiss, to meet this argu- 



(20) [/)r. Moshcim is still blinded hy his 
theory of the oneness of the Reformed church ; 
on which remarks were made in notes (1 ) and 
i -2) of this chapter. lie seems moreover in 
this section, to represent what he calls the 
Reformed church as being originally a little 
schismatic body of Helvetians, headed by 
Zwingle and a few other obstinate men whose 
influence did not extend far, while the mass 
of those who forsook the Romish church 
.-ere disposed to follow after Luthrr. This 
schismatic body was also long held in check 
by the Lutherans, and several portions of it 
K.id been act nail v reclaimed, when John Cal- 
>;}> arose, infused into it some new errors, 
i ml spread it far and wide in many countries. 
Such is the view given by Mosheim. But 
the truth is, that while the Reformation was 
going on, simultaneously, in most countries 
of Europe, under different leaders, all ac 
tuated by a similar zeal for detecting and ex 
posing the errors of the Romish church, 
when the popish doctrine of transubstantia- 
t;on came under their review, it was gener 
ally seen to be absurd and untenable. But 
when Luther s attention was called to this 
subject, by some of his associates that were 
in advance of him on this point, he could see 
no objection to admitting the real or bodily 
presence of Christ in the eucharist ; and he 
would therefore tolerate no other change in 
this doctrine but the substitution of consub- 
stantiation instead of transubstantiation. 
This led to bitter contention, and to actual 
schism among the reformers. Luther would 
hold no fellowship with such as denied the 
real presence ; and so great was his influence 
and authority, that he actually arrested the 
progress of reformation at this point in most 
of the countries of Germany. But in all 
other countries, with the exception of Sweden 



ar.d Denmark, he could not arrest it. Hence 
the Swiss, the French, the Belgians, the Eng 
lish, and the .Scotch, severally set up their 
reformed national churches, all independent 
of each other, and actually differing in sev 
eral minor points, vet all with one voice dis 
carding both the popish and the Lutheran 
doctrine concerning the eucharist. As for 
John Calvin, he was at the head of only a 
portion of the Swiss church, but he possessed 
such talents and wisdom as procured him an 
influence among all Protestants, greater than 
that of any other man then on the stage. Yet 
he did little directly to extend the Reforma 
tion into other countries. He rather enlight 
ened the communities already reformed, and 
brought them to greater uniformity in doc 
trines and discipline. Indeed most of the 
national churches except the Lutheran, em 
braced substantially his doctrinal views. 
Even the Lutherans began to make advances 
towards them, when opposition was raised 
by the strenuous adherents to Luther s creed, 
and after violent internal commotions the Lu 
theran church succeeded in purging itself of 
nearly every vestige of Calvinism. Tr.~\ 

(21) [Especially Brcntius arid James An 
drea. ; the former in his Sententia de libello 
Bullmgeri, Tubingen, 1561, 4to, and still 
more largely, in his book de personal! unione, 
et de divina majestate Christi ; as also in 
his Recognitio doctrinae de vera majestate 
Christi, Tub-ingen, 1564, 4to, and Andrea 
in his Assertio de persona et unione, 1565, 
4to. Also in the Conference of Maulbronn 
in 1564, this subject wis much discussed; 
and the Tubingen divines published in 1565, 
their Declaratio et Gonfessio rnajestatis 
Christi. Christopher drke of Wiirtemberg, 
sent this production of his divines to Augus 
tus, the elector of Saxony, and requested him 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 167 

ment, denied the communication of the divine properties to the human na- 
ture of Christ ; and opposed, in particular, the omnipresence of the man 
Christ. Hence originated the very troublesome controversy respecting the 
communication of attributes, and the ubiquity as the Swiss termed it ; which 
produced so many books and subtile disquisitions and so many mutual 
criminations. During this period the Swiss in general followed the opin 
ion of Zwingle respecting the Lord s supper, which differed from that of 
Calvin. For this father of the Swiss church believed, that the bread and 
wine only represent the body and blood of Christ, or are signs and emblems 
of the blessings procured for the human race by the death of Christ ; and 
therefore, that Christians derived no other benefit from coming to the 
Lord s supper, than that of meditation on the merits of Christ, or, as the 
patrons of this sentiment used to express themselves, the Lord s supper is 
nothing but a memorial of Christ. (22) Martin Bucer, for the sake of peace, 
laboured to correct and amend this doctrine of the holy supper, and to 
make it appear more like nay actually allied, to that of Luther. But the 
remembrance of Zwingle was too fresh, to allow the Swiss to be drawn off 
from his opinion. 

11. The Reformed church assumed an entirely new aspect, when 
John Calvin in the year 1541, returned to Geneva from which he had been 
driven, and obtained the direction of the new Genevan church,(23) as 
well as vast influence in the republic. He was of Noyon in France, and 
a man with whom few of his age will bear any comparison for patient in. 
dustry, resolution, hatred of the Roman superstition, eloquence and genius. 
Possessing a most capacious mind, he endeavoured not only to establish 
and bless his beloved Geneva with the best regulations and institutions, but 
also to make it the mother and the focus of light and influence to the whole 
Reformed church, just as Wittemberg was to the Lutheran community. 
from which to enlarge and extend the Reformed church; in short, his aim 
was to shape this whole church after the model and pattern of that of (Ge 
neva. This was truly a great undertaking, and one not unworthy of a great 
mind ; and it was an undertaking, no small part of which he actually accom 
plished, by his perseverance and untiring zeal. In the first place there- 
fore, by his writings, his epistles, and other means, he induced very many 
persons of rank arid fortune to emigrate from France, Italy, and other coun 
tries, and to settle at Geneva ; and others in great numbers took journeys 
to Geneva, merely to see and hear so great a man. In the next place, he 
persuaded the senate of Geneva in 1558, to establish an academy at Ge 
neva, in which he and his colleague Theodore Beza, and other men of great 
erudition and high reputation were the teachers. This new academy ac- 

to get the opinion of his divines respecting in various places, Fusliri s Centuria i. Epis- 

it. But these found much to set aside in this tolar. theol. Reformatorum, p. 255, 262, &c. 

doctrine, which they regarded as novel and [See above, p. 54, note (2). 7V.] 
dangerous. See nutter s Concordia con- (23) Calvin was in fact superintendent at 

cors, p. 49, &c., 61, &c. Schl.~\ Geneva; for he presided till his death, over 

<;22) That this was Zwingle 1 s real opinion the body of the clergy, and in the Consistory 

Jfepecting the sacred supper, is demonstrated or ecclesiastical judicatory. But when dying, 

iry numerous proofs, in the Museum Helveti- he proved, that it was dangerous to commit 

cum, torn, i., p. 485, &c., 490 ; torn, iii., p. to one man perpetually an office of so much 

631. I will adduce only one short sentence authority. See Jac. Span s Histoire de Ge- 

from his book de Baptismo, in his Opp., torn, neve, tome ii., p. Ill, &c. And therefore, 

ii., p. 85. Coena Dominica non aliud, quam after him. the Genevan church had no stand- 

commemorationis nomen meretur. Compare, ing president.. 



168 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III.-PAi:T JL CHAP 



II. 



quired in a short time so much distinction and glory, in consequence of its 
teachers, that students eagerly repaired to it in great numbers, from Eng 
land, Scotland, France, Italy, and Germany, in pursuit of sacred as well 
as civil learning. By these his pupils Calvin enlarged every where the 
Reformed church, and recommended arid propagated his own sentiments, to 
more than one nation of Europe. He died in 1564 ; but his institutions con. 
tinued vigorous after his decease, and the academy of Geneva in particular, 
flourished under Theodore Beza, no less than under Calvin himself. (24) 

12. The theology taught by Zwingle, was altered by Calvin, princi 
pally in three respects. (1.) Zwingle assigned to civil rulers full and ab 
solute power in regard to religious matters, and, what many censure him 
for, subjected the ministers of religion entirely to their authority. He 
moreover did not object to a gradation of offices among religious teachers, 
nor to a standing superior over the ministers of parishes. But Calvin 
circumscribed the power of the magistrate in matters of religion, within 
narrow limits; and maintained that the church ought to be free and inde 
pendent, and to govern itself, by means of bodies of presbyters, synods, 
and conventions of presbyters, in the manner of the ancient church ; yet 
leaving to the magistrate the protection of the church, and an external 

(24) The wise and vigorous conduct of travelling through Geneva, to remain there 
Calvin in the church and in the republic of and aid them in setting up the new church. 
Geneva, is elucidated with many documents But in the year 1538, great dissension arose 
never before published, by the learned man 
who republished with enlargements, Jac. 
Span s Histoire de Geneve, 1730, 4to 
and 8vo. See torn, ii , p. 87, &c , p. 100, 
&c., and other passages. [Calvin was not 
the first reformer of Geneva, but Will/am 
Farell a zealous clergyman of Duuphme, 



in Geneva ; and Calvin and his assistant 
Farell, severely inveighed from the- pulpit 
against the conduct of the council, which 
resolved to introduce the ceremonies agreed 
on at Bern, in the ordinances of baptism and 
the Lord s supper, and to reject those which 
these ministers wished to have adopted . and 



who preached the Gospel with acceptance the consequence was, that Calvin and Farell 



there as early as the year 1532, but was 
driven from the city by the instigation of 
the bishop. His successor. Anthu/iy Fro- 
ment, met the same fate. But as the inter 
nal state of the city became changed, and 
the council, which had hitherto been on the 
gide of the bishop, abandoned him, and he 
left the city in 1533, the two preachers were 
recalled ; and they, in connexion with a third 



were banished from the republic. C alrin 
now spent a considerable time, as a preacher 
and a professor at Strasburg ; where he lived 
in great intimacy with Bucer and Capita, 
and with them vcrv strenuously defended 
the cause of the Protestants in Germany, 
both orally and in his writings. But in the 
year 1541, at the repeated and pressing in 
vitations of the Genevans, he returned to 



Peter Virct, gathered a numerous church in them again, and there officiated with great 
Geneva; so That in the year 1535, the ref 
ormation became supported by the council. 
Yet the full organization and establishment 
of the church was the work of John Calvin. 
He was born in the year 1509 ; and in his 
studies connected law with theology, study 
ing the former at the command of his lather, 
and the latter from his own choice ; and from 
Melchior Volmar, a German and professor of 
Greek at Bourges, he acquired a knowledge 
of the evangelical doctrines. After the death 
of his father, he devoted himself wholly to 
theology, and publicly professed the reformed 
doctrine, which he spread in France with all 
diligence. His name soon became known 
in Switzerland as well as France ; and 



perseverance, zeal, prudence, and disinter 
estedness, till his death in the year 1564. 
His great talents and virtues were shaded 
by the love of control, by a want of tender 
ness, and by passionate rigour against the 
erring. His works have been published in 
nine volumes, folio ; among which, his In 
stitutes of the Ghristian religion, and his 
exegetical writings, are most valued. 
Schl. His life was written by Beza, and 
is prefixed to his Letters. See also Mid- 
dleton s Evangelical Biography, vol. i., p. 1, 
&c. E. Waterman s Memoires of J. Calvin, 
Hartford, 1813, 8vo; Bezcfs Life of Calvin, 
translated by FT. Sibson, with copious notes 
by an American editor, Philad., 1836, 12mo, 



Farell and Viret besought him, as he was and Bayle s Dictionary, art. Calvin. 7V. 1 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 



Dare over it : in short, he introduced at Geneva, and he endeavoured to 
introduce throughout the Reformed church, that form of church govern- 
ment which is called Presbyterian ; for he did not allow of bishops and 
gradations among ministers, but maintained, that ( jure divino) by divine 
appointment, they ought all to be on a level, or be equals. He therefore 
established at Geneva a judicatory or consistory, composed of ruling elders 
or lay presbyters, and teaching elders; and he assigned to them great pow 
er. He also established conventions or synods : and in these consistories 
and synods, he caused laws to be enacted relating to religious matters 
He also among other things, reinstated the ancient discipline, by which of 
fenders were excluded from the church. All tbcsc things were effected, 
with the consent of the greater part of the senate. (!!) To facilitate a 
pacification with the Lutherans, he substituted in place of the Zwinglian 
doctrine concerning the Lord s supper, another doctrine in appearance 
more like that of Luther, indeed not greatly differing from it. For while 
Zwingle admitted only a symbolical presence of the body and blood of 
Christ in the sacred supper, and promised no other benefit from its cele 
bration, than the calling to mind the death of Christ and the blessings pro 
cured by that death ; Calvin admitted a sort of spiritual presence ; that is, 
he held that the regenerate, in the exercise of faith, do become united in a 
certain way to the man Christ, and from this union receive an increase of 
spiritual life. And as he used the phraseology of Luther on this subject, 
and acknowledged among other things, that divine grace was conferred and 
sealed by the sacred supper, he was thought by many to believe in what is 
called impanation, or to agree very nearly with Luther. (25) According to 

(25) See Fuslin s Centuria i. Epistolar. 
Theolog. Reformator., torn, i., p. 255, 260, 
262, 263, &c. Lettres dc Calvin a Mr. 
Jac. de Falaise, published a few years since 
at Amsterdam, p. 84, 85. Calvin himself 
wrote to Buccr, (in Fuslrn, 1. c., p. 263), 
that he approved of his sentiment. Perhaps 
he received his own opinion from Bucer. 
See Jac Benign. Bossuefs Histoire des va 
riations des Eglises Protestants, tome ii., p. 
8, &c., p. 14, 19. Courayer s Exarr.en des 
defauts des Theologiens, tome ii., p. 72, &c., 
who endeavours to show, that Calvin s sen 
timents respecting the Lord s supper were 
nearly the same as those of the Roman 
Catholics. But he is in general very ob 
scure on the subject, and does not express 
himself uniformly ; so that it is difficult to 
ascertain his real opinion. ["The term 
Impanation (which signifies here the pres 
ence of Christ s body in the eucharist, in 
or with the bread, that is there exhibited) 
amounts to what is called Consubstantiation. 
It was a modification of the monstrous doc 
trine of Transubstantiation, first invented by 
some of the disciples of Berenger. who had 
not a mind to break all measures with the 
church of Rome, and was afterwards adopted 
by Luther and his followers, who, in reality, 
made sad work of it. For, in order to give 
it some faint air of possibility, and to main- 

VOL. Ill Y 



tain it as well as they could, they fell into a 
wretched scholastic jargon about the nature 
of substances, subsistences, attributes, prop 
erties, and accidents, that did infinite mis 
chief to the true and sublime science of gos 
pel theology, whose beautiful simplicity it 
was adapted to destroy. The very same 
perplexity and darkness, the same quibbling, 
sophistical, and unintelligible logic, that 
reigned in the attempts of the Roman Catho 
lics to defend the doctrine of Transubstan 
tiation, were visible in the controversial wri 
tings of the Lutherans in behalf of Consul- 
stantiation, or Impanation. The latter had, 
indeed, one absurdity less to maintain ; hut 
being obliged to assert, in opposition to in 
tuitive evidence, and unchangeable truth, 
that the same body can be in many places 
at the same time, they were consequently 
obliged to have recourse to the darkest and 
most intricate jargon of the schools. The 
modern Lutherans are grown somewhat 
wiser in this respect. ; at least, they seem 
less zealous than their ancestors about the 
tenet in question." Mad. The Lutherans 
of the present day, wisely reject the opinion 
of Luther, and the doctrine of their symboli 
cal books. Thus Breit Schneider writes, in 
1819, (Entwickelung, &c., p. 715), "The 
modern systematic divines either change, 
as do Zecharia, Rcinhard* Starr, the prae- 



170 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 

Zwingle s opinion, all Christians whatsoever, whether regenerate u* in thejj 
sins, can bo partakers of the body and blood of Christ : but according to 
Calvin, none can, except the regenerate and the holy. (III.) The cele 
brated doctrine of an absolute decree of God respecting the salvation of 
men, which was unknown to Zwingle, was inculcated by Calvin : that is, 
he taught, that God had no other ground for his electing some persons 
from all eternity to everlasting life, and appointing others to everlasting 
punishments, except his own pleasure, or his most free and sovereign will. 

13. The first of these three doctrines, neither Calvin nor his disciples 
could persuade ail the Reformed churches to adopt ; for instance, the Ger 
mans, the English, and even the Swiss : yet he persuaded the French, the 
Dutch, the Scotch, and some others. The Swiss would by no means allow 
the form of church government established by Zwingle, and the preroga 
tives of the magistrates in matters of religion, to be changed. And on 
the two other points, there was very warm debate in Switzerland for a long 
time. For the inhabitants of Zurich, Bern, &c.,wcre utterly averse to 
parting with the doctrine they had learned from Zwingle respecting the 
sacred supper. (26) Nor were they easily persuaded to admit the Calvin- 
istic doctrine of predestination, among the doctrines of the church. (27) 
Yet by the perseverance, the high reputation, and the prudence of Calvin, 
after very warm altercations, a reconciliation between him and the Swiss 
was effected, first in regard to the Lord s supper in 1549 and 1554, and 
afterwards in regard to predestination. (28) After this, his pupils were 
so successful as gradually to bring nearly the whole Reformed church to 
embrace his now opinions : to which event, his own writings contributed 
not a little. (29) 

14. Let us next survey the countries, in which the Reformed religion 
as shaped by Calvin, obtained a fixed and permanent residence. Among 
the German princes, Frederic III. elector Palatine, in the year 1560, sub 
stituted followers of Calvin s doctrines in place of the Lutheran teachers 
whom he removed, and ordered his subjects to receive the rites and opin 
ions of the Genevans. (30) His successor Lewis, in the year 1576, rescind 
ed the acts of his father and restored the Lutheran doctrine to its former 
dignity and authority. But this fell again, on the accession of Jolm Cas- 
imir to the government of the Palatine countries in 1583; for he had gone 
over to the side of the Reformed with his deceased fathcr(31) Frederic 

sentia realis of the body and blood of Christ, la? ad Leibnitium, published by Kapp, p. 24, 

into a pra-sentia operativa, a presence of 25, 41, contends that, there is no longer any 

Christ, not, in substance, but in operation; one among the Reformed, who holds to Zunn- 

or they deny altogether, w\t\\H(,nke,Eckcr- vlc s opinion respecting the Lord s supper. 

mann,DcWcttc,Wcgschcificr, the presence But it is certain, there are many such: 

of the celestial body of Christ, in the sense and at the present day, his opinion has in a 

maintained by the ancients." Tr.~\ sense revived, in England, in Switzerland, 

(26) See Fttsliri s Centuria Epistolar., p. and in other countries. 

264. Museum Helvet., torn, i., p. 490 ; torn. (30) Henry Alting s Historia Eccles. Pal- 

v., p. 479, 483, 490 ; toin. ii., p. 79, &c. atina ; in Lud. Christ Micg s Monumenta 

(27) See Museum Helveticum. torn, ii., p. Palatina, torn, i., p. 223, &c. Loscher, His- 
105, 107, 117. Dan. Gcrdcs, Miscellanea toria Motuurn, pt. ii., lib. iv., cap. iv., p. 
Grb ningens. nova, torn, ii., p. 476, 477. I 125. Salig s Historic der Augsburg. Con- 
omit the common writers, as Ruchat, Hot- fession, vol. iii., book ix., ch. v., p. 433, &c. 
linger, &c. (31) [In the original, it is not father, but 

(28) See the Consensus Genev. et Tigu- brother : which is a manifest error of the 
nnor., in Calvin s Opuscula, p. 754, &c. press. For John Casimir was not the broth- 

(29) Dan. Ern. Jablonsky, m his Episto- er of Frederic III., but his son. Schl.] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 17 

III., and it was necessary again to give Calvinism the pre-eminence. (32) 
From that time onward, the Palatine church held the second rank among 
the Reformed churches ; and it possessed such influence over the others, 
that the religious instructions composed for its use by Zechariah Ursinus, 
and denominated the Heidelberg Catechism, were received nearly through- 
out the whole body. (33) In the republic of Bremen, Albert Hardenberg a 
friend of Melancthon, in the year 1556, first attempted to propagate the 
Calvinistic doctrine respecting the Lord s supper. And although his at- 
empt for the present was unsuccessful, and he was expelled the city, yet it 
was impossible to withhold the Bremensians from uniting with the Reform- 
ed church towards the close of the century. (34) In what manner other 
portions of the German population were gradually brought to relish the 
doctrines of Calvin, must be learned from those who undertake to write a 
full history of Christianity. 

15. The first among the French who abandoned the Romish religion, 
are commonly called Lutherans, by the writers of those times : and from 
this name and some other circumstances, the inference has been drawn, 
that they were all believers in Luther s doctrines and averse from those of 
the Swiss. (35) To me they appear to have been a mixed company of va 
rious sorts of persons. The vicinity however of Geneva, Lausanne, and 
other cities which embraced the Calvinistic system of doctrines and disci 
pline, and the astonishing zeal of Calvin, Farell, Beza and others, in foster 
ing, encouraging, and multiplying the opposers of the Romish see in 
France, induced them all before the middle of the century arrived, to pro 
fess themselves the friends and brethren of the Genevans. By their ene 
mies they were contumeliously denominated Huguenots : the origin of 
which appellation is uncertain. They were however tossed by various 
tempests and misfortunes, and endured greater calamities and sufferings 
than any other portion of the Protestant church ; and this, notwithstanding 
they could number exalted princes and nobles of the nation, among their 
party. (36) Even the peace which they obtained from Henry III., in 1576, 
proved the commencement of a most destructive civil war ; in which the 
very powerful family of Guise, being set on by the Roman pontiffs, endeav 
oured to overthrow and extirpate the Reformed religion together with the 
royal family ; and on the other hand, the Huguenots, led on by generals of 

(32) Alting, loc. cit.,p. 223, 245. Los- siasticor. in civitate Bremensi, ab anno 1547, 
cher, 1. c., pt. iii., lib. vi., p. 234. But es- ad an. 1561, tempore Albert! Hardenbergii 
pecially Burch. Gotth. Struve s Pfalzische suscitatorum, ex authenticis nionumentis : 
Kirchenhistorie ; who has learnedly treated Groningen, 175G, 4to ; also reprinted in his 
of these events, p. 110, &c. Scrinium Antiquar. seu Novce Miscellan. 

(33) On the Heidelberg or Palatine Cat- Groningenses, torn, v., pt. i. See also the 
echism and Confession, see Jo. Chr. Koch- Brem-und Verdische Bibliothek, vol. iii., pt. 
er s Bibliotheca Theol. Symbolics, p. 593 iii., no. 5. ScM.] 

and 308 [and especially his Catechetical His- (35) See L oscher s Historia Motuum, pt. 

tory of the Reformed churches ; in which ii., cap. vi., p. 46. Salin s Historic der 

he treats particularly of the history of the Augsburg. Confession, vol. ii., book v.,ch. v. 

Heidelberg Catechism; Jena, 1756, 8vo. and vi., p. 190, &c. 

Schl.] (36) See Histoire Eccles. des Eglises 

(34) Salig, loc. cit., pt. iii., book x., ch. Reformees au Royaume de France, in three 
v., p. 715, and ch. vi., p. 776, &c. Los- volumes, Antwerp, 1580, 8vo, which is 
cher, loc. cit., pt. ii., lib. iv., ch. v., p. 134, commonly ascribed to Theodore Beza. The 
and pt. iii., lib. vi., ch. vii., p. 276. Gerdes, writers on the Gallic church and its Confes- 
Historia renovati Evangelii, torn, iii., p. 157 sion of faith, are enumerated by Kbcher, 
J" and especially his Historia Motuum Eccle- Bibliotheca Theol. Symbolicae, p. 299, &c. 



172 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 



the highest rank, fought for their religion and their kings with various suc 
cess. These horrible commotions, in which both parties committed many 
acts that posterity must ever reprobate, were at length terminated by the 
prudence and heroism of Henry IV. The king himself, perceiving that his 
throne would never be firm and stable if he persevered in spurning the au 
thority of the pontiff, forsook the Reformed religion and embraced the old 
faith ; but on the other hand, he published the edict of Nantes, in 1598, in 
which he gave to the Reformed who he saw could not be subdued, lull lib 
erty to worship God in their own way, and likewise the greatest security 
that was possible. (37) 



te 

(37) Elias Ecnoit, Histoire de 1 Edit de 
Nantes, tome i., livr. v., p. 200, &c. Ga/>r. 
Daniel s Histoire de France, tome ix., p. 
409, &c., of the- last Paris edition. Bouhufs 
Historia Acad. Paris., torn, vi., the whole 
volume. [For a sketch of the rise and 
progress of Protestantism in France, till the 
death of Francis I , in 1547, see note (60), 
p. 47, &c., of this volume During the 
reign of Henry II., the son and successor of 
Francis, or from 1547 to 1559, the persecu 
tion of the Reformed was still more syste 
matic, determined, and unsparing. In 1551, 
the civil courts were required to co-operate 
with the spiritual, and to exterminate all 
heretics. The estates of all emigrants on ac 
count of religion, were to be confiscated. 
No books whatever might be imported from 
any Protestant country ; and to print, or sell, 
or possess Protestant books, was made penal. 
Many were imprisoned and put to death. In 
1555, the civil courts were forbidden to hear 
appeals from the ecclesiastical ; and all ma 
gistrates were to execute the decisions of 
the latter. The parliament of Paris refused 
to register this decree ; and made a noble 
remonstrance to the king. In 1557, the 
king appointed commissioners, to aid the 
bishops in exterminating all heretics ; but the 
parliament refused to register this decree. 
In 1558, cardinal Lorrain, with the consent 
of the king, established a limited Inquisition. 
But several of the courts still favoured and 
protected the Protestants ; and the king 
summoned a meeting called a mercurial ; 
and learning that a number of his judges se 
cretly favoured the Reformers, he imprisoned 
several of them, and one was put to death. 
But amid all their persecutions, the Protest 
ants multiplied greatly, during this reign. 
Two princes of the blood, the king of Navarre 
and the prince of Conde, and a great number 
of the nobility and gentry, were their friends 
and supporters. Hence they set up churches 
every where, had regular preachers, and sta 
ted though generally secret meetings for 
worship. In 1559, the king of Navarre, and 
the prince of Condi encouraged and attend 
ed meetings of some thousands for worship, 
in a meadow near Paris, in open day ; at the 



close of which the people publicly marched 
into the city. In the same year, the Prot 
estants held their first national synod private 
ly at Paris ; and there adopted a confession 
of fai h, catechism, and directory lor wor 
ship, composed by Calvin; and likewise 
formed a system of church government. 
Their doctrines were strictlv Calvinistic ; 
their worship very simple, and almost without 
written forms ; and their system of govern 
ment entirely Presbyterian. Single churches 
were governed by Consistories, (Sessions), 
composed of the pastors and ruling elders, 
many of whom were noblemen. From the 
Consistories, lay appeals to the Colloquies 
or Classes, (Presbyteries), composed of pas 
tors and elders deputed from the Consistories, 
and meeting twice a year. From these Col 
loquies, there WITC appeals to tin; Provincial 
Synods, composed of all the Colloquies in a 
province and meeting once a year. Nation 
al Synods were composed of one pastor and 
one elder from each of the If! Provincial 
Synods. This supreme ecclesiastical tribu 
nal did not meet regularly, but as occasion 
required ; and at each meeting, some prov 
ince was named to call the next meeting. 
From A.D. 1559 to the year 1059, there 
were 29 National Synods holden ; which 
heard appeals, answered cases of conscience, 
revised their rules and regulations, and trans 
acted various concerns of the whole body. 
(See their acts published by John Quick, en 
titled Synodicon in Gallia Reformata, Lon 
don, 1692,2 vols. fol.) Francis II., ayouth 
of 16, and feeble both in body and mind, sue 
ceeded his father Henry II. in 1559. PI is 
mother Catharine de Medicis, the duke of 
Guise and his brother the cardinal of Lor 
raine, all decided Catholics, in fact ruled the 
nation, and endeavoured to crush the Refor 
mation. The king of Navarre, the prince 
of Conde,, the admiral Coligni, and others 
friendly to the Protestants, conspired to over 
throw the power of the Guises : but they 
were betrayed, and thus involved themselves 
and all the Protestants in persecution. Many 
perished ; numbers lied the country ; and 
still more were imprisoned, robbed of their 
property, and variously harassed, during the 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 



173 



16. The Scotch church honours John Knox, a disciple of Calvin, as its 
founder : and from him of course it received from its commencement the doc- 



17 months of this reign. In 1560, Charles 
IX., aged eleven years, succeeded his broth 
er Francis, till 1574. His mother was re 
gent. To secure her power, she now sought 
the friendship of the king of Navarre, and 
of the Protestants ; and even listened her 
self to Protestant preachers. She needed 
money ; and the states general were assem 
bled in 1561 ; but they did nothing but 
wrangle. The Catholics demanded the ex 
tirpation of all heretics ; and the Protestants 
demanded toleration. The court issued a 
decree forbidding religious disputes, releas 
ing the imprisoned Protestants, and allowing 
toleration to all who would externally con 
form to the established religion, unless they 
chose to quit the country. The provincial 
authorities favourable to the Protestants, car 
ried the decree into effect ; the others would 
not. In Julv, 1561, there was a fruitless 
conference of Catholic and Protestant divines 
at Poissy, to effect a compromise between 
the two religions. Though the country was 
in great disorder, the Protestants were pros 
perous, and continually multiplying. To 
prevent murders and seditions, the court 
persuaded the people of both religions to 
give up their arms, and to trust to the pro 
tection of the government. In January, 
1562, a national convention met at St. Ger 
main, and agreed that the Protestants should 
be allowed to hold private worship, till a 
general council should decide all religious 
disputes. The Protestants were not quite 
satisfied with this ; but the Catholics were 
outrageous. Tumults ensued. The king of 
Navarre, to gain an addition to his territory, 
abandoned the Protestants, and summoned 
the duke of Guise to the capitol, to sup 
press the tumults. He obeyed ; and passing 
through Vassi in Champagne, found a Prot 
estant assembly holding worship in a barn. 
His soldiers commenced a quarrel with them, 
and then murdered 260 of their number. 
A civil war now broke out. The Protest 
ants made Orleans their headquarters, and 
had the prince of Conde and admiral Coligni 
for leaders ; while the Catholics were com 
manded by the duke of Guise, the king of 
Navarre, and the constable Montm.orency. 
Much blood was shed, and many towns taken 
and ravaged. The king of Navarre fell in 
battle ; the duke of Guise was assassinated ; 
Montmorency and Conde were both taken 
prisoners. Peace was concluded at Am- 
boise, March, 1563, on the ground of a gen 
eral amnesty for the past, and free toleration 
of Protestant worship in particular places 
throughout France. The treaty was not well 



observed ; and the Protestants, finding the 
court determined on their ruin, renewed the 
war in 1567, under Coligni and the prince oi 
Conde. Montmorency fell, and many other 
noblemen on both sides. Peace was conclu 
ded early in 1568, on nearly the same terms 
as before. But three months after, hostile 
movements on the part of the court, caused 
the war to be renewed with increased vio 
lence. The prince of Conde fell in battle, 
in 1569 : but the queen of Navarre, with 
her son, and the young prince of Conde, all 
zealous Protestants, now appeared in the 
field. Peace was concluded in 1570, on the 
conditions of amnesty for the past, free tol 
eration of the Protestants every where, a lim 
ited right to except against Catholic judges, 
and the possession of four cities, (Rochelle, 
Cognac, Montauban, and la Charite), for twc 
years, to be garrisoned by Protestants. Tc 
lull the Protestants into security, the court 
now enforced the terms of the treaty with 
much apparent zeal, proposed a marriage be 
tween the young king of Navarre and the 
king s sister, and at length drew Coligni, 
the king of Navarre, and the prince of Conde, 
to appear at court. All this was preparatory 
to the assassination of the Protestants, by 
order of the king and queen mother, on St. 
Bartholomew s eve, Aug. 22, 1572. The 
bloody scene began at midnight, at the sig 
nal of tolling the great bell of the palace, and 
continued three days at Paris. Coligni was 
the first victim. With him, five hundred 
noblemen, and about 6,000 other Protest 
ants were butchered in Paris alone. Orders 
were despatched to all parts of the empire, 
for a similar massacre everywhere. More 
than 30,000, some say 70,000, perished 
by the hands of the royal assassins : and the 
pope ordered a jubilee throughout Christen 
dom. The Protestants were weakened, but 
not destroyed. Losing all confidence in the 
government, they entered into combinations 
for their safety. The prince of Condi escaped 
from his prison, and went to Germany to 
form alliances in their behalf. Charles IX. 
died in 1574, and was succeeded by his 
brother, Henry III., a dissolute man, and a 
violent Catholic. Civil war raged again : 
but peace was concluded in 1576. The 
Protestants were to enjoy freedom of wor 
ship everywhere, except at Paris and within 
two miles of the king s residence. Courts 
half Catholics and half Protestants, were to 
be established in the principal cities ; and 
ten cautionary towns were to be given them. 
The Catholics, dissatisfied as usual with 
concessions of libertv to the Protestants, 



174 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 



trines, institutions, and government of the Genevans. And in maintaining 
these pure and uncontaminated, it ever has been and still is, so zealous, that 
in the seventeenth century, it did not hesitate to avenge with the sword the 
temerity of those who would introduce something foreign into it. (38) In 



combined with the pope and the king of 
Spain, and obliged the king to abrogate his 
decrees for giving effect to the treaty. The 
war was renewed in 1577, and continued 
with some interruptions till 1580 ; when the 
Protestants were again allowed their former 
liberties, and their cautionary towns for six 
years. But in 1584, the Catholic chiefs, 
particularly the Guises, formed a league with 
l j fiilip king of Spain, for exterminating the 
Protestants, and transferring the croxsn of 
France to the family of Guise on the demise 
of the present king. War was of course re 
newed with the Protestants, at the head of 
whom were the king of Navarre and the 
prince of Cantle. The Guises and their al 
lies checked the Protestants, but alienated 
the kinu, who caused the duke of Guise to 
lie assassinated. > Henry III. now found 
himself so odious to the Catholic league, 
that he was obliged to make peace with the 
king of Navarre and the Protestants : and 
they generously supported him, till his death 
in 1589. The king of Nuriirrc. was the next 
legal heir to the crown of France, which he 
assumed, with the name of llenry IV ., and 
was supported by all the Protestants, and 
by the Catholics who adhered to the late 
king. But the leaguers refused to acknowl 
edge him ; and he had to contend several 
years for his crown. At length in 1595, to 
put a stop to the civil wars, he professed the 
Catholic religion. Yet he gave free tolera 
tion to his Protestant subjects. In 1598, he 
published the edict of Nantes, as the basis 
of their liberties ; and by it, he confirmed to 
them all the privileges ever before conceded 
to them ; gave them equal civil rights, and 
equal privileges in the universities and public 
schools ; allowed them courts, half Protest 
ant and half Catholic, in the principal cities ; 
made them eligible to all public offices ; and 
allowed them to establish public worship, in 
places of a particular description, throughout 
the realm. He also gave them an annual 
stipend of about 40,000 crowns, for the sup 
port of their ministers. And though the 
Catholics murmured, and endeavoured to 
infringe upon their rights, Henri/ protected 
them to the end of his reign, in 1610. The 
number of Protestants in France, during the 
last half of this century, was supposed to be 
from a million, to a million and a half. At 
one time, (1571), they claimed to have 2150 
churches : but many of them were only 
family churches, or the households of the 
oobles. The number of regular churches, 



stated in the acts of their national synods, 
was generally from 700 to 800. Some ol 
these were vastly large, and had three, four, 
and even five pastors ; while others were 
very small, and were joined two or three 
together under one pastor. They could 
reckon men of great learning and talents 
among them. They were in close fellow 
ship with the church of Geneva, and with the 
Flemish Protestants. Their adherence tc 
their creeds and also their discipline, were 
strict. Take an example. In 1578, the 
Consistory of Rochelle debarred the prince 
of Condi the communion, because one of hi* 
ships had taken a prize alter the signing of 
the last peace; which he continued to hold 
as a lawful prize, because the rapture was 
made before the forty days assigned for th( 
publication of the treaty had expired. Me 
appealed to the National Synod ; but it 
decided against him. See Quick s Syno 
dicon, vol. i., p. 122. For the facts in th,s 
note, I am indebted chiefly, to G>yi>r<t t 
history of France, vol. in. ; Quick s Syno- 
dicon, vol. i., and Ingram Culilmi x Histori 
cal View of the Reformed church of France, 
London, 1810. For a more full and cir 
cumstantial account, see M. Schrocckh, K:r- 
chcngesch. seit. der. Reform., vol. ii., p 
239-348. 7V.] 

(38) Sali^s Histoire der Augsburg. Con 
fession, vol. ii., b. vi.. ch. i., p. 403. [Some 
notice of the first dawning of the Reforma 
tion in Scotland, was given in note (04), p. 
49, above. James V. died in 1542 ; and 
left his crown to an infant daughter, only a 
few days old, Mary queen of Scots. At 
the age of six years, she was aliianced to 
the dauphin of France, afterwards Fmnnn 
II. ; and was sent to be educated in thiit 
country, and did not return to Scotland till 
after the death of her husband in 1501. Du 
ring these 19 years, Scotland was governed 
by the queen dowager, Mary of Gni.sc wid 
ow of James V., and by a series of regents. 
At the commencement of this period, the 
Reformed doctrines were spreading slowh . 
without noise, and with little direct opposi 
tion. But in February, 1546, cardinal B< - 
ton, the archbishop of St. Andrews, seizttl 
and burned at the stake George. Wishart, a 
Reformed preacher. This excited great in 
dignation : and Norman Les/y, a young no 
bleman, with an armed force surprised aid 
murdered the cardinal in his castle, at:d held 
possession of it fourteen months. During 
this time the reformed doctrines were preach- 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 



175 



England the case was very different. This nation never could be per- 
suaded to submit itself entirely to the decisions of Geneva ; nor did it long 



ed freely at St. Andrews, and among others, 
by the famous John Knox. On the reduc 
tion of St. Andrews, Knox and most of the 
prisoners were sent out of the country. The 
same year Henry VIII. died ; and the Ref 
ormation in England went forward rapidly, 
under Edward VI. This excited the Scotch 
to emulation ; and several of the nobles 
embraced the Reformation. The queen 
dowager, for political reasons, found it ne 
cessary to treat the Protestants with indul 
gence. In 1553, Edward VI. of England 
died ; and was succeeded by his sister Mary, 
a violent Catholic, whose bloody persecu 
tions drove great numbers of her subjects 
into foreign countries, several of them into 
Scotland. This also strengthened the Ref 
ormation there. The Scotish clergy pos 
sessed about half the wealth of the country, 
and the nobles were eager to get their estates ; 
while they, ignorant and dissolute, were will 
ing to allow Protestant doctrines to spread, 
so long as they could enjoy their revenues. 
In 1554, .he queen dowager was made re 
gent. Ho. partialities to the French so dis 
gusted the nation, that to maintain her power, 
she had to favour still more the Protestants. 
In 1555, John Knox returned to Scotland ; 
and he and other zealous preachers spread 
the reformed doctrines with great success. 
The queen dowager kept many of the bish 
oprics and richer benefices vacant, in order 
to enjoy their revenues ; and others she filled 
with persons devoted to her : and both alien 
ated the more zealous Catholics, and weak 
ened the power of the clergy. In 1558, the 
archbishop of St. Andrews commenced per 
secution. But the Protestants, who were 
now nearly half the nation, were indignant, 
and applied to the queen regent, who gave 
them protection. The next year however, 
through French influence, she abandoned the 
Protestants and took sides with the Catholic 
clergy. In May, 1559, she summoned most 
of the Reformed ministers to appear at Stir 
ling, to answer for their conduct. They set 
out, attended by noblemen and immense 
crowds of armed companions. She was 
afraid to meet them ; and sent them a dis 
charge, on condition that they should peace 
ably return to their homes. They did so : 
and she then basely proceeded to try them ; 
and for their nonappearance, pronounced 
them all outlaws. The Protestants in their 
rage, attacked the churches and monasteries, 
destroying images, altars, crosses, &c. The 
queen resolved to quell them by force ; and 
a civil war ensued. After various contests, 
the Protestants having been frequently de 



ceived by the queen, determined to remove 
her from the regency. They also found 
themselves so strong, that they demanded 
more than a bare toleration ; and being aided 
by queen Elizabctk, they obtained a com 
plete triumph. The queen dowager died ; 
and the French and English embassies, 
which met in Scotland in 1560, negotiated 
a peace, by which the Protestants were left 
at full liberty, and all religious disputes were 
committed to the adjustment of a Scotish 
parliament. The French and English troops 
were both withdrawn ; and a full parliament 
was assembled, which overturned the whole 
system of popery, and established Protest 
antism in its stead. These acts of parlia 
ment were sent to France, for the queen s 
ratification. At the close of this year Fran 
cis II. died ; and his queen Manj, the next 
year, 1561, returned to Scotland lo take the 
government of the country into her own 
hands. The first general assembly of the 
Scotish church was held in December, 1560. 
Here a Calvinistic creed and a Presbyterian 
form of government, as delineated in the 
First Book of Discipline, were adopted. 
Five of the pastors were made standing su 
perintendents or visitors of the churches, in 
stead of bishops ; pastors and teachers, read 
ers and exhorters, and annual elders and dea 
cons, were the church officers ; and church 
sessions, synods, and general assemblies 
were to be the judicatories. The clergy in 
vain attempted to persuade the government 
to transfer the funds of the Catholic churches 
to the Protestant. But the parliament of 
1561, undertook to purge the land of idola 
try ; and " abbeys, cathedrals, churches, li 
braries, records, and even the sepulchres of 
the dead, perished in one common ruin." 
The queen did not ratify the acts of the par 
liament of 1560 subverting popery; and in 
opposition to them she set up the mass in 
her own chapel ; yet she allowed the Prot 
estants for the present, free toleration, and 
also chose her council chiefly from among 
them. Many of the richer benefices were 
still held by Catholics, while others were in 
the hands of the Protestants ; and parliament 
unanimously decreed, that all the incumbents 
should continue to enjoy their revenues, yet 
each paying over a third part of his income 
to the public treasury. In 1563, the queen 
had not yet sanctioned the legal abolition of 
popery, and the Protestant nobles did not 
see fit to urge it. This provoked the min 
isters and especially Knox, to utter violenj 
denunciations and to commit some outrages ; 
but the prudence of the nobles prevented 



176 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 



retain unaltered, what it did receive from that quarter. It is pretty well 
attested, that the greatest part of those Englishmen who first renounced 
the superstitions of their fathers, were more inclined to the opinions ot 
Luther respecting the holy supper, the mode of public worship, and the 
government of the church, than to those of the Swiss. But after the death 
of Henry VIII., the industry of Calvin and his disciples, especially Peter 
Martyr, caused the former opinions to be excluded, and the latter to gain 
admission into the universities, the schools, the pulpits, and the minds 
of the majority. (39) Hence, in the reign of Edward VI., when they 
came to deliberate what system of doctrine and discipline to establish, the 
English embraced the communion of the Genevans ; yet with this limita 
tion, that they would retain the old organization of the church, which was 
very different from that of Geneva, together with some rites and ceremo 
nies which most of the Reformed regard as very superstitious. Yet this 
diversity, slight as it might then be deemed, and to be borne with, as Cal 
vin himself attested, afterwards produced numerous perils, calamities, and 
wars, to the injury both of the church and the commonwealth of England. 
17. This lamentable schism, which to this day no means have been 
able to heal, commenced with those who fled to save their lives and liber 
ties in the year 15.14, when Mary reigned or rather raged, in England. 
Some of these celebrated their public worship, according to the liturgy es 
tablished by Edward VI., but others preferred the more simple and in 
their view more pure worship of the Swiss. The former were d( normim- 



any fatal consequences. In 1565, the queen 
married Henry lord D lrnti/, a weak and in 
solent young mail, v.ho soon rendered him 
self odious to his queen and to most of the 
nation. T^e next year, the queen was de 
livered of a sou, Jiimcs, afterwards James 
VI., of Scotland. In 1560, Mary at the in 



tern of government was universally adopted, 
as laid down in the Second Book of Disci 
pline. Generally, three or four contiguous 
churches were united and had one church 
session in common, from which lav appeals 
to the provincial synods ; and these sessions, 
which were called elderships, afterwards 



stigation of the French, began to form pro- became presbyteries, when the individual 



jects for establishing popery. The next 
year, lord Darnh/ was murdered ; and Both- 
well the queen s favourite, who aspired to 
the throne, persuaded her to sanction the 
legal establishment of Protestantism. The 
scandalous marriage of the queen with Bolh- 



churchcs were provided with distinct ses 
sions. James VI., on assuming the gov 
ernment, was a zealous Protestant, though 
somewhat inclined to episcopacy, and dis 
posed to make himself head of the church. 
He curbed the insolence of the clergy, who 



veil, induced the nobles to seize the person claimed liberty to denounce public men and 

of the infant prince James, for whose safety measures from the pulpit, as they had done 

they were solicitous. This act, and the loud in the preceding unsettled times. There 

demands for an investigation of the murder were warm disputes respecting the bounda- 

of Darnly, produced a civil war ; in which ries between the civil power and the minis- 



the queen was taken, forced to resign her 
crown to her son. and confined in Lochleven. 
Escaping, she renewed the war without sue- 



terial prerogative ; the expediency of admit 
ting tvshops ; and the disposition to be made 
of the old ecclesiastical funds. In 1603, 



cess ; and retiring into England, she threw queen Elizabeth died, and James VI. ol 
herself upon the generosity of queen Eliza- Scotland succeeded to the throne of Eng- 



bcth ; who kept her a prisoner twenty years, 
and then caused her to be beheaded, on a 
charge of treasonable practices in England. 



land, under the name of Jumcs I See Rob 
ertson s History of Scotland ; M Cne s Life 
of John Knox ; and Ja. Scott s Lives of the 



Being thus delivered from a Catholic sover- Protestant Reformers in Scotland. Tr.] 



eign in 1507, the Protestants of Scotland 
found no difficulty in fully establishing, du 
ring the minority of James, their own reli- 



(39) See Lbsehcr s Historia Motuum, pt. 
ii ., lib. hi., cap. vii., p. 67, and the authori 
ties he quotes: Salig i,. Historic der Augs- 
b. vi., ch. iii , p. 



giori, and suppressing entirely tha , of the burg. Confession, vol. ii 
Catholics. Notwithstanding many were 317, &c., and others. 
friendly to episcopacy, the Presbyterian sys- 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 177 

ted Conformists, because they conformed their worship to the pattern le 
gally established by Edward ; the latter were called Nonconformists and 
also Puritans, because they desired greater purity in worship and did not 
regard the liturgy of king Edward as free from all the dregs of supersti 
tion. These appellations have continued in use ; and to this day they 
designate the Christian communities by which Great Britain is divided. 
When the exiles returned to their country on the accession of Elizabeth to 
the throne, this controversy being introduced into England, soon became 
so great and threatening that the more sagacious even then despaired of 
any reconciliation. The wise queen did not confine the reformation to 
the rigorous principles of the Genevans and their followers the Puritans, 
but she enjoined on those to whom she intrusted this business, to follow 
the patterns of the early ages rather than that of the Genevans. (40) When 
she had modelled the whole church and especially the public worship on 
these principles, she published the celebrated Act of Uniformity, requiring 
all Englishmen to observe her regulations. The Puritans urged, that 
they could not in conscience yield obedience ; and they bitterly complained, 
that the discarded superstitions of popery were reinduced. The more ar 
dent insisted, that these regulations should be wholly removed, and that 
the church should be regulated according to the principles of the Genevans ; 
while the more temperate merely requested liberty, to worship God them- 
selves according to their own opinions. The queen determining to show 
no indulgence to either, employed all the means which penal laws and her 
own sagacity could afford, in order to suppress the obstinate sect. And 
thus that purification of the old religion, by which the English church is 
equally distinguished from the popish and from all the others that have re 
nounced the dominion of the pontiff, was confirmed and established ; and 
at the same time a foundation was laid for permanent discord, to the vast 
injury of this otherwise happy nation. (41) 

(40) [" Dr. Mosheim seems disposed, by (41) No one has treated this subject 
this ambiguous expression of the primitive more fully, or more agreeably, than Daniel 
ages, to insinuate that queen Elizabeth had Neal ; whose History of the Puritans or 
formed a pure, rational, and evangelical plan Protestant Nonconformists, was published 
of religious discipline and worship. It is not long since at London, in four volumes, 
however certain, that, instead of being wil- The first volume of this elaborate work was 
ling to strip religion of the ceremonies printed, London, 1732, 8vo, the last volume 
which remained in it, she was rather incli- appeared in 1738. Yet the author, who 
ned to bring the public worship still nearer was himself a Puritan, could not so corn- 
to the Romish ritual, (Hcylin, p. 124), and mand his party feelings and his passions, as 
had a great propensity to several usages in entirely to avoid sectarian zeal. For while 
the church of Rome, which were justly look- he is full in narrating and emblazoning the 
ed upon as superstitious. She thanked pub- wrongs which the bishops inflicted, or caus- 
licly one of her chaplains, who had preach- ed to be inflicted upon the Puritans, he fre 
ed in defence of the real presence ; she was quently extenuates, excuses, or passes si- 
fond of images, and retained some in her lently over the faults of the Puritan sect, 
private chapel ; (Hcylin, p. 124), and would The reader may also consult Jo. Strype s 
undoubtedly have forbid the marriage of the Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury 
clergy, if Cecil, her secretary, had not inter- under queen Elizabeth, namely, Parker, 
posed. (Strype s Life of Parker, p. 107, Grinded, and Whitgift ; which are written 
108, 109.) Having appointed a committee with great copiousness and labour. [See 
of divines to review king Edward s liturgy, also Bogue and Bennefs History of Dissent- 
she gave them an order to strike out all of- ers, vol. i., London, 1809, and Benjamin 
fensive passages against the pope, and to Brook s Lives of the Puritans, vol. i., Lon- 
rnake people easy about the corporeal pres- don, 1813. Tr.] 
p.nce of Christ in the sacrament. (Neal s 
Hist, of the Purit., vol. i., p. 138.)" Mac/.} 

VOL. III. Z 



178 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II.-CHA.P. II 

IS. The first cause that gave rise to so many strange and calamitous 
events, was very trivial, and of no consequence to religion and piety. The 
leaders of the "Puritans held in abhorrence those garments which the 
English clergy wore for the sake of distinction in their public assemblies. 
For these garments having been derived from the papists, were in their 
view the badges of Antichrist. From this they proceeded to other matters, 
of somewhat greater importance. First, they conceived that the consti 
tution of the English church, was a departure from the form established by 
Christ ; and they maintained, what they had learned from Calvin and the 
Genevans, that all the ministers of religion ought, by divine appointment, 
to be equal in rank and authority. They had indeed no objections to al 
lowing an individual to bear the title of bishop, and to preside in the meet 
ings cf his brethren for the sake of preserving order ; but they would not 
allow him to claim the prerogatives of the old bishops, to rank among the 
peers of the realm, to be employed in civil affairs, and be distinguished by 
wealth and power. The weight of this controversy was not great, so 
long as the English prelates founded their rank and authority upon the 
laws of the land and human constitution ; but it became of vast moment 
from the year 1588, when Richard Bancroft, afterwards archbishop of Can- 
terbury, first ventured publicly to affirm that bishops are an order superior 
to that of presbyters, not by mere human appointment, but by the will of 
God. (42) This sentiment meeting the approbation of great numbers, the 
consequence was, what might be anticipated, that none won) deemed prop 
erly inducted into the sacred office, unless they were ordained by a bishop ; 
and that the ministers of those churches which have no bishops, were 
thought to lack the qualifications necessary for their office, and to be infe 
rior to the popish priests. 

19. In the next place, the Puritans conceived that those churches, 
which from being the residence or seat of the bishops are called cathedrals, 
ought to be done away, together with ail who live upon their revenues, the 
archdeacons, the deans, the prebendaries and the canons : they also dis 
approved of the mode of worship usually practised in cathedrals ; and 
in particular, denied that instrumental music and chanting were prop 
er in the worship of God. They likewise thought that not only the vi 
cious, but also persons of dubious piety, should be excluded from the church 
For it being their opinion that the church is the company of the faithful, 
they of course held that care should be taken lest any who are destitute of 
faith should creep into it. They required many alterations in those rites 
and ceremonies, which were enjoined by the authority of the queen and 
the supreme council. (43) For instance, they deemed all holy daysconse- 

(42) See Jo. Strype s Life and Acts of Corisistorial council. The queen with her 
John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, privy council repeatedly published Injunc- 
p. 121, Lond., 1718, fol. [A^a/ sHist. of the tions, or, regulations for the church, which 
Puritans, vol. i., ch. vii., p. 180, &c. TV.] she enforced by the episcopal and the high 

(43) [Dr. Madame supposes the supreme conunission courts ; and these arbitrary de- 
council here mentioned, to be the noted crees of the queen were substituted for acts 
high commission court. But that court wa-i of parliament, which she more than once 
an executive and visitatorial body, not legis- forbid to legislate on such subjects ; so that 
lative. It seems therefore, that Dr. Mosheim she assumed to be the real lawgiver of the 
intended by the supreme council, either the English church. See NcaTs History of the 
British parliament, or perhaps the queen s Puritans, vol. i., ch. iv., p. 167, &c. Yet 
privy council, which possessed much the the account which Dr. Madame here gives 
.same powers as a German prince with his of the high commission court, is worth *& 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 



179 



crated to the memory of the saints, to be unlawful ; they would prohibit 
the sign of the cross in various transactions, but especially in the sacra 
ment of baptism ; they were displeased with the employment of sponsors 
or godfathers and godmothers, at the baptism of infants whose parents 
were still living ;(44) nor would they allow newborn infants to be baptized 
by any persons but the priests ; they would not have the sacred books of 
secondary rank, or those commonly denominated the Apocrypha, to be 
read and expounded to the people ; the stated forms of prayer, they would 
not indeed wholly exclude from public worship, but they demanded that 
the teachers should be allowed to vary from them and to alter them, as 
they saw fit, and be permitted to pray to God in their own language, and 
not merely in the words of others ; in short, they conceived that the 
worship of their country ought to be conformable to the principles and 
institutions of the Genevans, and that nothing should be tolerated . hat was 
coincident with the Romish worship. 

20. These opinions could not well be defended or impugned, without 
calling in the aid of certain general principles, which would support the 
positions adopted ; and from which the importance of the controversy may 
be estimated. Those who took sides with the queen and the supreme 
council, maintained, I. that the right to reform or to abolish and correct 
errors and defects, both in doctrine and in discipline and worship, belong 
ed to the civil magistrate. The Puritans on the contrary, denied that God 
had assigned this office to the magistrate ; and held with Cahin, that it 

peating. " This court," (says he) " took well, vicar general to Henry VIII. These 

its rise from a remarkable clause in the act commissioners were empowered to make 

of supremacy, by which the queen and her inquiry, not only by the legal methods of 

successors were empowered to choose per- juries and witnesses, but by all other ways 

sons to exercise, under her, all manner of and means which they could devise, that is, 
jurisdiction, privileges, and pre eminences, 
touching any spiritual or ecclesiastical ju- 



by rack, torture, inquisition, and impr\son- 
ment. They were vested with a right to 



risdiction within the realms of England and examine such persons as they suspected, by 

administering to them an oath (not allowed 
of in their commission, and therefore called 
ex-qfficio], by which they were obliged to 



Ireland, as also to visit, reform, redress, 
order, correct, and amend all errors, heresies, 
schisms, abuses, contempts, offences, enor 
mities whatsoever ; provided, that they have answer all questions, and thereby might be 
no power to determine any thing to be here- obliged to accuse themselves, or their most 
sy, but what has been adjudged to be so by intimate friends. The fines they imposed 
the authority of the canonical scripture, or were merely discretionary ; the imprison- 
by the first four general councils, or any of ment to which they condemned was limited 
them ; or by any other general councils, by no rule but their own pleasure ; they 
wherein the same was declared heresy by imposed, when they thought proper, new 
the express and plain words of canonical articles of faith on the clergy, and practised 
scripture, or such as shall hereafter be de- all the iniquities and cruelties of a real In- 



dared to be heresy by the High Court of 
Parliament, with the assent of the clergy 
in Convocation. Upon the authority of this 
clause, the queen appointed a certain num 
ber of commissioners for ecclesiastical cau 
ses, who, in many instances, abused their 
power. The court, they composed, was 
called the Court of High Commission, Ac 



quisition. See Rapines and Hume s His 
tories of England, under the reign of Eliza 
beth ; and Neal s History of the Puritans, 
passim." TV.] 

(44) [" Other rites and customs dis 
pleasing to the Puritans, and omitted by our 
author, were, kneeling at the sacrament of 
the Lord s supper, bowing at the name of 



cause it claimed a more extensive jurisdic- Jesus, giving the ring in marriage, the 



tion and higher powers, than the ordinary 
Courts of the Mishap*. Its jurisdiction 
reached over the whole kingdom, and was 



prohibition of marriage during certain times 
of the year, and the licensing it for money, 
as also the confirmation of children by cpis- 



much the same with that which had been copa/imposition of hands." Mad.} 
lodged in the single person of lord Gram- 



180 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 

was rather the business of the ministers of Christ to restore religion to its 
purity and dignity. II. The former supposed, that the rule of proceeding 
in reforming the doctrine and discipline of the church, was not to be de- 
rived exclusively from the holy scriptures, but also from the writings and 
the practice of the early ages of the church. The Puritans on the other 
Iiand, maintained that the divinely-inspired books were the only pure source, 
from which could be derived rules for purging and regulating the church, 
and that the enactments and the doctors of the early ages, had no author 
ity whatever. III. The former declared the church of Rome to be a true 
church, though much deformed and corrupted ; they said, the Roman pon 
tiff presumptuously indeed claims to be the head and monarch of the whole 
church, yet he must be acknowledged to be a legitimate bishop ; and of 
course, the ministers ordained by his authority, have the most perfect right 
to minister in holy things. It was necessary for the English prelates to 
inculcate such principles, if they would trace back the origin and preroga 
tives of their office to the apostles of Christ. But very different were the 
views of the Puritans. They constantly maintained that the Romish church 
had forfeited the title and the rights of a true church ; that its bishop was the 
very Antichrist ; that all its discipline and worship were vain, superstitious, 
and opposed to the precepts of the gospel ; and of course, that all communion 
with that church was to be shunned as pestilential. IV. The former deem 
ed the best form of the church to be that, which prevailed in the four or 
five first centuries ; indeed, that it was preferable to that established by the 
apostles themselves ; because they gave such a shape to the church as suit 
ed its infantile and nascent state, and left to those who should come after 
.hem to regulate it more perfectly, when it should become fully established 
and extended. On the contrary, the Puritans contended, that all the prin 
ciples of church government were laid down in the scriptures ; and that 
the ambassadors of Christ set forth an unchangeable pattern which was to 
be imitated by all succeeding ages, when they directed the first Christian 
churches to be regulated and governed in the manner then practised in the 
Jewish congregations [or Synagogues]. V. The former contended, that 
things indifferent which are neither commanded nor forbidden by the holy 
scriptures, such as the rites of public worship, the attire of the priests, the 
festivals, &c., the supreme magistrate may regulate and establish, accord 
ing to his pleasure ; and that to disobey his laws on these subjects, is as 
sinful as to violate his laws relative to civil affairs. But the Puritans con 
tended, that it was improper and wrong to impose as necessary things, 
what Christ himself had left free ; for thus the liberty which Christ has 
procured for us, is subverted. They added, that such rites as tend to in 
fect the mind with superstition, can by no means be regarded as indifferent, 
but must be avoided as impious and profane. And such, in their estima- 
tion, were those ancient ceremonies which the queen and the parliament 
refused to abrogate. (45) 

(45) [" Dr. Mosheim, in these five articles, support and the defence of their several pi in- 

has followed the account of this controversy ciples, which they made an ill use of in their 

given by Mr. Neat, in his History of the Pu- turns, as they could grasp the power into 

ritans. This latter adds a sixth article, not their hands. The standard of uniformity, 

of debate, but of union. Both parties (says according to the bishops, was the queen s 

he) agreed too well in asserting the necessity supremacy, and the laws of the land ; accord- 

of a uniformity of public worship, and of ing to the Puritans, the decrees of provin- 

calling in the sword of the magistrate for the cial and national synods, allowed and n 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 181 

$ 21. This contest of the court and bishops with those who called aloud 
for a farther reformation of the church, would have been far more severe 
and perilous, if those who bore the common name of Puritans had been 
agreed in their opinions and feelings. But this body was composed oi 
persons of various dispositions and characters, whose only bond of union 
was their dislike of the religion and discipline established by law ; and 
therefore it very soon became divided into sects, some of which were both 
misled themselves and misled others by fanatical imaginations, and others 
displayed their folly by devising strange and unusual forms for the consti 
tution of churches. Among these sects, none is more famous than that 
which was formed about the year 1581 by Robert Broicn,a.u unstable and 
fickleminded man. He did not differ materially from either the Episco 
palians or the other Puritans, as to the doctrines of religion ; but he had 
new and singular views of the nature of the church and of the regulation 
and government of it. He first distributed the whole body of Christians 
into small associations, such as those collected by the apostles : because 
so many persons as could conveniently be assembled in one place, and that 
of moderate dimensions, he affirmed, constituted a church, and enjoyed all 
the powers and privileges of a church. And each of these small congre 
gations, he pronounced to be independent and free, by divine constitution, 
from all jurisdiction both of bishops who according to the court, and of 
synods which according to the Puritans, have the right of governing the 
church. The supreme power to provide for the welfare and the peace of 
these little associations, according to his views, resided in the people ; and 
all the members had equal powers and prerogatives. The congregated 
multitude therefore, deliberated on sacred subjects ; and whatever was vo 
ted by the majority, was considered as legitimately decided. The brother 
hood selected certain persons from among themselves, to teach publicly and 
to administer ordinances; and if the interests of the church seemed to re 
quire it, they remanded these teachers of their own creation, again to a 
private station. For these teachers were in no respects more sacred or 
elevated, than the rest of the brethren, except by their power to perform 
sacred functions, for which they were wholly indebted to the election and 
consent of the brethren. Moreover the office of teaching was by no means 
confined to them ; but all the brethren, if they pleased, might prophecy in 
public, or exhort and instruct the fraternity. Hence, when the appointed 
preacher of the church had closed his discourse, the brethren severally 
were at liberty to hold forth, and to exhibit what they might have been re 
volving in their minds, or had not clearly apprehended in the discourse of 
the preacher. In short, Brown thought that the Christian world should 
now present the same aspect, as that of the churches in the days of the 
apostles. In maintaining such opinions, he and his associates were so as 
suming as to hold that all bonds of harmony, communion, and charity, with 
churches differently constituted, were to be severed ; and to declare that 
the English church in particular was above all others to be shunned, as 
being a spurious church, contaminated with the pollutions of popery, and 
destitute of all divine influences. This sect, impatient under the great in 
juries it received (perhaps through its own fault) in England, removed to 

forced by the civil magistrate. But neither every man s right as far as is consistent with 
paity were for admitting that liberty of con- the peace of the government under which hs 
science, and freedom of profession, which is lives." Mad.] 



182 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 

Holland, and settled at Middlcburg, Amsterdam, and Leyden : but it did 
not long continue. Brown himself returned to England, and forsaking his 
new opinions, obtained a parsonage in the established church. The other 
exiles became embroiled by many internal dissensions. (46) These effects 
induced the wiser among them to modify the discipline of their founder, 
and make it more tolerable. In this manner, from them originated the 
noted sect of the Independents or Congregational Brethren, which still ex 
ists. But their history belongs to the next century. 

22. In the provinces of the Netherlands, it was long doubtful, whether 
those who renounced the Romish communion would join the fellowship of 
the Lutherans, or that of the Swiss ; for each of these had many and strong 
partisans. (47) Hut in the year 1571, the preference was publicly given to 
the Swiss. Fur the Belgic Confession of Faith, (48) which was published 
in this year, was for the most part in unison with that adopted by the 
French Reformed church ; and differed from the Augsburg Confession in 
several respects, and especially on the doctrine of the Lord s supper. (49) 
The causes of this will readily appear, if we consider the proximity of the 
French and the number of them residing in the Netherlands, the high 
reputation of Calvin and the Genevan school, and the indefatigable indus 
try of the Genevans in extending the boundaries of their church. From 
this period, the Belgians publicly assumed the title of the Preformed, instead 
of that of Lutherans which they had before borne : and in this they follow 
ed the example of the French, who had invented and first assumed this ap 
pellation. So long however as the Belgians were subject to the Spaniards, 
they disused the term Reformed to avoid incurring odium, and styled them 
selves Associates of the Augsburg Confession : because, the Spanish court 
looked upon Lutherans as far better citizens, than the disciples of Calvin, 
who from their commotions in France, were deemed more inclined to sedi 
lion. (50) 

23. The knowledge of a more sound religion was carried into Poland, 
by the disciples of Luther from Saxony. Afterwards, not only the Bohe 
mian brethren whom the Romish priests had expelled from their country, 
but likewise some of the Swiss, disseminated their opinions among the 
Poles ; not to mention the Anabaptists, the Antitrinitarians, and others, 
who travelled in that country, and there collected congregations. (51) 

(46) Da n. Ned s History of the Puritans, formatie in en omtrent de Nederlanden, vol. 
vol. i., eh. vi., p. 324. Jo. Hornbcck s Sum- i., b. v., p. 253, &c. 

ma controversiarum, lib. x., p. 738, &c. (50) The words of Brandt, 1. cit., p. 254, 

Fuller s Ecclesiastical History of Britain, b. 255, are these : Nochtans behielpen sick de 

x., p. 168. [Bcnj. .Brood s Lives of the Pu- Nederlandtsche Gereformeerden met den ti- 

ritans, vol. ii., p. 366, &c. TV.] tel van Augsburgsche Confessie, om dat die 

(47) Loschcr s Historia Motuum, pt. iii., te hove niet so onaangensem was als de Cal- 
!ib. v., cap. iv., p. 74. vinsche of Fransche, die de partije doorgsens 

(48) For an account of the Belgic Con- hield te wesen een oproeriger Secte dan de 
fession, see Kochcr s BibliothecaTheol. Sym- Luthersche. 

bolicae, p. 216. [It was first composed in (51) Loscher s Historia Motuum, pt. iii., 

the Walloon language, by Guy de Bres, and lib. v., cap. iii., p. 36. Salig s Historic der 

first printed in French, in 1562. Afterwards Augsburg. Confession, vol. ii., b. vi., ch. iii., 

it was translated into various languages ; and iv., v., p. 516. Andr. Regenvclscms, His- 

was ratified (together with the Heidelberg toria Ecclesiar. Slavonicar, lib. i., cap. xvi., 

Catechism, with which it harmonizes), by &c.,p. 71, &c. Solignac s Histoire de Po- 

the Synod of Dort in 1619 ; and again at logne, torn, v., p. 40, &c. Nath. Fred. 

the Hague in 1651. TV.] Kautz, Prsecipua relig. Evangelicae in Polo- 

(49) Gerhard Brandt s Historie der Re- nia fata, Hamb., 1738, 4to. [The disciples 



HISTORY OF THE .REFORMED CHURCH. 183 

Hence there existed here and there throughout Poland, three sorts of re- 
ligious associations, those of the Bohemian brethren, the Lutherans, and 
the Swiss. In order to oppose with greater vigour their common enemies, 
they held a convention at Sendomir in the year 1570, and entered into a 
kind of confederation, the terms of which are comprehended in a confes 
sion usually called the Agreement of Sendomir.(52) But as this compro 
mise was deemed too condescending, and injurious to the truth, (for in it 
the opinions which separate the Lutherans from the Reformed, were ex 
pressed in vague and ambiguous language), it was not long after opposed 
by many of the Lutherans, and in the next century was entirely abrogated ; 
nor have those who desired and laboured to restore it, to this day, met 
with the success they had hoped for. In both the [Brandenburg and the 
Polish] Prussias, after the death of Luther and Melancthon, very large con 
gregations of the Reformed religion were gathered by certain persons, 
which still are in a flourishing state. (53) 

24. The Bohemian brethren as they are called, or the Moravians, who 
were descended from the better sort of Hussites, and had adopted some pe 
culiar regulations designed especially to guard against the reigning vices, 
upon hearing of Luther s efforts to reform the church, sent envoys to him 
as early as 1522, soliciting his friendship ; and afterwards, from time to 
time, they proffered the hand of friendship to the Saxons and to other 
members of our community. Nor did Luther and his friends find any 
thing very censurable, either in their doctrines or their discipline ; nay, the 
confession which they submitted to his judgment, he did not indeed approve 
in all respects, yet he thought it might be tolerated. (54) After the death 
of Luther, most of the brethren being expelled their country in the year 1547, 

of Luther from Saxony, were not the first von den Bomischen Briidern,p. 46, &c. Jo. 
preachers of reformation in Poland, as Dr. Christ. Kocher l s Bibliotheca theologise Sym- 
Moshcim asserts. The Bohemian brethren holies?, p. 76, &c. [In the year 1522, the 
had been labouring therefrom the times of Brethren sent two delegates to Luther, name- 
John Huss ; and in the year 1500, they had ly John Horn and Mich. Weis, to congratu- 
nearly two hundred houses of worship, and late him on his attaining to a knowledge of 
were favoured by many of the nobility. See the truth. They also sent him, soon after- 
A. Rcgcnvolscius, ubi supra ; and Schroeckh, wards, a book entitled Instruction for Chil- 
Kirchengesch. s. d. Kef., vol. ii., p. 667, 681. dren, which they had composed for the bene- 
The most eminent among the Reformed fit of their church. But as they here ex- 
clergy of Poland, was the famous John a pressed clearly their opinion of the Lord s 
Lasco, who preached some time in London, supper, (namely, that Christ himself was not 
and returning to Poland in 1556, did much actually present in it), and he freely censured 
to advance the reformation there. See his this opinion, their intercourse with Luther 
history and many of his letters, in Dan. Gcr- was for a time interrupted. They were also 
des, Miscell. Groningens., torn. i.-v. The displeased, that he was more solicitous about 
Protestants of Great Poland were chiefly Bo- purity of doctrine, than the restoration of ec- 
hemian brethren : those of Little Poland em- clesiastical discipline. But as they perceiv- 
bracedthe views of the Swiss. Boththesebe- ed, that it would be for their advantage to 
came united in 1555: but their union with the be reckoned among the adherents to the 
Lutherans was not so easily effected. TV.] Augsburg Confession, they at times sought 

(52) See Dan. Ern. Jablonsky s Historia his communion, and exhibited to him their 
Consensus Sendomiriensis, Berlin, 1731, 4to, Confession, which he afterwards caused to 
and his Epistola Apologetica, printed in the be published. See Jo. Amos Comenius, His- 
same year, and directed against the excep- toria Fratrum Bohemorum, Halle, 1702, 4to, 
tions of a certain Polish antagonist. p. 22, &c., and Jo. Chr. Kocher, von den 

(53) Loscher s Historia Motuum, pt. iii., Glaubensbekenntnissen der Bomischen Brii- 
lib. vi ., cap. i., p. 216. der, Frankf., 1741, 8vo.Se.] 

54) See Jo. Gottl Carpzov s Nachricht 



184 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 

many of them, and especially among those that settled in Poland, inclined 
towards the side of the Reformed. There seemed indeed to be a renewal 
of the harmony between the Bohemians and the Lutherans, at the time of 
the Agreement of Sendomir already mentioned ; but the influence of this 
agreement was soon afterwards greatly weakened, and gradually all the 
Bohemians united themselves with the Swiss. (55) This union at first con- 
tained the stipulation, that each community should enjoy its own regula 
tions, and that they should keep up their separate meetings for worship ; 
but in the following century, at the councils of Ostrorog A.D. 1620 and 
1627, all difference was clone away ; and the two communities of Bohe 
mians and Swiss became consolidated into one, which took the name of the 
Church of the United Brethren, and retained the form and regulations of 
the Bohemians, but embraced the doctrines of the Reformed. (56) 

25. The descendants of the Waldenses who lived shut up in the val- 
lies of Piedmont, were led by their proximity to the French and Gene 
vans to embrace their doctrines and worship. Yet they retained not a 
few of their ancient rules of discipline, so late as the year 1630. But in 
this year the greatest part of the Waldenses were swept off by pestilence ; 
and their new teachers, whom they obtained from France, regulated all 
their affairs according to the pattern of the French Reformed Church. (57) 
The Hungarians and Transylvanians were excited to burst the bonds of 
superstition, by the writings and the disciples of Luther. Afterwards 
Matthew Dcvay and others in a more private way, and then about the year 
1550, Stephen Szegedin and others more openly, spread among them suc 
cessfully the sentiments of the Swiss respecting the Lord s supper and the 
government of the church. This produced here, as in other countries, 

(55) Besides those who treat professedly many, sent two of their barbs or ministers, 
of the Bohemian Brethren, as Comcnius, Gco. Morel and Peter Mas son, or Latome, to 
Camerarius, and Lasitius, the reader may Berne, Basle, and Strasburg, to confer with 
consult Lo seller s Historia Motuum, pt. iii., the reformers there. Their written commu- 
lib. v., c. vi., p. 99, &c. Salig s Historic der nication to CEcolampadius at Basle, describes 
Augsburg. Confession, vol. ii., b. vi., ch. their faith and practice, with great simplicity 
iii., p. 520, &c. Adr. Regenr.olscius, His- and candour; and the written answer of 
toria Ecclesiar. Slavonicarurn, lib. i., cap. (Ecolampadius was such as might be ex- 
xiii., xiv., xv., &c. perted, kind, affectionate, and fraternal. See 

(56) Rcgenvolscius, loc. cit., lib. i , cap. them, in Gfrtlrs, Hist, renovati Evangelii, 
xiv., p. 120. [On the doctrinal views of t.he torn, ii., p. 401-417. In their council in 
Bohemian Brethren, which coincided gener- Angrogne, A.D. 1532, they adopted a short 
ally with those of Calvin, Jo. Thcoph. Els- confession of faith, professedly embracing 
ner, (one of that sect), wrote an elaborate the doctrines they had firmly believed for 
treatise, entitled : Brevis Conspectus Doc- four hundred years ; yet manifestly a de- 
trinae Fratrum Bohemorum ; in which he parture in some particulars, from the princi- 
shows what was their belief in the 15th, 16th, pies stated by their deputies to (Ecolarnpa- 
17th, and 18th centuries ; and which is print- dius ; and conformed to the new views he 
ed in Dan. Gerties Scrinium Antiquar. sive had communicated feo them, especially inre- 
Miscellanea Groningana, torn, vi., p. 381 gard to free-will, grace, predestination, and 
457. TV.] several points of practical religion. See this 

(57) Jo. Leger s Histoire generale des confession, in J. P. Perrin s History of the 
Eglises Vaudoises, livre i., cap. xxxiii., p. Waldenses, (Eng. translation), part i., b. ii., 
205, 206. Abrah. Scultet s Annales reno- ch. iv., p. 59, &c. In the same council, they 
vati Evangelii, p. 294. Dan. Gerdcs, His- took measures to procure an impression of 
toria Evangelii renovati, torn, ii., p. 401. [In the whole Bible in their native language-, 
the year 1530, the Waldenses having heard and also a supply of other" religions books 
of the Reformation in Switzerland and Ger- See Perrin, 1. c., p. 61. Tr.J 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 



135 



first, contests among the friends of a purer religion, and at length, a mani. 
fest schism, which time has strengthened rather than diminished. (58) 

26. After the promulgation of the Formula of Concord, many of the 
German churches which before belonged to the Lutheran communion, 
united themselves to the Reformed. Among these were the churches of 
Nassau, Hanau, Isenburg, and others. In the year 1595, the princes of 
Anhalt, at the instigation especially of Wolfgang Amling, embraced the 
Reformed worship in place of the Lutheran ; which produced a long con- 
test between the inhabitants of that principality and the Lutherans. (59) 
In Denmark also, near the close of the century, the Reformed doctrines 
especially in regard to the Lord s supper, gained some footing: for that 
kingdom abounded in disciples and admirers of Melanclhon, who were dis 
posed to promote peace among the Protestants, at the head of whom was 
Nicholas Hemming, a pious and learned divine of Copenhagen. But the 
designs of Hemming and his friends becoming known prematurely, the 
other divines who were unwilling to have Lutheranism set aside, opposed so 
many obstructions by means of the king, that those designs miscarried. (60) 

27. Moreover, the nations that held communion with the Swiss, did 
not embrace all the Helvetic tenets and institutions. The Swiss indeed 
ardently wished them to do so ; but untoward circumstances frustrated 
their hopes. The English, as is well known, perseveringly rejected the 
ecclesiastical constitution and the form of worship adopted by the other 
Reformed churches ; nor could they be persuaded to receive the common 
opinions of the Swiss respecting the Lord s supper and the divine decrees, 
as the public sentiments of the whole nation. (61) The churches of the 



(58) Paul Debrezen s Historia ecclesioe 
Refonnatae in Hungaria et Transylvania, lib. 
ii., p. 64, 72, 98, &c. Compare the Un- 
schuldige Nachrichten, A.D. 1738, p. 1076, 
&c. Geo. Haner s Historia ecclesiar. Tran- 
sylvanicarum, Frankf., 1694, 12mo. [See 
above, p. 49, note (62). Tr.] 

(59) Jo. Christ. Bechman s Historie des 
Hauses Anhalt, vol. ii., pt. vi., p. 133, &c. 
Jo. Mich. Kraft s Ausfiihrliche Historie von 
demExorcisrno, p. 428, 497, &c. [" Though 
the princes professed Calvinism, and intro 
duced Calvinist ministers in all the churches, 
where they had the right of patronage, yet 
the people were left free in their choice ; and 
the noblemen and their vassals that were at 
tached to Lutheranism, had secured to them 
the unrestrained exercise of their religion. 
By virtue of a convention made in 1679, the 
Lutherans were permitted to erect new 
churches. The Zerbst line, with the great 
est part of its subjects, profess Lutheranism ; 
but the three other lines with their respective 
territories, are Calvinists." Mad.] 

(60) Eric Pontoppidarfs Annales ecclesise 
Danicae Diplomatici, torn, iii., p. 57, &c. 

(61) [" It is true indeed, that the doctrine 
of Zwingle, who represented the bread and 
wine as nothing more than the external signs 
of the death of Christ, was not adopted by 
the church of England ; but the doctrine of 

VOL. III. A A 



Calvin was embraced by that church, and is 
plainly taught in the thirty-eighth article of 
its faith. As to what relates to the doctrine 
of the divine decrees, Dr. Mosheim is equally 
mistaken. The seventeenth article of the 
church of England is, as bishop Burnet can 
didly acknowledges, framed according to St. 
Augustine s doctrine, which scarcely differs 
at all from that of Calvin ; and, though it be 
expressed with a certain latitude that ren 
ders it susceptible of a mitigated interpreta 
tion, yet it is very probable, that those who 
penned it were patrons of the doctrine of ab 
solute decrees. The very cautions, that are 
subjoined to this article, intimate that Cal 
vinism was what it was meant to establish. 
It is certain, that the Calvinistical doctrine 
of predestination prevailed among the first 
English reformers, the greatest part of wixm 
were, at least, Sublapsarians ; in the itjgn 
of queen Elizabeth, this doctrine was pre 
dominant, but after that period it lost ground 
imperceptibly, and was renounced by the 
church of England in the reign of king 
Charles I. Some members of that church 
still adhered, nevertheless, to the tenets of 
Calvin, and maintained, not only that the 
thirty-nine articles were Calvinistical, but 
also affirmed, that they were not susceptible 
of being interpreted in that latitude for which 
the Arminians contended. These episcopal 



186 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 

Palatinate, Bremen, Poland, Hungary, and Holland, agreed indeed with 
the Swiss or French, respecting the Lord s supper, the simplicity of their 
worship, and the form of church government ; but riot likewise in respect 
to predestination ; which difficult subject they left to the discretion of indi 
viduals. (62) And down to the time of the Synod of Dort, no portion of 
the Reformed community required, by any positive injunction, a belief in 
the opinion of the Genevans respecting the causes of everlasting salvation 
and damnation. Yet the greatest part of the teachers in most cf these 
countries, gradually came spontaneously into the Genevan views, in conse 
quence especially of the reputation and influence of the school of Geneva, 
to which most of the candidates for the ministry of that age were accus 
tomed to resort for instruction. 

28. The inspired books of the Old and New Testaments, are held by 
the Reformed to be the only source of divine truth ; except, that the Eng 
lish forbid contempt to be shown to the authority of the church in the five 
first centuries. (03) And they maintain, equally with the Lutherans, that 
these books are clear, full, and complete, so far as regards things neces 
sary to salvation ; and that they are to be interpreted from themselves, 
[or independently, and by comparing one part with another], and not after 
the dictates of human reason or of Christian antiquity. Several of their 
theologians, indeed, have been thought to extend too far the powers of hu 
man reason in comprehending and explaining the nature of the divine 
mysteries ; and this has led many, to represent the Reformed as holding 
to two sources of religious knowledge, the holy scriptures, and reason or 
rather the capacity of the human mind. But in this matter, if we do not 
mistake the fact, both parties err through eagerness to vanquish and sub 
due their adversaries. For if we except the improper phraseology of 
certain individuals, it will appear that the Reformed in general believe, as 
we do. that absurdities can never be believed ; and consequently, that doc 
trines which contain absolute absurdities, must be false and cannot be be 
lieved : yet they sometimes contcntiously apply this principle to overthrow 
those Lutheran tenets which they reject. (64) 

votaries of Calvinism were called doctrinal claring that her delegates, in ecclesiastical 

Puritans. See Burners Exposition of the matters, should not determine anything to be 

seventh article, &c., and NcaVs History of heresy, but what was adjudged so by the au- 

the Puritans, vol. i., p. 579." Mad. See thority of Scripture or by the first four gen- 

also A. M. Toplady^s History of Calvinism, eral councils ; and this has perhaps misled 

2 vols. 8vo. Bishop Tomlincs Refutation of Dr. Mosheim, in the passage to which this 

Calvinism, 8vo. T. Scott s remarks on note refers. Much respect indeed, and per- 

Tomline on Calvinism, 8vo ; and the Fa- haps too much, has been paid to the Fathers ; 

triers, the Reformers, and the public Formu- but that has been always a matter of choice, 

laries of the church of England, in harmony and not of obligation." Mad. It was in 

with Calvin, &c., Philadelphia, 1817, I2mo, regard to the constitution and government 

p. 108-1 19. Tr.] of the church, rather than in articles of faith, 

(62) See Hugo Grotius, Apologeticus eo- that the church of England paid more defer- 
rum qui Hollandiae ante mutationem, A.D. ence to the Fathers, than the rest of the Re- 
1618, proefuerunt, cap. iii., p. 54, &c., ed. formed did; and on this subject, they have 
Paris, 1640, 12mo. actually copied after the practice of the first 

(63) ["There is nothing in the thirty-nine five centuries, as being obligatory upon the 
articles of the church of England, which im- conscience. See sec. 20, p. 180, above ; 
plies, its considering the writings of the Fa- and NeaFs History of the Puritans, vol. i.. ch. 
thers of the first five centuries, as an author- iv., p. 183, 184, ed. Pdrtsm., 1816. Tr.] 
itative criterion of religious truth. There is (64) ["Our author has here undoubtedly 
indeed, a clause in the Act of Uniformity, in view the Lutheran doctrine of :.onsubstan- 
paeeed in the reign of queen Elizabeth, de- tiation, which supposes the same extended 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 187 

29. The Reformed, if we restrict this appellation to those who ap 
prove the sentiments of Calvin, differ from the Lutherans in regard to 
three subjects. I. The doctrine of the holy supper : in which the Luther, 
ans say, the body and blood of Christ are truly, though in an inexplicable 
manner, presented to both the pious and the ungodly ; while the Reformed 
suppose, that the human nature of Christ is present only by the symbols of 
it. Yet they do not all explain their doctrine in the same manner. II. 
The doctrine of the eternal decrees of God in regard to the salvation 
of men : the ground of which the Lutherans suppose to be, the faith or 
unbelief of men in Christ, foreseen by God from eternity ; but the Reformed 
suppose it to be the free and sovereign good pleasure of God. III. Cer 
tain rites and institutions : which, the Reformed think, have a tendency to 
superstition ; but which, the Lutherans think, are partly sufferable, and 
partly useful to Christians. Such are images in churches, sacred gar 
ments for the clergy, the private confession of sins, the use of small cir 
cular pieces of bread [wafers], such as were anciently distributed in the 
holy supper, the formula of exorcism as it is called, in the sacrament of 
baptism ; and some others. These, the Reformed would have to be abro 
gated ; because they think religious worship should be restored to its 
primitive simplicity, and the additions made to it be wholly struck off. 

30. This short list of topics, will be seen to be in fact a long one, by 
those who are aware what a multitude of abstruse questions extending 
through the whole system of theology, these few differences produced. 
For the controversy respecting the mode of the presence of Christ s body 
and blood in the holy supper, afforded to the polemics ample room to ex- 
patiate on the mysteries of religion or the nature and use of the sacra 
ments, and to institute subtile discussions respecting the majesty and glory 
of Christ s human nature, the communication of divine attributes to it, and 
the proper attitude of the mind in the worship of Christ. The dispute re 
specting the divine decrees afforded abundant matter for debate, on the 
nature of the divine attributes and particularly God s justice and goodness, 
on the certainty and necessity of all events, on the connexion between hu 
man liberty and divine providence, on the extent of the love which God 
has for men and of the blessings procured for us by the merits of Christ, 
on the nature of that divine influence which renews the minds of men, on 
the perseverance of the persons who are appointed to eternal life in the 
Covenant of God ; and on various other subjects of no small moment. 
Nor was the last dissension, respecting rites and institutions, unprolific. 
For besides discussions respecting the origin and antiquity of certain rites, 
it produced the following by no means contemptible controversies : What 
kind of things are they, which may be justly denominated indifferent, or 
neither good nor bad ? How far is it proper, to yield to an adversary who 
contends about things in their nature indifferent ? How far docs Christian 
liberty extend ? Is it lawful, for the sake of gratifying the people, to retain 
various ancient customs and institutions, which have a superstitious aspect 
yet are capable of a good interpretation ? and others of a similar nature. 

31. It has been debated, and sometimes with great warmth of feeling, 
particularly among the English and the Dutch, to whom rightfully belongs 

body to be totally present in different places, the dictate of common sense, than the sug- 
at one and the same time. To call this a gestion of a contentious spirit." Macl.] 
gross and glaring contradiction, seems rather 



188 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 



the government of the church, and the power of establishing rules and 
regulations in matters of religion. In these contests, those have come 
off victorious, who maintain that the authority to regulate sacred affairs 
is, by the appointment of Christ himself, vested in the church, and there 
fore ought by no means to be committed into the hands of civil magistrates ; 
yet they admit the right of temporal sovereigns to advise, and to succour 
the church when in trouble, to assemble and preside in the conventions of 
the church, to sec that her officers decree nothing prejudicial to the com 
monwealth, and to strengthen and confirm with their authority the decrees 
of the ministers of religion. The kings of England indeed, from the time 
of Henry VIII.. have declared themselves to be supreme heads of the, 
church, as well in spiritual as in temporal things : and it is rnuniRst, that 
Henry VIII. and his son Edward VI. attached very ample powers to this 
title, and considered themselves authorized to do whatever the Roman pon 
tiffs might do. (05) But queen Elizabeth greatly limited this prerogative, 
and declared that the authority of the kings of England did nut extend to 
religion itself, and to things sacred, but only to the persons who teach re- 
ligion and minister in sacred things. (66) In England therefore the con- 

(65) Darnel NeaVs History of the Purl- than of matters of state. She pretended that, 

in quality of supreme head or governor of the 
church, she was fully empowered, by her pre 
rogative alone, to decide all question which 
might arise, with regard \.o doctrine, discipline, 
or worship ; and she never would allow her 
parliaments so much as to take these points 
into consideration." And the whole history 
of her reign appears to confirm these state 
ments, which are so contrary to the assertions 
of Dr. Moshcim. See limn, , loc. cit., vol. 
iv., p. 150, &c., 272, 290. &c.. 292, 336, 
364, &c., 462. The powers of the English 
monarchs, as heads of the church, from 
Henry VIII. to Charles I., are thus defined, 



chap, i., p. 11, and others. 
r Fran. Ic Couraycfs Supple- 



tans, vol. 

(66) Pete. 

ment aux deux Ouvrages pour la defense de 
la validite des Ordinations Anglicanes, cap. 
xv., p. 416, &c. [Couraycrs book, I have 
not seen ; hut, in what respects queen Eliz 
abeth limited the powers of the kings of Eng 
land as supreme heads of the church, or when 
and where, she declared, that the regal power 
did not extend to religion itself and to things 
sacred, I am unable to determine. Burnct 
indeed, (Hist, of the Reform., vol. iii., p. 
492, ed. London, 1825), says of the power 
conferred on Elizabeth at the commence 
ment of her reign by the act of supremacy : 
" It was in many things short of the authority 
that king Henry had claimed. But he spe 
cifies no particulars; and it is well known, 
that Henry far transgressed the limits which 
he pretended to set to his own power as head 
of the church. Neal says of the power given 
to Elizabeth by the above act of her parlia 
ment ; " Nor is it the whole that the queen 
claimed, who sometimes stretched her pre 
rogative beyond it." (Hist, of the Puritans, 
vol. i., ch. iv., p. 168, ed. Portsm., 1816.) 
Hume says of this act, (Hist, of England, 
vol. iv.. ch. xxxviii., p. 151, ed Philad., 
1810), " Though the queen was there de 
nominated governess, not head, of the church, 
it conveyed the same extensive power, which, 
under the latter title, had been exercised 
by her father and brother." And he adds 
(ibid., p. 274), " Scarcely any sovereign be 
fore Elizabeth, and none after her, carried 
higher, both in speculation and practice, the 
authority of the crown." He likewise says, 
(p. 290), " Religion was a point, of which 
Elizabeth was, if possible, still more jealous, 



by Mr. Ncal, in his Hist, of the Puritans, 
vol. i., ch. iv., p. 169-172. "They never 
pretended to be spiritual persons ; or to ex 
ercise any part of the ecclesiastical function, 
in their own person ; they neither preached, 
nor administered the sacraments," &c. " But, 
abating this point, it appears very probable, 
that all the jurisdiction and authority, claimed 
by the pope, as the head of the church, was 
transferred to the king, by the act of suprem 
acy, as far as was consistent with the laws of 
the land then in being ; though since, it has 
undergone some abatements." He then pro 
ceeds to the following specifications. " I. 
The kings and queens of England claimed 
authority in matters of faith, and to be the 
\iltimate judges of what is agreeable or re 
pugnant to the word of God." " II. With 
regard to discipline, the king is the supreme 
and ultimate judge in the spiritual courts by 
his delegates, as he is in the courts of com 
mon law by his judges." "" III. As to rites 
and ceremonies, the Act of Uniformity (1 
Eliz., cap. i.) says expressly, that the queen s 
majesty, by advice of her ecclesiastical com- 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 



189 



stitution of the church, is very nearly the same as that of the state. The 
clergy, distributed into two houses called the upper and lower houses of 
Convocation, are assembled by the order of the king and a summons from 
the archbishop of Canterbury ; and they decree by common consent what 
ever the interests of the church are thought to demand ; and the king and 
Parliament give to their decrees the sanctions and authority of laws. (67) 
Yet this subject has been much controverted ; the king and the Parliament 
putting one construction upon the ecclesiastical constitution, and the rulers 
of the church, particularly those who think the church is an independent 
body, giving a different construction of it. And in fact, the ecclesiastical 
constitution of England has not a fixed and uniform character, but it de 
pends on custom and usage and the fluctuations of time, rather than on 
established laws. 

32. The question, what is the best form and organization of a Chris- 
tian church, produced likewise warm contests, which hitherto no means 
have been found able to decide. The Genevans, guided by Calvin, judged 
it proper that the private affairs of single churches should be directed by 
a body of elders or presbyters, all equals ; that matters of a more public 
and important character, should be decided in conventions of delegated 
elders in the provinces ; and that the interests of the whole church, and 
matters of special difficulty, should be discussed, as anciently, in a council 
of the whole church. (68) Nor did the Genevans omit any exertions to 

missioners, or of her metropolitan, may or- delegation from him. The king was chief 
dain and publish such ceremonies or rites, as in the determination of all causes in the 
may be most for the advancement of God s church ; he had authority to make laws, 



L r lory, and the edifying of the church. Ac 
cordingly, her majesty published her injunc- 
ions, without sending them into convocation 



ceremonies, and constitutions, and without 
him no such laws, ceremonies, or constitu 
tions, are, or ought to be of force. And 



or parliament, and erected a court of High lastly, all appeals, which before had been 

Commission, for ecclesiastical causes, con- made to Rome, are for ever hereafter to be 

sisting of commissioners of her own nomina- made to his majesty s chancery, to be ended 

tion, to see them put in execution. Nay, so and determined, as the manner now is, by 



jealous was queen Elizabeth of this branch of 
her prerogative, that she would not suffer her 
high court of parliament to pass any bill for 
the amendment or alteration of the ceremo 
nies of the church, it being (as she said) an 
invasion of her prerogative." " IV. The 



delegates." Tr.~\ 

(67) Jo. Cosin, de ecclesiae Anglicans 
religione et disciplina. cap. viii., p. 53 : in 
Thomas Smiths Vitae eruditiss. virorum, 
London, 1700, 4to. David Wilkins, de vet. 
et mod. Synodi Anglic, constitutione ; in 



kings of England claimed the sole power of his concil. Mag. Brit., torn, i., p. vii., &c. 
the nomination of bishops ; and the deans (68) [Dr. Maclaine thinks Dr. Mosheim 

and chapters were obliged to choose those has here made a great mistake, in specifying 

whom their majesties named, under penalty three judicatories as provided by the Gene- 



of a preemunire ; and after they were chosen 
and consecrated, they might not act, but by 
commission from the crown." "V. No con 
vocation, or synods of the clergy, can assem 
ble, but by a writ or precept from the crown ; 
and when assembled, they can do no business, 
without the king s letters patents, appointing 
them the particular subjects they are to de 
bate upon ; and after all, their canons are of 
no force without the royal sanction." " Upon 
the whole it is evident, by the express words 
of several statutes, (31 Hen. VIII., cap. xvii., 
1 Eliz., c. i.), that all jurisdiction, ecclesias 
tical as well as civil, was vested in the king, 
and taken away from the bishops, except by 



van plan ; while in fact the Genevan repub 
lic had but two ecclesiastical bodies, the 
Venerable Company of the pastors and pro 
fessors, and the Consistory. But there is 
no need of severe criticism. The Presby 
terian system is simply this, that single 
churches should each have a judicatory, 
composed of all the elders belonging to it ; 
that this judicatory be responsible to one or 
more higher judicatories, composed of dele 
gated elders : and that the highest judicato 
ry be, that of a national synod, constituted 
in the same manner. Where the state is 
very small, as that of Geneva, there would 
be but nne delegated body, in which each 



190 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 

persuade all their confederates to embrace this system. But the Englisl 
judged the old system of church government, to be very sacred, and there, 
fore not to be changed : this system commits the inspection and care of cer- 
tain minor provinces exclusively to the bishop ; under the bishops are the 
presbyters of single churches ; under the presbyters are the ministers 01 
deacons ; and the common interests of the whole body are discussed in as 
semblies of the bishops and those next in rank to them. And this system, 
with some exceptions, is adopted by the Bohemian and Moravian Brethren, 
who belong to the Reformed church. (69) This single disagreement, as each 
party traced the origin of its own system to Jesus Christ and his apostles, 
was sufficient to divide up the whole Reformed church into sects : and, in 
fact, it rent the English church into two factions, to the great injury of 
the community. But, in contravention of the wishes of many, the pru. 
dence of certain excellent individuals prevented the evil from spreading 
abroad, and destroying the fellowship of foreigners with the English. 
These men disseminated the principle, that Jesus Christ prescribed no def 
inite form of government for his church ; and therefore that every na 
tion may frame such a system for itself, as the circumstances of ihe coun 
try require, provided it be not prejudicial to the truth nor tend to the res 
toration of superstition. (70) 

33. Cdluin believed, that such as led vicious and ungodly lives, ought 
to be deprived of communion in divine ordinances ; and that profligates 



individual church would be represented. 
But in larger states, as France, Holland, 
and Scotland, there would be a gradation of 
three or four distinct judicatories, each high 
er composed of delegates from the next 
lower. In France, there were, (1) Consis 
tories, or church sessions, (2) the Elderships 
or Presbyteries, (3) the provincial councils. 
and (4) the national Synods ; all formed on 
this plan. In Scotland, originally, the low 
est judicatory was that of three or four con 
tiguous churches united, then the provincial 
synods, and last the General Assembly. 
But, at an early period, each church came to 
have its distinct session ; and this produced 
a gradation of four judicatories in Scotland. 
But while the Reformed admitted of no 
higher judicatory than a national council, or 
considered the church of each country as an 
independent body, they allowed of a con 
nexion between national churches. Thus 
the national synods of the French church, 
in this century, held a continued correspond 
ence by letters and envoys, with the church 
of Geneva ; and also regularly sent repre 
sentatives to the Reformed church of the 
low countries ; and received delegates from 
them. And in the next century, the Re 
formed Dutch church invited the Reformed 
churches of France, Germany, England, 
&c., to assist them, by their representatives, 
in the national synod of Dort. So at the 
present day, in the United States of Amer 
ica, the General Assembly of the Presby 



terian church annually exchanges delegate- 
with the General Associations of the New- 
England States ; and also holds correspond 
ence with some transatlantic bodies. Tr.] 

(69) See the Epistola d.e Ordmatione el 
snccessione Episcopal! in imitate fratruia 
Bohemorum conservata ; in Christ. Malik 
Ffaff s Institutt. Juris Eccles., p. 410. 

(70) Here may be consulted with advan 
tage, the discussions on the subject between 
Fred. Spavhcim and John van dcr Waeyfii. 
in the works of Spanhcirn, torn, ii., lib. 
viii., ix., p. 1055, &c. The same opinion 
is said to have been embraced by the Brit 
ish divines who lived near the times of the 
Reformation ; and to have been first repu 
diated by John Whit gift. Daniel Neal, 
History of the Puritans, vol. iii., p. 140. 
[This statement is incorrect, as respects 
bishop Whit gift. Mr. Neal says, (vol. iii., 
p. 156, ed. Portsmouth, 1817), " Most of 
our first reformers were so far in these sen 
timents," (those of the Erastians\ " as to 
maintain, that no one form of church gov 
ernment is prescribed in scripture, as an in 
variable rule for future ages ; as Cranmcr, 
Rcdmayn, Cox, &.C., and archbishop Whit- 
gift, in his controversy with Cartwright, 
delivers the same opinion: " I deny (says 
he) that the scripture has set down any one 
certain form of rhurch^ government to bt 
perpetual." "The chief patrons of this 
scheme in the (Wetsminster) Assembly, 
were Dr. Lightfoot, Mr. Caiman, Mr. Sr.i 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 191 

and the slaves of lust were also to be restrained by the laws of the state. 
In this matter he differed from Zwingle, who ascribed all power to the 
magistrates alone, and would not allow to the ministers of religion the right 
to exclude transgressors from the church, or to deprive them of the com- 
munion.(Tl) And so great was the influence of Calvin at Geneva, that 
he was able, though with great perils and amid perpetual conflicts with 
the patrons of licentiousness, to establish there a rigorous system of mor 
al discipline, supported and exercised with the countenance of the laws ; 
whereby abandoned characters were first excluded from the church by the 
ecclesiastical court or the Consistory, and then were either banished the 
city or restrained by other punishments. (72) The clergy iti the cantons 
of Switzerland, wished to copy after this discipline of Calvin, and to obtain 
the same power over transgressors ; but their desires and efforts were in 
vain. For the people in the cantons of Bern, Zurich, Basle, &c., would by 
no means allow a removal of the boundaries set by Zwingle to the jurisdic 
tion of the church, or permit the enlargement of its powers and preroga 
tives.^) 

34. That all branches of learning both sacred and profane, were every 
where successfully cultivated, among the Reformed in this century, is well 
known ; and the numerous monuments of their splendid geniuses, which 
are still preserved, forbid any one to be ignorant of the fact. Zwingle was 
disposed to exclude philosophy from the church :(74) but the succeeding 
Swiss doctors soon discovered, that in such a world as this, and especially 
in the disputes on religious subjects, a knowledge of it cannot be dispensed 
with. Hence, when Calvin erected the academy of Geneva in 1558, he at 
once provided for it a professor of philosophy. But this professor was re 
quired to explain in his lectures none but the Aristotelian philosophy, 
which then reigned in all the schools. (75) Nor did the other universities 

den, Mr. Whitlock ; and in the house of com- wrote to James de Palais or De Bourgogne, 

mons, besides Sclden and Whitlock, Oliver published at Amsterdam, 1744, 8vo, p. 126, 

St. John, Esq. ; Sir Thomas Widrington; 127, 132, 153, 157. The party at, Geneva, 

John Crew, Esq. ; Sir John Hipslcy, and which defended the former licentiousness of 

others of the greatest names." 7V.] morals, not only with their tongues but by 

(71) See the excellent letter of Rud. their actions and with force of arms, and 
Gvalther, in Jo. Conrad Fuesliris Centu- which Calvin called the sect of the Liber- 
ria i. Epistolar. a Reformator. Helvet. scrip- tines, was very powerful. But Calvin * 
tar., p. 478, where he says : Excommuni- resolution was also invincible, and his rig- 
cationem neque Zwinglius neque Bullin- orous discipline triumphed. 

gerus unquam probarunt, et obstiterunt iis (73) See, for example, the commotions 

qui earn aliquando voluerunt introducere. at Lausanne ; in the Museum Helveticum, 

Basiliae quidem CEcolampadius, multum dis- torn, ii , p. 119, &c. The disputes on 

suadente Zwinglio, instituerat sedadeonon this subject among the people of the Palat- 

durabilis fuit ilia constitutio, ut OEcolampa- inate, who wished to adopt the Genevan 

dius illam abrogarit, &c. Compare p. 90. discipline, are described by Henry Alt-ing, in 

(72) Nothing caused Calvin more troub- his Hist. Eccles. Palatina ; and by Struve, 
les, cabals and perils, at Geneva, than his in his Pfalzischen Kirchenhist., p. 212, &c. 
determined resolution to purge the church (74) Zwingle, in the dedication of his 
of transgressors, and to restrain and punish book on true and false religion to Francis 
such as violated the rules established by the I. king of France, says expressly, on p. 12, 
church, or by the Consistory which repre- Philosophise interdictum est a Christi scho- 
sented the church. See his Life, written by Iis: at isti (the Sorbonists) fecerunt earn 
Beza, and prefixed to his Letters; the coelestis verbi magistram. 

Notes to the second volume of Jac. Span s (75) Theodore Beza s Epist Theolog., ep. 
Histoire de Geneve ; and Calvin himself, xxxvi., p. 156. Certum nobis ac constiiutum 
in his Letters, especially in those which he est, et in ipsis tradendis Logicis et in cete- 



192 BOOK IV CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART IL CHAP. II. 

of the Reformed, suffer a different philosophy to be taught in them. Yet 
at Basle, the system of Peter Ramus, for a time, was by some preferred to 
that of Aristotle. (70) 

35. The Reformed church, from its very commencement, had many 
expositors of the Scriptures, several of whom were ingenious and excel 
lent. Zwingle s labours in explanation of most of the books of the New 
Testament, arc not to be despised. He was followed by Henry Bullinger, 
John (Ecolampaditis, Wolfgang Musculus, and many others, not his equals 
indeed in genius and learning, yet all of them meriting some praise. But 
the first rank among the interpreters of this age, is deservedly assigned to 
John Calvin, who endeavoured to expound nearly the whole of the sa 
cred volume ; arid to Theodore Beza, whose New Testament, illustrated 
with learned remarks of various kinds, especially critical ones, has been 
often published, and has not to this day lost all the renown and esti 
mation in which it was formerly held. It is an honour to most of these 
expositors, that disregarding allegories and mystical interpretations, they 
endeavour to ascertain the literal import of the language used by the in 
spired men : but on the other hand some of them, and in particular Calvin, 
have been reproached, because they venture to refer to Jewish affairs, 
some predictions of the ancient prophets which relate to Jesus Christ and 
represent him as present to their view ; and thus have deprived Christianity 
of important corroboration.(77) 

36. The state of dogmatic theology among the Swiss and the other 
Reformed, was much the same as it was among the Lutherans. Zwinqlc 
early collected and digested the principal doctrines of Christianity, in his 
little book on true and false Religion. Afterwards, John Calvin produced 
a much larger and more perfect work of this sort, entitled Institutes of the 
Christian Religion ; which long held the same rank and authority in nearly 
all countries of the Reformed church, as Mclancthorfs Commonplace 
Book (Loci Communes) did among the Lutherans. Calvin was succeed 
ed by many writers on dogmatic theology, some more prolix and others 
more concise ; as Musculus, Peter Martyr, Piseator, and others. The 
earlier the writer in this department, the less he has of subtility and phil 
osophical discrimination ; and in this they resemble Calvin, whose Insti 
tutes are written in a perspicuous and elegant style, and have nothing ab 
struse and difficult to be comprehended in the arguments or mode of rea 
soning. But after a Avhile, the Aristotelico-Scholastic philosophy which 
was every where inculcated, invaded also the fields of theology ; and it 
rendered them barren, thorny, and frightful, by means of its barbarous 
terms, its captious interrogatories, its tenuous distinctions, and its rubbish 
of useless matter. (78) 

rts explicandis disciplinis, ab Aristotehs sen- Richard Simon, in his Histoire crit. du 

tentia ne tantillum quidem deflectere. Vieux Test., p. 434, places him above Lu- 

(76) See Casper Brant s Vita Jacobi Ar- /Apr, as to discrimination and soundness of 
minii ; and the notes we formerly annexed judgment ; though he ascribes to Luther 
to it, p. 8, 12, 13. more knowledge of the Hebrew. He adds : 

(77) See JEgid. Hunnius, Calvinus Ju- Au reste, Calvin aiant 1 esprit fort eleve, 
daizans, Witternberg, 1595. 8vo ; to which on trouve dans tous ses Commentaires sur 
Damd Parceus opposed his Calvinus Ortho- 1 Ecriture un je ne-scal-quoi qui plait 
doxus, Neostadii, 1595, 8vo. [Even the d abord, et comme il s etoit principalement 
Catholics have done Calvin the justice, to applique a connoitre 1 homme, il a rempli ses 
rank him among the good commentators. Livres d une Morale qui touche. Schi] 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 



37. Their instructions for regulating the life and conduct, are annex- 
ed for the most part, by the Reformed theologians of this age, to their 
doctrines of faith : which was according to the example of Calvin, whom they 
nearly all follow as their guide. For he, in the last chapter but one of his In- 
stitutes, treats of the civil power or the government of the state; and in the 
last chapter, of the life and conduct of a Christian : but he is less full, than 
the importance and copiousness of the subject demand. Those in other re 
spects excellent men, were prevented from labouring to elucidate and sys 
tematize this branch of sacred knowledge, by the same causes that diverted 
our theologians from it; and especially by the tumult of perpetual con 
troversy. It is conceded by eminent divines among the Reformed, that 
William Perkins, an Englishman. (79) first undertook to explain in a more 
accurate manner the science of practical theology ; which Calvin and his 
contemporaries had left in a rude and imperfect state. With him was as 
sociated, among the Hollanders William TeUng.(SQ) who wrote however 



(78) Yet what is called the scholastic 
mode of treating theology, appears to have 
pervaded the Reformed church, somewhat 
later than it did our church. At least, it 
was quite recent in Holland, at the time of 
the council of Dort, [A. D. 1619.] In this 
council, John Maccovius a professor at 
Franeker who was initiated in all the mys 
teries of the philosophic schools, was ac 
cused by Sibr. Lubbert, of corrupting the 
truths of revelation. The case being in 
vestigated, the judges decided, that Macco- 
VIHS had not indeed perverted Christian doc 
trines, but that he employed a mode of 
teaching of less simplicity than was proper ; 
for he followed rather the example of the 
Scholastic doctors, than that of the Holy 
Spirit. We will give the decision of the 
council, in the language of Walter Balcan- 
quall, in his epistle to Sir Dudley Carlcton, 
(which is the 35()th of the Epistolas Eccle 
siastics, published by Phil. Limhorch, p. 
574.) Maccovimn nullius haereseos reum 
teneri peccasse eum, quod quibusdam am- 
bigiris et obscuris Scholasticis phrasibus 
usus sit : quod Sc/iolasticum docendi modum 
zonctur in Belgicis Acadcmiis introducer e. 
Monendum esse eum, ut cum Spiritu 
Sancto loquatur, non cum Bellarrnino et 
Suarezio. Maccovius did not obey these 
admonitions ; as is manifest from his wri 
tings, which are full of scholastic wit and 
knotty discussions. He therefore, seems 
to have first taught the Dutch to philoso 
phize on revealed religion. Yet he had 
associates, as William Ames, and others. 
And it must be true, that this philosophic 
or scholastic form of theology was exten 
sively prevalent among the Reformed, an 
terior to the synod of Dort, if that be true, 
which Simon Episcopius states in his last 
oration to his disciples at Leyden ; namely, 
that he had studiously avoided it, and had 

VOL. III. BB 



thereby incurred the violent hatred of the 
other doctors. He says, (in Phil. Lim- 
lorch s Life of Episcopius, p. 123), Vide- 
Imm ventatem multarum et maximarum re- 
rum in ipsa Scriptura sacra, elaboratis hu- 
niana industria phrasibus, ingeniosis vo- 
cabularurn fictionibus, locorum communium 
artificiosis texturis, exquisitis terminoruzn 
ac formularum invention ibus adeo involu- 
fani, perplexam, et intricatam redditam esse, 
ut CL *!ipo srrpe opus esset ad Sphingem il- 
lam 1 heologicam enodandam. Ita cst, et 
hinc primse lacryrnae. And, a little after, p, 
124, he adds : Reducendam itaque termino 
nun Apostolicorurn et cuivis obviorum sin> 
plicitatem semper sequendam putavi, et 
sequestrandas, on as Academise et Scholar 
tanquam proprias sihi vindicant, Logicas, 
philosophicasque speculationes et dictiones. 

(79) [ William Perkins was born in 1558, 
educated at Cambridge, where he became 
fellow of his college and also a parish priest. 
He died in 1602, awed 44. In early life, 
he was profane, prodigal, and given to in 
temperance ; but when reformed, he became 
eminent for piety and an exemplary life 
He was a Puritan, and as such repeatedly 
persecuted ; was strictly Calvinistic, a very 
popular and faithful preacher, and a volumi 
nous writer. His works, which were print 
ed at Geneva, 1G03, in 3 vols. fol., have 
been much read and admired on the Conti 
nent. See Brook s lives of the Puritans, 
vol. ii., p. 129, &c. His chief works on 
practical theology, are Anatomy of the hu 
man Conscience ; On the right, way of liv 
ing and dying; On the nature of repent 
ance. &c. TV.] 

(80) \_Tcling died in 1629, at Haarlem, 
where he was a preacher. His practical 
writings bear the marks of that age, and 
generally have allegorical titles; e. g., 
The pole star of genuine piety. At this 



/94 COOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II. 



in the Dutch language. In emulation of them, William Ames, an Eng. 
lishman,(81) but a theologian of Franeker in Holland, undertook to com 
pose a complete system of Practical Theology. (82) Afterwards, others 
prosecuted the subject. 

38. There did not arise in this century, so many sects and religious* 
contests among the Reformed, as there were among us : which, \vhile they 
may esteem it much to their credit, may be easily traced to adequate- 
cause s, bv one acquainted with the history of the Reformed church. (83) 
Yet John Calvin mentions and confutes one very pernicious faction, which 
was far worse than any of ours ; namely, the sect of the Libertines or the 
Spirituals ; which originated from Anthony Pockes, Gerhard -Rujf, Quintin, 
and others its leaders and founders, in Flanders ; and thence passed into 
France, where it obtained countenance, from Margaret, the queen of Na 
varre and sister of Francis 1., and found patrons likewise in other sections 
of the Reformed church. (84) These Spirituals, if we carefully consider 
all that Ca/vt n and others have written against them, not always with suf- 



day, thev are useful onlv in the 
practical theology. .SVA/.] 

(81) [In the original, Dr. Ainr,v it; called 
d Sr.otc/iman. So palpable an error, is cor 
rected without scruple, in the translation. 
He was born in the county of Norfolk, 
England, in the year 157T> ; educated at 
Cambridge, under Mr. Perkins; became 
fellow of his colleire ; was a. zealous Puri 
tan, and persecuted in 1 ("!](). He tied into 
Holland ; preached a while in the English 
church at the Ha^ue ; was made professor 
of divinity at Franeker; resigned the ollice, 
at the end of 12 vears, on account of his 
health; and retired to Rotterdam, where he 
died in N>o3, aired 57. His widow and 
children removed to New-England ; to 
which he had intended to remove. He 
was learned, acute, soundly Calvinistie, 
and a strict Independent. His writings 
are numerous, chiefly polemic and doctri 
nal, and written in a clear, concise, and 
nervous Latin style. See Middleton s Bi- 
ographia Evannelica, vol. lii . p. 45, &c., 
and Brook s Lives of the Puritans, vol. ii., 
p. 405, &c. TV.] 

(82) See the Dedication and Preface to 
W/lJi/nn Amex" formerly very famous work. 



among other things, that in the universities 
of the Reformed, the chief attention was 
then bestowed on dogmatic and polemic 
theology ; and that practical theology lay 
neglected : Theologi projdare se instructos 
putant ad omnes oOicn sui partes. si dog 
mata tantum mtelligant. Nequc tamen 
o;:mia dogmata scrutanlur, scd ilia sola, 
qua 1 precipue solent agitari et in contro- 
versiam vocari. 

(88) [J)r. Marldinc says here: "Dr. 
Mosheim ought to have jjiven us a hint of 
his manner of accounting for this, to avoid 
the suspicion of having been somewhat at a 
loss j or a favourable solution." S^hlcgcl 
therefore subjoins the following : " The 
Reformed church was at first small, and 
more closely knit together, than the Luther 
an ; and of course there could not arise ii: 
it such wide spreading contentions. The 
leading persons also were able so to tem 
per their disagreements, that they could not 
break out into a great flame. Zwingle and 
Cii/n/i were men of great influence, who 
could arrest all contentions with as much 
power, as Luther could. But Melancthon, 
who succeeded Lit t her, had not such in 
fluence ; and when he was dead, there was 



<le Consrientia ct ejiis jure. In page 3 of no one to be found in our church, competent 



the Preface, amonir other things, he says : 
Quod hrv-c. viars prophetiae (i. e., practical 
theology), hactenus minus fuerit exculta, 
hoc inde fuif, quod primipilares nostri per- 
petuo in acie adversus hostes pugnare, 
fidem propuirnare et arearn ecclesue pur- 
gare, necessitate quodarn cogebantur, ita nt 
agros et vineas plantare et rigare non po- 
tuerint ex voto, sicut bello fervente usu 
venire solet. His Exhortation, addressed 
to the theological students at Franeker, and 



to extinguish the fire, which, during his life 
time, had been smoking in the ashes." A 
better solution may be found, I think, in the 
spirit and the religious principles of the two 
communities. For in the English church, 
which most resembled the Lutheran in these 
respects, there was as violent and as per 
nicious contention, as amono- the Lutherans. 
-Tr.j 

(84) See Calvin s Instructio adversu? 
fanaticam et furiosam sectam Libertinomm. 



subjoined to the above work, is worthy of qni so Spirituales vocant ; in his Tractutu? 
perusal. From this address we may learn Theologici, p. 599, &c. 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. J0 

ficient perspicuity, (for I do not know, that any of their own writings are 
extant,) maintained ; that God himself works all things in all men, or is 
the cause and author of all human actions ; that therefore, the common 
notions of a difference between good actions and bad, are false and vain; 
that men cannot, properly speaking, commit sin ; that religion consists 
in the union of the rational soul or the spirit, with God ; that if a person 
attains to this, by contemplation and directing his mind upward, he may 
freely obey the instincts of his nature ; for, whatever he may do, he will 
be innocent, and after death will be united to God. These doctrines are 
so similar to the views of the ancient Begluirds or Brethren of the Free 
Spirit, that I have very little doubt, these Spirituals were their descendants : 
and the fact, that this sect originated in Flanders, which in the fourteenth 
and fifteenth centuries was full of this sort of people, corroborates the sup- 
position. 

39. Totally different in character from these Spiritual Libertines, 
though not unfrequently confounded with them, were those Libertines of 
Geneva, with whom John Calvin had to contend fiercely all his life. The 
latter were no other than citizens of Geneva, who could not endure Calvin s 
rigorous discipline ; and who, in opposition to his regulations, defended 
with craft and violence, with factions, insults and abuse, the dissolute mor 
als of their progenitors, their brothels and carousals, their sports and frol 
ics ; all of which, as well as other indications of an irreligious spirit, Cal 
vin most severely condemned and chastised. (85) There were moreover in 
this turbulent faction, persons not only dissolute in their lives, but also 
scoffers and despiscrs of all religion. Such a character was James Gruct ; 
who not only assailed Calvin with all his power, and called him bishop of 
Ascoh(8Q) and the new pope, but. also discarded and opposed the divinity 
of the Christian religion, the immortality of the soul, the distinction be 
tween right and wrong, and whatever else was most sacred in the view of 
Christians ; and for this, he was punished capitally, in the year 1550. (87) 

40. Calvin had also at Geneva controversies with some, who could not 
digest his doctrines and especially his gloomy doctrine of absolute decrees. 
Being a man of excessive ardour, and too jealous of his own reputation, 
he would not suffer them to reside at Geneva : nay, in the heat of contro 
versy yielding to his passions, he frequently accused them of crimes and 
enormities, from which they have been acquitted by the judgment of pos 
terity. (88) Among these was Sebastian Castalio, master of the public 
school at Geneva ; a man not indeed free from all faults, yet honest, and 
distinguished for erudition and the elegance of his genius. As he would 
not praise all that Calvin and his colleagues did and taught, and especially 
as he rejected Calvin s and Beta s doctrine of pure and absolute predesti- 

(85) See Jac. Sporis Histoire < e Ge- present day, since the Genevans themselves 
neve, torn, ii., p. 44, in the notes of the editor, and other doctors of the Reformed church, 

(86) [The import of this title of reproach, ingenuously confess, that the great talents 
or the ground of its pertinence in the view of Calvin were attended by no small defects 
of Gruct, is not explained by the historians of character ; which however, they think 
who mention it ; nor was Schlegel able sat- should be overlooked, on account of his ex- 
isfactorily to account for it. See his long traordmary merits. See the notes to Span s 
note. TV.] Histoire de Geneve, tome ii., p. 110, &c., 

(87) See Spon, loc. cit., tome ii., p. 47, and elsewhere ; also the Preface to the Let- 
the note. tres de Calvin a Jaques de Bourgogne, p 

f88) We may venture to say this at the xix.. &c. 



Uw BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. II 

nation, he was required in 1544, to resign his office and go into exile. But, 
the authorities of Basle received the exile, and gave him the Greek pro 
fessorship in their university. (89) 

41. Similar was the late of Jerome Bolscc, a French Carmelite monk, 
but greatly inferior to Castalio in learning and genius. He came to Ge. 
r.eva, allured by the reformation to which he was inclined, and there es 
tablished himself as a physician. But in the year 1551, he most impru- 
dently declaimed with vehemence in a public assembly, against the doctrine 
of God s absolute decrees. For this he was cast into prison, and at last 
was compelled to leave the city. He returned to his native country, and 
to the Romish religion which he had before renounced ; and now he as- 
sailed the reputation and the life and conduct of Calvin, and likewise of his 
colleague Beza. in the most slanderous publications. (90) From Bolsec*& 
calamity, originated the enmity between Calvin and James of Burgundy ; 
an illustrious descendant from the dukes of Burgundy, and a great patron 
and intimate friend of Calvin, who had been led by his attachment to him 
t fix his residence at Geneva. James employed Bolsec as his persona] 
physician ; and therefore supported him all he could, when borne clown by 
the influence of Calvin, to prevent his being entirely prostrated. This so 
exasperated Calvin, that, to avoid his resentments, James thought proper to 
retire from Geneva into the country. (91) 

42. Bernardin Ochin, an Italian of Sienna, and formerly vicar general 
of the order of Capuchins, a man of a fecund and discriminating mind, 
who preached to an Italian congregation at Zurich, was, in the year 1503, 
condemned and ordered into exile, by the decision of the whole Reformed 
church of Switzerland. For, in his books which were numerous, among 
other opinions differing from the common views, he taught in particular, that 
the law respecting the marriage of a single wife, was not in all cases with- 
out some exceptions. I [is works show, that he speculated on many sub- 
jects more boldly than that age would permit, and in a different manner 
from the Swiss theologians. Yet there are those who maintain, that his 
errors at the time when being old, and indigent, he was compelled to forsake 
Switzerland, were not so great as to deserve 1 to be punished with banish 
ment. He retired into Poland, and there united with the Antitrinitarians 
and Anabaptists ; and died in the year 1 504. (92) 

(89) See Jac. UytenbogarcTs Ecclesias- and rejected Calvin" 1 s opinion respecting 

tical History, written in Dutch, pt. ii., p. Christ s descent into hell. These were his 

VO-73 ; where he endeavours to evince the chief errors. Tr.] 

innocence of Castalio; Bayle s Dictionnaire, (90) See Baylc s Dictionnaire, article 

tome i., p. 792, eVc. [article C as tali on ; finlscc, tome i., p. 592. Jac. Span s His- 

which is elaborate, and appears to be can- toire dc Geneve, the note, tome ii., p. 55. 

did. Tr.] Paul Colomesius, Italia Oricn- Bibliotheque raisonnee, tome xxxii., p. 446, 

talis, p. 99, and others. [See. Jo. Conrad and tome xxxvi., p. 409. 
Fuslin s Lebensgeschichte Seb. Castellio, (91) See the Lettres de Calvin a Jarques 

Frankfort arid Lipsic, 1774, 8vo. ScJiL de Bourgogne, Preface, p. viii., &c. Bib- 

C as tali o was born in Dauphiny or Savoy, liotheque raisonnee, tome xxxii., p. 444, and 

1515, and spent his days at Strasburg, Ge- tome xxxiv.. p. 406. 

neva, and Basle; where he died in 1563. (92) Zach. Boverius, Annales Capucino- 

Ple was an elegant Latin and Greek scholar ; rum ; and from these Annals, the author of 

and wrote much, particularly translations into the book entitled: La guerre Seraphique, 

Latin and French. His Latin translation ou Histoire des perils qu a couru la barbe 

o r the Bible, is his most important work, des Capucins, livr. ii., p. 147, livr. iii., p. 

He denied unconditional election; consid- 192, 230, &c. Observationes Halenses 

"A l the Canticles as an uninspired book; Latinae, torn, iv., observ. xx., p. 406, torn. 



HISTORY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 197 

43. While the Reformed punished with so great severity the audacity 
of those who conceived some change was requisite in the prevailing doc- 
trines, they believed that the greatest mildness and gentleness were to be 
manifested, in those most violent contests between the English Puritans 
and Episcopalians. For while they were particularly attached to the Pu 
ritans, who contended for the doctrines and discipline of the Swiss ; they 
still regarded the Episcopalians with brotherly affection, and urged their 
confederates the Puritans, to do the same ; notwithstanding the Episco. 
palians injured most sensibly the greater part of the Reformed community 
and by proclaiming the divine origin of their own discipline, scarcely al- 
lowed to the Reformed the name and the prerogatives of a true church. 
This moderation resulted from prudence, and from the fear of offending a 
high-spirited and prosperous nation, and its most powerful queen whose 
influence governed even Holland also ; and finally, from the danger of a 
destructive schism among the Reformed. For indeed, it is one thing to 
coerce and to cast out feeble and unarmed individuals, who are disposed 
to disturb the peace of a city by advancing opinions, not perhaps absolute. 
ly absurd nor of dangerous tendency, yet really novel ; and quite another 
thing, to provoke and drive to a secession, a noble and most nourishing 
church, which may be defective in some respects. Moreover the ground 
of the dissension [in England] hitherto, did not seem to be religion itself; 
but the external forms of religion, and the constitution of the church. Yet 
soon afterwards, some of the great principles of religion itself were brought 
under discussion. (93) 

44. No one can deny or be ignorant of the fact, that the Reformed 
church in this age abounded in very eminent men, who were distinguished 
for their acquisitions of knowledge both human and divine. Besides UI- 
ric Zwingle, John Calvin, and Theodore Beza, men of inexhaustible genius ; 
the following have acquired by their writings, immortal praise ; namely, 
John (Ecolampadius, Henry Bidlingcr, William Farell, Peter Viret, Peter 
Martyr, Theodore Bibh ander, Wolfgang Musculus, Conrad Pellican, Lew 
is Lavatar, Rudolph Hospinian, ZacJiarias Ursinus, Thomas Cranmer, arch 
bishop of Canterbury, Stephen Szegedinus, and many others ; whose 
names and merits may be learned from the common writers of literary his 
tory, especially from Melchior Adam, Anthony Wood, Gerard Brandt, Dan 
iel Neal, an Englishman, the very learned and industrious author of the 
History of the Puritans, and from other writers. (94) 

v., observ. i., p. 3, &c. Bai/le s Diction- for overthrowing, the received opinions con- 
naire, tome iii., p. 2105. Christ. Sand s corning predestination, perseverance, frec- 
Bibliotheca Anti-Trinitar., p. 4, &c. Ni- will, effectual grace, and the extent of 
ceron, Mernoires pour servir a 1 Histoire des Christ s redemption. These are the doc- 
Homines illustres, tome xix., p. 166, &c. trines to which Dr. Mosheirn alludes in this 
[See the sketch of his life, above, p. 77, near passage. The clergy of the episcopal church 
the end of note (10). Tr.~\ began to lean towards the notions concern- 

(93) [The sarcasms of Dr. Mosheim in ing these intricate points, which Armimus 
this section, against the Reformed, do him propagated some time after this : while, on 
no honour. The note of Dr. Madame, the other hand, the Puritans adhered rigor- 
however, is worth inserting. It is this : ously to the system of Calvin. Several 
" All the Prote^^ant divines of the Reformed episcopal doctors remained attached to the 
church, whether Puritans or others, seemed same system, and all these abettors of Cal- 
indeed, hitherto, of one mind about the doc- vinism, whether Episcopal or Presbyterian, 
trines of faith. But, towards the latter end were called doctrinal Puritans." 7V.] 
of queen Elizabeth s reign, there arose a par- (94) [All the larger biographical diction- 
ty, which were first for softening, and then aries may be consulted ; and also the En- 



193 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. ChAP JII 



CHAPTER III. 



HISTORY OF THE SECT OF ANABAPTISTS OR MENNON1TES. 

$ 1. Origin of the Anabaptists, obscure. <J> 2, 3. Their probable Origin. $ 4. Their first 
Movements. 5. Their Progress. 6. Punishments decreed them. 7. Those of 
Munster. 8. Merino Simonis. <J 9 His Doctrine. <$> 10. Origin of Sects among the 
Anabaptists. $ 11. The more gross, and the more refined. <j 12. Source of the Men- 
nonite Religion. 13. It was late reduced to a System. 14. "What it is. <$> 15. The 
first Principle of their common Doctrines. (, 16. Their Doctrines themselves. 6 17. 
Their practical Doctrines. $ 18. Singular Doctrines of certain Sects 19. Their 
Learning and Erudition.^ 20. Many Sects among them. <$> 21. Permanent Seat of 
the Mennonites first in Holland. <J> 22. The English Anabaptists. <J 23. General and 
particular, what their Views. f) 24. David George. 25. Henry Nicolai. The Fam- 
ilists. 

1. THE origin of the sect, who from their repetition of the baptism re- 
ceived in other communities, are called Anabaptists, (I) but who are also 



cyclopaedias, particularly that of Dr. l\r/y. 
To these may be added. Middlctori s Bio- 
raphia Evangelica, and Brook * Lives of the 
Puritans ; besides the numerous biographies 
of individual men. The means of becoming 
acquainted with the lives, characters, and 
writings of distinguished modern theologians, 
are so abundant, and the extent of the sub 
ject so iireat, that full lists of all the authors 
of each century, will not be tfiven in the notes 
to the centuries in this volume, as in those 
prior 10 the reformation. 7V.] 

(1) The modern Mcnnvaites arc offended 
with this term, and profess to be entirely free 
from the practice of repeating baptism, on 
which this name is founded. They admit, 
that the old Anabaptists had the custom of re- 
baptizing such as joined them from other de 
nominations of Christians ; but they say, the 
custom at this day is laid aside by much the 
greater part of their community. See Her 
man Sr.hytis Historic Mennonitarum plenior 
Deductio, cap. ii., p. 32. But, unless I am 
altogether deceived, these good men here 
lose sight of that simplicity and ingenuous 
ness, which they at times so highly recom 
mend ; and artfully conceal the true ground 
of this appellation. They pretend, that their 
predecessors were called Anabaptists, for 
this reason, that they thought those, who had 
been baptized in other communities after 
they became adults and attained to the full 
use of reason, were to be baptized again. 
But it is certain that the name was given to 
them, not only for that reason, but more es 
pecially, because they considered the persons 



who were initiated into the Christian churcu 
by baptism in their infancy, as not belonging 
to the church at all ; and therefore when sueli 
persons would join the Anabaptists, they 
baptized them a second time. And in this 
sentiment all the sects of Anabaptists con 
tinue quite to the present time, however 
much they may differ in other opinions and 
customs. Among the ancit nt Anabaptists, 
those in particular who are called Flemings 
or Ftatidrians, most fully merit this appella 
tion. For they rebapti/c, not only those who 
received baptism in other denominations in 
their childhood or infancy, but likewise such 
as received it :n adult years. Ps ay, each 
particular sect of Anabaptists, rcbaptizes 
those who come to them from the other sects 
of their denomination : for each sect consid 
ers its own baptism to be the only true and 
valid baptism. The more moderate Anabap 
tists, or the Watcrlandians as they are called, 
are a little wiser ; because thev do not re- 
bapti/e such as were baptized at adult years, 
in other denominations ; nor those who were 
baptized in other sects of Anabaptists. A-^d 
yet they are justly denominated Anabaptists, 
because they rebaptizc those who received 
baptism in their infancy. Still however the 
patrons of the sect most carefully keep this 
custom out of sight ; because they are afraid, 
lest the almost extinguished odium should 
revive, and the modern. Mennonites be re 
garded as descended from the flagitious An 
abaptists, if they should frankly state the 
facts as they are. Hear a very recent wri 
ter, Schyn, (loc. cit., p. 32), where he en 



HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 199 



denominated Mennonites, from the celebrated man to whom they owe a 
large share of their present prosperity, is involved in much obscurity. (2) 
For they suddenly started up, in various countries of Europe, under the in- 

tism, they are, literally and truly, Anabaptists, 
For they hold infant baptism to be no valid 
Christian baptism ; and therefore to be con 
sistent, when they receive to their church 
one who had been baptized in infancy, they 
must give him baptism ; for he is, on their 
principles, an unbaptized person. But ac 
cording to the believers in infant baptism, 
such a person had previously received a real, 
Christian baptism ; and therefore to baptize 
him now, is to rebaptize him. Such being 
the true state of the case, is not Dr. Mo- 
shcims eagerness to fasten on the Menno 
nites the odious name of Anabaptists, as good 
proof to say the least of disingenuous- 
ness, as is their eagerness to get rid of it < 
He if successful, gains nothing ; except to 
render them odious. They are striving to 
have a fair trial of their case, solely upon its 
merits ; without being exposed to the preju 
dice of words and names. 7V.] 

^2) The writers who treat of the Anabap 
tists, and who confute them, are enumerated 
at large, by Casp. Sagittarius, Introductio 
ad Historiam Eccles., torn, i , p. 826, &c., 
and by Chr. Matt ft. Pfuff, Introduct. in His- 
tor. litterariam Thcol., part ii.. p. 349, &c. 
To their lists must be added, the very recent 
writer and doctor among the Mennonites, 
Herman Srhyn ; who first published his 
Historia Mennonitarium, Amsterd., 1723, 
8vo, and afterwards his Historian Mennoni- 
tarum plenior Deductio, Amsterd., 1729, 
Svo. Both the works will aid in acquiring 
a knowledge of the affairs of this sect ; but 
neither of them deserves the title of a His 
tory of the Mennonites. For the writer 
deems it more his business, to defend and 
justify his sect, than to give a regular narra 
tive of their origin, progress, and revolutions. 
Yet he does not perform the functions of a 
vindicator, so learnedly and judiciously, that 
the Mennonites could not have a better pa 
tron. Of the historians and Confessions of 
the Mennonites, Jo. Christ. Kochrr treats 
expressly, in his Bibliothcca Theol. Sym- 
bolicae, p. 461, &c. [The principal English 
histories of baptism and of the Baptists or 
Mennonites, are Wni Wall s Hist of Infant 
Baptism, 2 vols. Svo, Loncl., 1705; his De 
fence of the History ; and Gale s Reflec 
tions on Wall s history : Thomas Crosby s 
Hist, of the Baptists, 4 vols. Svo, 1739. 
Robert Robinson s Hist, of Baptism, Loud , 
1790, 4 to, abridged by D. Benedict, Boston, 
1817, Svo, and Damd Benedict s Genera, 
Hist, of the Baptists, Boston, 1813, 2 vols 
8vo. TV.] 



deavours to show, that his brethren are un 
justly stigmatized with the odious name of 
Anabaptists : Anabaptismus ille, (says he), 
plane obsolevit, et a rnultis retro annis nemi- 
nem cujuscunque sectae Christiana 1 lidei jux- 
ta mandatum Chris ti baptizatum, dum ad 
nostras ecclesias transire cupit, rebaptizave- 
runt, i. e., That Anabaptism fias become 
wholly obsolete ; and far many years past, 
no person of any sect whatever, that holds the. 
Christian faith, if baptized ACCORDING TO 
THE COMMAND OF CHRIST, when he wishes 
to join our churches, is rcbuptizcd. On 
reading this, who would not readily suppose 
that the repetition of baptism no longer ex 
ists among the Mennonites of our times! 
But the fallacy is in some measure betrayed, 
by the words which we have printed in capital 
letters : according to the command of Christ. 
For the Anabaptists contend, that it is 
without any command of Christ, that infants 
are admitted to baptism. And the whole 
design is more clearly indicated, by the words 
which follow : sed ilium etiam ADULTORUM 
baptisrnum, ut sufficientem agnoscunt. And 
yet, as if he had fully established his point, 
Schyn thus concludes his argument ; Quare 
verissimum est, illud odiosum nomen Ana- 
baptistarum illis non convenire. But it does 
certainly belong to them ; because the very 
best of the Mennonites, equally with those 
from whom they are descended, think that 
the baptism of infants has no validity ; and 
therefore they cause those who have already 
been baptized among other Christians, to be 
again baptized with their baptism. There 
are many things which induce me to believe, 
that reliance cannot always be placed on the 
Confessions and the expositions of the mod 
ern Mennonites. Being instructed by the 
miseries and sufferings of their fathers, they 
conceal entirely those principles of their sect, 
from which their character and state would 
most clearly appear ; and the others, which 
they cannot conceal, they most studiously 
disguise, that they may not appear too bad. 
[This long and invidious note of Dr. Mo- 
shcim, the translator would gladly have 
emitted, if he had felt himself at liberty to 
suppress any thing contained in the book. 
For to what purpose are such discussions 1 
The point at issue is, whether the Menno 
nites or Baptists, are properly denominated 
Anabaptists. And the fact is, that accord 
ing to their own principles, they arc not, in 
the Jiteral and proper sense of the word, An 
abaptists or Rebaptizers. But according to 
the principles of all believers in infant bap- 



200 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. III. 



fluence of leaders of dissimilar characters and views ; and at a time 
the first contests with the Catholics so engrossed the attention of all, that 
they scarcely noticed any other passing occurrences. The modern Men- 
nonitcs affirm, that their predecessors were the descendants of those Wai* 
(lenses, who were oppressed by the tyranny of the papists ; and that they 
were a most pure offspring, and most averse from any inclinations towards 
sedition, as well as from all fanatical views. (3) On the contrary, their ad- 
versaries contend, that they arc descended from those turbulent and furious 
Anabaptists, who in the sixteenth century involved Germany, Holland, Swit 
zerland, and especially Westphalia, in so many calamities and civil wars; 
but that being terrified by the dreadful fate of their associates, through the 
influence of Mcnno Sii/ionis especially, they have gradually assumed a more 
sober character. After duly examining the whole subject, with impartial 
ity, I conceive that neither statement is altogether true. 

2. In the first place, I believe the Mennonites are not altogether in the 
wrong, when they boast of a descent from those Waldensians, IVlrobru- 
sians, and others, who are usually styled the Witnesses for the truth before 
Luther. Prior to the age of Luther, there lay concealed in almost every 
country of Europe, but especially in Bohemia, Moravia, Switzerland, and 
Germany, very many persons, in whose minds \\ as deeply rooted that prin 
ciple which the Waldensians, the Wicklillites, and the Hussites maintain 
ed, some more covertly and others more openly ; namely, that the kingdom 
\vhich Christ set up on the earth, or the visible church, is an assembly of 
holt/ persons ; and ought therefore to be entirely free not only from ungod- 
v persons and sinners, but from all institutions of human device against 
ungodliness. This principle lay at the foundation and was the source of 
all that \vas new and singular in the religion of the Mennonites: and the 
greatest purr, of their singular opinions, as is well attested, wcr <v approved 
some centuries before Lntlicr x time, by those who had such views of the 
nature of the church of Christ. (4) Some of this class of people, perceiving 

(3) Galc.nus Aliriilinin-t.it x Yerdediging tended to say. For, that in most of the 
der Chri^teiH n, die doopsgesinde genand points in which they appeared singular 
vvorden, p. ~9. Herman Schyn s plcnior among Pnt/tsta/i/s, they bore a nearer re- 
Deductio Histor. Mennonit., cap. i., p. 2, semblance to the proper Waldenses, the 
&c. WickliflUes, and the Hussites, than the other 

(4) As respects the Waldensians, see Protestants or than the Lutherans and the 
Philip a Lini/iorch\o Historia Inquisitionis, Reformed did, is very far from being true. 
lib. i., cap. viii., p. 37. ["See also Lt/dn On the contrary, it is a well-known historic 
Waldensia, and A/lix s Ancient churches of fact, that in the Ifith century the genuine 
Piedmont, ch. xxii.-xxvi., p. 211-280, N."- descendants of the old Waldensians, Wick- 
Macl.~\ That the Wickliffites and Hussites liflites, and Hussites, who were numerous in 
were not far from the same sentiments, can France, England, Bohemia, Moravia, &c., 
be shown l>y adequate testimony. [That readily united with the Lutheran and the 
the Mennonitcs, as being one of those. Prot- Reformed communities, and at length be- 
entant sects which renounced the Romish came absorbed in them ; and that very few, 
religion in the 16th century, resembled very if any of them, ever manifested a preference 
much the Waldenses, the Wickliffites, and for the Mcnmmitrs, or for any of the An ti 
the Hussites, those earlier revolters from pfrdobaptist sects of that age. The His- 
the Romish worship, is undoubtedly true, lory of the Reformation in all the countries 
And it may therefore be justly said, that where the arcient sects were found, fully es- 
" the greatest part of their singular opinions," tablishes this fact ; which is so adverse to 
meaning those in which they differed from the supposition of a legitimate descent of the 
the Romish church, " were approved, some Mennoniirs from the pure Waldensians. 
centuries before Luther s time." And this, The first Mennonites were not persons who 
I think, must be all that Dr. Mosheim in- had before borne the name of Waldensians 



HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 20> 

that such a church as they had formed an idea of, would never be estab 
lished by human means, indulged the hope that God himself would in his 
own time erect for himself a new church, free from every blemish and im 
purity ; and that he would raise up certain persons, and fill them with 
heavenly light for the accomplishment of this great object. Others, more 
discreet, looked for neither miracles nor inspiration ; but judged that the 
church might bo purified from all the contaminations of evil men, and be 
brought into the state that Christ had intended, by human efforts and care, 
provided the practice and the regulations of the ancient Christians were re 
stored to their pristine dignity and influence. 

3. The spirits and courage of this people, who had long been severely 
persecuted and scattered over many countries, revived, as soon as they 
heard that Luther, aided by many good men, was successfully engaged in 
reforming the very corrupt state of the church. According to their dif 
ferent principles and views, some supposed that the time was now come, 
when God himself would take possession of men s hearts and would set 
up his heavenly kingdom on the earth ; others concluded, that the long-ex 
pected and wished for restitution of the church, to be effected indeed un 
der the providence of God but yet by human agency, was now at hand. 
With these, as is common in such great revolutions, were joined many ev 
ery where, of similar aims but of unlike capacities ; who in a short, time, 
by their discourses, their dreams, and their prophecies, roused up a large 
part of Europe, and drew over to the party a vast multitude of the igno 
rant and ill-informed people. The leaders of this great multitude, errone 
ously conceiving that the new kingdom which they foretold was to be free 
from all evils and imperfections, because they considered the reformation 
of the church which Luther had commenced as not corresponding with the 
magnitude of the case, projected themselves a more perfect reformation of 
it, or rather, projected another and altogether a divine church. 

4. Whether the origin of this discordant sect which caused such mischief 
in both the civil and religious community, is to be sought for in Svvitzer- 



or who were known descendants of Walden- to me, to disprove the truth of their 

sians ; nor did they originate either in or near tion. There were indeed various mystical 

the countries where the Waldensians in that sects, tinctured more or less with Manichae- 

age resided. And if we endeavour to trace an views, in the twelfth and following cen- 

the history of that grand peculiarity of all turies, who rejected ail water-baptism, on 

Mennonitcs, their confining baptism to adult much the same grounds as the Quakers still 

believers and rejecting infant baptisms alto- do : (vol. ii., p. 265, &c., above), and some 

gether, we shall find, that at the time Menno of these assailed infant baptism especially, 

first embraced it, it existed among the nu- as being peculiarly unsuitable and absurd 

merous German Anabaptists, but not among There is also pretty good evidence, that 

the Waldenses of France or Bohemia, who early in the 12th century, Peter Bruis and 

were then universally believers in infant his successor Henry, with their followers 

baptism and were in fraternal communion the Petrobrus sians and Henricians, did at 

with the Lutheran and Reformed churches, first reject infant Iwptism, without discard- 

These Waldensian Poedobaptists moreover, ing all baptism. (See vol. ii., p. 267, and 

declared that they held the same belief the notes there.) But soon after, Peter 

which their fathers had maintained for sev- Waldo arose, and gave birth to the proper 

eral centuries ; and they appealed to their Waldensians ; and we hear no more of the 

old books, to make good their assertions. Petrobrussians and Henricians. They prob- 

See Jo. Paul Pernn s History of the Wai- ably gave up their opposition to infant-bap- 

denses, pt. i , b. i., ch. iv., p. 15, of the tisrn. See Wall s Hist, of Infant Baptism. 

Eng. translation ; and pt. iii., b. iii., iv., p. pt. ii., ch. vii. Tr.] 
99. Nor does ecclesiastical history appear 

VOL. III. C c 



j>02 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. III. 

land, or in Holland and Germany, 01 in some other country, it is not im 
portant to know, and is impossible fully to determine. (5) In my opinion, 
tjiis only can be aflirmed, that at one and the same time, that is, not long 
after the commencement of the reformation by Luther, there arose men of 
this sort, in several different countries. This may be inferred from the 
fact, that the first leaders of any note among the Anabaptists were, nearly 
all, founders of distinct sects. For though all these reformers of the 
church, or rather these projectors of new churches, are called Anabaptists, 
because they all denied that infants are proper subjects of baptism, and 
solemnly baptized over again those who had been baptized in infancy ; 
yet from the very beginning, just as at the present day, they were split 
into various parties which disagreed and disputed about points of no small 
importance. The worst part of this motley tribe, namely, that which sup- 
posed the founders of their ideal and perfect church would be endued with 
divine powers and would work miracles, began to raise great disturbances 
in Saxony and the neighbouring countries, in the year 1521, under the 
guidance of Thomas j.Uunzcr. j\iark Stubner, Nicholas -Store/:, and other 
chiefs. They first pursued their object by means of harangues, argumen 
tations, and the detail of divine visions, to which the leaders of their party 
made pretensions. But finding these means less efficient than they could 
wish, and that their influence was resisted by the arguments of Luther 
and others, they rushed to arms. Munzcr and his associates, having col 
lected a vast army from among the credulous populace, particularly in the 
rural parts of Suabia, Thuringia, Franconia, and Saxony, proclaimed war in 
the year ITrJo. against all law and civil governments, and declared, that 
Christ alone would reign from that time forward. But these forces were 
routed without much difficulty, by the elector of Saxony and other princes ; 
Mimzi r, the lin-brand of sedition, was put to death, and his aiders and 
abettors were dispersed. (6) 

f). By this bloody defeat, the others who were actuated by the same 
turbulent and fanatical spirit, were rendered indeed more timid, but not 
more wise. It appears that from this time onward, there roamed about 
Germany, Switzerland, and Holland, many persons infected with the same 
criminal principles which had proved the ruin of Munzer ; that in many 
places they disturbed both the church and the state, by their seditious dis 
courses ; that they gathered here and there larger or smaller congrega 
tions ; and in the name of God, announced sudden destruction as about to 
overtake the magistrates and the civil governments ; and while they pre 
tended to be ambassadors of God, often audaciously insulted the divine 
majesty, by their shameful conduct and crimes. Infamous with posterity 
beyond others of this senseless tribe, were the names of Lewis Hetzcr, 
Balthazar Hubmcyer, Felix Mantz, Conrad Grebcl, Melchior Hoffmann, 
George Jacobs, and others ; who would, if their abilities had been ade 
quate, have involved all Switzerland, Holland, and Germany, in tumults 

(5) Whether the Anabaptists appeared discussion, nor has he accomplished any 

first in Germany, or in Switzerland, is made thing. 

the subject of inquiry, by Jo. Conrad Fits- (6) See Ludov. a Seckendorfs Historia 

tin, Beytrage zur Schweizerischen Refor- Lutheranismi, lib. i., p. t92, 304, &c., lib. 

mationgeschichte, torn, i., p. 190, torn, ii., ii., p. 13. Jo. Sleidan, Commentarii, lib. v., 

p. 64, 65, p. 265, 327, 328, torn, iii., p. p. 47. Joach. Camerarius, Vita Melanctho- 

323. But he is not self-consistent in the nis, p. 44, &c, 



HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 203 



and wars. (7) Among these people there were some strangely delirious, 
and who fancied they had incredible visions : but those of them who were 
not destitute of all rationality, taught for substance the following doctrines. 
I. That the church of Christ ought to be free from all sin. II. That a 
community of goods, and universal equality, should be introduced. III. 
That all usury, tithes, and tributes, were to bo abolished. IV. That the 



(7) See the details collected, among oth 
ers by Jo. Baptist Ottius, in his Annales 
Anabaptistici, p. 21, &c., by Jo. Hornbec.k, 
Sumrna Controversiarum, lib. v., p. 332. 
Anth. Matt/icus, Analecta vet. awi, tom. 
iv., p. 629, 677, 679, the recent ed., Bern- 
hard Raupach s Austria Evangelica, torn 
ii., p. 41. Jo. Geo. Schelhorn, Acta ad 
Historiam Eccles. pertinentia, tom. i., p. 
100. Godfrey Arnold, Kirchen-und Ket- 
zerhistorie, book xvi , ch. xxi., p. 727, &c. 
Jo. Conrad Fuslin, in the various docu 
ments relating to the Anabaptists, which 
he has inserted in his Beytrage zu der 
Schweitzerischen Reformations-Geschichte : 
[and more recently, Professor Wills, Bey 
trage zur Geschichte des Anabaptismus in 
Deutschland nebst wichtigen Urkunden und 
Beylagen, Nuremb., 1773, 8vo LEWIS 
HAETZER, whom some take to be a Bava 
rian, and others a Swiss, was a man of 
abilities ; and well versed especially in the 
languages. Joachim Vadianus (see Fus- 
2m, vol. v., p. 397) calls him : Commodis- 
simi ingenii hominem, clarum virum, linguis 
otiain et adrnirabili ingenii dexteritate prae- 
ditum. He lived in the time of the Refor 
mation at Zurich, and aided the Reformers 
by his discourses and his writings ; among 
other things, he translated CEcolampadius 
book de Sacramento Eucharistise, into Ger 
man, in the year 1526. But he afterwards 
separated from the Reformers, and followed 
his own views in theology, which were often 
singular ; as appears from his writings pub 
lished between the years 1523 and 1529. 
Among other works, he translated the 
prophets, with the assistance of Hans Dcnk. 
He also wrote in the year 1523, a book 
against the divinity of Christ ; which Am 
brose Blarer, by direction of Zwingle, con 
futed. He was among the extravagant 
Anabaptists; and was beheaded at Con 
stance in 1529, because he cohabited with 
many women, and perverted the scriptures 
to justify his unchastity. BALTHAZAR 
HUBMEVER, who sometimes called himself 
Friedberger, from his native place in Bava 
ria, is, in the above-cited epistle of Joach. 
Vadianus, pronounced, eloquentissimus, 
and humanissimus vir. Before the Refor 
mation, he was for a time preacher in the 
principal church at Regensberg ; where he 
became suspected, on account of some er 



roneous doctrines, and was obliged to quit 
the place. Afterwards he preached at 
Waldshut. But as he allowed himself to 
be led astray by Thomas Mii/izcr, he waa 
driven from that place also ; and fleeing to 
Zurich, he was thrown into prison ; but 
after a three days discussion with Zwingle, 
he recanted. Yet continuing afterwards 
enthusiastic, he was expelled the city, 
and retired to Moravia, where he fell into 
the hands of the Austrian government, and 
was burned alive at Vienna, in 152S. His 
writings are enumerated by Fuslin, Bey 
trage, vol. v., p. 399, &c. FK.UX MANX, 
of Zurich, was there apprehended, with 
others, on account of his Anabaptistic doc 
trines, and was drowned. See Fuslin, 
Beytrage, vol. v., p. 259, &c. GREHEL 
was also of Zurich, of a good family, and 
of jrreat talents ; but of so great obstinacy, 
that nothing could induce him to change his 
opinions. Yet he fortunately escaped from 
prison, and afterwards died a natural death. 
MELCHIOR HOFFMANN was a furrier of 
Suahia, who laboured to disseminate the doc 
trines of the Anabaptists in the Netherlands, 
and in lower Saxony and Livonia ; and died 
in prison at Strasburg, in 1533. To enu 
merate his writings here, would be tedious. 
JAGOBI is called in the documents, (see 
Fuslin s Beytrage, vol. v., p. 265). Georg 
vom Hause Jacobs, genant Blaurock von 
Chur. He was Uvicc apprehended at Zu 
rich, was beaten with roils, and, after twice 
swearing to keep the peace, was banished 
the country. To the preceding, may be 
added JOHN DENK, who once taught in the 
school of St. Sebald, at Nuremberg; but 
after his connexion with the Anabaptists, 
he resided chieflv at Basle and at Worms. 
He taught also the restoration of all things ; 
and aided Hetzer, as already stated, in his 
translation of the prophets ; which was 
published at Worms, 1527, folio. His 
smaller pieces were printed a second time, 
Amsterdam, 16SO, 12mo. Several extracts 
are given by Arnold ; Kirchen-und Ket- 
zerhistorie, part iv , section ii., No. 31, p. 
530, &c. See also Dr. Bill tin ghausetCs 
Beytrage zur Pfalzischen Geschichte, part 
iii., p. 299, whence we learn that Denk re 
canted before he died ; and that his recan 
tation was published, probably by (Ecolam- 
padius. Schl.} 



204 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP III. 

baptism of infants was an invention of the devil. V. That all Christians 
had a right to act as teachers. VI. That of course, the Christian church 
had no need of ministers or teachers. VII. Neither was there any need 
of magistrates, under the reign of Christ. VIII. That God still made 
known his will, to certain persons, by dreams and visions. (8) I omit 
other opinions. It would however betray ignorance or want of candour, 
to deny that there were others every where, who held in general to the 
same opinions yet lived more quietly and peaceably, and in whom no great 
fault can be found, except their erroneous opinions and their zeal to dis 
seminate them among the people. Nor do I fear to add, that among the 
followers not only of these more sober Anabaptists but even of those al 
together misguided, there were many persons of honest intentions and of 
real piety, whom an unsuspecting simplicity and a laudable desire to re 
form the church, had led to join the parly. 

G. While this tumultuous sect was spreading itself through nearly all 
Europe, the emperors, kings, princes, ;ml magistrates resisted them with 
very severe edicts, and at la.st with capital punishments. (9) But here also 
the maxim was fully verified, which long experience has proved true, that 
the human mind, when either agitated by fanatical fury or strongly hound 
by the cords of religion, is not easily cured by terrors and danger.^. Vast 
numbers of these people in nearly all the countries of Europe, would 
rather perish miserably by drowning, hanging, burning, or decapitation, 
than renounce the opinions the} had embraced. And therefore the Mcn- 
nonites at this day show us ponderous volumes, filled with the accounts of 
the lives and sufferings of those of their party, who expiate,! bv tln ir death 
the crimes they were supposed to have committed against either the church 
or the state. (10) I could wish there had been some distinction made; 
and that all who believed that adults only are to bo baptized, and that the 
ungodly arc: to be expelled the church, had not been indiscriminately put 
to death. For ihey did not all suil er on account of their crimes, but many 
of them me, rely for the erroneous opinions, which they maintained honestly 
and without fraud or crime. Yet most of them talked out among the peo 
ple, their dreams of a new church of Christ about to be set up, and of the 
impending abolition of all magistracies, laws, and punishments : and hence 
the very name of Anabaptist presented at. once before the mind, the idea 
of a seditious person, that is, one who was a public pest. It is indeed 
true, that many A?utbaptists were put to death, not as being bad citizens 
or injurious members of civil society, but as being incurable heretics who 
were condemned by the old canon laws : for the error concerning adult 
baptism or Catabaptism and Anabaptism, was in that age looked upon as a 

(8) These are chiefly collected from the tions-Urkundcn, pt. i., p. 176. As the im- 
dO Jurnents published by Piixlin. [Whether pudence of many of this sect became more 
they also denied the divinity of Christ, and bold, Charles V. published severe decrees 
justified polygamy, Fi txlin examines, in the against them, in 1527 and 1529. Ottii 
third volume of his Beytragc, p. 119; and Annales Anabaptist., p. 45. The Swiss 
evinces by documents, that they did not. at first proceeded very gently against their 
Schl.~\ Anabaptists; but when many of them be- 

(9) If I do not mistake, it was first in came more bold in consequence of this len- 
Saxony and in the year 1525, that laws ity, the canton of Zurich jn the year 1523, 
were enacted against this sort of people, suspended over them capital punishment. 
And these laws were frequently renewed, (10) See Joach. Christ. Jehring s Pref- 
in the years 1527, 1528, and 1534. See ace to his History der Mennoniten, p. 3, 
Jo. Erh. Kappas Nachlese von Reforma- &c. 



HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 205 



horrible offence. But it is also true, that very many were put to death for 
holding opinions dangerous to the republic and to the civil authorities ; and 
numbers likewise suffered for their temerity, their imprudences, and their 
criminal deeds. 

7. A shocking example of this, is visible in the case of those Anabap 
tists from Holland, who came to Minister a city of Westphalia, in the 
yoar 1533, and there committed deeds which would be scarcely credible, 
were they not so well attested as to compel belief. These infatuated men, 
whose brains were turned by that dream of a new kingdom of Christ about 
to be erected on the earth, which bewildered the great body of Anabap 
tists, having for leaders certain illiterate and plebeian men, e. g., John Mat- 
thai, John Bockold a taylor of Leydcn, one Gerhard, and some others, 
persuaded not only the common people but likewise some of the religious 
teachers, that their blessed heavenly Jerusalem was about to be established 
at Munster, and would thence be extended to other places. Under this 
pretext, they deposed the magistrates, took command of the city, and ven 
tured upon all the criminal and ridiculous measures which their perverse 
ingenuity could devise. ( 11) John Bockold was created king and lawgiver 
to this celestial republic. But the issue of the scene was tragical and dis 
tressing. For after a long siege, the city being captured in 1536 by its 
bishop, Francis count Waldec, who was also its temporal lord, this New 
Jerusalem of the Anabaptists was destroyed, and its king punished with 
the utmost severity. (12) From these and other events of a similar char 
acter which occurred about this time in various places, (13) it was but too 



(11) [" Rockholdt, or Bockdson, alias 
John of Leyden, who headed them at Mun 
ster, ran stark naked in the streets, married 
eleven wives, at the same time, to show his 
approbation of polygamy, and entitled him 
self King of Sion ; all which was but a 
very small part of the pernicious follies of 
this mock-monarch." Mad. ] 

(12) Anton. Corvini Narratio de misera- 
bili Monaster. Anabapt. excidio ; first pub 
lished, Wittemb., 1536, and then elsewhere : 
and the other writers mentioned by Casper 
Sagittarius, Introd. in Historiam Eccles., 
torn, i., p. 537 and 835. Add Hcrm. 
Ha.md.mann" s Historia renati Evangelii in 
urbe Monasterii ; in his Opera Genealogico- 
Kistorica, p. 1203, &c. The elegant and 
accurately written Latin elegiac poem of 
Jo. Fabricius Boland, entitled : Motus 
Monastenensis Libri decem, Cologne 154G, 
8vo. Hcrm. Kerssenbrock s Historia belli 
Monasteriensis ; published by Dan. Gerdes, 
Miscellan. Groningens. nova, tome ii., p. 
377. Gcrdes also treats (ibid., torn, ii., p. 
403) of Bernhard Rohtmann, a minister of 
the gospel at Munster, a man in other re 
spects neither of a bad character nor un 
learned, who joined with these Anabaptists, 
and aided them in their mad projects. 

(13) ["The scenes of violence, tumult, 
and sedition, that were exhibited in Hol 
land by this odious tribe, were also terrible. 



They formed the design of reducing the 
city of Leyden to ashes, but were happily 
prevented and severely punished. John 
of Loyden, the anabaptist king of Mun 
ster, had taken it into his head that God 
had made him a present of the cities of Am 
sterdam, Dcventcr, and Wescl ; in conse 
quence thereof, he sent bishops to these 
three places, to preach his gospel of sedi- 
ticn and carnage. About the beginning of 
the year 1535, twelve Anabaptists, of whom 
five were women, assembled at midnight in 
a private house at Amsterdam. One of 
them, who was a tailor by profession, fell 
into a trance, arid after having preached and 
prayed for the space of four hours, stripped 
himself naked, threw his clothes into the 
fire, and commanded all the assembly to do 
the same, in which he was obeyed without 
the least reluctance. He then ordered 
them to follow him through the streets in 
this state of nature, which they accordingly 
did, howling and bawling out, Wo ! ico ! 
the wrath of God ! the wrath of God ! wo 
to Babylon ! When, after being seized and 
brought before the magistrates, clothes 
were offered them to cover their indecency, 
they refused them obstinately, and cried 
aloud, We are the naked truth! When 
they were brought to the scaffold, they sung 
and danced, and discovered all the marks of 
enthusiastic phrensy. These tumults were 



206 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. III. 

manifest whither the principles of this school would lead unstable and in 
cautious men ; and hence it is not strange that the magistrates were eagei 
to extirpate the roots of such mischief with fire and sword. (14) 

8. When this miserable sect was in the utmost consternation, partly 
from the extinction of all their hopes from the men of Munster, and partly 
from anxiety about their personal safety, while they saw the best as well 
as the worst among them daily hurried away to certain execution ; great 
consolation and relief were afforded them, by Mcnno Simonis of Friesland, 
who was once a popish priest, and as he himself confesses a debauched 
character. He first covertly and secretly united with the Anabaptists; 
but afterwards in the year 1">30, quitting the sacred office he had hitherto 
held among the papists, h< openly espoused their cause. And now in the 
year 1537, he listened to the entreaties of several of these people, whom 
he describes as sober, pious persons, that had taken no part in the criminal 
transactions at Minister, but who as others believe, had been associates of 
the Weslphalian nibble, but. had become; wiser by the calamities of their 
brethren. and consented to assume the functions of a religious teacher 
among them. From this period to the end of his days or for about five- 
and-tweuty years, he travelled with his wife and children, amid perpetual 
sufferings and daily perils of his life, over very many regions of coun 
try, first in West Friesland, the territory of Groningen, and East Fries- 
land, and then in Gelderland, Holland, Brabant, Westphalia, and the 
German province s along the shores of the Baltic as far as Livonia, and 
in this way he gathered an immense number of followers, so that he may 
justly be considered as almost the common father and bishop of all the 
Anabaptists, and as the founder of the flourishing sect that has continued 
down to our times. The causes of this so great success may readily be 
conceived, if we consider the manners and the spirit of the man, and the 
condition of the party at the time he joined them. Mcnno possessed ge 
nius, though not much cultivated, as his writings evince ; and a natural elo 
quence. Of learning he had just enough to be esteemed very learned and 
almost an oracle, by the raw and undiscerning multitude. Moreover, if we 
may judge from his words and actions, he was a man of integrity, mild- 
accommodating, laborious, patient of injuries, and so ardent in his piety as 
to exemplify in his own life, the precepts which he gave to others. A man 
of such a character would readily obtain followers among any people ; but 
among none more readily than among such as the Anabaptists then were, 
a people simple, ignorant of all learning, accustomed to teachers that ra 
ved and howled rather than instructed them, very often deluded by impos 
tors, worn out with perpetual suffering, and now in constant peril of their 
lives. (15) 

followed by a regular and deep-laid con?pir- After an obstinate resistance he was sur- 

acy, formed by Van Gcckn (an envoy of rounded with his whole troop, who were 

the mock-king of Munster, who had made a put to death in the severest and most 

very considerable number of proselytes) dreadful manner, to serve as examples to 

against the magistrates of Amsterdam, with the other branches of the sect, who were 

a design to wrest the government of that exciting commotions of a like nature in 

city out of their hands. This incendiary Friesland, Groningen, and other provinces 

inarched his fanatical troop to the town- and cities in the Netherlands." Mad.] 

house on the day appointed, drums beating, (14) Gerh. Brandt s History of the Kef- 

and colours flying, and fixed there his head- ormation in Belgium, torn, i., lib, ii., p. 

quarters. He was attacked by the burghers, 119, c^c. 

assisted by some regular troops, and headed (15) Mcnno wafc born, not as many snv 

by several of the burgomasters of the city, in 1496, but in 1505, and at Wilinarsuin. 



HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 207 



9. Menno had struck out a system of doctrine, which was much mild- 
er and more tolerable than that of the furious and fanatical portion of the 



a village near Bolswert in Friesland. After 
being variously tossed about during his 
whole lii e, he died in 1561, in the duchy of 
Hoist e in, on an estate situated not far from 
Oldeslo, and belonging to a nobleman, who 
was touched with compassion for the man 
exposed now to continual plots, and who 
received both him and his associates under 
his protection and afforded him an asylum. 
An account of Mcuno has been carefully 
drawn up by Jo. Miller ; in his Cirnbria 
Litterata, torn, ii., p. 835, &c. See also 
Hcrm. Sclu/n s Plenior deductio Historiae 
Mennonit., cap. vi., p. 110. His writings, 
which are nearly all in the Dutch language, 
were published the most complete, Amster 
dam, 1051, folio. One who is disgusted 
with a. style immoderately diffuse and ram 
bling, with frequent and needless repetitions, 
with great confusion in the thoughts and 
matter, with pious but extremely languid 
exhortations, will rise from the perusal of 
thsm with bat little satisfaction. [A con 
cise history of his life, or rather a develop 
ment, of his r&ligious views, drawn up by 
himself, is found both prefixed to the com 
plete edition of his works, (Amsterdam, 
1651, fol ), and in the 2d vol. of Herman 
Sc.hyn s History of the Mennonites (Histo- 
rine Mennonitar. plenior deductio, p. 118. 
&e., Amsterdam, 1729, 8vo). It contains, 
I. A short and lucid account, how and why 
he forsook popery. II. A short and plain 
Confession of Faith of the Mennonites. 
III. Concise instructions in questions and 
answers, derived from scripture, for such as 
would join their community. Menno was 
born in 1505, at Witmarsum in Friesland. 
In his 24th year, he became a priest of the 
Romish church in the village of Pinningen. 
His rector had some learning ; and both he 
and another clergyman under him, had some 
acquaintance with the scriptures ; while 
Menno had never read them, being afraid 
they would mislead him. But the thought 
at length occurred to him as he read mass, 
whether the bread and the wine could be 
the real body and blood of Christ. At first, 
he supposed this thought was a suggestion 
of the devil ; and he often confessed it, and 
sighed and prayed over it, but could not get 
rid of it. With his fellow-clergymen, he 
daily spent his time in playing, drinking, 
and other indulgences. At length he took 
up reading the New Testament ; and from 
that, he soon learned that he had hitherto 
been deceived, in regard to the mass ; 
Luther also helped him to the idea, that 
disregarding human prescriptions did not 



draw after it eternal death. His examina 
tion of the scriptures carried him farther and 
farther, and he began to be called an evan 
gelical preacher, and every body loved him. 
But when he heard that an honest man was 
put to death at Lewarden, because he had 
been rebaptized ; he was at first surprised 
to hear of a repetition of baptism ; he went 
to consulting the scriptures, and he there 
could find nothing said about infant bap 
tism. He held a discussion on the subject 
with his rector ; who was obliged to con 
cede the same fact. Some ancient writers 
taught him, that children by such baptism 
were cleansed from original sin ; but this 
seemed to him, according to the scriptures, 
to militate against the efficacy of Christ s 
blood. After this, (we give, all along, his 
own account), he turned to Luther; but 
his assertion that children must be baptized 
on account of their own faith, appeared con 
trary to the scriptures. Equally unsatis 
factory to him was the opinion of Bucer , 
that the baptism of infants is necessary, in 
order that they be more carefully watched, 
and be trained up in the ways of the Lord ; 
and also Bullingcfs referring it to a cove 
nant, and appealing to circumcision. Not 
long after this, he was made rector of his 
native village, Witmarsum; where he 
preached much indeed, from the scriptures ; 
but without being himself made better. In 
the mean time, he glories in having attained 
to correct views of baptism, and the Lord s 
supper, by the illumination of the Holy 
Ghost, and by frequent perusal of the scrip 
tures. With the disturbances at Munster, 
he was greatly troubled ; he ascribed them 
to erring zeal ; and he opposed them in his 
sermons and exhortations. Yet he was so 
much affected by the example of the multi 
tudes who sacrificed themselves for the in 
terests of the party, that he felt more and 
more distress and shame on account of his 
own state of mind ; he prayed God to aid 
him ; his whole state of mind became 
changed ; a ad he now taught Christian 
piety, much more purely and effectually. 
And the discovery which he had made of 
the corrupt state of the Romish church, 
induced him in the year 1536, utterly to re 
nounce it, as well as his priestly office ; 
which he calls his departure from Babylon. 
The next year, there came to him several 
godly Anabaptists, who most importunately 
entreated him, in their own name and in 
that of other devout men of the same faith, 
to become the teacher of this dispersed and 
persecuted company. He at length con- 



208 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. III. 



Anabaptists ; yet perhaps one which was somewhat harsher, though better 
digested, than that of the wiser and more moderate Anabaptists, who 
merely wished to see the church restored to its long-lost purity, but had 
undefined conceptions about it. He therefore condemned the expectation 
of a new kingdom of Jesus Christ, to be set up in the world by violence 
and the expulsion of magistrates, which had been the prolific cause of so 
many seditions and crimes ; he condemned the marvellous restitution of the 
church by a new and extraordinary effusion of the Holy Spirit ; he con- 
demned the licentiousness of polygamy and divorce ; and he would not en- 
dure those who believed, that the Holy Spirit descended into the minds of 
many just as he did at the first establishment of Christianity, and manifest 
ed his presence by miracles, prophecies, divine dreams, and visions. The 
common Anabaptist doctrines in regard to infant baptism, a coining thou 
sand years reign of Christ before the end of the world, the inadmissibilitv 
of magistrates in the Christian church, the prohibition of wars and oaths 
by Christ, the inutility and the mischief of human learning, these doc 
trines he retained indeed, but he so corrected and improved them, that they 
appeared to come nearer to accordance with the common tenets of Protest 
ants. This system of religion was so highly recommended by the nature 
of the precepts themselves, by the eloquence of the preacher, and by the 
circumstances of the times, that it very easily gained the assent of most 
of the Anabaptists. And thus the influence oi Menno caused the Anabap 
tists of boih sorts, after excluding fanatical persons and rejecting opinions 
pcrniciuus to the state, to become consolidated as it were into one family or 
community. (16) 



sentcd : and he remarks, on this occasion, 
that he was called to the office of teacher, 
neither by the insurgents of Munster, nor 
by any other turbulent party, but by true 
professors of Christ and his word, who 
sought the salvation of all around them, and 
took up their cross. Thenceforth, during 
eighteen years, amid many perils and dis 
couragements, poverty and want, and often 
concealed in lurking-places, with his wife 
and children, he discharged the duties of his 
office ; and thereby (says he) hath God, 
in many cities and countries, brought his 
church to such a glorious state, that not 
only have a multitude of vicious persons 
been reclaimed, but also the most renowned 
doctors and the most cruel tyrants have been 
made to stand confounded and ashamed be 
fore those who have suffered with him. 
To this, which is Menno s own account, 
other writers add, that w T ith unwearied ac 
tivity, in Friesland, Gelderland, Holland, 
and Brabant, in Westphalia, and generally 
in northern Germany, as far as Livonia, he 
either planted and strengthened Anabaptist 
churches, or reduced them to order and to 
unanimity ; until, at last, in 1561, he died at 
( Mdesloe in the duchy of Holstein. Tians- 
latrd from Schroeckh s Kirchengeschichte 
seit der Reformation, vol v., p. 444, 447. 
-TV.] 



(16) These facts show, how the famous 
question concerning the origin of the Men- 
nonites may be readily solved. The Men- 
nonitcs use every argument they can devise, 
to prevent credence being given to what is 
taught in innumerable books, that the modern 
are the descendants of the ancient Anabap 
tists. See Hiriti. ,SY7/?/?t s Historia Men- 
nonitar , cap. viii., ix., xxi., p. 223, &c. 
Nor is the reason of their zeal in this mat 
ter difficult to ascertain. This timid peo 
ple, living dispersed among their enemies, are 
afraid, lest the malevolent should take occa 
sion, from that relationship, to renew those 
laws against their existence and their safety, 
by which those ancient disturbers of the pub 
lic peace were put down. At least, they 
hope the severe odium which has long rankled 
against them, will be much diminished, pro 
vided they can fully eradicate from the pub 
lic mind the belief that the Mennonites are 
the successors of the Anabaptists, or rather 
are themselves Anabaptists, though reformed 
and made wiser than their predecessors. But 
I must candidly own, that after carefully 
comparing what the Mennonites and their 
antagonists have advanced ^.on this subject, 
I am unable to determine what the pre 
cise point in dispute between them is. In 
the first place, if the Mennonites wish to 
maintain, that Mcnno, the founder of the 



HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 209 



10. Menno must have possessed more than human power, to be able to 
diffuse peace and good order throughout so discordant a body, and bind to- 
gether in harmonious bonds men actuated by very different spirits. About 
the middle of the century therefore, a violent dispute arose among the 
Anabaptists, [or Mennonites], respecting excommunication, occasioned 
chiefly by Leonard Bouwenson and Theodore Philip : and its effects have 
continued down to the present time. The men just named not only main 
tained that all transgressors, even those that seriously lamented and deplo 
red their fall, ought to be at once cast out of the church without previous 
admonition ; but also, that the excommunicated were to be debarred all so 
cial intercourse with their wives, husbands, brothers, sisters, children, and 
other relatives. They likewise required obedience to a very austere and 

present existing sect, was not infected with 
there opinions, by which the men of Mun- 
ster and others like them drew upon them 
selves deserved punishments ; and conrie- 
quently, that he did not propose to establish 
a new church of Christ, entirely free from all 
evil, nor command the abolition of all civil 
laws and magistrates, nor impose upon him 
self and others by fanatical dreams ; then 
they will find us all ready to agree with 
them. All this is readily conceded by those, 
who at the same time contend, that there 
most certainly was an intimate connexion 
between the ancient and the modern Ana 
baptists. Again ; if the Mennonites would 
maintain, that the churches which have 
adopted the discipline of Menno, quite to 
the present, time, have been studious of peace 
and tranquillity, have plotted no insurrections 
or revolutions among the people who were 
their fellow-citizens, have always been averse 
from slaughter and blood, and have shunned 
all familiarity with persons professing to have 
visions and to hold converse with God ; and 
likewise have excluded from their public dis 
courses., and from their confessions of faith, 
those [principles and tenets which were] 
causes, that led the ancient Anabaptists to 
nursue a different course of conduct ; here 
also, we present them the hand of friendship 
and agreement. And finally ; if they con 
tend, that, not all who bore the name of An 
abaptists prior to the times of Menno, were 
as delirious and as furious as Munzer, or the 
faction at Munster, and others ; that many 
persons of this name abstained from all crim 
inal and flagitious deeds, and only trod in 
the steps of the ancient Waldenses, Henri- 
cians, Petrobrussians, Hussites, and Wick- 
liffites ; and that these upright and peace 
able persons subjected themselves to the pre 
cepts and opinions of Menno ; we shall still 
make no objections. 

But, I. If they would have us believe, 
that none of the Mennonites are, by birth 
and blood, descendants of those people who 
once overwhelmed Germany and other coun- 

VOL. III. D D 



tries with so many calamities ; or, that non 
of the furious and fanatical Anabaptists be 
came members of the community which de 
rives its name from Menno ; then they may 
be confuted, both by the testimony of Men- 
no himself, who proclaims that he had con 
vinced some of this pestiferous faction, and 
also by many other proofs. The first Men- 
nonite churches were certainly composed of 
Anabaptists, of both the better sort and the 
worse. ?\or, if the Mennonites should ad 
mit this, (which is true beyond contradic 
tion), would they expose themselves to more 
infamy, than we do, when we admit that our 
ancestors were blind idolaters. 

And, II. We must be equally at variance 
with them, if they deny, that the Mennonites 
hold any portion at all of those opinions, 
which once betrayed the turbulent and sedi 
tious Anabaptists into so many and so enor 
mous crimes. For not to mention, what 
has long since been remarked by others, that 
Menno himself styled those Anabaptists of 
Munster, whom his children at this day ex 
ecrate as pests, his brethren, though with the 
qualification of erring; I say, not to men 
tion this, it is the fact, that the very doc 
trine, concerning the nature of Christ s king 
dom or the church of the New Testament, 
which led the ancient Anabaptists, step by 
step, to become furious and open rebels, is 
not yet wholly eradicated from the minds of 
the modern Mennonites ; although it has 
gradually become weakened, and, in the more 
moderate, has ceased to vegetate, or at least,, 
has lost its power to do harm. I will not 
here inquire, whether even the more peace 
ful community of Menno, has not, at any 
time, been agitated with violent commotions : 
nor am I disposed to pry into what may be 
now taking place among its minor sects and 
parties ; for that the larger sects, especially 
those of North Holland, shun the men who 
are actuated by a fanatical spirit, is suffi 
ciently evinced by the fact, that they most 
carefully exclude all Quakers from their com- 



210 ])OOK IV. CENT. XVL SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. III. 

difficult system of morals. But many of the Anabaptists looked upon this 
as going too far. And hence, very soon the Anabaptists became split into 
two sects ; the one more lenient towards transgressors, the other more se 
vere ; the one requiring a sordid style of living and very austere morals, 
the other conceding something to human nature and to the elegances of 
life. Mc inio laboured indeed to restore harmony to his community, but 
discovering no possible way to effect it, he fluctuated as it were during his 
whole life, between those two sects. For atone time he seemed to i avour 
the severer party, and at another the more lax brethren. And this incon 
stancy in one of so high authority, tended to increase not a little the dis 
quietude and commotion among them. (17) 

11. These two large sects of Anabaptists [or Mennonites], arc distin 
guished by the appellations of the Fine and the Gross, (die Feincn und die 
Grolcn, SultiJ.cs et Crass?), i. c.,tlie more Rigid and the more Lax, (IS) 
Those called the Fine hold and observe, more strictly than the others, both 
the nneient doctrines and the morals and discipline of the Anabaptists ; the 
Gross depart, farther from the original opinions, morals, and discipline of 
the sect, and approaeh nearer to those of the Protestants. The greater 
part of the Gross or lax Mennonites, at first, were inhabitants of a region 
in the North of Holland, called Water/and : and hence this whole .sect ob 
tained the name of Waterlanders. (19) A majority of the severer sect 
were inhabitants of Flanders ; and hence their whole sect received the 
name of Flemings or Flandrians. Among these Flandrians, soon after, 
there arose new broils and contentions ; not indeed respecting doctrines, 
but respecting the oilenees for which men should be excommunicated, and 
other minor matters. And hence again, arose the two sects of Flandrians 
and FriesJanders, disagreeing in morals and discipline, and receiving their 

(17) Sec the history of the contests and the Mennonites in simplicity and soundness, 
controversies amomj the Mennonites, previ- has been often published, and recently by 
ons to the year 1115; composed by some llerm. Schyn, in his Historia Mennonitamm, 
Mennonite writer, and translated from Dutch cap. vii., p. 172. Tt was explained in a co- 
into German, by Jouch. Christ. Jchri/i^, pious commentary, in 1686, by Pc.trr Joa.n- 
and published, Jena, 1720, 4to ; also Sun. in*, a Netherlander and minister among the 
Fred. Hues. Nachrichten von dem Zustande Waterlanders. Yet, this celebrated Confes- 
der Mennonitem ; Jena. 1743, 8vo. sion is said, to be only the private Confession 

(18) ["The terms fine and gross are a of that church over which its author presided, 
literal translation of groben and feme)), which and not the general one of the Wa erlander 
are the German denominations used to dis- church. See Rues, Nachrichten. p. 93, 94. 
tinguish these two sects. The same terms [For Rues asserts, that he had seen a docu- 
have been introduced among the Protestants merit, according to which, an old minister of 
in Holland ; the fine denoting a set of peo- the church at Gouda affirmed before notaries 
pie, whoso extraordinary, and sometimes fa- and witnesses, that the Waterland churches 
natical devotion, resembles that of the Eng- had never bound themselves by any partic- 
lish Methodists; while the gross is applied ular Confession of their faith; but that Rys 
to the generality of Christians, who make no drew up this Confession for some English 
extraordinary pretensions to uncommon de- Baptists, who retired to Holland, but. would 
grees of sanctity and devotion." Mad.} not unite themselves with the Waterlanders 

(19) See F:ed. Spnnheim. Elenchus con- until they had ascertained what their doc- 
trovers. Thcoloir., Opp.. torn, iii , p. 772. trinal views were. Rys however, solemnly 
This sect are also called Johannites, from declared, that this Confession should not af- 
Johnde Rics, [Hans dr Rys~\. who in various terwards be binding on any one, but j-.^nild 
ways was serviceable to them, and in par- be regarded as a mere private writing, which 
ticnlar, with the aid of Lnbhert Gerardi, in had reference only to the time then present. 
1580, composed a Confession of faith. This Schl. ] 

Confession, which exceeds all the others of 



HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 211 

appellations from the majority of their respective partisans. To these 
were added a third sect of Germans ; for many [followers of Menno} had 
removed from Germany, and settled in Holland and the Netherlands. But 
the greatest part of the Flandrians, the Frieslanders, and the Germans, 
gradually came over to the moderate sect of Waterlanders, and became 
reconciled to them. Such of the more rigid as would not follow this ex 
ample, are at this day, denominated the old Flemings or Flandrians ; but 
they arc far inferior in numbers to the more moderate [or the Waterland 
ers]. 

12. As soon as fanatical delirium subsided among the Mennonites, all 
their sects, however diverse in many respects, agreed in this, that the prin 
ciples of religion are to be derived solely from the holy scriptures. And 
to make this the more manifest, they caused their Confessions of faith, or 
papers containing a summary of their views of God and the right mode of 
worshipping him, to be drawn up almost in the very words of the divine 
books. The first of these Confessions both in the order of time and in 
rank, is that which the Waterlanders exhibit. This was followed by oth 
ers ; some of them common ones presented to the magistrates, and others 
peculiar to certain parties. (20) But there is ground for inquiry, whether 
these formulas contain all that the Mennonites believe true ; or whether 
they omit some things, which are important for understanding the internal 
state of the sect. It will be seen indeed, by every reader who bestows on 
them but a moderate degree of attention, that the doctrines which seem 
prejudicial to society, particularly those respecting magistrates and oaths, 
are most cautiously guarded and embellished, lest they should appear alarm. 
ing. Moreover, the discerning reader will easily perceive, that these points 
are not placed in their proper attitude, but appear artificially expressed. 
All this will be made clear from what follows. 

13. The old Anabaptists, because they believed they had the Holy 
Spirit for their guide and teacher, did not so much as think of drawing up 
a system of religious doctrines, and of imbuing the minds of their people 
with a sound knowledge of religion. And hence they disagreed exceed 
ingly, on points of the greatest importance ; for instance, respecting the 
divinity of the Saviour, which some professed and others denied, and re 
specting polygamy and divorce. A little more attention was given to this 
matter, by Menno and his disciples. Yet there was, even subsequently to 
his age, vast license of opinion on religious subjects among the Menno 
nites, and especially among those called the Fine or the more rigid. And 
this single fact would be sufficient proof, if other arguments were not at 
hand, that the leaders of the sect esteemed it the smallest part of their 
duty, to guard their people against embracing corrupt doctrines ; and that 

(20) Hcrrn. Schyn treats expressly of it ; who have not yet ceased to contend 

:hese Confessions, in his plenior deductio warmly, and who think that the points, 

Historic Mennonitar., cap. iv., p. 78. Arid which he regards as unimportant to religion 

he concludes by saying (p. 115): It hence and piety, are of vast moment. And indeed, 

appears, that the Mennonites, from the time how could any of the Mennonites, before 

of Menno, have been as well agreed, in re- this century, believe what he asserts ; while 

gard to the principal and fundamental arti- the parties among them contended about 

cles of faith, as any other sect of Christians, matters which he treats with contempt, as 

But if, perchance, the good man should bring if their eternal salvation hung suspended on 

us to believe so, he would still find it very them 1 
difficult to persuade many of hi* brethren of 



212 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II CHAP. til. 

they considered the very soul of religion to consist in holiness of life and con 
duct. At length necessity induced first the Waterlanders, and afterwards 
the others, to set forth publicly a summary of their faith, digested under cer 
tain heads : for that rashness of dissenting and disputing on sacred subjects, 
which had long been tolerated, had drawn upon the community very great 
odium, and seemed to threaten to bring on it banishment, if not something 
worse. Yet the Mennonile Confessions appear to be rather shields, provi 
ded for blunting the points of their enemies arguments, than established 
rules of faith from which no one may deviate. For if we except a por 
tion of the modern Waterlanders, it was never decreed among them, as it 
is among other sects of Christians, that no one must venture to believe or 
to teach, otherwise than is laid down in the public formulas. It was an 
established principle with them all, from the beginning, (as is evinced by the 
general character and spirit of the sect), that religion is comprised in 
piety ; and that the holiness of its members, is the surest index of a true 
church. 

14. If we are to form our judgment of the Mennonitc religion from 
their Confessions of faith which are in every body s hands, in most things 
it differs but little from that of the Reformed; but it departs wider from 
that of the Lutherans. For they attribute to what are called the sacra 
ments, no other virtue than that of being signs and emblems ; and they 
have a system of discipline, not much different from that of the Presbyte 
rians. The doctrines by which they are distinguished from all other 
Christian sects, are reducible to three heads. Some of these doctrines are 
common to all the sects of Mennonites : others are received only in cer 
tain of the larger associations; (and these are the doctrines which render 
ed Menno himself not perfectly acceptable to all) : and lastly, others 
exist only in the minor and more obscure associations. These last rise 
and sink, by turns, with the sects that embrace them ; and therefore de 
serve not a more particular notice. 

15. All the opinions which are common to the whole body, are found 
ed on this one principle, as their basis; namely, that the kingdom which 
Christ has established on the earth, or the church, is a visible society or 
company in which is no place for any but holy and pious persons, and 
which therefore has none of those institutions and provisions which human 
sagacity has devised for the benefit of the ungodly. This principle was 
frankly avowed, by the ancestors of the Mennonites ; but the moderns in 
their confessions, either cover it up under words of dubious import, or ap 
pear to reject it : yet they cannot actually reject it; or cannot, unless they 
would be inconsistent, and would deprive their doctrines of their natural 
basis. (21) But in regard to the most modern Mennonites, as they have 

(21) This appears from their Confessions ; "Waterland Confession, they say: This po 
und even from those, in which there is the litical power, the Lord Jesus hath not estab- 
greatest care to prevent the idea from enter- linked, in his spiritual kingdom, the church 
ing the reader s mind. For instance, they of the New Testament; nor hath he added ii 
first speak in lofty terms of the dignity, the to the offices in his church. The Mennonites* 
excellence, the utility, and the divine origin believe, therefore, that the New Testament 
of civil magistracy : and I am entirely will- church is a republic which is free from all 
sng, they should be supposed to speak here evils, and from restraints upon the wicked, 
according to their real sentiments. But af- But why, I ask, did they not frankly avow 
lerwards, when they come to the reasons this fact, while explaining their views of the 
why they would have no magistrates in their church ; and not affect ambiguity and con 
community, they incautiously express what cealment ? 
is in their hearts. In the 37th article of the 



HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNON1TES. 213 

departed in very many things from the views and the institutions of their 
fathers, so they have abandoned, nearly altogether, this principle respecting 
the nature of the Christian church. And in this matter, sad experience, 
rather than either reason or the holy Scriptures, has taught them wisdom. 
They therefore admit, first, that there is an invisible church of Christ or 
one not open to human view, which extends through all Christian sects. 
And in the next place, they do not place the mark of a true church, as 
they once did, in the holiness of all its members ; for they admit, that the 
visible church of Christ, consists of both good and bad men. On the con 
trary they declare, that the marks of a true church arc, a knowledge of 
the truth as taught by Jesus Christ, and the agreement of all the members 
in professing and maintaining that truth. 

16. Nevertheless, from that doctrine of the old Anabaptists respecting 
the church, flow the principal opinions by which they arc distinguished 
from other Christians. This doctrine requires, I. that they should receive 
none into their church by the sacrament of baptism, unless they arc adults, 
and have the full use of their reason. Because it is uncertain with regard 
to infants, whether they will become pious or irreligious; neither can they 
pledge their faith to the church, to lead a holy lite. It requires, II. that 
they should not admit of magistrates; nor suffer any of their members to 
perform the functions of a magistrate. Because, where there are no bad 
men, there can be no need of magistrates. It requires, III. that they 
should deny the justice of repelling force by force, or of waging war. Be 
cause, as those who are perfectly holy cannot be provoked by injuries nor 
commit them, so they have no need of the support of arms in order to their 
safety. It requires, IV. that they should have strong aversion to all pen 
alties and punishments, and especially to capital punishments. Because 
punishments are aimed against the wickedness and the crimes of men ; but 
the church of Christ is free from all crimes and wickedness. It forbids, V. 
the calling of God to witness any transactions, or the confirming any thing 
by an oath. Because minds that are actuated solely by the love of what is 
good and right, never violate their faith, nor dissemble the truth. From 
this doctrine follows likewise, VI. the severe and rigid discipline of the old 
Anabaptists, which produced so many commotions among them. (22) 

17. The Mennonitcs have a system of morals, (or at least, once had ; 

(22) [This derivation of the Anabaptist where, in Germany, in Switzerland, in Bo- 
tencts from one single principle, although it hernia and Moravia ; and they were imbold- 
appears forced, especially in regard to the ened by the Reformation, to stand forth 
second and third points, yet must be ad- openly, to form a closer union among thcrn- 
mitted to be ingenious. But whether it is selves, and to make proselytes to their tenets, 
historically true, is another question. Nei- From them sprung the Anabaptists, whose 
ther Mcnno, nor the first Anabaptist s, had teachers were men for the most part without 
such disciplined intellects, as to be able thus learning, who understood the Scriptures ac- 
systematically to link together their thoughts, cording to the letter, and applied the words 
Their tenets had been advanced, long before of the Bible without philosophical deductions, 
the Reformation, by the Cathari, the Albi- according to their perverse mode of interpre- 
penses, and the Waldenses, as also by the tation, to their peculiar doctrines concerning 
Hussites. This can be shown by unques- the church, anabaptism, wars, capital punish- 
lionable documents, from the records of the ments, oaths, &c. Even their doctrine con- 
Inquisition and from confessions ; and Mo- cerning magistrates, they derived from Luke 
sheim himself maintains the fact, in sec. 2 xxii., 25, and 1 Corinth, vi., 1, and the man- 
of this chapter. Those sects were indeed ner in which they were treated by the magis- 
oppressed, but not exterminated. Adhe- trates, may have had a considerable influence 
rents to their tenets were dispersed every on their doctrine respecting them.- SchL\ 



14 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. III. 

whether they still retain it is uncertain), coinciding with that fundamental 
doctrine which was the source of their other peculiarities ; that is, one 
which is austere and rigid. For those who believe that sanctity of life is 
the only indication of a true church, must he especially careful, lest any 
appearance of sinful conduct should stain the lives of their people. Hence 
they all once taught, that Jesus Christ has established a new law for hu 
man conduct, far more perfect than the old law of Moses and the ancient 
prophets : and they would not tolerate any in their churches, whom they 
perceived swerving from the extreme of gravity and simplicity in their at 
titudes, looks, clothing, and style of living, or whose desires extended be 
yond the bare necessaries of life, or who imitated the customs of the world, 
or showed any regard for the elegances of fashionable life. But this an 
cient austerity became in a great measure extinct in the larger associa 
tions, particularly among the Watcrlandcrs and the Germans, after they 
had acquired wealth by their merchandise and other occupations: so that, 
at this day, the Memionite congregations furnish their pastors with as much 
matter for censure and admonition, as the other Christian communities do 
theirs. (23) Some of the smaller associations however, and likewise the 
people who live remote from cities, copy more closely and successfully the 
manners, the abstinence, and tin. 1 simplicity of their fathers. 

18. The opinions and practices which divide the principal associa 
tions of Mennonites, if we omit those of less importance, are chielly the 
following. I. Mcnno denied that Christ received from the virgin Mary, 
that human body which he assumed : on the contrary, he, supposed it was 
produced out of nothing, in the. womb of the immaculate! virgin, by the 
power of the Holy Ghost. (24) This opinion the Fine Anabaptists or the 

(23) ["It is certain, that the Mennonites man body; but was in doubt, which of the va 
in Holland, at this day. arc 1 , in their tables, rious opinions that occurred to his thoughts, 
their equipages, and their country seats, the to adopt in the place of it. Sec 1 u s/iti s 
most luxurious part of the J u cii nation. ( enturia i. Epistolar. a Reformat or. llel- 
This is more especially true of the Mennonites veticis scriptarum. p. 383. &c. Mrinto is 
of Amsterdam, who are very numerous and commonly represented as the anther of this 
extremely opulent." Mad. This waswrit- doctrine concerning the origin of Christ s 
ten about the year 1704, and at the Ha^uc, body, which his more rigid disciples still re- 
where Dr. Mac/innc. spent, nearly his whole tain. But it appears to have been older than 
life. It is therefore the testimony of an eye- Mcnno, and to have been only adopted by 
witness, residing on the spot. 7V.] him, together with other opinions of the; Ana- 

(24) Thus the opinion of Menno is stated baptists For Jahn Falricius Bolund (Mo 
by Herman Schyn, Plenior deduetio His- tus Monasteriensis, lib. x., v. 49, t\c.) ex- 
tori ss Mennonitar., p. 164, 165: but others pressly testifies of many of the Anabaptists 
report it differently. After considering some of Minister, (who certainly received no in- 
passages in Menno s writings, in which he structions from Mcnno), that they held thia 
treats expressly on this subject, I think it opinion concerning the body of Christ : 

most probable, that he was strongly inclined _,, . ... , 

",- , .1 Esse (Christum) Deum statuunt alii, sed 
to this opinion ; and that it was solely in this 

sense, that he ascribed to Christ a divine and TJ cor P re carnem 
celestal body. For whatever comes imme- . H anam f f ". ""inni.sse ^ant 
diately from the Holy Spirit, may be fitly ^ ^m mentem tennis quasi fauce canal* 
called 7 celestial and Divine. Yet I must Per Ma * cor P us vir g illis lsse fer nt 
confess, that Mcnno appears not to have [It is very probable, that this doctrine was 
been so certain of this opinion, as never to propagated, from the Manicfoeans of the mid- 
have thought of exchanging it for a better, die ages, to the Anabaptists. For thus Mo- 
Tor he expresses himself here and there, ncta, at least, says, in his Summa adv. Ca 
ambiguously, and inconstantly : from which tharos et "VValdenses, lib. hi., c. iii., Dicunt 
T conclude, that he gave up the common (Cathari) quod corpus spirituale accepit 
opinion respecting the origin of Christ s hu- (Christus), operatione Spiritus Sancti, ex 



I.ISTOIiV OF THE ANABAPTISTS Oil MENNONITES. 215 

?/rf Flemings, still hold tenaciously ; but all the other associations have 
long since given it up. (25) II. The more rigid Mennonites after the ex 
ample of their ancestors, regard as disciplinable offences, not onlv those 
wicked actions which are manifest violations of the law of God, hut like 
wise the slightest indications either of a latent inclination to sensuality, or 
of a mind unsedate and inclined to follow the customs of the world ; as, 
for example, ornaments for the head, elegant clothing, rich and unnecessa 
ry furniture, and the like : and all transgressors, they think, should be ex 
communicated forthwith and without a previous admonition ; and that no 
allowance should be made for the weakness of human nature. But the other 
Mennonites think, that none but contemncrs of the divine law deserve ex 
communication, and they, only when they pertinaciously disregard the ad 
monitions of the church. III. The more rigid Mennonites hold, that 
excommunicated persons are to bo shunned as if they were pests, and are 
to be deprived of all social intercourse. Hence the ties of kindred must be 
severed, and the voice of nature must be unheeded. Between parents and 
their children, husbands and their wives, there must be no kind looks, no 
conversation, no manifestation of affection, and no kind offices, when the 
church has once pronounced them unworthy of her communion. But the 
more moderate think, that the sanctity and the honour of the church are 
sufficiently consulted, if all particular intimacy with the excommunicated 
is avoided . IV. The old Flemings maintain, that the example of Christ. 
which has in this instance the force of a law, requires his disciples to wash 
the feet of their guests in token of their love; and for this reason, they 
have been called Podonipta [Feet-washers], But others deny, that this rite 
was enjoined by Christ. 

19. Literature and whatever comes under the name of learning, but 
especially philosophy, formerly were believed by this whole sect to be ex 
ceedingly prejudicial to the church of Christ, and to the progress of religion 
and pietv. Hence, although the sect could boast of a number of writers in 
this century, yet not one of them affords pleasure to the reader, by either 
his ingenuity or his learning. The m;>re rigid Mennonites retain this 
sentiment of their ancestors, quite to our times; und therefore despising 
the cultivation of their minds, they devote themselves to hniul labour, the 
mechanic arts, and traffic. But the Waterlanders are honourably distin- 

alia materia fabricatum. Schl. And is it. the Confession of the Waterlanders or that 
not probable, likewise, that most if not all of John Rics, will itself confute this error, 
the peculiar sentiments of the old Anabap- Add Hcrm. Schyn s Decluctio plenior His- 
ti?ts of Germany, originated from the iriflu- torise Mennonitar., p. 105. [Rites (p. 16) 
ence of that Manichoean leaven, which was attributes this doctrine solely to the old 
introduced into Europe in the ninth century Flemings ; yet he states as their opinion, 
by the Paulicians ; and which spread far, that the human nature of Christ, which God 
&nd produced from that time onward various first created out of nothing, received its sup- 
fanatical and enthusiastic sects, quite down port and growth from the blood of the holy 
to the time of the Reformation! See the virgin Mary. At the same time, they ex- 
history of the Paulicians, in vol. ii., cent, ix., plicitly guarded themselves against the charge 
pt. ii., ch. v., and the chapters on Heresies, of partaking in the error of the Valentmians, 
in the subsequent centuries. TV.] by this doctrine. Menno embraced this doc- 
(25) I perceive that many represent the tine, as Rues also maintains, because he could 
Waterlanders in particular, as acceding to not conceive how the human nature of Christ 
this doctrine of Menno respecting Christ s could be without sin, if it be admitted that 
body. See Histoire des Anabaptistes, p. it descended from Mary. But his disciples 
223. Ceremonies et Coutumes de tous les appeal for proof to 1 Corinth, xv., 47, and 
peuples du monde, torn, iv., p. 200. But John vi., 51. Schl.] 



216 BOOK IV CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. III. 

guished from the others in this as well as in many other respects. For 
they permit several of their members, to prosecute at the universities the 
study of languages, history, antiquities, and especially the medical art, the 
utility of which they are unable to deny. And hence it is, that so many 
of their ministers at the present day, bear the title of Doctors of Physic. 
In out 1 age. these milder and more discreet Anabaptists pursue also the 
study of philosophy ; and they regard it as very useful to mankind. Hence, 
among their teachers, there are not a few who have the title of Masters of 
Arts. Indeed it is only a few years, since they established a college at AUK 
sterdam, in which a man of erudition sustains the office of Professor of Phi- 
losophy. Yet they still persevere in the opinion, that theology must be kept 
pure and uncontaminated with philosophy, and must never be modified by its 
precepts. Even the more rigid Flemings also in our times, are gradually 
laying aside their ancient hatred of literature and science, and permitting 
their members to study languages, history, and other branches of learning. 

20. That ignorance?, which the ancient Anabaptists reckoned among 
the means of their felicity, contributed much, indeed very much, to gener 
ate sects among them ; with which they abounded from the first, much 
more than any other religious community. This will be readily conceded, 
by any one that looks into the causes and grounds of their dissensions. For 
their vehement contests were for the most part, not. so much respecting 
the doctrines and mysteries of religion, as respecting wiiat is to be es 
teemed lawful, proper, pious, right and commendable ; and what, on the 
contrary, is to be accounted criminal and faulty. Because they main 
tained, that sanctity of life and purity of manners were the only sign of 
a true church : yet what was holy and religious, and what not so, they 
did not determine by reason and judgment, nor by a correct interpre 
tation of the divine, laws, (because they had no men who possessed solid 
knowledge on moral subjects), but rather by their feelings and imaginations. 
Now as this mode of discriminating good from evil is ever fluctuating and 
various, according to the different capacities and temperaments of men, it 
was unavoidable that different opinions should arise among them ; and di 
versity of sentiment no where more ceriainly produces permanent schisms, 
than among a people, who are ignorant, and therefore pertinacious. 

21. The Mennonites first obtained a quiet and stable residence in the 
United Provinces of Belgium, by the favour of William prince of Orange, 
the immortal vindicator of Batavian liberty ; whom they had aided with a 
large sum of money iti the year 1572, when he was destitute of the re 
sources necessary for his vast undertakings. (26) Yet the benefits of this 

(26) Gcrh. Brandt s Historic de Kefor- ft on ought to be held equivalent to an oath ; 

matie in de Nedderlande, vol. i., book x., and that in this case, no farther coercion 

p. 525, 526. Ceremonies ct Coutumes de could be used with them, unless we would 

tous les peuples du monde, tome iv , p. 201. justify the Catholics in compelling the Re- 

[General History of the United Netherlands, formed, by force, to adopt a mode of wor- 

(iri German), vol. iii., p. 317, &c. Wane- ship from which their consciences revolted, 

naer, in the passage here referred to, relates And afterwards, when the city council de- 

the matter thus. At Middleburg, because manded of them to mount guard, and threat- 

the Anabaptists would not take the citizen s ened to close their shops, if they refused ; 

oath, it was resolved to exclude them from the prince commanded the city council, per- 

the privileges of citizenship, or at least not emptorily, to trouble the Anabaptists no 

to admit them fully to the rank of citizens, more, for declining oaths and the bearing ot 

But the prince opposed it; and maintained, arms. This took place in the year 1578 

very rationally, that an Anabaptist s affirma- Schl.~\ 



HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONITES. 217 

indulgence reached by slow degrees, to all that resided in Holland. For 
opposition was made to the will of the prince, both by the magistrates and 
by the clergy, and especially by those of Zealand and Amsterdam, who 
remembered the seditions raised by the Anabaptists only a short time pre 
vious. (27) These impediments [to their peace] were, in a great measure 
removed in this century, partly by the perseverance and authority of Wil 
liam and his son Maurice, and partly by the good behaviour of the Men- 
nonites themselves ; for they showed great proofs of their loyalty to the 
state, and became daily more cautious not to afford any ground to their ad 
versaries for entertaining suspicions of them. Yet full and complete peace 
was first given to them, in the following century, A.D. 1626, after they 
had again purged themselves from those crimes and pernicious errors 
which were charged upon them, by the presentation of a Confession of 
their faith.(28) 

22. Those among the English who reject the baptism of infants, are 
not called Anabaptists, but only Baptists. It is probable that these Bap 
tists originated from the Germans and the Dutch, and that they all once 
held the same sentiments with the Mennonites. But they are now divided 
into two general classes ; the one called that of the General Baptists or 
Remonstrants, because they believe that God has excluded no man from 
salvation by any sovereign decree ; the other are called Particular or Cal- 
vinistic Baptists, because they agree very nearly with the Calvinisis or 
Presbyterians in their religious sentiments. (29) This latter sect reside 
chiefly at London, and in the adjacent towns and villages ; and they recede 
so far from the opinions of their progenitors, that they have almost no 
thing in common with the other Anabaptists, except that they baptize only 
adults, and immerse totally in the water whenever they administer the or 
dinance. Hence, if the government requires it, they allow a professor of 
religion to take an oath, to bear arms, and to fill public civil offices. Their 
churches arc organized after the Presbyterian [or more strictly, the Inde 
pendent] plan ; and are under the direction of men of learning and litera 
ture. (30) It appears from the Confession of these Baptists, published in 
1643, that they then held the same sentiments as they do at the present 
day.(31) 

(27) Gcrh. Brandt, loc. cit., book xi., p. hardly be said to have existed as a visible 
555, 586, 587, &c., 609, 610, b. xiv., p. sect in England, during the sixteenth cen- 
780, b. xvi., p. 811. tury. And their division into General and 

(28) Herm. Schyri s Plenior deductio Particular Baptists, did not talo place till 
Historic Mennonitar., cap. iv., p. 79, &c. the reign of James I. See Wall s Hist, of 

(29) William Whiston, Memoirs of his Infant Baptism, pt. ii., ch. vii., 6, p. 206, 
life and writings, vol. ii., p. 461. &c. Tr.] 

(30) Anlh. Wilh. Bb tun s Englische Ref- (31) Bibliotheque Britannique, tome vi., 
ormations-historie, p. 151, 473, 536, book p. 2. [The Baptist Confession of 1643, 
viii., p. 1152, &c. [Crosby s History of was "set forth in the name of seven con- 
the English Baptists, vol. i. Bogue and gregations then gathered in London." In 
Beimel s History of the Dissenters, vol. i., September, 1689, elders and messengers 
ch. i., iii., p. 141, &c. Dutch and German from upward of one hundred congregations of 
Anabaptists or Mennonites appeared in Eng- Calvinistic Baptists in England and Wales, 
land, and doubtless made some proselytes met in London, and drew up a more full 
there, as early as the year 1535 ; and thence- Confession and substantially the same in 
forward to the end of the century. But they doctrine ; but expressed very much in the 
were so rigorously persecuted, not only by words of the Westminster and the Savoy 
Henry VIII., but by Edward VI., queen Confessions, with both which it agrees in 
Mary, and queen Elifab& h, that they can doctrine, while in discipline and worship it 

VOL. III. E B 



218 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. III. 



23. The General Baptists, or as some call them the Antipczdolaptists, 
who are dispersed in great numbers over many provinces of England, cJn- 
sist of illiterate persons of low condition ; for, like the ancient Menno- 
nites, they despise learning. Their religion is very general and indefinite ; 
so that they tolerate persons of all sects, even Arians and Socinians ; and 
do not reject any person, provided he professes to be a Christian, and to 
receive the holy scriptures as the rule of religious faith and practice. (32) 
They have this in common with the Particular Baptists, that they baptize 
only adults, and these they immerse wholly in water : but they differ from 
them in this, that they rebaptize such as were either baptized only in in 
fancy and childhood, or were not immersed ; which, if report may be cred 
ited, the Parliculnr Baptists will not do. (33) There are likewise other pe 
culiarities of this sect. I. Like the ancient Mcnnonites, they regard their 
own church as being the only true church of Christ, and most carefully 
avoid communion with all other religious communities. II. They immerse 
candidates f r baptism, only once, and not three thix s; and they esteem 
it unessential, whether new converts be baptized in the name of the Father, 
So??, awl U<>/>; (i/ni.sf, or only in the name of Jesus. III. With J/r/mo, 
they expect a millennial reign of Christ. IV. Many of them likewise, 
adopt MaruSx opinion respecting the origin of Christ s body. Y. They 
consider the; decree of the apostles, Acts xv., 25, respecting Mood and 
things strangled, to be a law binding on the church universal. VI. They 
believe that the soul, between death and the resurrection at the last clay, 
has neither pleasure nor pain, but is in a state, of insensibility. VII. They 
use extreme unction. VIII. Some of them, in addition to Sunday or the 
Lord s day, keep also the Jewish Sabl)atli.(%&) I omit the notice of some 

I suppose the former, to have always been 
the smaller community ; and at the present 
day, they are only about one sixth part as 
numerous, as the Particular Baptists. See 
Jtt^-nr and Ms/met, loc. cit., vol. iv., p. 323. 
-7V.] 

(:;l) These statements are derived from 
Win. U7//.v/o// \ Memoirs of his life, vol. ii.. 
p. 401, and from Wall s Hist, of Infant Bap 
tism, pt. ii., ]>. :WO, &c. ed Latin, [p. 280, 
e\e.,ed. London, 170") Wall does not rep 
resent, all these as distinguishing tenets of 
the General Baptists. He enumerates the 
various peculiarities to be found among the 
English Baptists of all sorts. Some of the 
peculiarities mentioned, constitute distinct 
sects, as the eighth, which gives rise to the 
small and now almost extinct sect of Sev 
enth-day Baptists ; who however do not 
keep both days, Saturday and Sunday, but 
only the former. The 2d peculiarity, so far 
as respects a single application of water, is 
not peculiar to the Baptists : and so far as 
it respects baptizing in the name of Jesus 
only, was confined, (as Wall supposed), to 
the General Baptists, who^ were early in 
clined to Anti-Trinitarianism, and of late in 
England, have generally taken that ground 
--7Y.] 



accords onlv with the latter. The C/ih- m- 
istic Baptists in England have, generally, 
been on the mosl li:< ndly terms with the 
Independents or Coiigrc^utionalists there; 
and often both sects worshipped together, 
and were under the same pastors. See 
Boyne aii ! UenncCs History of Di-setiters, 
vol. i.. p 112, 14:3, vol. ii..p. 140. Ovc., also 
the Confession of tin 1 ]L;:;ist convention of 
1689, and its Preface 7V.] 

(H2) This appears from their Confession, 
drawn \ip in K 60, and published by Wm. 
Whistan, Memoires of his life, vol. ii., p. 
561, which is so general, that all Christian 
sects, with the exception of a few points, 
could embrace it. \Vftiston himself, though 
an Arian, joined this community of Bap 
tists; whom he considered to bear the near 
est resemblance to the most ancient Chris 
tians. J linnins Eni!i/n also, a famous So- 
cinian, lived among them; according to the 
testimony of Whisdm. 

(33) [I know not on what authority Dr. 
Moshcim makes this distinction between the 
General and the Particular Baptists : and 
I know of no sufficient proof of its reality. 
Neither does it appear, as Dr. Mosheim 
seemed to be informed, that the General Bap 
tists were more numerous in England, than 
the Pai titular Baptists. On the contrary, 



HISTORY OF THE ANABAPTISTS OR MENNONttES. 219 



in 

(for 



inor points. These Baptists have bishops, whom they call messengers, 
Dr thus they interpret the word ayye^of, in the Apocalyptical epistles), 
and presbyters and deacons. Their bishops are often men of learning. (35) 
24. David George [or Jons ], a Hollander of Delft, gave origin and 
name to a singular sect. Having at last forsaken the Anabaptists, he re 
tired to Basle in 1544, assumed a new name, [John Bruck von Binnengeii], 
and there died, in 1556. He was well esteemed by the people of Basle, 
so long as he lived; for being a man of wealth,, he united magnificence 
with virtue and integrity. But after his death, his son-in-iuw Nicholas 
Blesdyck, accused him before the senate of most pestilent errors ; and the 
cause being tried, his body was committed to the common hangman to be 
burned. Nothing can be more impious and base than his opinions, if the 
historians of his case and his adversaries have estimated them correctly. 
For he is said to have declared himself to be a third David, and another 
son of God, the fountain of all divine wisdom ; to have denied the existence 
of heaven and hell, both good and bad angels, and a final judgment ; to 
have treated ail the laws of modesty and decorum with contempt ; and to 
have taught other things equally bad. (36) But if I do not greatly mistake, 

(35) Whiston, Memoirs of his life, vol. 
i., p. 466, &c. There is extant, Thomas 
Crosby s History of the English Baptists, 
London, 1728, 4 vols. 8vo, which, hovv- 



(36) See the Historia Davidis Georgii, 
by his son-in-law, Nic. Hlcsdi/ck, published 
by Jac. Revius : also his Life, written in 
German, by Jac S/ol/crfo/h : and many 
ever, I have never seen. [This Crosby others. Among the more modern writers, 
was himself a General Baptist ; and kept a see Godfr. Arnold, Kirchen-und Ketzer- 



private school, in which he taught young historic. 



men mathematics, and had also a small book 
store, lie died in 1752. See Aibertis 
Letters on the most recent state of religion 
ard learning in England, (in German), Pref 
ace to vol. iv. From Crosby, Alberli has 
translated the Confessions of both the Par 
ticular and the General Baptists into Ger 
man, and subjoined them, as an Appendix 
to his fourth volume, p. 1245, &c., and 
1323, &.c. SM. The Rev. John Umi/tlt, 
is commonly represented as the father of 



book xvi., ch. xvi 



44, 



c., and his extensive collections, in vin 
dication of the reputation of Da.i-nt George, 
in vol. ii., p. 534, &c. See also p. 1185, 
&c., and Henry Morels Enthusiasmus tri- 
umphatus, sect, xxxiii., &c. p. 23, &c. 
Add especially, the documents which are 
brought to light, in my History of Michael 
Servetus, (in German), p. 425, &c. [Da 
vid Juris was born at Delft, in 1501. 
Though placed at school, he learned no 
thing. But his inclination led him to learn 



the sect of General or Arminian Baptists the art of painting on glass, which caused 



in England. (Sec Bogue and lieniirl, 
tory of Dissenters, vol. i., p. 150.) He was 
fellow of Christ s College, Cambridge, a pop 
ular preacher, and a great sufferer for non 
conformity. Separating from the church of 
England, he joined the Brownists ; was 
one of their leading men in 1592, and was 
imprisoned during eleven months. At 
length he fled, with other Brownists, to 
Holland ; and in 1606, joined the English 
Brownist church at Amsterdam. Here he 
fell into Arminian and Baptist opinions, on 



him to travel in the Netherlands, France, 
and England. Returning in 1524, he pur 
sued that business in his native town. The 
Reformation here caused considerable com 
motion ; and in 1530, Joris, for obstruct 
ing a Catholic procession, was imprisoned, 
whipped, and had his tongue bored. He 
at length turned to the Anabaptists: but 
being more moderate than they, and oppo 
sed to their tumultuous proceedings, it was 
not till 1534 that he actually was rebaptized. 
He then joined the party of Hoffmann; but 



which he had disputes with Ainsworth, he was not well pleased with any of them : 
Robinson, and others ; and he removed, with and at length, he united some contending 
his adherents, to Leyden, where he died in parties together, and actually established a 
1610. Soon after his death, his followers particular sect of Anabaptists. He next be- 

gan to have visions and revelations. As 
his adherents suffered persecution in West 
phalia and Holland, he often attended them 
and comforted arid animated them, in then 



returned to England ; and, as is generally 
supposed, they were the first congregation 
*>!" English General Baptists. See his life 
in Brook s Lives of the Puritans, vol. ii., p. 
IMS, &c. Tr.l 



dying hours. He saw his own mother de- 



220 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. III. 

the barbarous and coarse style ofhis compositions, for he possessed some 
genius but no learning, led his opposers often to put a harsh and unjust 
construction upon his sentences. At least, that he possessed more sense 
and more virtue than is commonly supposed, is evinced not only by his 
books, of which he published a great many, but also by his disciples, who 
were persons by no means base, but of great simplicity of manners and 
character, and who were formerly numerous in Holstcin, and are said to be 
so still in Friesland and in other countries. (37) In the manner of the 
more moderate Anabaptists, he laboured to revive; languishing piety among 
his fellow-men : and in this matter, his imagination which was excessively 
warm, so deceived him that he falsely supposed he had divine visions ; 
and he placed religion in the exclusion of all external objects from th^ 
thoughts, and the cultivation of silence, contemplation, and a peculiar arid 
indescribable state of the soul. The Mystics therefore of the highest or 
der, and the Quakers, might claim him, if they would ; and they might as 
sign him no mean rank among their sort of people. 

2- ). An intimate friend of David George, but of a somewhat different 
turn of mind, Henri] I\icolai of Westphalia, gave much trouble to the 
Dutch and the English, from the year 1555, by iounding and propagating 
the Family of Love, as he denominated his sect. To this man nearly the 
same; remarks apply, as were made of his friend. lie would perhaps 
have in great measure avoided the foul blots that many have fastened upon 
him. it he had possessed tin, genius and learning requisite to a correct and 
lucid expression of his thoughts. What his aims were, appears pretty 
clearly from the name of the sect which he set up. (38) For he declared 
himself divinely appointed and sent, to teach mankind that the whole of 
religion consists in the exercise of divine love ; that all other things, which 
are suppose;! t> belong either to religion or to the worship of God, are of 
H ") importance : and of course it is of no consequence what views any one 
has of the divine nature, provided he barns with a flame of piety and love. 
To these opinions, he perhaps added some other fanciful views, as is usual 

capitated at Deltt, in 1537. A monitory heavy charges against him. His family and 

Ifct er which he sent to the senate of Hoi- friends and acquaintances, denied the truth 

land, caused the hearer to lose his head. ol the charges before the court. But what 

In 1539, the landgrave of Hesse, to whom they would not admit, was attempted to be 

he applied for protection, offered to afford proved from his writings. The university 

it, provided he would become a Lutheran, and the clergy pronounced his opinions 

In 1542, he published his famous Book of heretical ; and the dead man, who could no 

Wonders, in which he exposed all the fan- longer defend himself, was condemned, 

ciful opinions that floated in his irnagina- See Schrocckli s Kirchengesch. seit dtr 

tion. He wandered in various countries, Reformation, vol. v., p. 442, &c., and Von 

till he was safe, no where. Therefore, in Eincm s and SchlegePs notes upon this 

1544 he retired to Basle; where he lived section of Mosheirn. Tr.] 

twelve years, under the name of John von (37) See Jo. Mailer s Introductio in 

Brugge ; was owner of a house in the Histor. Chersones. Cimbricse, part ii., p. 

city, and an estate in the country; was 116, &c., and his Cimbria Lilterata, torn, 

a peaceable and good citizen, and held i., p. 422, &c. 

communion with the Reformed church. (38) See Jo. Hornbcck s Summa Con- 

His son-in-law filcsdyck, was a Reformed troversiarum, lib. vi., p. 393. Godfr. Ar- 

preacher in the Palatinate; and had some nold s Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie, pt. i., 

variance with Jons before his death. Af- book xvi., ch. xxi., 36., p. 748. Ant. 

terwards, provoked perhaps by the disposi- Wilh. Bohm s Englische Reformationshis- 

tion Joris made of his property, he brought torie, book iv., ch. v., p. 541, &c, 



HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS. 



221 



with men in whom the imagination predominates ; but what they were in 
particular, I apprehend may be better learned from his books, than from 
the confutations of his adversaries. (39) 



CHAPTER IV. 



HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS. 

$ 1, 2. The Name and Origin of the Socinians. 3. Their first Beginnings. <J 4. Mi 
chael Servetus. 5. His Doctrines. $ 6, Other Anti-Trinitarians. 7. False Ori 
ginations of Socinianism. 8. Its true Origination. 9. Its Progress. 10. Sum 
mary View of this Religion. 11. Proceedings of Faustus Socinus. 12. He mod 
ified the Unitarian Religion. 13. Propagation of Socinianism in Transylvania and 
Hungary. 14. In Holland and England. 15. The Foundation of this Religion. 
<^ 16. Its fundamental Principle. 17. Summary of it. 18. Moral Principles. 
19. Racovian Catechism 20. State of Learning among Socinians. 21. Method 
of teaching Theology. 22. Controversies of the Socinians : Budneists or Budnasans. 
23. Succeeded by Davides, Franken, and others. 24. The Farnovian Sect. 

1. THE Socinians derived their name from the illustrious house of 
Sozzini, which long flourished at Sienna a noble city of Tuscany, and gave 
birth, it is said, to a number of distinguished men. For it was from this 
family were descended LcBlius and Faustus Socinus, who are commonly 
regarded as the parents of the sect. L&lius Socinus was the son of Mari- 



(39) The last and most learned of those 
who attacked the Familists, was Henry 
More, the celebrated English divine and 
philosopher, in his Mystery of Godliness, 
book vi., ch. xii.-xviii. George Fox, the 
father of the Quakers, severely chastised 
this Fuw.Ui/ of Love, because they would 
take an oath, dance, sing, and be cheerful ; 
and he called them a company of fanatics. 
See Seiect s History of the Quakers, book 
iii., p. 88, 89, 344, &c. [Henry Nicolai 
;>r Nicholas, was born at Munster, and com 
menced his career about the year 1546. in 
the Netherlands ; thence he passed over to 
England, in the latter years of Edward VI., 
and joined the Dutch congregation in Lon 
don. But his sect did not become visible 
till some time in the reign of queen Eliza 
beth. In 1575, they laid a Confession of 
their faith, with a number of their books, 
before the parliament, and prayed for tolera 
tion. In 1580, the queen and her council 
undertook to suppress them. They con 
tinued in England till the middle of the 
following century, when they became ab 
sorbed in other sects. Nicolai published a 
number of tracts and letters in Dutch, for 
the edification of his followers, and to vin 
dicate his principles against gainsayers. In 
one of his pieces, he mystically styles him 



self: "A man, whom God had awaked 
from the dead, anointed and filled with the 
Holy Ghent, endowed with God, in the 
Spirit of his love, and elevated with Christ 
to an inheritance in heavenly blessings, en 
lightened with the Spirit of heavenly truth, 
and with the true light of the all-perfect 
Being," &c. In his preface to one of hia 
tracts, he calls himself: " The chosen ser 
vant of God, by whom the heavenly revela 
tion should again be made known to the 
world." His followers in 1575, affirmed, 
that they neither denied that baptism which 
consists in repentance and newness of life, 
nor the holy sacrament of baptism, which 
betokens the new birth in Christ, and 
which is to be administered to children : 
that they admitted also the perfect satisfac 
tion made by Christ for the sins of men. 
They appeared always cheerful, and in a 
happy state of mind ; which offended the 
more gloomy Mystics, and produced heavy 
charges against them. Yet nothing appear 
ed in their moral conduct, to justify those 
criminations. Arnold, Kirchen-und Ket- 
zerhistorie, pt. ii., book xvi., c. 21, 36, p. 
873, ed. Schaffhausen ; and Schrocchk t 
Kirchengesch. seit der Reformation, vol. 
v., p. 478, &c. Tr.] 



222 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. IV. 

anus, a celebrated lawyer ; and to great learning and talents he added, as 
even his enemies acknowledge, a pure and blameless life. Leaving his 
native country, from religious considerations, in 1547, he travelled over 
various countries, France, England, Holland, Germany, and Poland ; every 
where examining carefully the opinions of such as had abandoned the Ro 
mish church, concerning God and divine things ; for the sake of discover, 
ing and finding the truth. At length, he settled down at Zurich in Switz 
erland, and there died in the year 1562, when he was not yet forty years 
old.(l) Being a man of a mild and gentle spirit, and averse from all con- 
tention, he adopted the Helvetic Coi fcxxton, and wished to be thought a 
member of the Swiss church : yet he did not absolutely conceal his doubts 
on religious .subjects; but proposed them in his letters, to learned friends 
with whom he was intimate. (2) But Faustus Socinus, his nephew and 
heir, is said to have drawn from the writings left by Lalhis, his real senti 
ments concerning religion, and by publishing them, to have gathered the 
sect. 

2. The name Socinians is often used in two different senses ; a proper 
and an improper, or a limited and a more general. For in common speech, 
all are denominated Socinians, who teach doctrines akin to those of the 
Socinians ; and especially those who either wholly deny, or weaken and 
render dubious, the Christian doctrine of three persons in the Godhead, and 
that of the divine nature of our Saviour. But in a more 1 limited sense, ihose 
only are called Socinians, who receive, either entire or in its principal parts, 
that system of religion, which Faustus Soc/nus either produced himself, or 
set forth when produced by his uncle, and recommended to the ( ni arian 
brethren (ux they choose to he called) living in Poland and Transylvania.(3) 

3. While the Reformation was still immature, certain persons, who 

(1) Jo. Cloppcnbitrg, Diss. dc online Arianischen Socinianismus, Frankf., 1725, 
et progress 1 ,! Socinianismi. Jo. Hornbcck, 8vo. And the Histoire de Socinisme, by 
Summa Controversiarurn, p. 5613, cScc. Jo. Lannj, Paris, 1723, 4to, is a compilation 
Henry H<//ri/ii.>n\ Ilistoria Ecclesiast., torn, from the common writers, and abounds not 
ix., p. 417, iVc., and others. onlv with errors, but likewise with various 

(2) Hirrmi. Zanchius, Prasfatio ad librum matter quite foreign from a history of the 
de tribus Kiohim. T/ico/i. Bcza, Epistolar. Socinian sect and religion The vevy in- 
voluinen, ep. Ixxxi., p. 107. Several wri- dustrious and learned Malurin Virus la 
tings are ascribed to him : (see Sand" a Bib- Cro~c promised the world, a complete his- 
liothecaAnti-Tnnitar.,p. 18), but it is very tory of Socinianism down to our times ; see 
doubtful, whether he was the author of any his Dissert. Historiques, tome i., p. 142. 
of them. But he did not fulfil his promise. [I3esides 

(3) There is still wanting a full and ac- the above, there are G. G. Zcllnrr s Histo 
curate history, both of the sect which fol- ria Crypto- Socinianismi Altorfmi quondam 
lows the Socini, and also of Lceliits and academiae infesti arcana, Lips., 1729, 4to 
Faustus Socimi.fi, and of those next to them J. Toulmiri s Memoires of the life, charac- 
most active in establishing and building up ter. sentiments and Writings of Faustus 
this community. For the curiosity of those Socinus, Lond., 1777, 8vo. F. Sam. Bock s 
who wish to acquire an accurate knowledge Historia Antitrinitariorum, maxime Socini- 
of tlvs whole subject, is awakened but not anismi et Socinianorum, quorum auctores, 
satisfied, by what they find in John Horn- promotores, coetus, ternpla recensentur ; 
beck s Socinianismus Confutatus, vol. i. Koningsb., 1774-84, 2 vols. 8vo. (The 
Abraham Calamus, Opera Anti-Sociniana ; first vol. gives account of modern Socinian 
Jo. Cloppenbury s Diss. de origine et pro- authors ; and the second traces the origin of 
gressu Socinianismi, (Opp., torn, ii., Lugd. Anti-Trinitarianism. The whole, therefore, 
Bat., 1708, 4to) ; Christopher Sandius, is only a broad introduction to a proper His- 
Bibliotheca Anti-Trinitariorum ; Sfanisl. tory of the Socinian community.) Ch. F. 
Lvbicniecius, Historia Reformations Polon- Ilgen, Vita Laelii Socini, Lips., 1814, 8 ro. 
\cfe ; Sam. Fred. LauterbarV s Polnisch- Tr.~\ 



HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS. 



223 



looked upon everything the Romish church had hitherto professed as ei- 
roncous, began to undermine the doctrine of our Saviour s divinity, and 
the truths connected with it ; and proposed reducing the whole of religion 
to practical piety and virtue. Bat the vigilance both of the Lutherans and 
of the Reformed and papists, promptly resisted them, and prevented their 
organizing a sect. As early as the year 1526, divine honours were de 
nied to Jesus Christ, by Lewis Hetzer, a name famous among the vagrant 
Anabaptists, and who was beheaded at Constance in 1529. (4) Nor were 
there wanting, other men of like sentiments among the Anabaptists, though 
that whole sect cannot be charged with this error. Besides these, John 
Campanus of Juliers, in what year is not ascertained, among other unsound 
doctrines which he spread at Wittemberg and elsewhere, imde the Son of 
God to be inferior to the Father ; and declared the appellation Holy Spirit 
to denote, not a divine person, but the nature both of the Father and the 
Son : that is, he revived substantially the monstrous errors of the A nans. (5) 
In the territory of the Grisons, in Switzerland, at Strasburg, and perhaps 
elsewhere, one Claudius an Allobrogian or Savoyard, excited much com- 
motion about the year 1530 and onward, by impugning the divinity of 
our Saviour. (6) But none of these were able to establish a sect. 

4. Those who watched over the interests of the Reformed church, 
were much more alarmed by the conduct of Michael Servedc,(7) or Serve- 



to a .great age. 



(4) Christ. SaruZ sBibliotheca Anti-Trin- 

itarior., p. 1G. Jo. Ba.pt. Oitius, Anrwlcs trine, may he learned froi 
Anabaptist , p. 50. Jo. Jac. Breitingtr s book, entitled, The divine 
Museum Helveticum, torn, v., p. 391, torn. 
vi .. p. 100, 479, &c. [See above, p. 203, 
nu t c (7)._7>.] 

(5) See Jo. Geo. Schcl horn s very learn 
ed Dissertation, de Joh. Campano, Anti- 
Trinitario : in his Amcenitates Litterar., torn. 



The substance of his doc- 
the very scarce 
nd Holy Scrip 
ture, many years since obscured and dark 
ened by unwholesome doctrine nnd teachers 
(by God s permission), now restored and 
amended; by the very learned John Campa 
nus, 1532, 8vo, (in German). ScA/.J 
(6) See Jo. Gco. Schel horn s Epistolary 



xi., p. 1-92. [He was a native of Msesevk Dissert, de Mino Celso Senensi, Claudio 
in the territory of Liege, and came to Wit- item Allobroge, homine fanatico et SS. Trin- 
tem berg in 1528 ; but so concealed his opin- itatis hoste ; Ulm, 1748, 8vo. Jo. Jac. 
ions, that they first became known after he Breitingcr s Museum Helveticum, torn, vii., 
had retired to Marpurg ; where he wished p. 667. Jo. Hallcr\i Epistle, in Jo. Conr. 
to take part in the public dispute, and to Fus tin s Ccnturia Epistolar. viror. erndi- 
debate with Luther on the subject of the tor., p. MO, &c. [He first held Christ to 
Lord s supper, but was refused. He repeat- be a mere man: but the Swiss divines 
ed the same at Torgaw, where he likewise brought him to admit, that he was the natn- 
sought in vain to dispute with Luther. This ral Son of God ; though he would not allow 
filled him with resentment against Luther his eternal existence ; and he positively de- 
and his associates, and induced him to quit nied three persons in the Godhead. He 
Wittemberg, (to which he had returned), also maintained, that the beginning of John s 

Gospel had been falsified. He was impris 
oned at Strasburg ; and then banished. 
Schrocckh, Kirchengesch. seit der Reforma- 



and go to Niemek ; the pastor of which, 
Wicelius, fell under suspicion of Anti-Trin- 
itarianism in consequence of his harbouring 
Campaniis, and soon after went over to the 
Catholics. Campanus went from Saxony 



tion, vol. v., p. 491. TV.] 

(7) By rejecting the last syllable of the 



to the duchy of Juliers ; and both orally and name, which is a common Spanish termina- 

in writing, declared himself opposed to the tion, there remains the name Serve : and 

Reformers, and sought underhandedly to the letters of this name, a little transposed, 

disseminate his Arian doctrines. But he produce Rcvrs ; which is the name Servetus 

was committed to prison by the Catholics, assumed in the title-pages of his books, 

at Cleves ; and continued in confinement Omitting also his family name, altogether, 

twenty-six years. Whether he made his es- he called himself from his birthplace, Mi- 

cape from prison, or was set at liberty, is chael Villanovanus, or simply, Villanovanus 
not kno vn. All we know, is that he lived 



224 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART IL CHAP. IV. 

tus as his name is written in Latin, a Spanish physician, born at Villa Nue* 
va in Aragon, a man of no ordinary genius and of extensive knowledge. 
He first published in 1531, vii. Books, cle Trinitatis erroribus ; and the next 
year, two Dialogues, de Trinitate ; in which he most violently assailed the 
opinion held by the great body of Christians, respecting the divine nature 
and the three persons in it. Subsequently, after retiring to France and 
passing through various scenes, he fixed his residence at Vienne, where 
le was a successful practitioner of physic ; and now, by his strong power 
of imagination, he devised a new and singular species of religion, which he 
committed to a book that he secretly printed at Vienne, in 1553, and which 
he entitled : Restitutio Christianismi (a restoration of Christianity). Many 
things seemed to conspire, to favour his designs : genius, learning, eloquence, 
courage, pertinacity, a show of piety, and lastly, numerous patrons and 
friends, in France, Germany, and Italy, whom he had conciliated by his 
natural and acquired endowments. But all his hopes were frustrated by 
Cal.mn ; who caused Scrrc/us to be seized in 1553, at Geneva, as he was 
passing through Switzerland towards Italy, after his escape from prison at 
Vienne. and to be accused of blasphemy by one of Calvin s servants. The 
issue of the accusation was, that Serwtus, as he would not renounce the 
opinions he had embraced, was burned alive by a decree <>f the judges, as 
beinir a pertinacious heretic and blasphemer. For in that age the ancient 
laws against heretics, enacted by the emperor Frederic II. and often re 
newed afterwards, were in full force at Geneva. A better fate was merit 
ed by this highly gifted and very learned man: yet he laboured under no 
small moral defects ; for ho was beyond all measure arrogant, and also 
ill-tempered, contentious, unyielding, and a semi-fanatic. (8) 

(S) T have composed, in the German Ian- to Spain, he connected himself with Jo. 
guage, a copious history of this man, who Qnintana. confessor to the emperor Chartct, 
was so unlike every body but himself ; which V. and accompanied him to Italy, where he 
was published at, Helmstadt, 1748, 4to, and witnessed the emperor s coronation at Bo- 
acrain, with la rare additions, Helmst, 1749, loom a, A. I). 1529. The year following, he 
4to. [Dr. Madeline recommends to those accompanied Qnintana into Germany; and 
who cannot read the German, to peruse a perhaps was at Augsburg, when the Prot- 
juvenile production of one of Mosheim s pu- estants presented their Confession of faith ; 
pi!s, composed twenty years earlier, enti- and he might there first become acquainted 
tied : Hi>toria Mich. Served, quam, praeside with Buccr and Capita. When and where 
J. Laur. Mosheimio, &.c., exponit Henricus he separated from Quintana, docs not ap- 
ah Allu-ncrdcn, Helmst., 1727, 4to. But pear. But in the year 1530, he went to 
Mosheim, in his history of Servctus, pro- Basle, to confer with (Ecolampadius. He 
nounces this an incorrect performance, and had then struck out a new path in theology. 
not to be relied on. Von Eincrn here intro- lie rejected the doctrine of three divine per- 
duces, in a long note of 23 pages, an epit- sons ; denied the eternal generation of the 
o;ne of Moshp.inis history of Servetus. Son ; and admitted no eternity of the Son, 
The account which Schroeckh gives of Ser- except in the purpose of God. (Ecolampa- 
vetus, (Kirchengesch. seit der Reformat., dius attempted in vain to bring him to other 
vol. v., p. 519. &c.), accords in general with views ; and he laid his case before Zwinle, 
that of Mosheim, as abridged by Von Emcm. Buccr, Capita, and Bullinger ; who all con- 
Prom both these, the following sketch is sidered him a gross heretic. He left Basle, 
made. determined to publish his projected work. 

He was born at Villa Nueva, in Aragon, It was printed at Hagenau, in 1531 ; and, 

A.D. 1509. His father was a lawyer, and at once, was every where condemned. Quin- 

sent him to Toulouse to study law. But tana laid it before the emperor, who ordered 

he preferred literature and theology. He- it to be suppressed. Servedt s was assailed 

brew, Greek, the fathers, the Bible, and the by his best friends, wherever he went, and 

writings of the Reformers, seemed to have was pressed to abandon his errors. He 

engaged his chief attention. On his return therefore wrote his Dialogues, which he 



HISTORY OF THE SOC1NIANS. 



225 



5. Servetus had devised a strange system of religion ; a great part of 
which was intimately connected with his notions of the nature of things, 



printed in 1532. He there condemned his 
former book, as a juvenile and ill-reasoned 
performance ; yet brought forward substan 
tially the same doctrines, and urged them 
with all his powers of logic and satire. In 
1533, he went to Italy, and travelled in 
France. He studied a while at Paris ; then 
went to Orleans ; and thence to Lyons, 
where he resided two years, as a superin 
tendent of the press ; held a correspondence 
with Calvin, and began to write his great 
theological work. In 1537, he went again 
to Paris, became a master of arts, and lec 
tured on mathematics and astronomy. He 
also devoted a year to the study of physic ; 
and now commenced medical writer and 
physician ; yet continued to labour on his 
Restoration of Christianity. But soon he 
got into collision with the medical fraternity, 
and had to leave Paris. In 1538, he went 
to Lyons, thence to Avignon, and thence to 
Charlieu, where he resided as a physician 
till 1540. He next went again to Lyons, 
and soon after to Vicnne, where he resided 
twelve years, as a physician, under the pat 
ronage of the archbishop and the clergy, to 
whom he rendered himself quite acceptable. 
During this time, though still labouring se 
cretly upon his Restoration of Christianity, 
he professed to be a sound Catholic, and 
passed currently for one. He also re-edited 
Ptolemy s geography, with corrections and 
notes ; and published notes on PagnirCs 
Latin Bible, the chief object of which was, 
to show that all the Old Testament prophe 
cies, which were commonly applied to Christ, 
had a previous and literal fulfilment in events 
prior to his advent, and only an allegorical 
application to him. At length he determined 
to print his favourite work on theology. It 
was worked off, in a retired house in Vienne, 
by his friends ; and he himself corrected the 
press. It was finished in January, 1553 ; 
and bore on its title-page only the initials of 
his name, M. S. V. (Michael Servetus Villa- 
novanus). Parcels of the book were sent to 
Lyons, to Frankfort, and elsewhere. A few 
copies reached Geneva ; and Cahin was 
One of the first who read it. Near the end 
of February, one Trie, a young French Prot 
estant residing at Geneva, wrote to his Cath 
olic friend at Lyons, who laboured hard to 
convert him to popery, taxing the Catholics 
of Lyons with harbouring Servetus, the im 
pious author of this new book which excited 
such universal abhorrence. This letter first 
awakened suspicion at Vienne, that Servetus 
was the author of it. A process before the 
Inquisition was commenced against him ; 

VOL. III. F F 



but the proof was deemed insufficient. The 
court however prosecuted the matter with 
zeal, and obtained more and more evidence 
against him. Servetus, at length, foreseeing 
the probable result, took to flight. The 
court still proceeded, till they deemed the 
evidence sufficient, and then condemned him 
in his absence. Servetus fled to Geneva ; 
and there lay concealed four weeks, waiting 
for an opportunity to proceed to Italy and 
Naples. Just as he was getting into a boat 
to depart, he was discovered by Calvin him 
self; who gave notice immediately to the 
government, and they apprehended him. 
Nicholas dc la Fontaine, Calvin s secretary, 
took the part of an accuser ; and Cahin him 
self is supposed to have framed the 38 arti 
cles of charge. They were taken from his 
writings, especially his last work ; and rela 
ted to his views of the Trinity and infant 
baptism ; his taxing Moses with falsely rep 
resenting the land of Canaan a? very fertile ; 
his perverting the prophecies concerning 
Christ ; and several other points of less im 
portance In the first hearing, Servetus ac 
knowledged himself the author of the books 
whence the charges were drawn ; but either 
explained away, or justified, the articles al 
leged ; and La Fontaine was unable to meet 
his arguments. In the second hearing, Cal 
vin was present ; and he exposed the eva 
sive pleas of the criminal. In the mean 
time, the council of Geneva wrote to the au 
thorities of Vienne, informing them of the 
arrest of Servetus, and inquiring respecting 
the proceeding against him at Vienne. The 
governor of the castle of Vienne came to 
Geneva, exhibited a copy of the sentence 
passed upon Serve/us, and requested that 
the prisoner might be delivered up to him, 
to be conveyed to Vicnne. Servetus was 
called before the court, and with tears en 
treated, that he might not be delivered up; 
but that he might be tried at Geneva. To 
gratify his wishes, the court of Geneva re 
fused to give him up, and proceeded in his 
trial. He denied the competence of a civil 
court to try a case of heresy : but his objec 
tion was overruled. He also appealed to 
the council of 200 : but the appeal was not 
admitted. He attempted to accuse Calvin 
of heresy ; but the court would not listen to 
his accusations. He objected, that Calvir 
reigned at Geneva, and begged to have his 
case tried by the other cantons. Accord 
ingly the court ordered that Cahin should 
extract objectionable passages from Serve 
tus books, in his own words ; that Servetus 
should subjoin such expla nations and argu 



226 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART. II. CHAP. IV. 



which were also strange ; nor can it be stated fully in a few words. He 
supposed in general, that the true doctrine of Jesus Christ was lost, even 
before the council of Nice ; and indeed that it was never taught, with suf. 
ficicnt clearness and perspicuity ; and that the restitution and explanation 
of it, were divinely committed to him. As respects God and the divine 
Trinity, he believed in general, that the supreme Being before the founda 
tion of the world, produced in himself and formed two personal representa 
tions, economies, dispositions, dispensations, or modes of existence, (for he did 
not always use the same terms), namely, the Word and the Holy Spirit; 
by which he might both make known his will to mankind, arid impart to 
them his blessings. That the Word was joined to the man Christ, who 
was by the efficient volition of God born of the virgin Mary ; and that on 
this account, Christ might justly be called God. That the Holy Spirit ani 
mates the created universe ; and in particular, produces holy and divine 
emotions and purposes in men. That after the destruction of this world, 
both these Economies will cease to be, and will be reabsorbed in God. 
Yet this doctrine he did not always state in the same manner, and he often 
uses slippery and ambiguous terms ; so that it is exceedingly difficult to as 
certain his real meaning. Ills moral principles agreed in many respects, 
with the opinions of the Anabaptists : with whom also he agreed in this, 
tint he most severely condemned the baptism of infants. 

(>. This projected restoration of the church, of which Sercclus hoped 



ments us he s;i\v fit ; 
and <SY;T> ///.v to answ 
transmitted to Hern, 
Schaffhansen, for the 
tons. Tiiis \v,is acc 
reply from a i the caiu 
nevans were in duty ! 



hen Culrin to reply, died, and he expired at the end of half an 

r ; and the whole be hour. To the last, he maintained the cor- 

Ba-!e. Zurich, and, rectness of the opinions for which he suffer- 

jpinion of those can- ed ; and cried repeatedly, "Jesus, thou Son 

done The of the eternal God, have mercy on me." 

HI-; was, that the Ge- At this day, all agree, that Scrvctus ought 

louml to restrain the not to have been put to death : but in that 



burning of heretics was then almost universal- 
er in which this ly approved and practised. There were some, 
plished, was left to however, especially among the French and 



madness and wickedness of Scrrctus, and age, different sentiments prevailed. The 
to prevent h:m from pro.Kwat.mg his errors 
in future. But ti,( 
object should In 1 a- 1 

the discretion of the court of Geneva. The Italian Protestants, whose exposure on this 
authorities of Hash- however, intimated, that principle to be themselves put to death by 
a perpetual imprisonment miiihtbe sufficient, the papists, led them to question the correct 
ness of the principle. Calvin therefore, who 

>e Imrned alive the day certainly had some hand in the death of Ser- 
id the other ministers vefus, was censured by a few Protestants ; 
1 for a milder death : while the great body of them, and even the 
mild Mdanr.thon, fully approved his conduct. 
Some of the moderns have unjustly charged 
Calvin with being actuated, solely, by per- 



The court of Geneva, now unanimously, con 
demned .S m 1 ?/.v to 
followiliL 1 . ( ./ ri i 
of Geneva interred 
but the court would not yield. Scrvctus 
was immediately informed of his sentence, 
and was vreatlv overcome. The next day, 



Octoner ~7. l.V>:5. he appeared more com- sonal enmity against Servetus. and by the 



posed. 



f// attended him as a clergyman, natural severity of his disposition. On the 



He was conducted to the exculpate him, and to attribute his conduct 
ourt, where his sentence to the purest motives. He doubtless thought 
i form. He begged for a he was doing right, and had the approbation 



and urged him to retract ; which he pertina- other hand, some have attempted entirely to 
ciously refused. 
presence of the 
was pronounced 

commutation of the mode of death; and of his own conscience ; as he certainly had 
Farcll also urged the same ; but the court 
would not listen, lie was conducted slowly 
to the place of execution, permitted and even 
urged to address the people ; which he re 
fused. At length, he was fastened by a 



of the wisest and best men of that age, who, 
as occasion was presented, pursued the sam 
course themselves. But had he lived in GUI 
age, he would undoubtedly have thought and 
acted differently. See Bezas Life of Cal- 



cham to a stake, seated on a block, and sur- vin, by Sibson, ed. Philadelphia, 1836, noe 
rounded by combustib es. The fire was kin- c., p. 156-204. Tr.] 



HISTORY OF THE SOCIMANS. 



227 



to be himself the author, died with him. For notwithstanding public fame 
ascribed to him many disciples, and not a few divines of that age profess. 
ed to have great apprehensions from the sect of Servetus ; yet it may be 
justly doubted, whether he left behind him one genuine disciple. Those 
who are called Servetians and followers of the doctrine of Servetus, by the 
writers of that age, differed widely from Servetus in many respects ; and 
in particular, they entertained very different opinions from his, respecting 
the doctrine of the divine Trinity. Valentine Gentilis of Naples, whom 
the government of Bern put to death in 1566, did not hold the opinions 
of Servetus, as many writers affirm ; but held Arian sentiments, and made 
the Son and the Holy Spirit to be inferior to the Father. (9) Not much 
different were the views of Matthew Gribaldus, a jurist of Pavia ; who was 
removed by a timely death, at Geneva, in 1566, when about to undergo a 
capital trial : for he distributed the divine nature into three Eternal Spir 
its, differing in rank, as well as numerically. (10) It is not equally certain 
what was the criminal error of Jo. Paul Alciat a Piedmontese, and of 
Sylvester Telllus, who were banished from Geneva in 1559; or what, that 
of Partita, Leonardi,(ll) and others, who are sometimes numbered among 
the followers of Servetus : yet it is not at all probable, that any one ot 
these regarded Servetus as his master. Peter Gonesius who is said to 
have introduced the errors of Servetus into Poland. (12) although he may 

lib. ii., cap. v., p. 96. Concerning Alciat 
in particular, see Bayle, Dictionnaire, torn, i., 
p. 239. Also, Spon, loc. cit., torn, ii., p. 
85, 86. [This Alciat was a Milanese gen 
tleman, and one of those Italians who fled 
their country, to join the Protestants ; and 
who afterwards so refined upon the mystery 
of the Trinity, as to form a new party, 
equally odious to Protestants and to Cath 
olics. Alciat had been a soldier : and he 
commenced his innovations at Geneva, in 
concert with a physician named Blandrata, 
and a lawyer named Gribaud, (in Latin 
Gribaldus), with whom became associated 
Valentine Gcntilis. The precautions taken 
against them, ?*nd the severe procedure 
against Gentilis, intimidated the others, and 
induced them to seek another residence. 
They chose Poland ; where Blandrata. and 
Alciaf, disseminated their heresy with suf 
ficient success. They allured Gcntilis to 
come and join them. He was under obli 
gation to Alciat, at whose entreaty the bail- 
contrary to his oath assailed the doctrine of iff of Gex had let him out of prison. It is 



(9) Peter Bayle, Dictionnaire, article 
Gentilis; torn, ii., p. 1251. Jac. Span s 
Histoire de Geneve, livr. iii., torn, ii , p. 80, 
&.c. Christ. Sand s Bibliotheca Anti-Trin- 
itar., p. 26. Lamy s Histoire du Socinian- 
isine, pt. ii., cap. vi., p. 251. Jo. Conr. 
Fuslirfs Reformations-Beytrage, vol. v., p. 
381, &c. [Gentilis fled his country, from 
religious motives, about the middle of the 
century ; and settled at Geneva, in connex 
ion with the Italian society there. Here, 
with others, he uttered anti-trinitarian sen 
timents ; for which he was arraigned in 
1558, subscribed to an orthodox confession of 
faith, and promised under oath, not to leave 
the city without permission. He however, 
fled clandestinely ; and travelled in France, 
Switzerland, Germany, and Poland, propaga 
ting Arian sentiments. He was imprisoned 
at Lvons, and at Bern, and was expelled 
from Poland. In 1566, he came to Bern a 
second time, was apprehended, and con 
demned to death, for having obstinately and 



the Trinity. See Bayle, loc. cit. Aretius, 
a Reformed divine, wrote Historia Val. 
Gentilis justo capitis supplicio Bernae af- 
fecti; 1617, fol. TV.] 

(10) Christ. Sand s Biblioth. Anti-Trin- 
itar., p. 17. Lamy, loc. cit., pt. ii., cap. vii., 
p. 257, &c. Span s Histoire de Geneve, 
tome ii., p. 85, note. Haller, in the Mu 
seum Tigurinum, torn, ii., p. 114. 

(11) Of these, and other persons of this 
class, see Sand, Lamy, and Stanislaus 
Lubieniecius, Historia Reformat. Polomcae, 



said, that from Poland they went to Mora 
via. Gentilis was beheaded at Bern, Alciat 
retired to Dantzic, and there died in the 
sentiments of Socinns. He wrote two let 
ters to Gregory Paul, in 1564 and 1565, 
in which he maintains that Christ had no 
existence, till he was born of Mary. See 
Bayle, loc. cit. Tr.] 

(12) This is affirmed by many, who here 
follow Wissowatius and Stan. Lubieniecius, 
Historia Reformat. Polonicae, cap. vi., p. 
Ill, &c. ; but how truly it is affirmed, may 



828 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. IV. 



have taught some things akin to them, yet explained the most sacred mys. 
tery of the divine trinity, in a very different manner from Servttus. 

7. No one of those hitherto named, professed that form of religion 
which is properly called Socinian. The Socinian writers, generally, trace 
the origin of their sect to Italy; and refer it to the year 1546. In this 
year they toll us, and in the vicinity of Venice, especially at Vicenza 
more than forty men eminent no less for genius and erudition than for 
their love of truth, often assembled together in secret ; and they not only 
consulted on a general reformation in religion, but undertook more espe 
cially to refute the doctrines that were afterwards publicly rejected by the 
Socinian sect. They add, that Lalius Socinus, Alciatus, Ochin, Paruta, 
Gentilis and others, stood conspicuous among these persons. But by the 
imprudence of one of the associates, the temerity of these men became 
known ; two of them were seized and put to death, the others escaped, and 
fled into Switzerland, Germany, Moravia, and other countries. Among 
these exiles was Socinus, who after various wanderings, passed into Poland 
in 1551, and again in 1558, and there disseminated the seeds of that 
scheme of doctrine, which he and his associates had devised in their own 
country, and which subsequently produced abundant fruits. (13) That this 
whole representation is a fiction, cannot be maintained : yet it is easily 
shown, that the system of religion which bears the name of Socinus, was 
by no means fabricated in those meetings at Venice and Vicenza. (14) 

be learned from Lubieniecius himself, who tionis Polonicao, lib. ii., cap. i., p. 38, who 
says cf Goncsius: "He brought into his says he derived this account from the Corn- 
country the doctrine of Scrretus concern- mentaries of Budzinius, never published, 
ing the pre-eminence of the. Father ; which and from the life of Lcelius Socinus. See 
he did not dissemble." But if Gonesius also Sam. Frzipcovius, Vita Socini ; and 
taught the prc-cminenr.c of the Father, he others, 
differed much from Scrvrfus, who denied 
all real distinctions in the divine nature. 
As to the opinions of Goncsius, see Sand, 



(14) The late Gustavus George Zcltner, 
in his Historia Crypto-Socinianismi Altor- 
fini, cap. ii., 41, note, p. 321, wished to 

loc. cit , p. 40, from whom chiefly Lamy have the truth of this story more accurately 

examined by the learned. Till this is done, 
we will here offer a few remarks, which will 



borrows his account ; Histcire du Socin- 
ianisrne, tome ii., cap. x ., p. 278. [This 
Gonesius was of Podlachia ; and studied 
in Saxony and Switzerland, where he got 
hold of the writings of Scrvclus. On his 
return home, he became intimate with some 
Anabaptists in Moravia: and in the year 
1556, he controverted the doctrine of the 
Tunity, first in a synod of the Polish Re 
formed, in which he pronounced it a fiction 
gendered in the human brain. Two years 
afterwards, he also rejected infant baptism. 
He likewise spoke contemptuously of civil 
authorities. See S. F. Laufcrbach s Pol- 
nisch Arianischen Socinianismus. Schl.] 



perhaps throw some light on the subject. 
In the thing itself, in my judgment, there is 
nothing incredible. It appears from many 
documents, that after the reformation com 
menced in Germany, many persons in va 
rious countries subject to the Romish see, 
consulted together respecting the abolition 
of superstition : and it is the more probable 
that this was done by some learned men in 
the Venetian territory, as it is well known 
that, in that ace there were living among 
the Venetians a considerable number ol 
men who wished well, if not to Luthci 



(13) See Christopher Sand s Biblioth. himself, yet. to his design of reforming re- 
Anti-Trinitar., p. 18, who likewise men 
tions, (on page 25) some writings which 
are said, but on altogether questionable 



ligion and restoring it to its native simpli 
city. It is likewise easy to believe, that 
these consultations were interrupted by the 



authority, to have been published by those vigilance of the satellites of Rome ; and 

Venetian inventors of the Socinian system, that some of those concerned in them, were 

Andrew Wissowatius, Narratio, quomodo arrested and put to death ; and that others 

in Polonia Reformati ab Unitariis separati saved themselves by flight. But it is very 

sunt ; subjoined to Sand, p. 209, 210. doubtful, nay incredible, that all those per- 

Stanislaus Lubieniecius, Historia reforma- sons were at tbese consultations, who are 



HISTORY OF THE SOCIN1ANS. 



229 



^ 8 We can give a more certain account of the origin and progress of 
Sociniau principles in religion. As not only the papists but also the Lu 
therans and the Swiss were every where watchful, to prevent both Anabap 
tists, and the opposers of the glory of Jesus Christ and the triune God, 
from gaining any where a permanent habitation, a large number of this 
sort of people retired to Poland, supposing that a nation so strongly at- 
tached to liberty in general, would riot disapprove liberty of opinion in re 
ligious matters. Here they at first cautiously disclosed their views, being 
timid and doubtful, what would be the issue. Hence, for a number of 
years they lived intermixed with the Lutherans and Calvinists, who had 
acquired a firm establishment in Poland ; nor were they excluded either 
from their communion in worship, or from their deliberative bodies. But 



reported to have borne a part in them. In 
deed I am of opinion, that many of those 
who afterwards obtained celebrity by oppo 
sing the Christian doctrine of a Trinity in 
the Godhead, are rashly placed by incom 
petent judges in the list of members of such 
a Venetian association, because they have 
supposed, that this was the parent and the 
cradle of the whole Unitarian sect. This 
at least I certainly know, that Ochin must 
be excluded from it. For, not to mention 
that it is uncertain whether he has been 
justly or unjustly ranked among Sociniaris, 
it is clear from Zach. Boverius, Annales 
Capucinorum, and from other unquestiona 
ble testimonies, that he left Italy and re 
moved to Geneva, as early as the year 1543. 
See La Guerre Seraphique ou 1 Histoire 
des perils, qu a courus la barbe des Cap- 
ucins, livr. iii., p. 191, 216, &c. Respect 
ing L&lius Socinas himself, who is repre 
sented as at the head of the association in 
question, I would confidently assert the 
same as of Ochin, [namely, that he is un 
justly placed among the members of this 
association.] For who can believe, that a 
young man only twenty- one years old, (for 
such was L&lius at that time), left his na 
tive country, and repaired to Venice or 
Vicenza, to have a free discussion with 
others relative to the general interests of 
religion ; and that this youth had such in 
fluence, as to obtain the first rank in a nu 
merous body of men distinguished for tal 
ent and learning 1 ! Besides, from the life 
of L&lius, and from other testimonies, it 
can be proved, that he retired from Italy, 
not to escape impending danger to his life, 
but for the sake of improvement, and to ac 
quire a knowledge of the truth among for 
eign nations. He certainly returned after 
wards to his own country; and in 1551, 
resided forne time at Sienna, while his fa 
ther resided at Bologna. See his letter to 
Ruilinger, in the Museum Helveticum, torn, 
v., p. 489, &c. Who can suppose the 
uian WOF. d have undertaken such a jour 



ney, if but a few years previously he had 
with difficulty escaped from the hands of 
the inquisitors and a capital punishment"? 

But, supposing all the rest to be true, 
which the Socinians tell us respecting the 
members and the character of this Venetian 
association, which had for its object the dis 
robing our Saviour of his divine majesty ; 
yet this we can never concede to them, that 
the Socinian system of doctrine was invent 
ed and drawn up in that association. It 
was unquestionably of later origin ; and was 
long under the correcting and improving 
hand of many ingenious men, before it ac 
quired its complete and permanent form. 
If any one wishes for proof of this, let him 
only look at the doctrines and reasonings 
of some of those who are said to have been 
members of the association in question, 
which he will find to have been exceedingly 
diversified. It appears from many facts re 
ported in various documents concerning 
L(zlius Socinus, that his mind had not yet 
become established in any definite system 
of religious doctrine, at the time he left 
Italy ; and that he spent many- years, sub 
sequently to that period, in inquiring, doubt 
ing, examining, and discussing. And I 
could almost believe, that he finally died, 
still hesitating what to believe on various 
points. Gribaldus and Alciat, of whom no 
tice has already been taken, were inclined 
to Arian views ; and had not so low an 
opinion of our Saviour, as the Socinians 
had. These examples fully show, that 
those Italian reformers (if they really exist 
ed, which I here assume, but do not affirm), 
had come to no fixed conclusions ; but were 
dispersed, and compelled to go into exile, 
before they had come to be of one opinion 
on points of the highest importance in reli 
gion. This account of the origin of Socin- 
ianism, which many inconsiderately adopt, 
has also been objected to, by Jo. Conr. 
Filslin, Reformations-Beytragen, torn iii., 
p. 327, &c. 



30 BOOK jV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. IV 

after acquiring the friendship of some of the noble and opulent, they ven. 
tured to act more courageously, and to attack openly the common views 
of Christians. Hence originated, first, violent contests with the Swiss [or 
Reformed], with whom they were principally connected ; the issue of which 
at last was, that in the Synod of Petrikow, A.D. 1565, they were required 
to secede, and to form themselves into a separate community. (15) These 
founders of the Socinian sect, were commonly called Pinczovians, from the 
town [of Pinczow] where the leaders of the sect resided. The greatest 
part of these, however, professed Arian sentiments respecting the divine 
nature ; representing the Son and the Holy Spirit to be persons begotten 
by the one God the Father, and inferior to him. (10) 

9. As soon as the Unitarians became separated from the other com- 
munities of Christians in Poland, they had to conflict with many difficul 
ties, both internal and external. Without, they were oppressed, both by 
the papists and by the Reformed and Lutherans : within, there was danger 
lest the feeble flock should become torn by factions. For they had not yet 
agreed upon any common formula of faith. Some continued still to adhere 
to Arian views, and were called Farnovlans.(ll) Others chose to go far- 
ther, and to ascribe almost nothing to Christ but the prerogatives of an am 
bassador of God. The worst of these were the Budneians ; who main- 
tained, that Christ was born just as all other men arc, and therefore was 
unworthy of any divine worship or adoration. (18) Nor were they free 
from superstitious persons, who wished to introduce among them the prac 
tical notions of the Anabaptists ; namely, a community of goods, a univer 
sal equality in rank and power, and other tilings of the like nature. (19) 
From these troubles however, they were happily soon relieved, by the per- 

(15) La my, Histoire uu Socinianisme, were banished the realm. Valentine Gen- 

pt. i., cap. vi., vii., viii., &c., p. 16, &.c. tilis therefore, retired to Switzerland; and 

Jo. Stoicn.s/;y (Sloi/iii), Epitome originis Jo. Paul Alci<it, to Prussia. Others found 

Unitariorum in Polonia ; in Sand, p. 183, concealed retreats with some of the nobles, 

&c. Gco. ScAomarm s Testamentum ; ibid., till they could openly appear again in public, 

p. 194. Andrew Wissowatius, de separa- Under the same protection and patronage, 

tione Unitariorum a Reformatis ; ibid., p. they at length obtained churches, schools, 

211,212. Xlanisl. Lubicniecius, Historia and printing establishments of their own. 

reformat. Polonicae, lily, ii ., cap. vi , &c., p. Schl.] 

Ill, &c. ; cap. viii., p. 144 ; lib. iii., cap. i., (16) This will readily appear, to one who 
p. 158, &c. [Among the Polish Antitrin- shall attentively peruse the writers just quo- 
itarians must also be reckoned the French- ted. It is indeed true, that all who then bore 
man Peter Stalcrivs ; who came to Poland the name of Unitarian Brethren, did not 
in 1559, and was rector of the school at hold precisely the same opinion respecting 
Pinczow. To the same party, Gregory the divine nature. .Some of the principal 
Pauli a Pole, afterwards joined himself, doctors among them were inclined towards 
He had taught with great reputation, in the those views of Jesus Christ, which after- 
Reformed church at Cracow ; was deposed wards were the common views of the So 
on account of his erroneous opinions, and cinian sect : but the greater part of them 
then openly associated himself with the Uni- agreed with the Arians, and affirmed that 
tarians. The Stancarian controversy con- our Saviour was produced by God the Fa- 
tributed most to the discovery of the error ther before the foundation of the world, but 
of these people in regard to the Trinity, that he was greatly inferior to the Father. 
For many synods and conferences being (17) [Concerning these, see below, $ 24 
held on that controversy, the Unitarians ex- of this chapter, p. 242. TV.] 
posed themselves in them, and thus awa- (18) Vita Andr. Wissowatii ; subjoined 
kened the zeal of believers in the Trinity to to Sand s Biblioth. Anti-Trinitar., p. 226 
oppose them in the debates. In the years and Sand himself, on Simon Budnseus, p. 54 
1564 and 1566, appeared the first royal (19) Lubiemccius, Historia reformations 
edicts against the Unitarians ; by which they Polonicae, lib. iii cap. xii., p. 240. 



HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS. 



251 



severance and authority of certain teachers ; whose plans were so success 
ful that in a short time they reduced those factions to narrow limits, estab 
lished flourishing churches at Cracow, Lublin, Pinczow. Lucklavitz, and 
especially at Smigla, a town which lay in the territories of the famous An 
drew Dudith,(2Q) and in many other places both in Poland and in Lithua 
nia ; and moreover obtained license, to publish books iu two different 
towns. (21) These privileges were crowned by John Siemenius \_Sienien- 
sky~], the waiwode of Podolia ; who granted them a residence in his new 
town of Racovia [Racow], in the district of Sendomir, which he built in 
1569. (22) After obtaining this residence, the sect which was dispersed 
far and wide among their enemies, supposing they had now obtained a 
fixed and permanent location for their religion, did not hesitate to make 
this place [Racow] the established centre of their church and community. 
10. The first care of the leaders of their church after they saw their 
affairs in this settled state, was to translate the holy scriptures into the 
Polish language ; the publication of which took place in 1572. They 
previously had a Polish translation of the Bible, which they had made in 
1565, conjointly with the Reformed, to whose church they then belonged. 
But this, after they were ordered to separate themselves from the Reform- 



( 20) See Marl. Adelt^s Historia Arianis- 
mi Smiglensis, Dantzig, 1741, 8vo. [" This 
Dudith, who was certainly one of the most 
learned and eminent men of the sixteenth cen 
tury, was born at Buda, in the year 1533 ; 
and after having studied in the most famous 
universities, and travelled through almost 
all the countries of Europe," (visiting Eng 
land in 1554, in the suite of Cardinal Pole), 
"was named to the bishopric of Tinia, by the 
emperor Ferdinand, and made privy coun 
sellor to that prince. He had, by the force 
of his genius and the study of the ancient 
orators, acquired such a masterly and irre 
sistible eloquence, that in all public delibera 
tions he carried every thing before him. In 
the council" (of Trent), " where he was sent, 
in the name of the emperor and of the Hun 
garian clergy, he spoke with such energy 
against several abuses of the church of Rome, 
and particularly against the celibacy of the 
clergy, that the pope, being informed thereof 
by his legates, solicited the emperor to re 
call him. Ferdinand complied ; but having 
heard Dudith s report of what passed in that 
famous council, he approved of his conduct, 
and rewarded him with the bishopric of 
Choriat. He afterwards married a maid of 
honour of the queen of Hungary, and re 
signed his bishopric ; the emperor, howev 
er, still continued his friend and protector. 
The papal excommunication was levelled at 
his head, but he treated it with contempt. 
Tired of the fopperies and superstitions of 
the church of Rome, he retired to Cracow, 
where he embraced the Protestant religion 
publicly, after having been for a good while 
Us secret friend. It is said, that he showed 



some inclination towards the Tocinian sys 
tem. Some of his friends deny this ; others 
confess it, but maintain that he afterwards 
changed his sentiments in that rtipect. He 
was well acquainted with severs} branches 
of philosophy and the mathematics, with 
the sciences of physic, history, theology, 
and the civil law. He was such An enthu- 
siastical admirer of Cicero, that lie copied 
over three times, with his own band, the 
whole works of that immortal author. He 
had something majestic in his figure, and in 
the air of his countenance. His life was 
regular and virtuous, his manners elegant 
and easy, and his benevolence warm and ex 
tensive." Mud. See Schroeckh, Kirch- 
engesch. seit dcr Reformat., vol. ii., p. 738, 
&c., and Rccs* Cyclopaedia, article Dudith. 
-TV.] 

(21) Sand s Biblioth. Anti-Trinitar., p. 
201. 

(22) Sand, loc. cit., p. 201. Lnlienie- 
ciiLS, loc. cit., p. 239, &c. [Here all the 
most famous Unitarians were established as 
teachers : here they set up in 1 002, a school 
which they called Athense Sarmaticre, in 
which the number of students often exceed 
ed 1000, and which was attended even by 
Catholics, because the mode of teaching was 
the same as that of the Jesuits, and no one 
was solicited to change his religion. Here 
also they had, next to that at Lublin and one 
in Lithuania, their most famous printing es 
tablishment, first the Radeckish and then 
the Sternackish, till th year 1638, from 
which so many works of the Unitarians 
were issued. Schl.~\ 



232 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART II. CHAP. 



ed, they considered not well suited to their condition. (23) In the next 
place, they drew up and published a small work, containing the principal 
articles of their religious faith. This was in the year 1574 ; at which 
time the first Catechism and Confession of the Unitarians was printed at 
Cracow. (24) The system of religion contained in this book, is extremely 

Fortgesetzten niitzlichen Anmerckungen 
von allerhand Materien ; vol. xxi., p. 758. 
The preface, composed in the name of the 
whole association, begins with this saluta 
tion : Omnibus salutem aeternam sitientibas, 
gratiam et pacem ab UIK> illo altissimo Deo 
patre, per unigenitum ejus filium Dommum 
nostrum, Jesum Christum crucifixum, ex 
animo precatur catus cxiguus ct ufjlictus per 



(23) See Dav. Rinp-cltaube, von den 
Pohlnischen Bibeln, p. 90, 113, 142, who 
gives farther information respecting Polish 
translations of the Bible by Socinians. 

(24) This little work, from which alone 
the character of the Unitarian theology an 
terior to the times of Faust us Socinuft, can 
he learned with certainty, is not mentioned, 
so far us I know, by any Unitarian author, 



nor by any one who has either written their Poloniam, in nomine ejusdem Jesu Christi 
history or opposed their doctrine. I am Nazareni baptizatus. Their reasons for 
Socinians them- 



ready to believe that the 
selves, afterwards, when they had acquired 
more dexterity and power, and had shaped 
their theology more artificially, wisely took 
care to have the copies of this Confession 
destroyed ; lest they should fall under the 
charge of fickleness and of abandoning the 
tenets of their predecessors, or incur the 
charge of forsaking their ancient simplicity, 
which is apt to produce divisions and parties. 
It will therefore be doing service to the his 
tory of Christian doctrine, to describe here 
summarily, the form and character of this 
first Socinian creed, which was set forth 
prior to the Racorian Catechism. This 
very rare, book is quite a small one, and 
bears the following title : Catechesis et Con- 
fessio fidei ccrtus per Poloniam congregati 
in nomine Jesu Christi Domini nostri cru- 
cifixi ct resuscitati. Deutcrono. vi. Audi 
Israel, Dominus Dens noster Dens unus est. 
Johannis VIII. dicit Jesus: Quern vos di- 
citis vestrum esse Deum, est pater rnens. 
Typis Alexandri Turobini, anno nati Jesu 
Christi, filii Dei 1574, pp. 160, 12mo. That 
it was printed at Cracow, appears from the 
close of the preface, which is dated in this 
city, in the year ] 574, post Jesum Christum 
natum. The Unitarians then had a print 
ing-office at Cracow, which was soon after 
removed to Racow. The Alexander Turo- 
binus, who is said to be the printer, is called 
Turobinr.zyck, by Christ. Sand, (Biblioth. 
Anti-Trinitar., p. 51). and undoubtedly de 
rived his name from his native place, Turo- 
bin, in the district of Chelrn in Red Russia. 
That the author of the book was the noted 
George Schomann. has been proved from 
Schomann s Testamentum, published by 
Sand, and from other documents, by Jo. 



writing and publishing the book, are. thus 
stated; namely, the reproaches, which in 
one place and another are cast upon the 
Anabaptists. Hence it appears, that the 
people who were afterwards called Sochi- 
taiis, were in that age denominated Arta- 
buiifisfs: nor did they reject this appella 
tion, but tacitly admitted it The remain 
der of the short preface consists of entrea 
ties to the readers, to regard the whole as 
written in good faith, to read and judge for 
themselves, and, forsaking the doctrine of 
Babylon, and the conduct and conversation 
of Sodom, to take refuge in /he ark of Noah ; 
i. e., among the Unit a nans. In the com 
mencement of the book, the whole of the 
Christian religion is reduced to six heads : 
I. of Cod and Jesus Christ ; II. of justifi 
cation III. of discipline ; IV. oj prayer; 
V. of baptism; VI. of the Lord s sup 
per. And these six topics are then ex 
plained successively, by first giving a long 
and full answer or exposition of each ; and 
then dividing them into subordinate ques 
tions or members, and subjoining answers 
with scripture proofs annexed. It is mani 
fest even from this performance, that the 
infancy of the Socinian theology was very 
feeble and imbecile ; that its teachers were 
not distinguished for a deep and accurate 
knowledge of divine things ; and that they 
imbued their flocks with only a few and 
very simple precepts. In their description 
of God, which comes first in order, the au 
thors at once let out their views concerning 
Jesus Christ ; for they inculcate that he, to 
gether with ail creatures, is subject to God. 
It is also noticeable, that they make no 
mention of God s infinity, his omniscience, 
his immensity, his eternity, his omnipotence. 



his omnipresence, his perfect simplicity, and 
he other attributes of the Supreme Being, 



the 



Adam Mullcr ; who gives a particular ac 
count of Schomann, in his Essay, de Unita- 

riorum Catechesi et Confessione omnium which are above human comprehension ; but 
prima, written since my remarks on the sub- merely exalt God for his wisdom, his im- 
ject ; and which is printed in Bartholomew s mortality, his goodness, and his supreme 



HISTORY OF THE SOCINIANS 



233 



simple, and free from all subtilties : yet it bears altogether a Socinian as- 
pect, in regard to the points most essential to that system. Nor will this 

dominion over all things. It would seem 
therefore, that the leaders of the community, 
even then, believed that nothing is to be ad 
mitted in theology, which human reason 
cannot fully comprehend and understand. 
Their erroneous views of our Saviour, are 
thus expressed : Our mediator with God, is 
a man, who was anciently promised to the 
fathers by /he prophets, and in these latter 

days was born of the seed of David, whom bids taking an oath, and /.fie repelling of in- 
God the Father huth made Lord and Christ, juries. They define ecclesiastical discipline 
that is, the most, perfect prophet, the most thus: It is the frequent reminding individ- 
holy priest, and the most invincible king, hy uals of their duty ; and the admonition of 
whom lie created the new world, (for those such as sin against God or their neighbour. 
declarations of the sacred volume, which rep- first privately, and then also publicly before 
resent the whole material universe as ere- the whole assembly ; and finally, the rejection 
ated by our Saviour, they maintain, as the 



the edification of our neighbours. (c) As 
they make justification to consist in a great 
measure in a reformation of the life, so in 
the explanation of this general account, they 
introduce a part of their doctrine of morals ; 
which is contained in a very few precepts, 
and those expressed almost wholly in the 
words of the scriptures. Their system of 
morality has these peculiarities, that it for- 



Socinians do, to be figurative ; and under 
stand them to refer to the restoration of 
mankind ; so that they may not be compel 
led unwillingly to admit his divine power 
and glory), restored all things, reconciled 
them to himself, made peace, and bestowed 
eternal life upon his elect, : to the end that, 
next to the most high God, we should believe 
in him, adore him, pray to him, imitate him 
according to our ability, and find rest to our 
souls in hitiL.(u) Although they here call 
Jesus Christ the must holy priest, which 
they afterwards confirm with passages of 
scripture, yet they no where explain the na 
ture of that priesthood which they ascribe 
to him. The Holy Spirit, they most ex 
plicitly declare, not to be a divine person, 
and they represent him as a divine power or 
energy : The Holy Spirit is the power of 
God, the fulness of which God the Father 
hath bestowed on his only begotten Son, our 
Lord; that we being adopted, might receive 



of his fulness, (b) Their opinion of justifi 
cation is thus expressed : Justification is the 
remission of all our past sins, from mere 
grace, through our Lord Jesus Christ, 
without our works and merits, in a lively 

faith ; and the unhesitating expectation of grace of God the Father, he has been wash- 
eternal life ; and a real, not a feigned ed in the blood of Christ, by the aid of the 
amendment of life, by the aid of the Spirit Holy Spirit, from all his sins ; so that, being 
of God, to the glory of God our Father, and ingrafted into the body of Christ, he may 



of the pertinacious from the communion 
saints, that so being ashamed they may re 
pent, or if they will not repent, may be 
damned eternally, (d) Their explanation of 
this point, shows how incomplete and im 
perfect were their ideas on the subject. Fcr 
they first treat of the government of ths 
Christian church, and of the ministers of re 
ligion, whom they divide into bishops, deacons, 
elders or presbyters, and widows : they next 
enumerate the duties of husbands and wives, 
the aged and the young, parents and chil 
dren, servants and masters, citizens towards 
magistrates, the rich and the poor : and 
lastly, they treat of admonishing sinners first, 
and then depriving them of communion if 
they will not reform. Respecting prayer, 
their precepts are in general sound and good. 
But on the subject of baptism, they differ 
from other Christians in this, that they make 
it to consist inimmersion and emersion, and 
allow it to be administered only to adults. 
Baptism, say they, is the immersion m wa 
ter, and the emersion, of a person -who be 
lieves the gospel and exercises repentance, 
in the name of the Father and Son and 
Holy Spirit, or in the name of Jesus Christ ; 
whereby he publicly professes, that, by the 



(a) Est homo, mediator noster apud Deum, patri- 
bus o!irn per prophetas promissus et ultirnis tandem 
temporibns ex Davidis semine natus, quern Deus 
pater fecit Dominum et Christum, hoc est, perfectis- 
simum prophetarn, sanctissimum sacerdoiem, invic- 
tissimum regcm, per quern novuin mundum creavit, 
omnia restaiiravit, securn reconciliavit, pacificavit, 
et vitarn selenium electis suis donavit ; ut in ilium, 
post Deum altissimum, eredarnus, ilium adoremus, 
invoci-mus, audiamus, pro modulo nostro imitemur, 
et in illo requiem animabus nostris inveniamus. 

(b) Spiriitis sanctus est virtus Dei, cujusplenitu- 
dinem dedit Deus pater filio suo unigenito, Domino 
nostro, ut nos adopt! vi ex pleriitudine ejus acciper- 
emus. 

VOL. III. G G 



(c) Jus ti float io est ex mera gratia, per Dominum 
nostrum Jesum Christum, sine operihus et meritis 
nostris, omnium prabteritorum peccatornm nostro- 
rum in viva fide, rernissio, vitaeque astern* indubita- 
taexpectatio, et auxilio spirittis Dei vine nostrae non 
simulate, sed vcra correct io, ad gloriam Dei pairis 
et sedifieationem proximnrum nostrorum. 

(d) Disciplina ecclesiastics est oftirii singuloruin 
frequens commemoraiio. et pcccantiuin contra De 
um vel proximum primum privata. deinde etiam 
publica, coram toto coeiu, commonefuctio, denique 
pertinacium a cornmunione sanctorum alicnatio, uf 
pudore suffusi convertantur, aut si id nolint, aeter 
num damnentur. 



234 BOOK IV. CENT. XVI. SEC. III. PART 1L CHAP. IV. 



surprise us, if we consider that the papers of Lalius Socinus, (which he 
undoubtedly left in Poland), were in the hands of a great many persons ; 
and by